I 
 
 
 
 

 
 

John Long’s 
 Voyages and Travels 
 
Digitized by the Internet Archive 
 in 2018 with funding from 
 Getty Research Institute 
 
 https://archive.org/details/johnlongsvoyagesOOIong 
 
tPje ilakestDe Classics 
 
 John Long’s 
 Voyages and Travels 
 
 in the Years 1768-1788 
 
 EDITED WITH 
 
 HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION AND NOTES 
 BY 
 
 MILO MILTON QUAIFE 
 
 WITH MAP 
 
 <®be ‘Eafogi&e prw, Cbicajjo 
 R. R. DONNELLEY & SONS COMPANY 
 CHRISTMAS, MCMXXII 
 
^ubUgtyet#' preface 
 
 T HE selection of material for the Lake¬ 
 side Classics is growing increasingly 
 difficult each year. The book must be 
 sufficiently rare to justify its reprinting, and 
 it must contain a human interest which will 
 make it read and prized for its intrinsic merit. 
 Many a time the publishers have wished that 
 they might have foreseen to what, uncon¬ 
 sciously, they had committed themselves, and 
 how the row of these little books was to grow 
 from year to year on the shelves of their 
 friends. Some consistent program for subject 
 matter would certainly have been adopted, 
 and the interest in the general plan would 
 have excused the dullness of some particular 
 volume. But without any such plan, each 
 volume must stand on its own feet, and a 
 particularly happy selection one year estab¬ 
 lishes the necessity of an equally happy one 
 for its successor; and each year we shift the 
 responsibility to Mr. Quaife, to discover from 
 his wide knowledge of early American history, 
 another rare publication that will measure up 
 to the established standard. 
 
 Again, for this year’s volume, we turn to 
 the north country, the early fur trade, and 
 Indian adventure. John Long’s experiences 
 
$u&lis(Kr.$’ preface 
 
 and narrative are somewhat similar to Henry’s 
 narrative of last year. But Henry was always 
 the white man carrying himself through by 
 his white man’s intelligence and force of char¬ 
 acter, while Long, living in his youth among 
 the Indians as an Indian, acquired a knowledge 
 of their language, customs, and psychology, 
 which intuitively told him in critical situa¬ 
 tions just when to cajole and when to be bold. 
 
 Both narratives are full of the thrills of the 
 dime novels of our boyhood days, but with a 
 directness of statement that carries conviction 
 even to our advancing years. If the story of 
 John Long adds an hour or so of real pleasure 
 during this Christmas season to the friends 
 of The Lakeside Press, its reprinting will 
 accomplish the hopes of 
 
 THE PUBLISHERS. 
 
 Christmas, 1922. 
 
 VI 
 
Contents 
 
 CHAPTER PAGE 
 
 Historical Introduction .xi 
 
 Preface to Original Edition xxv 
 
 1. Removal to America. 3 
 
 2. The Village of Caughnawaga. 9 
 
 3. Concerning the Iroquois or Five Nations 
 
 Indians.12 
 
 4. Scalping and Indian Warfare.25 
 
 5. The Connecedaga or Rondaxe Indians . 34 
 
 6. From Montreal to Mackinac.45 
 
 7. Removal to Lake Superior and Adoption by 
 
 the Chippewas.57 
 
 8. The Winter at Lac la Mort; Encounter 
 
 with the Natives.71 
 
 9. Further Proceedings at Lac la Mort 98 
 
 10. Return to Lake Superior.109 
 
 11. Second Winter among the Nipigon Indians . 132 
 
 12. Famine and Cannibalism: Observations upon 
 
 the Hudson’s Bay Company.148 
 
 13. Indian Customs and Beliefs: Return to 
 
 Mackinac.168 
 
 14. An Escapade at Mackinac, and Expedition 
 
 to Prairie du Chien.177 
 
 15. Expedition to the Saguenay Country 193 
 
 16. Further Vicissitudes of the Author 205 
 
 Index.229 
 
 vii 
 

 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
Historical Introduction 
 
pgtoncal 31 nttotwctfon 
 
 ifEAR ago in the Lakeside Classics series 
 
 was published the personal narrative of 
 
 Alexander Henry, who embarked in the 
 Northwest fur-trade immediately following the 
 English Conquest of Canada, and for sixteen 
 years thereafter passed his life in the wilder¬ 
 ness, at first around the shores of Lake Mich¬ 
 igan and Lake Superior, and later in the far 
 Northwest. 
 
 This year, in presenting the Voyages and 
 Travels of John Long, we return to much the 
 same scene of activities in a slightly later 
 period. Long was a native of England who 
 came out to Canada in the year 1768, in the 
 capacity of articled clerk to a merchant of 
 Montreal. The all-absorbing business of Mont¬ 
 real in this period was the Indian trade, and 
 Long’s career in the New World was thus fixed 
 in advance of his migration to it. His course 
 of training for the arduous duties of the new and 
 strange employment is described by our author 
 himself in the opening chapters of his narrative. 
 
 Of the first seven years of Long’s sojourn in 
 America the journal tells but little. Then, in 
 the spring of 1775, two events occurred which 
 shaped the further course of the narrative. 
 The one was the expiration of Long’s seven- 
 
 XI 
 
historical introduction 
 
 year term of apprenticeship to his employer; 
 the other, the outbreak of the American Rev¬ 
 olution. Long was “naturally of a roving 
 disposition,” and he had just completed an 
 arduous schooling in the arts of savage and 
 wilderness life. The rebellious American colo¬ 
 nists expected as a matter of course to enroll 
 the ancient French colony to the northward in 
 their ranks, and expeditions to this end were 
 among the earliest military enterprises of the 
 Americans in the Revolutionary War. 
 
 Canada had need of defenders, therefore, 
 and training and personal inclination alike 
 combined to induce Long to put himself at the 
 head of an Indian raiding party for irregular 
 service in the Royal cause. From the view¬ 
 point of the American colonists the occupation 
 upon which our author thus entered was the 
 most detestable known to man. Generations 
 of frontier contests had imbued them with a 
 horror of Indian warfare which seared their 
 very souls. “The horrors of savage belliger¬ 
 ence,” wrote the townsmen of Detroit in 
 December, 1811, appealing to the government 
 for protection, “ description cannot paint. No 
 picture can resemble the reality. No effort can 
 bring the imagination up to the standard of 
 fact. Nor sex, nor age, have claims. The 
 short remnant of life left to the hoary head, 
 trembling with age and infirmities, is snatched 
 away. The tenderest infant, yet imbibing nu¬ 
 trition from the mammilla of maternal love, 
 xii 
 
i^igtorical ^ntrotmction 
 
 and the agonized mother herself, alike await 
 the stroke of the relentless tomahawk. No 
 vestige is left of what fire can consume. Noth¬ 
 ing that breathes the breath of life is spared. 
 The animals reared by the care of civilized 
 man are involved in his destruction. No hu¬ 
 man foresight can divine the quarter which 
 shall be struck. It is in the dead of the night, 
 in the darkness of the moon, in the howling of 
 the storm, that the demoniac deed is done.” 
 
 Perchance the time will come, with the pass¬ 
 ing of the decades, when an American reader 
 can sit calmly down to the perusal of the rape 
 of Louvain or the exploits of a submarine cap¬ 
 tain in the Great War. In such a state of 
 detachment the American of today may peruse 
 the story of Long’s partisan warfare against 
 his forbears. Although our author writes 
 with apparent candor, making no effort to con¬ 
 ceal his genuine liking for the service in which 
 he was engaged, he either took no part in raids 
 upon the American settlements or else he has 
 seen fit to refrain from reciting such exploits. 
 
 After two years of service in the war, chiefly 
 in the capacity of ranger serving with Indian 
 war-parties, our author embarked upon the 
 Northwest fur-trade, going out to Mackinac 
 in the spring of 1777. Six months earlier 
 Alexander Henry had returned to Montreal, 
 concluding thereby his sixteen-year period of 
 service in the trade of the interior upon which 
 Long was just embarking. From Mackinac 
 xiii 
 
i^istoncal ^i^oDuctiott 
 
 our author was sent into the Lake Superior 
 district, being assigned to the forbidding region 
 around Lake Nipigon and extending indefi¬ 
 nitely northward and westward. 
 
 Of the manner of life in this region, where 
 Long spent two seasons, his own words afford 
 a plain, yet eloquent, picture. Perusing them, 
 one cannot but agree that something other 
 than the paltry salary received must have 
 animated the spirits of men to induce them to 
 face and endure such hardships. 
 
 At the close of his second season in the Lake 
 Nipigon country, Long returned to Mackinac 
 and there joined the combined British and 
 Indian expedition to Prairie du Chien, sent out 
 in the spring of 1780 to carry off the stock of 
 furs which the traders had accumulated there, 
 in advance of an expected attack by the Amer¬ 
 icans. Thus, for a brief space of time, our 
 author comes once more within the circle of 
 warlike activities, and this, too, at an interest¬ 
 ing period of the Revolution in the West. 
 Spain had declared war upon Great Britain 
 in 1779, and with this new enemy to face the 
 British authorities proceeded to develop a com¬ 
 prehensive plan of operations for the year 
 1780 which should sweep the whole western 
 American frontier from Canada to Florida and 
 effect the overthrow of the power both of 
 Spain and the rebellious colonists in the valley 
 of the Mississippi. From Pensacola in the 
 South and Detroit in the Northwest armies 
 
 XIV 
 
ilHgtorical introduction 
 
 were to be launched in a converging attack 
 upon New Orleans, the northern force being 
 expected to capture St. Louis, the Spanish 
 capital of Upper Louisiana, en route. 
 
 This far-reaching program, the execution of 
 which might well have sealed the doom of the 
 entire American cause, was frustrated largely 
 through the energetic course of Governor- 
 general Galvez of New Orleans, who assumed 
 the aggressive against the foe and in two sea¬ 
 sons of campaigning cleared the British out 
 of the Southwest, capturing Pensacola in May, 
 1781. The northern end of the British cam¬ 
 paign of 1780 met with like disaster. With 
 the aid of Matchekewis, who had massacred 
 the British garrison at Mackinac in 1763, and 
 other zealous partisans, a motley force of 1000 
 men was assembled at Prairie du Chien at the 
 end of April for the descent of the great river 
 to New Orleans. Before St. Louis it was to be 
 joined by another party, which Langlade was 
 to gather at Chicago and lead down the Illinois; 
 while the combined operation was to be covered 
 by still another army, led from Detroit by Cap¬ 
 tain Henry Bird, which was to descend the Wa¬ 
 bash against General Clark at the falls of the 
 Ohio, where now is the metropolis of Kentucky. 
 
 On May 26 the Wisconsin contingent ap¬ 
 peared before St. Louis and began an assault 
 upon the town. Driven off by the vigorous 
 defense of the Spaniards, they ravaged the 
 country-side adjoining the town and beat a 
 
 XV 
 
historical ^fntrotmcticm 
 
 retreat up river, their haste accelerated, prob¬ 
 ably, by the opportune appearance of their 
 redoubtable foeman, George Rogers Clark, at 
 Cahokia, across the river from St. Louis. 
 Clark took no part in the battle, however, nor 
 in the resulting pursuit, for the arrival of 
 news of Bird’s expedition against his head¬ 
 quarters on the Ohio caused him hastily to 
 return to the defense of that place. He left 
 instructions for Colonel Montgomery, how¬ 
 ever, to follow and harass the British force, 
 and that officer advanced northward as far 
 as Peoria and Rock River, ravaging the hostile 
 Indian towns as he advanced. 
 
 Particularly in Indian warfare was rumor 
 wont to magnify actuality, and the retreating 
 British forces carried back to Mackinac and 
 Detroit exaggerated reports of the numbers and 
 movements of the pursuing Americans. The 
 consequent expectation of their appearance at 
 Prairie du Chien, in the heart of the British- 
 Indian country, was responsible for the expedi¬ 
 tion which Long joined and of which he has 
 given us our only detailed account. 
 
 It succeeded in its object of preventing the 
 furs from faffing into American hands, but 
 for Long personally the result was disappoint¬ 
 ment. Deprived of his expected remuneration, 
 he returned in the autumn of 1780 penniless to 
 Montreal, leaving forever the western country 
 to which he had devoted three years of stren¬ 
 uous endeavor. 
 
 XVI 
 
pgtoricai S^trotmction 
 
 At Montreal Long found that his old em¬ 
 ployer had died, and under the necessity of 
 earning a living he engaged with a merchant 
 of Quebec to go again among the Indians in 
 charge of a trading outfit. 
 
 This time he proceeded to the mouth of the 
 Saguenay River, and ascending to Lake St. 
 John, passed onward across the “divide” into 
 a country which still, after the lapse of almost 
 a century and a half, is largely unknown. The 
 winter’s trade was productive of satisfaction 
 to Long’s employers, but it brought little of 
 permanent profit to the trader himself. Long 
 seems, indeed, from his own recital of the facts, 
 to have belonged to that numerous band of 
 individuals who are capable of working well 
 under competent direction, but who are totally 
 unable to get on in business for themselves. 
 Upon the vicissitudes of our author’s later 
 career it is unnecessary here to dwell, further 
 than to note the fact that in the autumn of 
 1788, after twenty years spent in the New 
 World he returned penniless to the land of his 
 birth. 
 
 Of Long’s life we know but little other than 
 the pages of his own narrative reveal. This 
 was published in London in 1791, in a hand¬ 
 some volume of 300 pages, with a respectable 
 list of subscribers and dedicated, like Henry’s 
 book, to Sir Joseph Banks, President of the 
 Royal Society. It seems to have been favor¬ 
 ably received by the public, and was quickly 
 xvii 
 
ipi^torical introduction 
 
 translated into French and German. A second 
 French edition appeared in 1810, and in 1904 
 the work was reprinted by Reuben G. Thwaites 
 as Volume II of his series of Early Western 
 Travels. 
 
 Dr. Thwaites, who was an eminent special¬ 
 ist in the field of early western history, placed 
 a high estimate on Long’s narrative. “His 
 literary style,” says the editor, “while dis¬ 
 cursive, is simple, and as clear as running 
 water. What he wishes to say he says plainly, 
 leaving the reader as a rule to draw his own 
 conclusions. There is an unflinching direct¬ 
 ness in his statements, conveying to the reader 
 the impression that he is concealing nothing, 
 doing naught for effect, but telling a straight¬ 
 forward story of travels and adventures. The 
 book forms a contribution of note to this im¬ 
 portant class of literature, and will always be 
 readable.” 
 
 From this high estimate of Long’s work the 
 editor of the present edition does not, in the 
 main, dissent. Yet the study of the book has 
 given rise to an impression which, while not 
 susceptible of demonstration, seems worthy to 
 be called to the attention of the reader. Penni¬ 
 less Long came home to England, and his 
 twenty years’ residence in America together 
 with the manner of his life there must have 
 rendered him peculiarly unfitted for the task 
 of earning a living. He had, however, a story 
 to tell, and the recent success of Jonathan 
 sviii 
 
i^igtorical ^ntto&ucticm 
 
 Carver’s Travels must have suggested to his 
 mind the possibility of securing an income by 
 publishing his own story. The careful reader 
 of the narrative he produced will be struck 
 by its extreme discursiveness. Simple, sincere, 
 and straightforward the author evidently is. 
 There is no attempt to conceal, or gloss over 
 his failures, and although he has an evident 
 pride in his Chippewa vocabulary, this is fairly 
 matched by the quite unnecessary degree of 
 modesty and self-deprecation which attends 
 the recital of his geographical discoveries. 
 
 How are we to account for the discursiveness 
 which characterizes, and to a degree mars, the 
 narrative? Reference to the much-discussed 
 book of Captain Carver suggests the answer. 
 That volume consists of two distinct parts. 
 Approximately one-fourth of it is devoted to 
 Carver’s personal journal of his travels; the 
 remaining three-fourths to a treatise on the 
 manners and customs of the Indian tribes of 
 North America. Although Carver is pro¬ 
 fessedly the author of the entire work, his¬ 
 torical critics have shown that this second part 
 is largely a compilation from earlier and for the 
 most part well-known books on the subject of 
 which it treats. Apparently, in the case of 
 both Carver and Long the exigencies of book¬ 
 making and marketing demanded a larger 
 book than the simple journal of the traveler 
 supplied. The solution of the problem in 
 Carver’s case we have already stated; in the 
 
 XIX 
 
I^igtorical introduction 
 
 case of Long the opposite method is followed 
 of interjecting the matter descriptive of savage 
 life and customs into the midst of his personal 
 narrative. So extensively is this done that no 
 heading can be devised sufficiently inclusive 
 to advertise the contents of the chapter to 
 which it is appended. In the original edition, 
 practically no attempt was made to do this; 
 several of the chapter captions conclude with 
 etc.,” while others list a large variety of topics 
 in the vain effort to include them all. 
 
 An interesting question arises at this point. 
 Did Long himself prepare the completed nar¬ 
 rative in the form in which it was published? 
 Or was his personal narrative turned over to 
 some professional writer to expand to the pro¬ 
 portions desired for the forthcoming book? 
 Our existing information does not permit an 
 answer, nor is it, from the historical viewpoint, 
 of much importance. The portions of the 
 story which are not based on Long’s experi¬ 
 ences and observations are confessedly of 
 second-hand authority, and it is not very 
 material whether Long or someone else per¬ 
 formed the task of culling them from the works 
 that are cited. It may be noticed in passing, 
 however, that here is no question of plagiarism, 
 as in the much-mooted case of Carver’s Travels, 
 for Long is commonly careful to state the 
 source of his information, citing definitely in 
 the course of the book no less than seventeen 
 authorities. 
 
 XX 
 
^i-Storical ^ntrotmction 
 
 It will perhaps be evident from the foregoing 
 that the present edition of the work is in no 
 sense a facsimile of the original. As in previous 
 volumes of the Lakeside Classics, I have con¬ 
 ceived it to be my function as editor to bring 
 the present-day reader as close to the author 
 himself as circumstances permit. It is quite 
 improbable that Long was responsible for the 
 punctuation, typography, etc., of the first 
 edition, these details being determined as a 
 matter of course by the publishers. So, too, 
 in the present volume the editor is responsible 
 for the typography, punctuation, chapter and 
 running heads, table of contents, and index. 
 In some cases, too, the spelling has been 
 modernized, and some evident misprints in 
 the original edition have been corrected. The 
 map and title page are engraved from photo¬ 
 graphic reproductions made from the 1791 
 edition of the work. 
 
 Milo M. Quaife. 
 
 Madison, Wisconsin. 
 
 xxi 
 
VOYAGES AND TRAVELS 
 
 OF AN 
 
 INDIAN INTERPRETER AND TRADER, 
 
 DESCRI B! NG 
 
 The Manners and Customs 
 
 OF THE 
 
 NORTH AMERICAN INDIANS; 
 
 WITH 
 
 AN ACCOUNT OF THE POSTS 
 
 SITUATED ON 
 
 THE RIVER SAINT LAURENCE, LAKE ONTARIO, &c. 
 
 TO WHICH IS ADDED, 
 
 A VOCABULARY 
 
 O F 
 
 The Chippeway Language. 
 
 Names of Furs and Skins, in English and French. 
 
 A LIST OF WO R D S 
 
 IN THE 
 
 IROQUOIS, MOHEGAN, SHAWANEE, AND ESQUIMEAUX TONGUES, 
 
 AND A TABLE, SHEWING 
 
 The Analogy between the Algonkin and Chippeway Languages. 
 
 BY J. LONG. 
 
 LONDON: 
 
 PRINTED FOR THE AUTHOR; AND SOLD BY ROBSON, BOND-STREET; DEBRETT, 
 Piccadilly; t.and j.egerton,charing-cross; white and son, fleet- 
 street; SEWE L L, CORN H I LL ; EDWARDS, PALL-MALL; AND MESSRS. TAY¬ 
 LORS, HOLBORN, LONDON; FLETCHER, OXFORD; AND BULL, BATH. 
 
 M,DCC,XCI. 
 

preface to t^e #ttgtnal 
 tuition 
 
 T HE reader will naturally expect some 
 account of this work. 
 
 With regard to the historical part, I 
 have endeavored to explain the situation of the 
 posts which, by Mr. Oswald’s Treaty, 1 were 
 stipulated to be surrendered to the Americans, 
 and pointed out their convenience to Great 
 Britain in a political and commercial point of 
 view. I have also given a description of the 
 Five and Six Nation Indians, and endeavored 
 to show the usefulness, as well as necessity, of 
 a strict alliance with them as long as we retain 
 any possessions in Canada. 
 
 With respect to the descriptions of lakes, 
 rivers, etc., which lie beyond Lake Superior, 
 from Lake Nipigon to Lake Arbitibis, I have 
 given them as accurately as possible, either 
 from my own knowledge or the most authentic 
 Indian accounts; and when it is considered 
 that interpreters in the commercial line seldom 
 have occasion for any geographical knowledge, 
 the want of better information will be ex¬ 
 cused. 
 
 'The Treaty of Paris of 1783, which formally ter¬ 
 minated the Revolutionary War. 
 
 xxv 
 
Original preface 
 
 The vocabulary which is subjoined, 2 and on 
 which I have bestowed some pains, it is hoped 
 will not only afford information to such as may 
 be desirous of attaining a knowledge of the 
 Chippewa language, but prove useful to those 
 who are already engaged in traffic with the 
 Indians. 
 
 As the mode of spelling a language which has 
 never been reduced to a grammatical system 
 must be arbitrary, and principally depend on 
 the ear, I have endeavored to use such letters 
 as best agree with the English pronunciation, 
 avoiding a multiplicity of consonants, which 
 only perplex: and to enable the reader to 
 speak so as to be understood by the natives, 
 it is necessary to observe that a is generally 
 sounded broad, and e final never pronounced 
 but in monosyllables. 
 
 The following are the motives which induced 
 me to make the vocabulary in the Chippewa 
 language so copious: 
 
 In the first place it is, strictly speaking, one 
 of the mother tongues of North America, and 
 universally spoken in council by the chiefs 
 who reside about the Great Lakes, to the west¬ 
 ward of the banks of the Mississippi, as far 
 south as the Ohio, and as far north as Hudson 
 Bay; notwithstanding many of the tribes, 
 
 2 The extensive Indian vocabulary which Long pro¬ 
 vided as an appendix to his work bears no relation to 
 the narrative journal, and it is therefore omitted from 
 the present edition of the work. 
 
 xxvi 
 
(Original preface 
 
 within the space of territory I have described, 
 speak in common a different language. This 
 observation is confirmed by authors of estab¬ 
 lished repute, and further proved by the con¬ 
 current testimony of the Indian interpreters. 
 
 Baron de Lahontan 3 asserts that the Algon- 
 kin is a mother tongue, and that it is in as much 
 estimation in North America as Greek and 
 Latin in Europe: this being admitted, I am 
 persuaded the Chippewa language possesses 
 as much, if not greater merit, as it is in every 
 respect better understood*by the Northwest 
 Indians. But as the knowledge of both may 
 not only be useful, but necessary, I have given 
 a comparative table of about two hundred and 
 sixty words in both tongues, that the reader 
 may use either as he shall find it best under¬ 
 stood by the tribes with whom he may have 
 occasion to trade; though he will find, in a 
 variety of instances, a perfect accordance. 
 
 The table of words in the Muhhekaneew, or 
 Mohegan, and Shawnee tongues, are extracted 
 
 3 Baron de Lahontan was a French officer who spent 
 the ten years from 1683 to 1693 i n New France. Re¬ 
 turning to his native land, he published in 1703 a read¬ 
 able and vivacious account of his travels in America', 
 which obtained widespread popularity. Although long 
 regarded as an authoritative work, it later became 
 evident that Lahontan, like Father Hennepin, did not 
 in fact visit some of the country he claimed to have 
 explored, and the work fell into disrepute among 
 scholars. Lahontan’s fiction of a non-existent Long 
 River in modern Minnesota, which he claimed to have 
 ascended, long disfigured the maps of this region. 
 
 xxvii 
 
Original preface 
 
 from the Rev. Mr. Edwards’ publication, 4 and 
 are inserted to show their analogy with the 
 Chippewa language; and as he observes that 
 the language of the Delawares in Pennsylvania, 
 of the Penobscots on the borders of Nova 
 Scotia, of the Indians of St. Francis, in Canada, 
 of the Shawnees on the Ohio, and many other 
 tribes of savages radically agree, I judged the 
 tables of analogy would not be unacceptable. 
 
 In the course of the historical part, several 
 speeches in the Chippewa language are intro¬ 
 duced, and at the end of the vocabulary a num¬ 
 ber of familiar phrases, which not only serve 
 to show the mode of speech, but give a better 
 idea of the language than single words. 
 
 The numeral payshik, or one, is frequently 
 used to express the articles a and the; and woke 
 is the general word for the plural number, 
 though not always used. 
 
 Mr. Carver’s vocabulary 5 will, in many in¬ 
 stances, be found to differ from the Chippewa; 
 
 4 The allusion is to the Rev. Jonathan Edwards, the 
 famous New England preacher and scholar. 
 
 5 Jonathan Carver was a native of Connecticut who 
 came west to Mackinac in 1776, and from there made a 
 journey into Minnesota and the Lake Superior region. 
 Returning, he went to England, where he published a 
 book of Travels in 1778 and died in utmost poverty two 
 years later. The book proved widely popular, and went 
 through numerous editions, but like Lahontan’s nar¬ 
 rative, serious question has arisen concerning its 
 reliability. To the present editor, the first part of 
 Carver’s book, devoted to the narrative journal of his 
 
 xxviii 
 
Original preface 
 
 but when it is considered that though he calls 
 it the Chippewa vocabulary, on page 414 of his 
 work he says, “The Chippewa, or Algonkin,” 
 which evidently proves that he believes them 
 the same language:—but with regard to the 
 usefulness of the tongue, there is a perfect 
 corroboration of sentiment; for he remarks 
 that the Chippewa tongue appears to be the 
 most prevailing of all the Indian languages. 
 
 It may not be amiss to observe that the 
 Chippewa tongue as spoken by the servants of 
 the Hudson’s Bay Company is somewhat dif¬ 
 ferent, though not essentially so, and is called 
 by them the Home-Guard language. 
 
 With regard to the Iroquois, or Mohawk 
 tongue, which is peculiar to the Five and Six 
 Nation Indians, it is not necessary in the fur 
 trade beyond Michilimackinac; and if it were, 
 there are not wanting printed authorities 
 sufficient to instruct. This consideration has 
 induced me to give only the numerals, and a 
 few words in the language. 
 
 I have not anything further to add, but a 
 sincere wish that my labors may prove useful 
 to the world; and that whatever defects may 
 be found in the following work, the public will 
 
 travels, seems worthy of credit. The second part on 
 the manners and customs of the Indian tribes is clearly 
 a compilation from earlier and in the main unacknowl¬ 
 edged sources. It is greatly to Carver’s credit that he 
 foresaw, and in eloquent language foretold, the great¬ 
 ness of the upper Mississippi Valley as the seat of a 
 future English civilization. 
 
 xxix 
 
Original preface 
 
 look on them with candor, and will recollect 
 that they are perusing, not the pages of a 
 professed tourist, but such observations as 
 a commercial man flatters himself may be 
 found acceptable to the merchant and the 
 philosopher. 
 
 XXX 
 
John Long’s 
 Voyages and Travels 
 
Chapter i 
 
 REMOVAL TO AMERICA 
 
 H AVING engaged myself at an early period 
 of life to go to North America, in the 
 quality of an articled clerk, I left Graves¬ 
 end on the tenth of April, 1768 on board the 
 Canada, Captain Smith, bound to Quebec and 
 Montreal. We had a pleasant voyage till we 
 reached the coast of America, when the weather 
 proving unfavorable, we were obliged to put 
 into Newfoundland, where we stayed fourteen 
 days. Nothing remarkable occurred here, ex¬ 
 cept that a party went on shore to hunt, and 
 one of them, Mr. Jordan, who was a passenger 
 bound to Montreal, finding himself much 
 fatigued, remained in the woods. The rest 
 returned on board in the evening, anxiously 
 expecting their companion; but after four days’ 
 painful solicitude, not being able to obtain any 
 intelligence of him, we gave up all hopes of 
 seeing him again; and as the snow was deep on 
 the ground and the wild animals numerous, we 
 supposed him to be either frozen to death or 
 devoured by the beasts. Just as the Captain 
 proposed setting sail an Indian came on 
 board, to whom we endeavored to communi¬ 
 cate our distress. On this occasion he seemed 
 to understand us, and made signs of his inten- 
 
 3 
 
‘Jofm Song 
 
 tion to go in search of him; and being fur¬ 
 nished with some rum by way of encourage¬ 
 ment, he got into his canoe and paddled 
 ashore. The Captain, with great humanity, 
 deferred prosecuting the voyage for some time: 
 but the Indian not returning, we left New¬ 
 foundland, and after a tedious passage of 
 near eleven weeks, arrived at Quebec, the 
 capital of Canada. 
 
 When the Spaniards (who first discovered 
 this northern clime) sailed past Cape Rosiers 
 at the entrance of the River St. Lawrence, the 
 mountains now called the Mountains of Notre 
 Dame were covered with snow. Such a pros¬ 
 pect, in the summer season, gave them a very 
 unfavorable opinion of the country, and they 
 were deterred from going up the river, sup¬ 
 posing the land to be too barren to recompense 
 their labors at present, or afford any future 
 advantages; and the same impressions induced 
 them to call it Capo di Nada, or Cape Nothing, 
 by which name it is described in their charts, 
 and from whence, by corruption of language, 
 it has derived its present name of Canada. 6 
 
 The River St. Lawrence takes its rise from 
 Lake Nipissing, northeast of Lake Superior, 
 about the distance of 2,000 miles from 
 
 6 The real origin of the word Canada is involved in 
 uncertainty and dispute. The version here presented 
 serves to call attention to the extensive early explora¬ 
 tions and claims of the Spaniards along the Atlantic 
 coast of North America. 
 
 4 
 
Bopage£ anti 
 
 Quebec. 7 The breadth of it is 90 miles at the 
 entrance, and it is navigable nearly 500 miles 
 from the sea. 
 
 The Isle of Orleans, which is but a small dis¬ 
 tance from the city, is a beautiful spot of ground, 
 about twenty miles in length and six in breadth. 
 The fertility of the soil makes it a useful and 
 valuable garden, insomuch that it supplies the 
 capital with vegetables and grain in great 
 abundance. The opposite village of Beauport 
 also charms the eye, and very much height¬ 
 ens the scene, which is rich, romantic, and 
 magnificent. 
 
 The Fall of Montmorenci particularly at¬ 
 tracted my notice, as it is perhaps the most 
 pleasing natural cascade in the world; and 
 though its height and width are not to be com¬ 
 pared in point of awful grandeur with the 
 stupendous cataract of Niagara, it is sufficient¬ 
 ly wonderful to show the power of the great 
 Architect of the Universe, and its effects are 
 more pleasing than the latter; for while it pro¬ 
 duces wonder and pleasure in the highest de¬ 
 gree, it does not strike the beholder with such 
 tremendous ideas. 
 
 As our ship was bound to Montreal as well 
 as Quebec, and I was under the Captain’s care 
 
 7 The St. Lawrence, of course, takes its rise in the 
 Great Lakes, whose remotest source may perhaps be 
 logically regarded as the source of the river. Appar¬ 
 ently Long chose to regard Lake Nipissing, which lies 
 to the northeast of Lake Huron, as the source of the 
 St. Lawrence. 
 
 S 
 
^oljn Song 
 
 and direction, he did not allow me to go on 
 shore at the latter place; but in a few days, to 
 my great joy, we arrived safe at Montreal, the 
 place of our last destination. 
 
 Montreal, formerly called Ville Marie, has 
 nothing remarkable in it at present. It was 
 formerly famous for a great fair, which lasted 
 near three months, and was resorted to by the 
 Indians, who came from the distance of many 
 hundreds of miles to barter their peltry for 
 English goods. 8 It will give pleasure to the 
 reader to be informed that we received here 
 the agreeable intelligence that Mr. Jordan was 
 found in the woods, two days after our de¬ 
 parture from Newfoundland, though with the 
 loss of his feet, occasioned by the severity of 
 the weather; he went afterwards in a vessel to 
 Trois Rivieres, where he settled in an iron 
 foundry. 
 
 Trois Rivieres is so called from the junction 
 of three currents which empty themselves into 
 the River St. Lawrence. About a league from 
 the town there is an iron foundry, which was 
 erected by private persons in the year 1737 and 
 
 8 In the early period of the fur trade the Northwestern 
 Indians annually made the long pilgrimage to Montreal 
 there to barter their furs for the goods of the French¬ 
 men. This was the “great fair” to which our author 
 alludes. Before long, however, the competition of the 
 Dutch and English for the Indian trade compelled the 
 French traders to carry their goods to the Indians and 
 the visits of the picturesque cavalcades of the latter to 
 Montreal ceased. 
 
 6 
 
t^opageg anti Crabds 
 
 afterward ceded to the King. At first cannon 
 and mortars were cast there, but it is now 
 principally used in the manufacture of stoves 
 and kettles. The ore is taken at a small dis¬ 
 tance from the works. A river runs down from 
 the foundry into the River St. Lawrence, 
 which enables the proprietors to send their 
 manufactures round the country in boats on 
 very moderate terms. 
 
 This town, which is half way between Que¬ 
 bec and Montreal, had formerly a very con¬ 
 siderable trade in peltry and was the second 
 mart in Canada; but in process of time the 
 inhabitants of Montreal contrived to draw 
 almost all the fur trade to themselves; and 
 though the residents in Trois Rivieres live by 
 their commerce with the savages, and the 
 manufacturing of birch canoes, yet the town 
 has lost that rank and consequence which it 
 formerly maintained; nevertheless, the advan¬ 
 tage of the iron foundry makes them some 
 amends, and they live, upon the whole, as 
 happy as any people in Canada. The inhabit¬ 
 ants of Trois Rivieres were formerly very 
 much incommoded with fleas, which swarmed 
 in great quantities, and which, Baron de 
 Lahontan humorously observes, occasioned 
 an inconvenient quickness in conversation. 
 
 On my arrival at Montreal I was placed 
 under the care of a very respectable merchant 
 to learn the Indian trade, which is the chief 
 support of the town. I soon acquired the 
 
^ofjn Hong 
 
 names of every article of commerce in the 
 Iroquois and French languages, and being at 
 once prepossessed in favor of the savages, im¬ 
 proved daily in their tongue, to the satisfac¬ 
 tion of my employer, who approving my 
 assiduity, and wishing me to be completely 
 qualified in the Mohawk language to enable 
 me to traffic with the Indians in his absence, 
 sent me to a village called Cahnuaga, or Cock- 
 nawaga, 9 situated about nine miles from 
 Montreal, on the south side of the River St. 
 Lawrence, where I lived with a chief whose 
 name was Assenegethter until I was sufficiently 
 instructed in the language, and then returned 
 to my master’s store to improve myself in 
 French, which is not only universally spoken 
 in Canada, but is absolutely necessary in the 
 commercial intercourse with the natives, and 
 without which it would be impossible to enjoy 
 the society of the most respectable families, 
 who are in general ignorant of the English 
 language. 
 
 9 Usually spelled Caughnawaga. An account of it is 
 given by Long in the succeeding chapter. Eleazer 
 Williams, the Wisconsin missionary preacher, who, 
 about the middle of the nineteenth century, attracted 
 widespread interest through his claim to be the famous 
 “lost dauphin” of France, the son of Louis XVI and 
 Marie Antoinette, was a mixed-blood Indian belonging 
 to this village. 
 
 8 
 
Chapter 2 
 
 THE VILLAGE OF CAUGHNAWAGA 
 
 T HE savages of this nation, who are called 
 the praying Indians, from the circum¬ 
 stance of their chiefs wearing crucifixes 
 and going through the streets of Montreal with 
 their beads, begging alms, separated long since 
 from the Mohawk and River Indians, and for 
 a considerable time after their separation 
 carried on an illicit trade between Albany and 
 Montreal. The village contains about 200 
 houses, which though they are chiefly built of 
 stone, have a mean and dirty appearance. The 
 inhabitants amount to about 800 and (what is 
 contrary to the general observation on the 
 population of the Indians) are continually in¬ 
 creasing. It is considered as the most respect¬ 
 able of all the Indian villages, and the people 
 are in a great degree civilized and industrious. 
 They sow corn, and do not depend like other 
 nations solely upon hunting for support; but 
 at the same time, they are not fond of laborious 
 work, conceiving it only suited to those who 
 are less free, and retaining so much of their 
 primeval valor and independence as to annex 
 the idea of slavery to every domestic employ¬ 
 ment. Their hunting grounds are within the 
 United States, at a considerable distance from 
 9 
 
Hong 
 
 the village, round Fort George, Ticonderoga 
 and Crown Point, where they kill beaver and 
 deer, but not in such great abundance at 
 present as they did formerly, the country being 
 better inhabited, and the wild animals, from 
 the present state of population, being obliged 
 to seek a more distant and secure retreat. The 
 skins they obtain are generally brought down 
 to Montreal, and either sold for money or 
 bartered for goods. It is not improbable that 
 in a few years there will not be many good 
 hunters among them, as they are extravagantly 
 fond of dress, and that too of the most expen¬ 
 sive kind. Their fondness for this luxury, 
 which the profits arising from the lands they 
 let out to the Canadians enable them to in¬ 
 dulge, contributes to make them more idle; 
 and in proportion as their vanity increases, 
 ease and indolence are the more eagerly courted 
 and gratified, insomuch that hunting is in 
 danger of being totally abandoned. Their 
 religion is Catholic, and they have a French 
 priest or, as the Chippewa Indians term it, 
 The Master of Life’s Man, who instructs them 
 and performs divine service in the Iroquois 
 tongue. Their devotion impressed my mind 
 too powerfully to suffer it to pass unnoticed, 
 and induces me to observe that great praise is 
 due to their pastors, who by unwearied assidu¬ 
 ity and their own exemplary lives and con¬ 
 versation, have converted a savage race of 
 beings from Heathenism to Christianity, and 
 
 IO 
 
Bopage£ anti Crabcte 
 
 by uniformity of conduct continue to preserve 
 both their religion and themselves in the 
 esteem of their converts; an example worthy 
 of imitation, and amounting to an incontro¬ 
 vertible proof that Nature in her most degen¬ 
 erate state may be reclaimed by those who are 
 sincere in their endeavors, gentle in their 
 manners, and consistent in the general tenor 
 of their behavior. And it is to be expected, 
 and certainly most ardently to be wished, that 
 the savage temper among them may in time 
 be more effectually subdued, their natural 
 impetuosity softened and restrained, and their 
 minds weaned from their unhappy attachment 
 to the use of strong liquors, their indulgence in 
 which is frequently attended with the most 
 melancholy and fatal consequences. 
 
Chapter 3 
 
 CONCERNING THE IROQUOIS OR FIVE 
 NATIONS INDIANS 
 
 I SHALL now give a particular account of the 
 Indians of the Five and Six Nations, and 
 the reasons why they are so called, in order 
 to enable the reader to form an idea of their 
 consequence in a political point of view, as 
 well as their importance on account of the fur 
 trade; because the vicinity of the American 
 territories, from Georgia to New England, 
 gives the United States a great command and 
 influence from their situation, and renders 
 them more to be dreaded than even the French 
 were in the zenith of their American power, 
 when it was universally known they had such 
 an interest among the savages as induced them 
 to call the French their fathers, and of which 
 so much yet remains as to prompt them to 
 retain a predilection in favor of the traders of 
 the Gallic race who are settled among them. 
 
 In 1603, when the French settled in Canada, 
 part of the Five Nations resided on the island 
 of Montreal, and were at war with the Adiron- 
 dacks (who lived on the Ottawa, or Grand 
 River leading to Michilimackinac); these con¬ 
 sidered the Five Nations as very insignificant 
 opponents and incapable of serious revenge, 
 
1£opage£ anti €rabd£ 
 
 and they were held in as much derision as the 
 Delawares, who were usually called old women, 
 or the Shawnees (who lived on the Wabash 
 River), who were obliged to wear petticoats 
 for a considerable time, in contempt of their 
 want of courage and as a badge of their pu¬ 
 sillanimity and degradation. But as no people 
 can bear the imputation of cowardice or 
 effeminacy as a national character, the chiefs 
 determined to rouse their young men, and 
 stimulate them to retrieve, or establish, a 
 reputation; and inspiring them with heroic 
 notions, led them to war against the Satanas, 
 or Shaounons, whom they subdued with great 
 ease. This success revived their drooping 
 spirits, and forgetting how often they had been 
 defeated by the Adirondacks [they] commenced 
 hostilities against them, and availing them¬ 
 selves of the mean opinion their enemies 
 entertained of their valor, gained the victory 
 in several actions, and at last carried on a 
 successful war against them even in their own 
 country, obliging their former conquerors to 
 abandon their native land and seek refuge on 
 the spot where Quebec is now situated. 
 
 Soon after the French arrived and had 
 settled at Quebec, they formed an alliance with 
 the Adirondacks against the Five Nations. 
 The first engagement proved decisive in favor 
 of the Adirondacks, owing entirely to the use 
 of firearms having been introduced among 
 them by their new allies, which the Indians of 
 
 13 
 
3long 
 
 the Five Nations had never before seen. This 
 alliance, and the consequent defeat, was far 
 from subduing or disheartening the Five 
 Nations, but rather seemed to inspire them 
 with additional ardor, and what they were 
 deficient in military skill and suitable weapons 
 they supplied by stratagem and courage. Al¬ 
 though the French gained several advantages 
 over them in the course of more than fifteen 
 years, they at length were glad to bring the 
 contest to a conclusion by making a peace 
 with them. 
 
 This shows that the savages of the Five 
 Nations are not easily to be conquered, and 
 proves the necessity of preserving them in our 
 interest as long as we shall deem it expedient, 
 from policy, to keep possession of Canada. 
 This being admitted, it is certain that no 
 method will more effectually conduce to that 
 end than retaining such barriers in our hands 
 as will enable us to afford them protection, 
 and supply them with arms and ammunition 
 and other necessaries in time of danger. 
 
 The Indians who lie to the north of Phila¬ 
 delphia, between the province of Pennsylvania 
 and the Lakes, consist of three distinct leagues, 
 of which the Senecas, Mohawks, and Onon- 
 dagas, who are called the fathers, compose the 
 first; the Oneidas, Cayugas, Tuscaroras, Con- 
 oys, and Nanticokes, which are one tribe, com¬ 
 pose the second, and these two leagues consti¬ 
 tute what is called the Six Nations. The third 
 
 14 
 
Bopage£ and €ratod£ 
 
 league is formed of the Wanamis, Chihokockis, 
 or Delawares, the Mawhiccons, Munseys, and 
 Wapingers, to which may be added the Min- 
 goes. The Cowetas, or Creek Indians, are also 
 united in friendship with them. 
 
 Mr. Colden says 10 the nations who are 
 jointed together by a league or confederacy, 
 like the United Provinces of Holland, are 
 known by the names of Mohawks, Oneidas, 
 Onondagas, Cayugas, and Senecas; that each 
 of these nations is again divided into three 
 tribes or families, who are distinguished by 
 the names of the Tortoise, Bear, and Wolf; and 
 that the Tuscaroras, after the war they had 
 with the people of Carolina, fled to the Five 
 Nations and incorporated with them, so that 
 in fact they now consist of six, although they 
 still retain the name of the Five Nations. 11 
 This union is of such long duration as to leave 
 little or no traces of its origin. 
 
 Baron Lahontan observes that the Iroquois 
 are in reality but one nation, divided into 
 five districts; and which he distinguishes in 
 the following manner: The Tsonontouans, the 
 Goyogans, the Onontagues, the Oneyouts, and 
 
 10 Cadwallader Colden of New York was the author 
 of a History of the Five Indian Nations (New York, 
 1727), from which Long drew much of the data for the 
 present chapter. 
 
 11 The Tuscarora tribe migrated northward and 
 joined the Iroquois confederacy at the dose of Queen 
 Anne’s War, some three-quarters of a century before 
 Long’s narrative was written. 
 
 IS 
 
^of)n Hong 
 
 the Agnies, who were all settled about thirty 
 leagues from each other, near the great Lake 
 Frontenac, now called Ontario. 
 
 The Mohawks, or Maquas, are the most war¬ 
 like among the Five Nations and consist of 
 nearly seven hundred warriors. They are 
 called by the French, Agnies, or Annies, and 
 were originally settled on the French or Grand 
 River, leading to Michilimackinac, from 
 whence they afterwards removed to the Mo¬ 
 hawk River, near Schenectady, about sixteen 
 miles from Albany, in the state of New York. 
 Since the war in 1757 they have separated, 
 and part of the nation is settled on the Grand 
 River, near Niagara, and the rest at the back 
 of the bay of Quenty, or Kenty, about forty- 
 eight miles above Cataraqui, the capital of 
 the Loyalist settlements 12 on the River St. 
 Lawrence. 
 
 Cataraqui, or Fort Frontenac, is built near 
 to the place where Lake Ontario discharges 
 itself into the River St. Lawrence. It was 
 erected by Le Comte de Frontenac, governor 
 general of Canada, to stop the incursions of 
 the Iroquois, and divert the channel of the 
 
 12 At the close of the American Revolution many 
 thousand Tories, or Loyalists, were either forcibly 
 expelled from the colonies or deemed it desirable to 
 expatriate themselves. Large numbers of them went 
 into the Canadian wilds and laid the foundation of the 
 province of Upper Canada. Their descendants sub¬ 
 sequently bore an important part in the War of 1812 
 against the United States. 
 
Bopage£ anti €rabri£ 
 
 commerce in peltry which that people carried 
 on with the inhabitants of New York, and 
 which they bartered for with the savages by 
 merchandise, at a cheaper rate than the 
 French could supply them. 
 
 This fort was at first built of wood and turf, 
 and surrounded with high pickets, but during 
 the mission of Father Hennepin, it was faced 
 with stone, by the direction of the Sieur 
 Cavelier de la Salle, and enlarged to a circuit 
 of more than 700 yards. The basin in which it 
 stands is capable of holding a number of ves¬ 
 sels of considerable burden. There is a small 
 garrison at present, and a commanding officer, 
 to examine all boats which pass either to the 
 new settlements or the upper posts. 
 
 The Oneidas, or Oneyouts, the Onondagas, 
 Cayugas, Senecas, or Tsonontouans, and the 
 Tuscaroras, who live with the Oneidas and 
 Onondagas, are settled about thirty leagues 
 distant from each other, and none of them 
 exceeding 250 miles from the Mohawk River. 
 All these nations express peace by the meta¬ 
 phor of a tree, whose top they say will reach 
 the sun, and whose branches extend far 
 abroad, not only that they may be seen at a 
 great distance, but to afford them shelter and 
 repose. 
 
 The Five Nations claim all the country 
 south of the River St. Lawrence to the Ohio, 
 and down the Ohio to the Wabash, which lies 
 to the westward of the state of Pennsylvania, 
 
 17 
 
Softn Hong 
 
 near to the borders of Virginia; westerly, to 
 the Lakes Ontario and Erie and the River 
 Miami, and the eastern boundaries of Lake 
 Champlain, and the United States. 
 
 The firmness of this league, the great extent 
 of land it claims, the number of great warriors 
 it produces, and the undaunted courage and 
 skill which distinguish the members of it in 
 their contests both with the savages and 
 European nations, all conspire to prove the 
 good policy of an alliance with them; as it is 
 an undoubted fact that in case of a dispute 
 with the Americans, the posts would make 
 but a feeble resistance without their exertions; 
 and deprived of the forts, the fur trade would 
 soon be lost to this country. 
 
 I shall next consider the situation and utility 
 of these barriers in a commercial point of 
 view, and endeavor to show the propriety of 
 keeping possession of the posts, notwithstand¬ 
 ing by the treaty of peace with the United 
 States they were expressly stipulated to be 
 given up; although it is not probable indeed 
 that the Americans will be able to fulfill the 
 treaty on their part, so as to entitle them to 
 make a reasonable demand—I mean such a 
 claim as Government must absolutely admit. 13 
 
 13 The treaty of 1783 had provided, among other 
 things, that the British would surrender, with all con¬ 
 venient speed, the several military posts held by them 
 within the borders of the newly-established United 
 States. The fur trade was the dominant commercial 
 interest of Canada, however, and the traders appre- 
 
Bopageg and €ratoe!g 
 
 The first post I shall notice is Oswegatche, 
 on the River St. Lawrence, about 150 miles 
 above Montreal, at the mouth of the Black 
 River, where there are about an hundred 
 savages, who occasionally frequent it, and are 
 called Oswegatche Indians, although they 
 belong to the tribes of the Five Nations. To 
 this fort the inhabitants of New England may 
 with ease transport goods to supply the Mo¬ 
 hawks, Cahnuagas, Connecadagas, St. Regis, 
 and some straggling Messesawger Indians, who 
 live near the Detroit, at a smaller expense 
 than they can possibly be obtained from the 
 merchants at Quebec or Montreal, but par¬ 
 ticularly rum, which is now become an essential 
 requisite in every transaction with the savages; 
 for, though they used formerly often to com¬ 
 plain of the introduction of strong water by 
 the traders (as appears by the language of 
 their chiefs in council) to the prejudice of their 
 young men, yet they have not now the resolu¬ 
 tion to refrain from the use of it; on the con¬ 
 trary, it is become so familiar, and even 
 necessary to them, that a drunken frolic is 
 
 hended, as Long here argues, that the surrender of the 
 posts would enable the American traders to wrest the 
 control of the fur trade from Canada. Pretexts were 
 found for retaining the posts, and out of this and other 
 issues at dispute between the two countries matters 
 were rapidly drifting toward a renewal of the war. 
 This catastrophe was averted by the Jay treaty of 
 1794, and the posts were surrendered to the United 
 States two years later. 
 
 19 
 
Hong 
 
 looked upon as an indispensable requisite in 
 a barter, and anticipated with extreme delight. 
 
 Carleton Island is higher up the river, and 
 has greater conveniences annexed to it than 
 Oswegatche, having an excellent harbor, with a 
 strong fortification well garrisoned. It affords 
 excellent accommodation for shipping, and 
 may be considered as the naval storehouse for 
 supplying Niagara and the other posts. There 
 are vessels of considerable bulk continually 
 sailing from thence to Niagara, Oswego, etc. 
 There is also a Commodore of the Lakes, 
 whose residence is on the island. 
 
 Fort Oswego on Lake Ontario, formerly 
 called Lake Frontenac, is a good fortification, 
 and capable of containing 600 men. This post 
 is particularly important, as it is the key to the 
 United States, and commands the opening to 
 the North, or Hudson’s River, protecting the 
 trade with the Indians who live on the banks 
 of the River St. Lawrence, and the whole extent 
 of the great sheet of water near which it stands, 
 reckoned about eighty leagues in length and 
 in some places from twenty-five to thirty 
 broad. 
 
 When the English were in possession of the 
 Colonies, Albany commanded the trade with 
 the Indians; and it is well known that no place 
 in America furnished such a quantity of furs 
 and skins, not even the Hudson’s Bay settle¬ 
 ments, whose utmost extent of trade is far 
 inferior to the produce collected here. These 
 
 20 
 
t)opagc£ anb €rabd£ 
 
 furs and skins were procured from Canada 
 and brought to Fort Oswego by the Indians, 
 who disposed of them to the agents sent there 
 by the merchants of Albany. Besides, Indian 
 goods may be conveyed from Albany to Fort 
 Oswego at a cheaper rate than from Montreal 
 to the new settlements at Cataraqui and the 
 head of the Bay of Kenty, and at less risk, 
 because the stream of the Mohawk River is 
 not so strong as that of the Cataraqui River, 
 between the Lake and Montreal, and there 
 are not so many falls of water. 
 
 Fort Niagara is on the same lake, where there 
 is also a good garrison. This lake takes its 
 rise from Lake Erie, and after a course of 
 fifteen leagues empties itself into Lake Ontario. 
 About four leagues before it enters the lake 
 it is intercepted by the great fall which is 
 mentioned by various authors, who do not 
 agree in opinion respecting its height; but from 
 the most authentic accounts joined to my own 
 observations, I am inclined to coincide with 
 the judgment of Captain Pierie, who made an 
 actual survey and describes the height to be 
 146 feet, and the width 1040, which proves 
 that the accounts of Father Hennepin and La 
 Salle were erroneous, who both agree in calling 
 the perpendicular height 600 feet. 14 The dis- 
 
 14 According to modern surveys the actual height of 
 the American Fall is 164 feet, and of the Canadian 
 Fall, 150 feet; while the width of the river at the brink 
 of the falls is 4750 feet. A vivacious narrative of 
 
SPofw Hong 
 
 tance from Fort Niagara to Fort Stanwix 15 is 
 about 280 miles, through the Genesee country, 
 which I traveled with great ease in about eight 
 days. This post, therefore, is of the most essen¬ 
 tial importance to protect the Indians who are 
 in alliance with Great Britain, and to secure 
 the valuable and undivided advantage of their 
 trade. 
 
 The Detroit is so called from being a strait 
 between Lake Erie and Lake Huron, and com¬ 
 mands the trade from the Ohio, Illinois, 
 Mississippi, and the Upper Lakes, which post 
 is resorted to by the Ottawas, Hurons, Miamis, 
 Ohio, Mississippi, Delaware, and Tuscarora 
 Indians, besides the Messesawgas. 
 
 These five posts are situated at the back of 
 the three states of New England, New York, 
 and Pennsylvania, and at a very small distance 
 from the Loyalist settlements. 
 
 The last post is Michilimackinac, 16 which 
 is situated between Lake Huron and Lake 
 
 misstatements made by writers about Niagara Falls 
 may be found in Frank H. Severance, Studies of the 
 Niagara Frontier (Buffalo, 1911), pp. 291-311. 
 
 15 Fort Stanwix was built in 1758 at the head of navi¬ 
 gation on the Mohawk River, where the city of Rome, 
 New York, now stands. Here were negotiated several 
 important Indian treaties, the last one in 1788. The 
 place was unsuccessfully besieged by the British at the 
 time of Burgoyne’s invasion, in the summer of 1777. 
 
 16 On the post of Mackinac and its importance see 
 Alexander Henry’s Travels and Adventures, the annual 
 volume of the Lakeside Classics series for 1921. 
 
 22 
 
Bopage^ anti €rabelg 
 
 Michigan upon an isthmus 17 about 130 leagues 
 long and 22 wide, and is the last fortress to¬ 
 wards the northwest. This point of land is on 
 the north of the straits through which the 
 Lake of the Illinois or Michigan, 300 leagues 
 in circumference, empties itself into Lake 
 Huron, which is of equal extent. The strait 
 is about three leagues long, and one broad, 
 and half a league distant from the mouth of 
 the Illinois. 
 
 This is perhaps the most material of all the 
 barriers, and of the greatest importance to the 
 commercial interest of this country, as it in¬ 
 tercepts all the trade of the Indians of the 
 upper country from Hudson Bay to Lake 
 Superior, and affords protection to various 
 tribes of savages, who constantly resort to it 
 to receive presents from the commanding 
 officer, and from whence the traders who go 
 to the Northwest, take their departure for the 
 Grand Portage 18 or grand carrying place, 
 which is nine miles in length, before they enter 
 on the waters communicating with the North¬ 
 west. 
 
 Were the English to remain in possession of 
 every part of Canada except the posts, number¬ 
 less doors would be left open for the Americans 
 to smuggle in their goods, and in process of 
 
 l7 The “isthmus” is, of course, the Upper Peninsula 
 of Michigan. 
 
 18 On Grand Portage, and the trade route to the 
 Northwest, see Henry’s Travels and A dvenhires, pp. 2 29 ff. 
 
 2 3 
 
Hong 
 
 time the illicit trade would supersede the 
 necessity of the exportation of British goods 
 from England to Canada, and the commercial 
 benefits arising from the consumption of our 
 manufactures would be entirely lost. In that 
 case Canada would be of little service to 
 England in a commercial point of view. How 
 far it is worth the expense of retaining, 
 politically considered, is not for me to discuss. 
 
 24 
 
Chapter 4 
 
 SCALPING AND INDIAN WARFARE 
 
 H AVING endeavored to explain the na¬ 
 ture and importance of the Five and 
 Six Nation Indians, and described the 
 situation of the posts, and the probable conse¬ 
 quences of complying with the treaty, I shall 
 return to my situation at Montreal. 
 
 Having stayed with my employer seven 
 years, and not being willing to enter into a new 
 agreement, I determined to pursue the bent of 
 my inclinations; and being naturally of a 
 roving disposition, which was increased by my 
 frequent associations with the savages, I 
 entered a volunteer at the head of a party of 
 Indians, thinking that my country might at 
 some future period derive advantage from my 
 more intimate knowledge of the country and 
 its language. 
 
 My entree was in 1775, when a party of 
 about thirty of the Americans, commanded by 
 the famous Ethan Allen, appeared at Long 
 Point, about two miles from Montreal, intend¬ 
 ing to plunder the town. They were, however, 
 disappointed in their expectations by the good 
 conduct of Captain Crawford of the Twenty- 
 sixth Regiment, who with about forty regulars 
 and some volunteers sallied out and made the 
 
^ofjn Song 
 
 enemy retreat to a barn, where an engagement 
 took place, in which Major Carden, Mr. 
 Paterson, a volunteer, and three privates were 
 killed, and I was wounded in the foot; but on 
 the arrival of a field piece the enemy sur¬ 
 rendered. 19 
 
 Being beloved by the Indians, and preferring 
 active service with them to any other mode of 
 life, I accompanied Lieutenant Peter Johnson 
 and Lieutenant Walter Butler, 20 with a few 
 Mohawks, to attack the Americans at Isle au 
 Noix, whom we defeated, taking a great many 
 prisoners. During the engagement we lost two 
 volunteers and three privates. In this action I 
 received a wound in the head from the butt 
 end of a musket. 
 
 I then joined the Eighth Regiment of Foot, 
 commanded by Captain Foster, to attack the 
 Americans at the Cedars, whom we also de¬ 
 feated. The prisoners were left at Fort St. 
 Vielle, or Prison Island, at the foot of the Falls, 
 under a proper guard; and the remains of our 
 small army, consisting of about 150 men, went 
 down to La Chine to engage another body of 
 Americans; but finding them too strongly en- 
 
 19 Allen himself left an interesting account of this 
 engagement in his spirited Narrative of Col. Ethan 
 AUeris Captivity . . . (Walpole, N. H., 1807), pp. 27-41. 
 
 20 Butler was a New York Tory who in 1778 led the 
 Iroquois to the Cherry Valley massacre. The action 
 here described was one phase of the operations of 
 General Richard Montgomery against Canada in the 
 autumn of 1775. 
 
 26 
 
Bopageg? an& Crab da' 
 
 trenched, we retreated to Point Clair, where we 
 stayed till we received intelligence that Gen¬ 
 eral Arnold, 21 with four thousand men were 
 at Isle au Noix, and that Major Gordon was 
 killed on his way to St. John’s, about two miles 
 from the fort. On this occasion it may not be 
 amiss to observe that the custom adopted by 
 the Americans, and with so much success, of 
 levelling their pieces at the officers, originated 
 with the Indians, who are possessed with an 
 idea that the men will naturally be thrown 
 into confusion when their leaders are dead. 
 This, however, is not without exception: the 
 Mattaugwessawacks, whose country lies west¬ 
 ward of Lake Superior, hold the persons of 
 officers sacred; and Josepsis, one of their tribe, 
 who was taken prisoner and sold to the Penob¬ 
 scot Indians, says that the savages they were 
 at war with have adopted the same method. 
 
 I was immediately ordered on a scout, at 
 the head of ten Connecedaga or Rondaxe 
 Indians, with Captain La Motte, 22 a Canadian 
 gentleman, in search of the person who had 
 
 21 Benedict Arnold, who won fame for his spirited 
 conduct in this campaign and in the operations against 
 Burgoyne in 1777, and everlasting infamy through his 
 traitorous negotiations for the surrender of West Point 
 in 1780. 
 
 22 Probably this person was the Captain Guillaume 
 Lamothe whom George Rogers Clark captured at 
 Vincennes in 1779 and sent with Governor Hamilton to 
 a Virginia dungeon. On this point see Clark’s Conquest 
 of the Illinois, in the Lakeside Classics series for 1920. 
 
 27 
 
Sang 
 
 killed Major Gordon, and to reconnoitre the 
 woods in hopes of gaining information of the 
 real force of the Americans at Isle au Noix. 
 To avoid suspicion we were all dressed like 
 savages, and as Captain La Motte and myself 
 were well acquainted with the Iroquois 
 language, it was impossible to distinguish us 
 from the natives. We were out six days and 
 nights, with very little provisions, living chiefly 
 on the scrapings of the inner bark of trees and 
 wild roots, particularly onions, which grow in 
 great abundance, and are not disagreeable to 
 the palate. Hunger reconciles us to everything 
 that will support nature, and makes the most 
 indifferent food acceptable. From my own 
 woeful experience I can assert that what at 
 any other time would have been unpleasant 
 and even nauseous, under the pressure of 
 hunger is not only greedily eaten, but relished 
 as a luxury. Those who are acquainted with 
 the nature of roving in the woods in time of 
 war, know the necessity of traveling light, and 
 particularly on an Indian scout, as the savages 
 seldom take anything but a small quantity of 
 Indian corn and maple sugar, which, after 
 beating the corn between two stones, they 
 mix with water, and on this they subsist. 
 During this expedition, as the business was 
 urgent and the enemy near at hand, we de¬ 
 pended on adventitious food. 
 
 On the last day’s march, returning without 
 being able to obtain any intelligence, one of 
 28 
 
t^opageg anti Crabds? 
 
 the Indians heard a noise resembling the break¬ 
 ing of a stick; the chief of the band sent out a 
 scout, who soon returned with a prisoner. The 
 man appeared much frightened, imagining 
 himself in the hands of savages only. Having 
 bound him to a tree, I being the only one of 
 the party who understood English, questioned 
 him very closely respecting the situation and 
 force of the enemy and interpreted the con¬ 
 versation. When he heard me talk his own 
 language he was agreeably surprised, and his 
 fears in some degree giving way to hope, he 
 begged me to save him from the fury of the 
 Indians, whose general conduct in war had 
 filled his mind with the most dreadful appre¬ 
 hensions. I assured him that if he would faith¬ 
 fully satisfy all my inquiries his life should be 
 spared. He cheerfully complied with the 
 requisition, and directed me to a place from 
 whence we might have a clear view of the 
 Americans, who were encamped on the op¬ 
 posite shore. 
 
 Having left him bound, we proceeded about 
 two miles through swamps, till we came in 
 sight of the enemy. The Indians immediately 
 panted for action, but Captain La Motte 
 thought it prudent to restrain their ardor, and 
 ordered them to retreat into the woods, still 
 keeping our object in view. Soon after, a boat 
 full of men crossed the river and landed with¬ 
 out perceiving us. The Indians instantly 
 kindled a fire and each man filled his blanket 
 
 29 
 
Stoim Song 
 
 with rotten wood and leaves, till it was ex¬ 
 tended to the size of a man; then placing them 
 near the fire, to appear like Indians asleep, 
 they retired to a small distance, to give the 
 Americans an opportunity of coming up un¬ 
 molested, not doubting but they would imme¬ 
 diately lire at the blankets. The maneuvre 
 succeeded to our expectation; for the Amer¬ 
 icans, discovering the smoke, advanced to¬ 
 wards the fire, and perceiving the blankets, 
 discharged their muskets. The savages imme¬ 
 diately rushed from their ambush, and setting 
 up the war whoop, fell upon the enemy, 
 scalped seven of them, and took five prisoners, 
 whom we painted like ourselves. We then 
 returned, released the prisoner from the tree, 
 and conducted them all to St. John’s, where 
 they were examined by Colonel England, who 
 ordered me to take them to Sir Guy Carleton 
 without delay. 
 
 Having executed this commission to . the 
 satisfaction of the commander-in-chief, I re¬ 
 mained some time with my old friends, till 
 I received a message from Sir Guy Carleton to 
 attend him; when he ordered me to join 
 Brigadier-general Nesbit, with the Twenty- 
 ninth and Forty-seventh regiments, in the 
 latter of which I served as a volunteer a con¬ 
 siderable time; but finding no vacancy, and 
 having no allowance for my services, to enable 
 me to live and appear as I wished, I quitted 
 the regiment to enjoy my favorite Indian life; 
 
 30 
 
Dopagcs: ait& €rabd£ 
 
 and as I knew their manner of living and could 
 accommodate myself to their diet, I thought I 
 might probably continue serviceable to my 
 country in scouting parties, and accordingly 
 accompanied a party of savages to the Lake of 
 the Two Mountains, fifteen leagues above 
 Montreal, a village belonging to the Connec- 
 edagas, carrying a scalp as a trophy of my 
 services. 
 
 Scalping is a mode of torture peculiar to the 
 Indians. If a blow is given with the tomahawk 
 previous to the scalp being taken off, it is 
 followed by instant death; but where scalping 
 only is inflicted, it puts the person to excruciat¬ 
 ing pain, though death does not always ensue. 
 There are instances of persons of both sexes 
 now living in America, and no doubt in other 
 countries, who after being scalped, by wearing 
 a plate of silver or tin on the crown of the head, 
 to keep it from cold, enjoy a good state of 
 health, and are seldom afflicted with pains. 23 
 
 When an Indian strikes a person on the 
 temple with a tomahawk, the victim instantly 
 drops; he then seizes his hair with one hand, 
 twisting it very tight together to separate the 
 skin from the head, and placing his knee on the 
 breast, with the other he draws the scalping- 
 
 23 The truth of Long’s statement in this connection 
 is attested by numerous authentic instances in western 
 history. A concrete illustration is the case of Isabella 
 Cooper, a young girl who was scalped in the Chicago 
 massacre of August 15, 1812; she lived to grow to wom¬ 
 anhood and became the mother of children. 
 
 31 
 
Hong 
 
 knife from the sheath and cuts the skin around 
 the forehead, pulling it off with his teeth. As 
 he is very dexterous, the operation is generally 
 performed in two minutes. The scalp is then 
 extended on three hoops, dried in the sun, and 
 rubbed over with vermilion. Some of the 
 Indians in time of war, when scalps are well 
 paid for, divide one into five or six parts, and 
 carry them to the nearest post, in hopes of re¬ 
 ceiving a reward proportionate to the number. 
 
 When the scalp is taken from the head of 
 one of their own people, they frequently make 
 the dead body of advantage to them by dress¬ 
 ing it up and painting it with vermilion. They 
 then place it against a tree, with weapons in 
 its hand to induce the Indians to suppose it 
 an enemy on the watch; and round the body 
 they set spears in the ground, so as scarcely 
 to be discernible. The Indians, on seeing the 
 person against the tree, and anxious to make 
 him a prisoner, in the eagerness of running fall 
 on the points of the spears, and being disabled 
 from proceeding are easily made prisoners. 
 
 Before I close this subject I shall relate an 
 anecdote of two savages of different nations, in 
 the time of Sir William Johnson. 
 
 A Mohawk, of the name of Scunnionsa, or 
 the Elk, and a Chippewa Indian of the name 
 of Cark Cark, or the Crow, having met at a 
 council of war near Crown Point in the year 
 1 757, were extolling their own merits and 
 boasting of their superiority in taking scalps. 
 
 3 2 
 
Bopage£ anti €rabd£ 
 
 The Mohawk contended that he could take a 
 larger scalp than the Chippewa warrior, who 
 was very highly offended and desired that the 
 experiment might be made. They parted, 
 each pursuing a different route, after having 
 first agreed to meet at a certain place on a 
 particular day, when a council was to be held. 
 At the time appointed they returned, and 
 appeared at the council. The Mohawk laid 
 down his scalp, which was the skin of the head 
 and neck of a man stuffed with fine moss and 
 sewed up with deer’s sinews, and the eyes 
 fastened in. The chiefs expressed their appro¬ 
 bation, and pronounced him to be a great and 
 brave warrior. The Chippewa then rose and 
 looking earnestly at the Mohawk, desired the 
 interpreter to tell him that it was an old wo¬ 
 man’s scalp, which is considered as a term of 
 great reproach, and called to one of his sons 
 to bring forward his scalp; when instantly he 
 exhibited to their view the complete skin of a 
 man, stuffed with down feathers, and sewed 
 very close with deer’s sinews. The chiefs 
 loaded him with praise and unanimously 
 acknowledged his superiority. The Mohawk 
 warrior, fired with resentment, withdrew from 
 the council meditating revenge; and as soon 
 as he saw the Chippewa come forth he followed 
 him, and watching a convenient opportunity, 
 dispatched him with his tomahawk, rejoicing 
 that he had, even in this dastardly manner, 
 got rid of a victorious rival. 
 
 33 
 
Chapter 5 
 
 THE CONNECEDAGA OR RONDAXE INDIANS 
 
 T HE savages of this nation are of the Chip¬ 
 pewa tribe, and speak a mixture of the 
 Iroquois and Chippewa tongues. They 
 were driven from the Upper Country at the 
 time of the great Indian war, about the year 
 1720, and settled on the Lake of the Two 
 Mountains. There are about 200 inhabitants, 
 who are very industrious and cultivate the 
 land in the manner of the Cahnuagas. They 
 also breed cattle, and live in a degree of 
 civilization unknown to most of the Chippewa 
 tribes. There is also a town near Lake Erie, 
 in the limits of the United States, which is 
 inhabited by about 1500 of this nation, of 
 whom the Reverend Mr. Charles Beattie 
 gives a very favorable account. 24 
 
 Since the settlement of the Connecedagas 
 they have intermarried with the Cahnuaga, 
 St. Regis, and Mohawk Indians, which is the 
 reason why their language is less pure, though 
 some of them speak the original tongue, which 
 
 24 Charles Beattie, Journal of a Two Months' Tour 
 with a View of Promoting Religion Among the Inhab¬ 
 itants of Pennsylvania and of Introducing Christianity 
 Among the Indians to the Westward of the Aleghgeny 
 Mountains. . . . (London, 1768). 
 
 34 
 
Dopagcs anli €rabel£ 
 
 in my frequent communications with the 
 Chippewas beyond Michilimackinac I found in 
 every respect perfectly understood. It was 
 among these Indians that I first acquired the 
 rudiments of a language which from long habit 
 is become more familiar to me than my own; 
 and I hope I shall not be accused of vanity in 
 asserting that the vocabulary and familiar 
 phrases subjoined to this work are more 
 copious than will be found in any former pub¬ 
 lication. In spelling them I have been par¬ 
 ticularly careful in using such letters and 
 accents as best express the Indian words 
 according to our pronunciation. To lay down 
 general rules for the orthography of a language 
 which has never been reduced to a system, I 
 do not pretend; my endeavors may perhaps 
 assist those who are better informed in the 
 principles of universal grammar. 
 
 The Connecedagas are esteemed brave 
 warriors; and my opinion, founded on long 
 experience of their conduct and bravery, coin¬ 
 cides with that which the English, from report 
 only, entertain of them. No nation of savages 
 were ever more true to the British interest, 
 not even the Mohawks, whose fidelity is be¬ 
 come almost proverbial. During the con¬ 
 tinuance of the American war they neglected 
 their families and domestic concerns to fight 
 for the English, which the Cahnuagas (though 
 descendants of the Mohawks and Munseys, or 
 Mawhiccon Indians, commonly called River 
 
 35 
 
Hong 
 
 Indians) did not with so much cheerfulness. 
 Perhaps the relationship of the latter to the 
 Delawares before their defection, whom the 
 Indians by way of derision used to call old 
 women, might occasion this temporary reluc¬ 
 tance; but if that was the cause, it was but of 
 very short duration, for to do them justice, 
 when they took up the tomahawk they be¬ 
 haved with great intrepidity, and proved that 
 the blood of the ancient Mohawks still ran in 
 their veins. Some have, though I th i nk with¬ 
 out much candor, imputed their services to the 
 fear of our government, and the resentment of 
 the savages in our interest on the one hand, 
 and the hopes of considerable rewards on the 
 other; but as such reflections may be far from 
 the truth, it cannot answer any purpose to 
 comment severely on their conduct. It is 
 sufficient to know they were our allies, and in 
 all probability will continue friendly to the 
 British nation. Great praise is due on this 
 account to Major Carlton, a brave and 
 experienced officer, whom they loved with a 
 Roman friendship; they flew to his standard 
 with alacrity, obeyed him with cheerfulness, 
 and never deserted him: no instance of friend¬ 
 ship or attachment, either ancient or modern, 
 could surpass it. 
 
 It requires good natural sense and a thor¬ 
 ough knowledge of the dispositions of the 
 Indians to persuade them to place unlimited 
 confidence in their European or American 
 36 
 
Bopagcs ant* €rabd£ 
 
 leaders; to which must always be added a 
 seeming approbation of their advice, and an 
 endeavor to conform to their wishes, never 
 obstinately pursuing a design, either offensive 
 or defensive, contrary to their opinion. How 
 fatal a different line of conduct may prove, 
 the destruction of General Braddock is a 
 melancholy instance. By his haughty de¬ 
 meanor and strict adherence to his own plan 
 in direct opposition to the counsel of experi¬ 
 enced chiefs, he lost their friendship and died 
 unlamented, confirming them in an opinion 
 they had before often hinted, “that he wanted 
 both skill and prudence in war.” Even the 
 great Washington incurred their censure by 
 his conduct, and gave occasion to an Indian 
 chief of the name of Thanachrishon, of the 
 Seneca tribe, judging him by their own rules, 
 to say, “that he was a good-natured man, but 
 had no experience.” 
 
 An impartial mind will require but little to 
 be persuaded that the Indians are superior to 
 us in the woods. It is their natural element 
 (if I may be allowed the expression), and a 
 tree or river, of which their recollection never 
 fails, guides them to the secret recesses of a 
 deep wood, either for safety or the purpose of 
 ambush. As they pay little attention to the 
 rising or setting sun, it at first surprised me by 
 what method they traveled from place to 
 place without any material aberration; but 
 this they soon explained by assuring me that 
 
 37 
 
^ofjn Song 
 
 they had not the least difficulty in going from 
 one spot to another, being governed by the 
 moss on the trees, which always remains on 
 the north side, but on the south it wastes and 
 decays. They remark, also, that the branches 
 are larger, and the leaves more luxuriant on 
 the south than on the north side of the tree. 
 The most enlightened part of mankind, I am 
 persuaded, cannot be more exact in their mode 
 of judging, nor more attentive to the works 
 of nature. 
 
 To prove further, if there are any who doubt 
 it, that the Indians possess strong natural 
 abilities, and are even capable of receiving im¬ 
 provement from the pursuits of learning, I 
 shall relate a story from Kalm’s Travels.™ 
 
 “An old American savage, being at an inn 
 at New York, met with a gentleman who gave 
 him some liquor, and being rather lively, 
 boasted he could read and write English. The 
 gentleman, willing to indulge him in displaying 
 his knowledge, begged leave to propose a 
 question, to which the old man consented. 
 He was then asked who was the first [man] 
 circumcised? The Indian immediately re¬ 
 plied, ‘Father Abraham,’ and directly asked 
 the gentleman, who was the first Quaker? 
 He said it was very uncertain, that people 
 differed in their sentiments exceedingly. The 
 
 25 Peter Kalin was a Swedish scientist who travelled 
 extensively in America in the years 1748-51. An 
 English translation of his Travels appeared in 1770. 
 
 38 
 
Bopageg an& €rabd£ 
 
 Indian, perceiving the gentleman unable to 
 resolve the question, put his fingers into his 
 mouth to express his surprise, and looking 
 steadfastly, told him that Mordecai was the 
 first Quaker, for he would not pull off his hat 
 to Haman.” 
 
 Mr. Adair says 26 the Cherokees are very 
 apt at giving people nicknames. A dull, stalk-. 
 ing fellow they call a turkey-buzzard; an ill- 
 tempered man, a wasp; a talkative person, a 
 grasshopper; a hoarse voice, they say re¬ 
 sembles a bull; and an interpreter whose 
 manners and conversation are obscene, they 
 call a smock interpreter. 
 
 The disposition of the Indians is naturally 
 proud and self-sufficient. They think them¬ 
 selves the wisest of the sons of men, and are 
 extremely offended when their advice is re¬ 
 jected. The feats of valor of their ancestors, 
 continually repeated and impressed upon their 
 minds, inspire them with the most exalted 
 notions of their own prowess and bravery. 
 Hence arises the firmest reliance on their own 
 courage and power; and though but a handful 
 of men, comparatively speaking, they are vain 
 enough to think they can overthrow both 
 French and English whenever they please. 
 They say the latter are fools, for they hold their 
 guns half man high, and let them snap; but 
 they themselves take sight and seldom fail of 
 
 2C James Adair, author of a well-known History of 
 the American Indians, published at London in 1775. 
 
 39 
 
Hong 
 
 doing execution, which, they add, is the true 
 intention of going to war. 
 
 These exalted notions of self-consequence 
 are more peculiar to the Five Nations, and for 
 which they are more eminently distinguished 
 than other tribes of savages, although none of 
 them are deficient in this respect. Such senti¬ 
 ments as these have made the Iroquois dreaded 
 and revered by others, for their superior under¬ 
 standing and valor, and likewise has a tend¬ 
 ency to increase their fame. Although they 
 decrease in numbers daily, the thirst of glory 
 will never be extinguished among them whilst 
 there is a breast to nourish it. They will 
 never shrink from danger when honor is at 
 stake. 
 
 The Iroquois laugh when you talk to them 
 of obedience to kings, for they cannot reconcile 
 the idea of submission with the dignity of man. 
 Each individual is a sovereign in his own mind, 
 and as he conceives he derives his freedom 
 from the Great Spirit alone, he cannot be in¬ 
 duced to acknowledge any other power. 
 
 They are extremely jealous and easily 
 offended, and when they have been once in¬ 
 duced to suspect, it is very difficult to remove 
 the impression. They carry their resentments 
 with them to the grave, and bequeath them 
 to the rising generation. 
 
 Those who have associated with them, 
 though they may admire their heroism in war, 
 their resolution in supporting the most excru- 
 
 40 
 
l^opagcs anti <Erabcfe 
 
 dating tortures, and the stability of their 
 friendships, cannot but lament the dreadful 
 effects of their displeasure, which has no 
 bounds. It is this violence of temper, which is 
 generally in the extreme, which makes them 
 so difficult to subdue and so dangerous to 
 encourage; too much indulgence they attribute 
 to fear, and too much severity brings on 
 resentment. 
 
 To remove these strong prejudices (which, 
 however prone human nature may be to en¬ 
 courage them, would never prove so prejudicial 
 to society unless continually promoted by the 
 advice and example of the aged), has been the 
 constant endeavor of those nations who have 
 been in alliance with them, and some attempts 
 have been made to soften their manners by 
 the introduction of the Christian religion, 
 whose precepts are so wonderfully calculated 
 to destroy every blood-thirsty sentiment, and 
 make mankind happier in themselves, and 
 better members of the community. In this 
 laudable pursuit our neighbors, the French, 
 have been the most successful, at least so far 
 as an alteration in external behavior may be 
 considered as an indication of the amendment 
 of the heart. The good conduct of the in¬ 
 habitants of several Indian villages in Canada 
 bears testimony to this observation. Never¬ 
 theless, in contradiction to this remark, Mr. 
 James Adair observes that the French Cana¬ 
 dians are highly censurable for debauching 
 
 41 
 
‘Jofjn Hong 
 
 our peaceful northern Indians with their “in¬ 
 fernal catechism.” 
 
 Though I am not an advocate for creeds 
 inimical to the peace of society, I believe the 
 censure is too severe, for however formerly 
 they might have been influenced by bigoted 
 priests instilling into their minds sentiments 
 unfavorable to the subjects of Great Britain, 
 I am clearly of opinion that they have for 
 many years used their best endeavors to incul¬ 
 cate the principles of the Gospel. Indeed, it is 
 always to be lamented when either politics or 
 religion are made subservient to each other; 
 this being properly considered, perhaps the 
 French are not more blameable than other 
 nations. We are too apt to involve others in 
 our disputes, and religion is too frequently in¬ 
 troduced by bigots to assist the cause they 
 wish to support. 
 
 With regard to those Indians who have been 
 accustomed to the society of English traders, 
 and even preachers (sorry am I to observe it), 
 their sentiments, manners and practices are 
 very different. The alteration is manifestly 
 for the worse; they have become more de¬ 
 generate, and added to the turbulence of pas¬ 
 sions unsubdued by reason the vices of lying 
 and swearing, which unfortunately they have 
 learned from us. 
 
 The testimony of Mr. Sargeant, a gentleman 
 of New England, supports this assertion; who 
 relates that in a journey to the Shawnee In- 
 
 42 
 
Bopagesi anti €ratari£ 
 
 dians (the allies and dependents of the Six 
 Nations), and some other tribes, when he 
 offered to instruct them in the Christian reli¬ 
 gion they rejected it with disdain; they even 
 reproached Christianity, told him the traders 
 would lie, cheat, and debauch their young 
 women, and even their wives, when the hus¬ 
 bands were from home. They further added 
 that the Senecas had given them their country, 
 but charged them never to receive Christianity 
 from the English. 
 
 I shall subjoin one more proof to this. 
 Governor Hunter, by order of Queen Anne, 
 presented the Indians with clothes, and other 
 things of which they were extremely fond; and 
 addressing them at a council, which was held 
 at Albany, told them that their good mother, 
 the queen, had not only generously provided 
 them with fine clothes for their body, but 
 likewise intended to adorn their souls by the 
 preaching of the Gospel, and that some min¬ 
 isters should be sent to instruct them. When 
 the Governor had finished his speech the oldest 
 chief rose up and said that in the name of all 
 the Indians he thanked their good mother, 
 the queen, for the fine clothes she had sent 
 them; but in regard to the ministers, they 
 already had some of them, who instead of 
 preaching the Gospel to them, taught them to 
 drink to excess, to cheat and quarrel among 
 themselves, and entreated the government to 
 take from them the preachers, and a number 
 
 43 
 
^ofjn Hong 
 
 of Europeans who came among them; for be¬ 
 fore their arrival the Indians were honest, 
 sober, and innocent people; but now most of 
 them were rogues; that they formerly had the 
 fear of God, but that now they hardly believed 
 his existence. 
 
 To extenuate as much as possible this 
 charge against the English, let it be observed 
 that the vice and immorality complained of is 
 to be attributed in a great measure to the 
 traders, who used to purchase convicts and 
 hire men of infamous character to carry up 
 their goods among the Indians, many of whom 
 ran away from their masters to join the sav¬ 
 ages. The iniquitous conduct of those people 
 essentially injured the English in the opinion 
 of the Indians, and fixed an odium which will 
 not be soon or easily removed. 
 
 44 
 
Chapter 6 
 
 FROM MONTREAL TO MACKINAC 
 
 H AVING finished this long digression, I 
 shall continue my history from the time 
 of going to the village of the Connece- 
 dagas, where I stayed some months, making 
 several excursions in scouting parties and 
 frequently bringing in prisoners, which did 
 not escape the notice of Sir Guy Carleton, who 
 at the next interview approved my conduct 
 and wished me to serve again in his regiment. 
 I told him I was extremely happy I had ren¬ 
 dered myself useful to my country, and con¬ 
 sidered myself highly honored by so flattering 
 a mark of his approbation; but that the life 
 of a volunteer, though very honorable, would 
 not entitle me to pay, and there was not a 
 vacancy in any of the British regiments: he 
 then appointed me a midshipman on board the 
 ship Fell, commanded by Captain Barnsfer, 
 lying in the River St. Lawrence, in which serv¬ 
 ice I continued till she was ordered for 
 England. 
 
 As soon as I quitted the navy I returned to the 
 Lake of the Two Mountains, and continued 
 doing my utmost in the line of an interpreter, 
 and at intervals perfecting myself in the Indi¬ 
 an languages, particularly in the Chippewa 
 
 45 
 
3 f of)n Song 
 
 tongue, as I purposed engaging in the service 
 of a merchant to go to the Northwest, the first 
 convenient opportunity. I also applied myself 
 sedulously to obtain a complete knowledge of 
 their manners and customs, and with that view 
 partook of their amusements, and was soon 
 noticed as a good dancer. To this qualifica¬ 
 tion I also added the perfect notes of the dif¬ 
 ferent war whoops, as naturally as a savage; 
 and by conforming to their ways and taking 
 pleasure in their diversions I was soon en¬ 
 deared to them, and left them with regret. 
 
 The dances among the Indians are many 
 and various, and to each of them there is a 
 particular whoop. 
 
 i. The calumet dance 7. The prisoner’s 
 
 The war dance. 
 The chief’s dance. 
 The set-out dance. 
 The scalp dance. 
 The dead dance. 
 
 dance. 
 
 8. The return dance. 
 
 9. The spear dance. 
 
 10. The marriage 
 
 dance. 
 
 11. The sacrifice dance. 
 
 All these I was perfect master of, frequently 
 leading the set. If accidentally a stranger 
 came among us (unless I chose to be noticed), 
 no one could distinguish me from the Indians. 
 
 Presuming on my appearing exactly like a 
 savage, I occasionally went down in a canoe 
 to Montreal, and frequently passed the posts 
 as an Indian. Sometimes I would distinguish 
 myself at a charivari, which is a custom that 
 
 46 
 
Bopage£ anti €rabri£ 
 
 prevails in different parts of Canada of assemb¬ 
 ling with old pots, kettles, etc., and beating 
 them at the doors of new-married people; but 
 generally either when the man is older than 
 the woman, or the parties have been twice 
 married. In those cases they beat a charivari, 
 hallooing out very vociferously, until the man 
 is obliged to obtain their silence by pecuniary 
 contribution or submit to be abused with the 
 vilest language. Charivari, in French, means 
 a paltry kind of music, which I suppose is the 
 origin of the custom. 
 
 Not content with being a proficient in their 
 sports, I learned to make a canoe, bark a tree 
 for the purpose, and perform the whole business 
 as regularly as the natives. I also made moc¬ 
 casins, or Indian shoes, of deer-skins dressed 
 and smoked to make the leather soft and 
 pliable, and worked with porcupine quills and 
 small beads, to which are sometimes suspended 
 hawk-bells. Those made by the Mohawks at 
 the Grand River near Niagara are preferred 
 for their superior workmanship and taste, 
 and are sometimes sold so high as four dollars 
 a pair, but in general they may be purchased 
 without ornaments for one dollar. They are 
 more pleasant to wear than English shoes; in 
 summer they are cooler to the feet, and in 
 winter, from being made roomy, they will 
 admit a thick sock, to prevent the excessive 
 cold from penetrating. The Indians, in their 
 war dances, sew hawk-bells and small pieces 
 
 47 
 
S!ofyn Slotig 
 
 of tin on them to make a jingling noise, and 
 at a dance where I was present, these, with the 
 addition of a large horse-bell, which I gave the 
 chief who led the dance, made a noise not 
 much unlike a Dutch concert. 
 
 The savages are esteemed very active and 
 nimble-footed, but admitting this general 
 opinion to prevail, it is well known the Europe¬ 
 ans are more swift in running a small distance. 
 Their chief merit, I am of opinion, consists in 
 their being able to continue a long time in one 
 steady pace, which makes them useful in going 
 express through the woods; and as they require 
 little sleep and can subsist on roots and water, 
 which they take en volant, they do not waste 
 much time in refreshment. They are also 
 admirable swimmers, and are not afraid of the 
 strongest currents. With these qualifications 
 they are certainly a very useful race of men, 
 and as long as the English retain any posses¬ 
 sions in Canada, should be considered as the 
 most valuable acquisition; indeed, as indis¬ 
 pensably necessary, and every endeavor should 
 be exerted to retain them in our interest. 
 
 With regard to bodily strength, they are 
 excelled by many; and even in hunting, the 
 Virginians equal them in every part of the 
 chase, though all the world allow them the 
 merit of being good marksmen. I remember 
 seeing some Americans shooting at a loon, a 
 bird nearly the size of an English goose. This 
 bird is remarkable for diving, and generally 
 48 
 
Bopagcs aitb Crab cl's 
 
 rises some yards from the place where it dips. 
 They fired at the distance of 150 yards with a 
 rifle several times without success. An Indian 
 standing by laughed at them, and told them 
 they were old women. They desired him to try 
 his skill, which he instantly did: taking his gun, 
 and resting it against a tree, he fired, and shot 
 the loon through the neck. I confess I never 
 saw a better shot in my life, and was highly 
 pleased, as it gratified my pride, in giving the 
 Americans a favorable opinion of the savages, 
 for whom I always entertained a predilection. 
 
 The loon is a very remarkable bird, from the 
 formation of its feet; but having no anatomical 
 knowledge, I cannot describe it technically. 
 They are so made that it can scarcely walk; it 
 is therefore seldom seen on land. In calm 
 weather it rises from the water with great 
 difficulty, and flies as impelled by the wind, 
 on which it seems to depend. The method 
 usually adopted by the Indians to kill these 
 birds is by fixing a large bough at the head of 
 a canoe, to conceal themselves till they paddle 
 near the place where they are; when at a con¬ 
 venient distance, they fire, though not always 
 with success. In the Chippewa language it is 
 called a maunk, which agrees with the French 
 word manquer, to fail; it being, from its shy¬ 
 ness, very difficult to kill. The skin, which is 
 very tough and thick, is dried and made use 
 of as cases to cover their guns, to prevent the 
 wet from spoiling them. 
 
 49 
 
long 
 
 Having grown tired of living entirely with 
 the savages I made an excursion to Montreal, 
 where I met with an offer to go as interpreter 
 to the North [west], which at first I did not 
 care to accept; but as the salary was hand¬ 
 some, upon mature deliberation I embraced 
 the opportunity of entering into that way of 
 life, from which I fully expected profit at 
 least, if not pleasure; but alas! I had often 
 abundant reason to repent the pursuing the 
 bent of my inclinations. 
 
 On the fourth of May, 1777 I left Montreal, 
 with two large birch canoes, called by the 
 French, maitre canots, having ten Canadians 
 in each, as the number of portages require 
 many hands to transport the goods across the 
 landings, which can only be done on men’s 
 shoulders. As their voyage is so essentially 
 different from the English manner of travelling, 
 I shall relate it particularly. 
 
 The canoes are made at Trois Rivieres. 
 They are in general eight fathoms long, and 
 one and a half wide, covered with the bark 
 of the birch tree, and sewed very close with 
 fibrous roots; and of this size they will 
 carry four tons’ weight each. As early in the 
 spring as the ice will permit they are brought 
 up to La Chine, a village nine miles above 
 Montreal. 
 
 La Chine takes its name from the following 
 story. Le Sieur La Salle, who was afterwards 
 murdered by two of his own party in Canada, 
 
 50 
 
Bopagfs attb Cratoclg 
 
 in the year 1686, 27 was very intent on discover¬ 
 ing a shorter road to China than was then 
 known; but his project failing by an accident 
 which happened to him at this place, he was 
 obliged to postpone his journey to the East, 
 which induced the Canadians, by way of 
 derision, to call it La Chine, or China; and by 
 that name it has ever since been known. 
 
 At this place the Indian goods are put on 
 board very carefully; 28 the dry merchandise in 
 bales about eighty pounds weight, the rum, 
 powder, and shot in small kegs. The voyage 
 from Trois Rivieres to La Chine is tedious and 
 troublesome, as there is a strong current to 
 combat; and without a fair wind, and occa¬ 
 sionally a brisk gale to assist or relieve the 
 constant use of the paddles, it would be im¬ 
 possible to make any way. Where the water 
 is shallow the canoes must be forced forward 
 with long setting poles, while the men wade 
 knee deep, and pull against the current with 
 ropes. This is a labor and fatigue beyond what 
 will be easily imagined. Custom has, however, 
 made the Canadians very expert, and I must 
 do them the justice to say they encounter 
 
 27 The assassination of La Salle occurred March 19, 
 1687, near the Trinity River in the modern state of 
 Texas. Long, apparently, here uses the word Canada 
 as synonymous with New France. 
 
 28 This general account of the trade route between 
 Montreal and Mackinac may profitably be compared 
 with the more detailed narrative contained in Alexan¬ 
 der Henry’s Travels and Adventures. 
 
 Si 
 
Song 
 
 these difficulties with uncommon cheerfulness, 
 though they sometimes exclaim, “C’est la 
 misere, mon bourgeois.” 
 
 From La Chine to Michilimackinac there 
 are thirty-six portages; the distance by land 
 and water is about 900 miles. In favorable 
 weather the journey is frequently performed 
 in about a month. Great care is necessary to 
 steer the canoes up the strong rapids; to labor 
 and care must also be added experience to 
 keep them upright, and prevent their striking 
 or rubbing against the stones, as they are very 
 slight and easily damaged. Whenever by ac¬ 
 cident they receive an injury, as they frequent¬ 
 ly do, the hole is stopped with gum, melted 
 with a piece of charcoal; the gum by wetting 
 immediately becomes hard, and is capable of 
 resisting the pressure of the water. When the 
 hole is too large to be stopped by gum only, 
 the inner bark of the birch tree, pounded and 
 tempered like mortar, is put on the aperture. 
 This is covered by a linen rag, and the edges 
 firmly cemented with gum. 
 
 We continued our voyage to La Barriere, at 
 the head of the Long Saut, or long waterfall, 
 a very dangerous current from the extreme 
 rapidity of the fall. At the top of this fall 
 there are some traders settled, but they are not 
 of any consequence, either for the extent of 
 their commerce or the profits arising from the 
 peltry they collect, the savages in those parts 
 being too well acquainted with the value of 
 
 52 
 
Bopageg and €rabcl£ 
 
 furs and skins to be imposed upon, unless 
 when they are intoxicated, an advantage, I 
 must confess, too frequently taken. 
 
 From this fall we proceeded to the Lake of 
 the Two Mountains, where there is a village 
 belonging to the Connecedaga Indians, al¬ 
 ready described. At this place I stayed a day 
 among my old friends, which was all the time 
 my engagements would allow, as it is of the 
 most material consequence in this branch of 
 trade to be early at the wintering ground. 
 
 We proceeded to the Ottawa, or Grand 
 River, coasting all the way till we came to 
 Lake Nipissing, from whence the River St. 
 Lawrence takes its rise. We then entered the 
 French River, leading to Lake Huron, and 
 proceeded with very favorable weather to 
 Michilimackinac, where we arrived on the 
 seventeenth of June. 
 
 The country everywhere abounds with wild 
 animals, particularly bears, moose and other 
 deer, beaver, beaver-eaters, lynx, foxes, squir¬ 
 rels, fishers, otters, martens, mink, wood-cats, 
 raccoons, wolves, musquashes, and so forth. 
 There are scarce any but savage inhabitants 
 to be found, who rove from place to place for 
 subsistence, feeding on the animals they kill, 
 except the skunk, or pole-cat, which they 
 never eat unless pressed by the most extreme 
 hunger. 
 
 Monsieur La Salle relates that in his voyage 
 on the banks of the Mississippi, among the 
 
 S 3 
 
Soffit Song 
 
 nation of the Oumas, who live on a river 29 of 
 the same name, he saw a most extraordinary 
 animal between the wolf and the lion; the head 
 and shape resembling the former, and the tail 
 and claws like those of the latter. He asserts 
 it would attack all other animals, but was never 
 known to hurt a man; that sometimes it would 
 carry its prey on its back, and when it had 
 eaten till satisfied, it concealed the rest under 
 the leaves, or other cover; that every animal 
 dreaded it to such a degree that they would 
 not touch any part of the prey it had left; 
 and that the Indians called it Michibichi, which 
 is an animal of the species of the tiger, but 
 smaller and less speckled, and is now known to 
 be the panther. 
 
 The beaver is a curious animal, but it has 
 been described by so many authors that I 
 shall only observe what I believe they have 
 not yet mentioned. It is seldom seen in the 
 day time. After sunset it leaves its habitation 
 and ventures abroad, either to work or procure 
 food. It also takes this opportunity to wash 
 itself. But the most remarkable singularity of 
 this animal is that it lies with its tail constantly 
 in the water, to prevent its getting stiff. The 
 flesh of it is very good, either boiled or roasted, 
 but the tail is the best part. While I am upon 
 the subject of dainties, I may add that the 
 snout of the moose is also highly esteemed. 
 Not any of the animals in North America are 
 
 29 Evidently the Miami River and tribe. 
 
 54 
 
Bopageg anti €rabd£ 
 
 to be dreaded, except the grizzled bear, which 
 generally keeps in as warm a climate as 
 possible: wherever it comes it makes dreadful 
 havoc, destroying men and even, frequently, 
 whole families. 30 
 
 During the time I stayed at Michilimackinac 
 a remarkable circumstance of bravery and 
 generosity was communicated to me, which 
 may not be unentertaining to the reader. 
 
 An Indian boy about fifteen years of age was 
 standing at some distance from the fort when 
 a savage fired his gun and accidentally killed 
 an Englishman. As he was advancing he dis¬ 
 covered the boy leaning against a tree, and 
 not being of the same nation, he formed the 
 resolution of taking him prisoner. Having no 
 suspicion of the boy’s intention, he went up 
 to him and took him by the arm. The boy very 
 artfully drew back, and shot the Indian 
 through the chin. This so incensed him that 
 he was raising his hand to tomahawk him, 
 when another Indian instantly coming up, 
 asked his companion who had wounded him? 
 He replied, the boy, adding that he would 
 immediately take his scalp. The other pre¬ 
 vented his bloody purpose, and told him he 
 would protect the lad, for he was too brave to 
 
 30 The grizzly bear, which the expedition of Lewis 
 and Clark made known to the scientific world, was an 
 object of dread alike to the Indian and to the early 
 white hunters. Even so sturdy a character as Captain 
 Meriwether Lewis testifies that he “had rather fight 
 two Indians than one bear.” 
 
 55 
 
Song 
 
 die. He carried him to the fort, where he was 
 purchased by the commanding officer, to pre¬ 
 vent the Indian whom he had wounded from 
 killing him. 
 
Chapter 7 
 
 REMOVAL TO LAKE SUPERIOR AND ADOPTION 
 BY THE CHIPPEWA 
 
 H AVING taken in Indian corn and hard 
 grease (the food all traders carry to the 
 Upper Country) and exchanged my large 
 canoes, or maitre canots, for smaller ones, the 
 latter being more convenient to transport 
 across the carrying places, and better cal¬ 
 culated to run into small creeks, 31 we pro¬ 
 ceeded to the Falls of St. Mary, a strait so- 
 called, which is formed by two branches that 
 separate from each other at the fartherest 
 point of the lake. Here is a small picketted 
 fort, built by the Indians, and about ten log 
 houses for the residence of English and French 
 traders. The nation of the Sauteurs formerly 
 were settled at the foot of the Falls, and the 
 Jesuits had a house near them. At this place 
 there is abundance of fine fish, particularly pick¬ 
 erel, trout, and whitefish of an uncommon size. 32 
 
 31 The canoes in use between Montreal and Mackinac 
 were larger than those employed in the country north¬ 
 west of Lake Superior. Alexander Henry {op. cit., pp. 15- 
 16) gives a detailed description of the former, and a 
 shorter one (pp. 230-31) of the latter. 
 
 32 For a more detailed description of the village and 
 fishery at Sault Ste. Marie a few years before Long’s 
 visit, see Alexander Henry’s narrative, pp. 57-61. 
 
 57 
 
^ofjn Hong 
 
 From this place we continued our voyage 
 to Lake Superior, formerly called Lake 
 Tracy, in honor of Mons. de Tracy, who was 
 appointed viceroy of America by the French 
 king in June, 1665. It is reckoned 600 leagues 
 in circumference and on it are a great number 
 of large and small islands. At the entrance 
 of this lake is a high rock, somewhat in the 
 shape of a man, which the Chippewa Indians 
 call Kitchee Manitoo, or the Master of Life. 
 Here they all stop to make their offerings, 
 which they do by throwing tobacco and other 
 things into the water. By this they intend to 
 make an acknowledgment to the rock, as the 
 representative of the Supreme Being, for the 
 blessings they enjoy, cheerfully sacrificing to 
 him their ornaments, and those things which 
 they hold most dear: an example worthy of 
 imitation, so far as respects the good intention 
 of the creature to the Creator, exhibiting an 
 evident proof that man in his natural state, 
 without any of the refinements of civilization, 
 is sensible of his dependence on an invisible 
 power, however ignorantly or unworthily he 
 may express his belief. God alone knoweth 
 the heart, and will judge every man by the 
 knowledge he hath. 
 
 Superstition is a noxious plant, but it hath 
 flourished in every climate from the torrid to 
 the frigid zone. If its effects have proved so 
 pernicious among civilized nations as we know 
 they have, is it to be wondered that barbarians 
 58 
 
t£opage£ anti €rabel£ 
 
 have suffered by it? The poor, untutored 
 Indian will not incur a great degree of censure 
 for obeying the dictates of his uninformed 
 nature, and following implicitly the custom of 
 his ancestors. Revealed religion has not been 
 given to all, and it is a melancholy reflection 
 that those who have been enlightened by it 
 are not so superior to the savages as one should 
 naturally expect to find them. 
 
 In this rock there are several cavities near 
 a mile in length and about twenty feet in 
 width, arched at the top. The lake freezes 
 only close to the shore, the water being con¬ 
 stantly in a swell and the waves frequently 
 mountains high, which is easily accounted for 
 when we consider its immense extent. On a 
 calm day, a little distance from shore, sturgeon 
 may be seen in very deep water. The sur¬ 
 rounding land is high and rocky, and the 
 woods extremely thick. The palm, birch, ash, 
 spruce, and cedar grow large and in great 
 abundance. The North West Company, estab¬ 
 lished at Montreal, keep a vessel on the lake to 
 transport their goods from Michilimackinac to 
 the Grand Portage on the northwest side, and 
 return with the peltry collected in the inlands. 
 
 On the fourth of July we arrived at Pays 
 Plat, 33 on the northeast side of the lake, where 
 we unpacked our goods and made the bales 
 smaller, having by the Indian accounts 180 
 
 33 For a description of the Pays Plat country, see 
 Alexander Henry’s Travels and Adventures, pp. 228-29. 
 
 59 
 
Stofm Eong 
 
 carrying-places to the part where I intended to 
 winter. On our landing we discovered at some 
 distance a number of Indians, which induced 
 us to accelerate the arrangement of the cargo, 
 in case of barter, and be prepared to embark 
 when the business was finished. Everything 
 being properly secured, I made up to the 
 savages, and calculated their number at 150. 
 Most of them were of the Chippewa tribes; 
 the rest were of the nation of the Wasses. 
 They gave me fish, dried meat, and skins, 
 which I returned with trifling presents. The 
 chief, whose name was Matchee Quewish, 34 
 held a council, and finding I understood their 
 language, proposed to adopt me as a brother 
 warrior. Though I had not undergone this 
 ceremony, I was not entirely ignorant of the 
 nature of it, having been informed by other 
 traders of the pain they endured in their 
 adoption, though they declared they were fav¬ 
 ored exceedingly. I determined, however, to 
 submit to it, lest my refusal of the honor in¬ 
 tended me should be attributed to fear, and so 
 render me unworthy of the esteem of those 
 from whom I expected to derive great ad¬ 
 vantages, and with whom I had engaged to 
 continue for a considerable time. 
 
 34 This was the chief who planned the capture of the 
 British fort at Mackinac in Pontiac’s War. Our only 
 first-hand account of this affair is the one contained in 
 Alexander Henry’s narrative. For personal details 
 concerning Chief Matchekewis, see Henry, p. 157. 
 
 60 
 
l^opageg ant) €mbd£ 
 
 The ceremony of adoption is as follows: A 
 feast is prepared of dog’s flesh, boiled in 
 bear’s grease, with huckleberries, of which it 
 is expected every one should heartily partake. 
 When the repast is over, the war song is sung 
 in the following words: 
 
 “Master of Life, view us well: we receive a 
 brother warrior who appears to have sense, 
 shows strength in his arm, and does not refuse 
 his body to the enemy.” 
 
 After the war song, if the person does not 
 discover any sign of fear, he is regarded with 
 reverence and esteem; courage, in the opinion 
 of the savages, being considered not only as 
 indispensable, but as the greatest recommen¬ 
 dation. He is then seated on a beaver robe and 
 presented with a pipe of war to smoke, which 
 is put round to every warrior, and a wampum 
 belt is thrown over his neck. 
 
 The calumet, or Indian pipe, which is much 
 larger than that the Indians usually smoke, 
 is made of marble, stone, or clay, either 
 red, white, or black, according to the cus¬ 
 tom of the nation, but the red is mostly 
 esteemed. The length of the handle is about 
 four feet and a half, and made of strong cane 
 or wood, decorated with feathers of various 
 colors, with a number of twists of female hair 
 interwoven in different forms. The head is 
 finely polished; two wings are fixed to it, which 
 makes it in appearance not unlike to Mercury’s 
 wand. This calumet is the symbol of peace, 
 61 
 
Song 
 
 and the savages hold it in such estimation 
 that a violation of any treaty where it has been 
 introduced would, in their opinion, be attended 
 with the greatest misfortunes. 
 
 Wampum is of several colors, but the white 
 and black are chiefly used. The former is 
 made of the inside of the conque, or clam shell; 
 the latter of the mussel: both are worked in 
 the form of a long bead, and perforated in 
 order to their being strung on leather and 
 made up in belts. 
 
 These belts are for various purposes. When 
 a council is held they are given out with the 
 speeches, and always proportioned in their 
 size and the number of the rows of wampum 
 which they contain to the idea the Indians 
 entertain of the importance of the meeting. 
 They frequently consist of both colors. Those 
 given to Sir William Johnson, of immortal 
 memory , 35 were in several rows, black on each 
 side and white in the middle: the white, being 
 placed in the center, was to express peace, 
 and that the path between them was fair and 
 open. In the center of the belt was the figure 
 of a diamond, made of white wampum, which 
 the Indians call the council fire. 
 
 When Sir William Johnson held a treaty 
 with the savages he took the belt by one end, 
 
 36 Sir William Johnson was the most successful and 
 noted Indian agent of the British colonies. A short 
 sketch of his career is given in Henry’s Travels and 
 Adventures, p. 158, footnote 68. 
 
 62 
 
Dopagc£ anti €rabri£ 
 
 while the Indian chief held the other. If the 
 chief had anything to say, he moved his 
 finger along the white streak: if Sir William 
 had anything to communicate, he touched the 
 diamond in the middle. 
 
 These belts are also the records of former 
 transactions, and being worked in particular 
 forms, are easily deciphered by the Indians, 
 and referred to in every treaty with the white 
 people. When a string or belt of wampum is 
 returned, it is a proof that the proposed treaty 
 is not accepted and the negotiation is at an 
 end. 
 
 But to return from this digression: When 
 the pipe has gone round, a sweating house is 
 prepared with six long poles fixed in the ground 
 and pointed at the top. It is then covered with 
 skins and blankets to exclude the air, and the 
 area of the house will contain only three per¬ 
 sons. The person to be adopted is then stripped 
 naked, and enters the hut with two chiefs. 
 Two large stones made red-hot are brought in 
 and thrown on the ground; water is then 
 brought in a bark dish and sprinkled on the 
 stones with cedar branches, the steam arising 
 from which puts the person into a most profuse 
 perspiration, and opens the pores to receive 
 the other part of the ceremony. 
 
 When the perspiration is at the height, he 
 quits the house and jumps into the water. 
 Immediately on coming out a blanket is thrown 
 over him and he is led to the chief’s hut, where 
 63 
 
3long 
 
 he undergoes the following operation: Being 
 extended on his back, the chief draws the 
 figure he intends to make with a pointed stick, 
 dipped in water in which gunpowder has been 
 dissolved; after which, with ten needles dipped 
 in vermilion, and fixed in a small wooden 
 frame, he pricks the delineated parts, and 
 where the bolder outlines occur he incises the 
 flesh with a gun-flint. The vacant spaces, or 
 those not marked with vermilion, are rubbed 
 in with gunpowder, which produces the 
 variety of red and blue; the wounds are then 
 seared with punk-wood to prevent them from 
 festering. 
 
 The operation, which is performed at in¬ 
 tervals, lasts two or three days. Every morn¬ 
 ing the parts are washed with cold water in 
 which is infused an herb called Pockqueesegan, 
 which resembles English box, and is mixed by 
 the Indians with the tobacco they smoke, to 
 take off the strength. During the process, the 
 war-songs are sung, accompanied by a rattle 
 hung round with hawk-bells, called chessaquoy, 
 which is kept shaking to stifle the groans such 
 pains must naturally occasion. Upon the 
 ceremony being completed, they give the party 
 a name; that which they allotted to me, was 
 Amik, or Beaver. 
 
 In return for the presents given me by 
 Matchee Quewish, which I had only acknowl¬ 
 edged by some trinkets, and to show how much 
 I was pleased with the honor they had con- 
 64 
 
Bopageg anti €rabdg 
 
 ferred on me, I resolved to add to my former 
 gifts. I accordingly took the chiefs to a spot 
 where I had directed my men to place the goods 
 intended for them, and gave them scalping- 
 knives, tomahawks, vermilion, tobacco, beads, 
 etc., and lastly rum, the unurn necessarium 
 without which (whatever else had been be¬ 
 stowed on them) I should have incurred their 
 serious displeasure. Our canoes being turned 
 up, and the goods properly secured, I told the 
 Canadians to keep a constant watch, night 
 and day, while we were encamped. This 
 precaution is absolutely necessary as the 
 Indians generally do mischief when they are 
 intoxicated. On this occasion our care was of 
 infinite service, for with the rum we gave them 
 they continued in a state of inebriety three 
 days and nights, during which frolic they killed 
 four of their own party; one of whom was a 
 great chief, and was burnt by his son. Having 
 been a famous warrior, he was buried with the 
 usual honors peculiar to the savages, viz., a 
 scalping-knife, tomahawk, beads, paint, etc., 
 some pieces of wood to make a fire, and a 
 bark cup to drink out of in his journey to the 
 other country. 
 
 On the twenty-first we embarked, leaving 
 the band extremely well satisfied with our 
 conduct, which they acknowledged in the most 
 expressive language; but as it was customary 
 to take conductors from one lake to another, I 
 engaged twenty of the Chippewas to accom- 
 65 
 
3^f)n Hong 
 
 pany me in passing by land the Grande Cote 
 de la Roche, which is the route that all the 
 traders are obliged to take, on account of the 
 great cataract, which is reckoned six hundred 
 feet in height, at the entrance of the Nipigon 
 River. This journey is extremely fatiguing to 
 the men, who are obliged to ascend a steep 
 hill with considerable burdens, and for this 
 reason it is customary to rest two or three days 
 to recruit their strength. 
 
 We left La Grande Cote de la Roche in good 
 spirits, and continued our voyage to Lake 
 Alemipigon, where we met another band of 
 savages of the same nation. A council was 
 held, and mutual presents exchanged. We 
 stayed here ten days, encamped by the side 
 of the lake, during which time a skirmish 
 happened among the Indians, in which three 
 men were killed and two wounded, after a 
 dreadful scene of riot and confusion, occa¬ 
 sioned by the baneful effects of rum. 
 
 Lake Alemipigon, or Nipigon, is about ioo 
 miles in length, and supplies the savages with 
 great quantities of fish. The land affords 
 abundance of wild roots, and the animals are 
 very numerous. The Indians who hunt here 
 are in number about 300, and are remarkably 
 wild and superstitious. 
 
 On the first of August we departed with 
 fifteen Indians, not only to serve as guides, 
 but to assist us across the portages. We lived 
 on animal food and roots, reserving our corn 
 66 
 
Bopage£ anli €rabd£ 
 
 and hard grease for the winter. Every eve¬ 
 ning at sunset we encamped, and got into our 
 canoes at break of day. We continued our 
 march to Lac Eturgeon, or Sturgeon Lake, 
 but did not stay there a sufficient time to 
 enable me to give a particular account of it. I 
 have, however, described it in the narrative 
 of my journey to Lake Manontoye, where I 
 encamped for three days on account of the 
 badness of the weather. 
 
 On the twenty-fifth of September we arrived 
 at Lac la Mort, or Dead Lake, situated to the 
 northeast of Lake Alemipigon. This lake is 
 about sixty miles in circumference, the land 
 low and swampy, and the water very un¬ 
 pleasant to the palate. It has been much 
 frequented by the Indians, for during the time 
 I wintered there I discovered no less than 
 thirty-five different roads, about three feet 
 wide, leading from the woods to the lake side. 
 It abounds with fish, and is frozen over in the 
 winter, the ice not breaking away till April. 
 The Indians who resort to it are good hunters, 
 but very wild. The Chippewas are not so 
 fond of dress as the other savages, particularly 
 those tribes who live very remote from Mich- 
 ilimackinac. This is easily accounted for; as 
 the ice remains almost to the last spring month 
 in England, and the winter season begins 
 early in the month of October, the inter¬ 
 mediate time is employed in making and re¬ 
 pairing canoes, taking short excursions for 
 67 
 
Stofjn Song 
 
 food, amusing themselves in swimming and 
 other pastimes peculiar to the savages. The 
 luxury of dress can be little regarded by those 
 whose constant necessities require the utmost 
 exertions for their daily supply, and who are 
 not provident enough to lay up a store of 
 provisions for winter. Indians in general are 
 extremely indolent, from the wildest to the 
 most civilized, and value themselves upon 
 being so, conceiving it beneath the dignity of 
 a warrior to labor, and that all domestic cares 
 and concerns are the province of women alone. 
 This aversion for labor does not arise from 
 dread, or dislike of fatigue; on the contrary, 
 no people encounter or endure it with more 
 cheerfulness, particularly in their amusements, 
 which are of various kinds, and many of them 
 violent and laborious. They are calculated to 
 make them athletic, and at the same time by 
 the profuse perspiration which they occasion, 
 they render the joints supple, and enable them 
 to hunt with more facility. 
 
 Playing at ball, which is a favorite game, is 
 very fatiguing. The ball is about the size of a 
 cricket ball, made of deer skin and stuffed with 
 hair; this is driven forwards and backwards 
 with short sticks, about two feet long, and 
 broad at the end like a bat, worked like a rack¬ 
 et, but with larger interstices. By this the ball 
 is impelled, and from the elasticity of the 
 racket, which is composed of deer’s sinews, is 
 thrown to a great distance. The game is 
 68 
 
10opage£ anfc €rabel£ 
 
 played by two parties, and the contest lies in 
 intercepting each other, and striking the ball 
 into a goal, at the distance of about four 
 hundred yards, at the extremity of which are 
 placed two high poles, about the width of a 
 wicket from each other. The victory consists 
 in driving the ball between the poles. The 
 Indians play with great good humor and even 
 when one of them happens, in the heat of the 
 game, to strike another with his stick, it is not 
 resented. But these accidents are cautiously 
 avoided, as the violence with which they strike 
 has been known to break an arm or a leg. 
 
 Athlergain, or miss-none-but-catch-all, is also 
 a favorite amusement with them, in which the 
 women frequently take a part. It is played 
 with a number of hard beans, black and white, 
 one of which has small spots and is called the 
 king. They are put into a shallow wooden 
 bowl, and shaken alternately by each party, 
 who sit on the ground opposite to one another; 
 whoever is dexterous enough to make the 
 spotted bean jump out of the bowl, receives of 
 the adverse party as many beans as there are 
 spots. The rest of the beans do not count for 
 anything. 
 
 The boys are very expert at trundling a 
 hoop, particularly the Cahnuaga Indians, 
 whom I have frequently seen excel at this 
 amusement. The game is played by any num¬ 
 ber of boys who may accidentally assemble 
 together, some driving the hoop, while others 
 69 
 
Hong 
 
 with bows and arrows shoot at it. At this 
 exercise they are surprisingly expert, and will 
 stop the progress of the hoop when going with 
 great velocity, by driving the pointed arrow 
 into its edge; this they will do at a considerable 
 distance, and on horseback as well as on foot. 
 They will also kill small birds at fifty yards’ 
 distance, and strike a half-penny off a stick at 
 fifteen yards. Spears and tomahawks they 
 manage with equal dexterity. 
 
Chapter 8 
 
 THE WINTER AT LAC LA MORT: ENCOUNTER 
 
 WITH THE NATIVES 
 
 iHE fatigue my Canadians had under¬ 
 
 gone rendered it necessary to prepare 
 
 for wintering and induced me to settle 
 at Lac la Mort. The weather was also setting 
 in cold, and threatened to be very severe, 
 which was an additional motive. Having re¬ 
 freshed ourselves and secured the canoes, I 
 took two Indians to show me a spot proper 
 for building upon. We fixed close to the lake 
 side, where we erected a loghouse, thirty feet 
 long and twenty feet wide, divided into two 
 apartments, into which we deposited our 
 goods. The next concern was to conceal our 
 canoes in the woods and to hide the rum un¬ 
 der ground, except a small quantity for imme¬ 
 diate use, knowing by experience the necessity 
 of keeping it from the Indians, as our safety 
 so essentially depended on it. 
 
 Having arranged every domestic concern, 
 and spread our table in the wilderness, we 
 prepared our winter firing, as wood is very 
 difficult to bring home in severe weather. At 
 leisure times we hunted, to increase our stock 
 of provisions, which would not have been 
 sufficient to support our household, and not 
 
 71 
 
Song 
 
 choosing to risk the uncertainty of the arrival 
 of savages, who sometimes bring animal food 
 to the traders. 
 
 As the snow began to fall very heavy, we 
 were prevented from making long excursions 
 without using snowshoes. For the space of a 
 fortnight we hunted with great success and 
 caught a number of small animals, on which we 
 feasted daily; these proved a seasonable relief, 
 and saved the corn and grease. We had been 
 settled about three weeks when a large band 
 of savages arrived. Having only eight Ca¬ 
 nadians with me, I desired them to act with 
 the utmost precaution as our number was 
 comparatively small, and in case of a drunken 
 frolic the property might be pillaged and our 
 lives sacrificed. Fortunately for me I had very 
 steady men, who were well accustomed to the 
 Northwest Indians. We were mutually pleased 
 with each other, as no trader had wintered 
 there before. The great chief, whose name 
 was Kesconeek, made me a present of skins, 
 dried meat, fish, and wild oats, a civility which 
 I returned without delay and in a manner 
 with which he seemed highly gratified. The 
 rest of the savages then came into my house 
 one by one, which is called Indian file, singing 
 war songs, and dancing. All of them except the 
 chief placed themselves on the ground. He, 
 standing upright with great dignity in the 
 center of the tribe, delivered the following 
 speech: “ Angaymem Nocey wa haguamissey 
 
 72 
 
Bopngejj attfc €rabrig 
 
 kaygo arwayyor kee zargetoone oway barthtyage 
 Nishinnorbay no gome cawwickca kitchee Artaw- 
 way winnin, kitchee morgussey cargoneek neen- 
 nerwind zargetoone artawway neennerwind deb- 
 woye Nocey barthtyage meekintargan omar 
 appeemeenequy mackquah amik warbeshance 
 menoach kegonce” 
 
 “It is true, Father, I and my young men are 
 happy to see you; as the great Master of Life 
 has sent a trader to take pity on us savages we 
 shall use our best endeavors to hunt and bring 
 you wherewithal to satisfy you in furs, skins, 
 and animal food.” 
 
 This speech was in fact intended to induce 
 me to make them further presents. I indulged 
 them in their expectations by giving them two 
 kegs of rum of eight gallons each, lowered with 
 a small proportion of water, according to the 
 usual custom adopted by all traders, five 
 carrots of tobacco, fifty scalping-knives, gun- 
 flints, powder, shot, ball, and so forth. To 
 the women I gave beads, trinkets, and so 
 forth. And to eight chiefs who were in the 
 band, each a Northwest gun, a calico shirt, a 
 scalping-knife of the best sort, and an addi¬ 
 tional quantity of ammunition. These were 
 received with a full yo-hah, or demonstration 
 of joy. 
 
 The women, who are on all occasions slaves 
 to their husbands, were ordered to make up 
 bark huts, which they completed in about an 
 hour, and everything was got in order for 
 
 73 
 
Hong 
 
 merriment. The rum being taken from my 
 house, was carried to their wigwam and they 
 began to drink. The frolic lasted four days 
 and nights, and notwithstanding all our pre¬ 
 caution (securing their guns, knives, and 
 tomahawks) two boys were killed and six men 
 wounded by three Indian women. One of the 
 chiefs was also murdered, which reduced me 
 to the necessity of giving several articles to 
 bury with him, to complete the usual ceremony 
 of their interment. These frolics are very 
 prejudicial to all parties, and put the trader 
 to a considerable expense, which nevertheless 
 he cannot with safety refuse. On the fifth 
 day they were all sober, and expressed great 
 sorrow for their conduct, lamenting bitterly 
 the loss of their friends. 
 
 On the twenty-sixth of October they de¬ 
 parted for the hunt, which gave us great 
 satisfaction, as we had scarcely rested dur¬ 
 ing their abode with us. When they got into 
 their canoes they sang the dead war song:— 
 “Wabindam, Kitchee Manitoo, haguarmissey 
 hapitch neatissum,” or, “Master of Life, view 
 me well, you have given me courage to open 
 my veins.” 
 
 Having piled the winter’s firing at a con¬ 
 venient distance from the house to prevent 
 accidents, we prepared the nets for fishing. 
 The ice was three feet thick, and the snow very 
 deep; this we were obliged to clear away, be¬ 
 fore we could cut holes in which to put our 
 
 74 
 
1£>opatje£ anti €rabd£ 
 
 nets. For the space of two months we had 
 uncommon success, having caught about 
 eighteen thousand weight of fish, which we 
 hung up by the tails across sticks to freeze, 
 and then laid them up for store. This was to 
 us an important acquisition, as fishing in the 
 middle of winter is precarious, and the return 
 of the Indians to supply the wants of the trader 
 very uncertain. 
 
 In summer the fishers go up the lakes, as 
 well as rivers, and are generally most success¬ 
 ful at the foot of a deep stream, or the mouth 
 of a creek. In the beginning of winter they cut 
 a large opening and set nets. In the depth of 
 winter they make a small hole, in which they 
 angle; and sometimes they cut two holes in a 
 right line through the ice, and pass a line at the 
 end of a stick from hole to hole, by which they 
 haul the net under the ice, frequently with good 
 success. In winter fishing is the daily employ 
 of half the men, though in very severe weather 
 it is a fatiguing service. 
 
 In the beginning of January, 1778, our pro¬ 
 visions ran short, having nothing left but some 
 spawn of fish, which we beat up with warm 
 water and lived upon. The intense severity of 
 the weather would not allow us to look after 
 the nets; and although thus distressed for 
 want of better food, we were obliged to stay 
 at home, keeping a large fire, and lying almost 
 continually on our blankets, which weakened 
 us exceedingly. Having remained in this in- 
 
 75 
 
Hong 
 
 active state for some time, and hunger pressing 
 hard, I roused myself and proposed to my 
 men to make marten traps, which they went 
 about with the utmost cheerfulness. When 
 they had finished a sufficient number, they set 
 them in the woods, at the distance of about 
 two miles from the house. While they were 
 employed in this service I was left alone, it 
 being necessary for someone to remain in 
 case of the arrival of savages. The first day 
 my men were successful, and returned with 
 two raccoons, three hares, and four mus¬ 
 quashes. On these we feasted the next day, 
 and though we were not satisfied, they proved 
 a seasonable relief and enabled us to pur¬ 
 sue the business we were engaged in with 
 greater spirits, fondly expecting more prosper¬ 
 ous days. 
 
 In a little time we were again destitute and 
 the men became disheartened. This induced 
 me to propose a journey to Lake Manontoye, 
 where we knew Mr. Shaw, a brother trader, 
 had wintered, to endeavor to procure some 
 wild rice, which the Indians told me grew in 
 the swamps at that place. The Canadians 
 approved of the plan, and said they hoped 
 they should be able to provide for their sub¬ 
 sistence till my return. Previous to my de¬ 
 parture we were compelled to kill a favorite 
 dog, belonging to Joseph Boneau, one of my 
 people, which most sensibly affected us, be¬ 
 cause independent of the attachment we had 
 76 
 
Bopageg anti €rabd£ 
 
 towards him, he was a very useful animal. 
 The next morning I put on my snowshoes and 
 persuaded an Indian and his wife who were 
 with me occasionally, and had accidentally 
 come in from the hunt with six hares, to 
 accompany me, promising them payment in 
 rum at my return. They agreed to go, and it 
 was very fortunate they did, as I could not 
 have found the way without a guide. 
 
 We set off with the six hares, and traveled 
 four days without killing anything. This was 
 a disappointment, but with the little stock we 
 carried with us we subsisted tolerably well. 
 About an hour before sunset on the fourth 
 day we stopped at a small creek, which was 
 too deep to be forded, and whilst the Indian 
 was assisting me in making a raft to cross over, 
 rather than swim through in such cold weather 
 against a strong current, I looked round, and 
 missed his wife. I was rather displeased, as 
 the sun was near setting and I was anxious to 
 gain the opposite shore, to encamp before 
 dark. I asked the Indian where she was gone; 
 he smiled, and told me he supposed into the 
 woods to set a collar for a partridge. In about 
 an hour she returned with a newborn infant 
 in her arms, and coming up to me, said in 
 Chippewa, “Oway Saggonash Payshik Shoma- 
 gonish,” or, “Here, Englishman, is a young 
 warrior.” It is said that the Indian women 
 bring forth children with very little pain, but 
 I believe it is merely an opinion. It is true they 
 
 77 
 
^o()n ilottg 
 
 are strong and hardy, and will support fatigue 
 to the moment of their delivery; but this does 
 not prove they are exempt from the common 
 feelings of the sex on such trying occasions. 
 A young woman of the Rat nation has been 
 known to be in labor a day and a night with¬ 
 out a groan. The force of example, acting 
 upon their pride, will not allow these poor 
 creatures to betray a weakness or express the 
 pain they feel, probably lest the husband 
 should think her unworthy of his future atten¬ 
 tion, and despise both mother and child. At 
 any rate he would tell her the infant, if a boy, 
 would never be a warrior: and if a girl, would 
 have a dastardly spirit, and of course neither 
 of them be fit for a savage life. 
 
 I believe it will not be disputed that the 
 Indian women love their children with as 
 much affection as parents in the most civilized 
 states can boast. Many proofs might be 
 adduced to support this assertion. A mother 
 suckles her child till it attains the age of four 
 or five years, and sometimes till it is six or 
 seven. From their infant state they endeavor 
 to promote an independent spirit. They are 
 never known either to beat or scold them, lest 
 the martial disposition which is to adorn their 
 future life and character should be weakened; 
 on all occasions they avoid everything com¬ 
 pulsive, that the freedom with which they 
 wish them to think and act may not be con¬ 
 trolled. If they die, they lament their death 
 
 78 
 
Dopages anti Crab el s 
 
 with unfeigned tears, and even for months 
 after their decease will weep at the graves of 
 their departed children. The nation of savages 
 called Biscatonges, or by the French, Pleureurs, 
 are said to weep more bitterly at the birth of 
 a child than at its decease, because they look 
 upon death only as a journey from whence he 
 will return, but with regard to his birth, they 
 consider it as an entrance into a life of perils 
 and misfortunes. 
 
 As soon as a child is born, if in summer, the 
 mother goes into the water and immerses the 
 infant. As soon as this is done, it is wrapped 
 up in a small blanket and tied to a flat board, 
 covered with dry moss, in the form of the 
 bottom of a coffin, with a hoop over the top 
 where the head lies, to preserve it from injury. 
 In winter it is clad in skins as well as blankets. 
 In the heat of summer gauze is thrown over 
 the young savage to keep off the mosquitoes, 
 which are very troublesome in the woods. 
 The board on which the child is placed is 
 slung to the mother’s forehead with a broad 
 worsted belt, and rests against her back. 
 
 When the French took possession of Canada 
 the women had neither linen nor swaddling 
 clothes. All their child-bed furniture consisted 
 of a kind of trough, filled with dry rotten 
 wood dust, which is as soft as the finest down 
 and well calculated to imbibe the moisture of 
 the infant. On this the child was placed, 
 covered with rich furs, and tied down with 
 
 79 
 
Stotm Hong 
 
 strong leather strings. The dust was changed 
 as often as necessary till the child was weaned. 
 
 Among the Indians who are in any degree 
 civilized, the women feed their children with 
 pap made of Indian corn and milk, if it can be 
 obtained, but in the parts more northern and 
 remote from Europeans, wild rice and oats are 
 substituted, which being cleansed from the 
 husk and pounded between two stones, are 
 boiled in water with maple sugar. This food 
 is reckoned very nourishing, and with broth 
 made from the flesh of animals and fish, which 
 they are frequently able to procure, cannot 
 fail of supporting and strengthening the infant. 
 Among several of the tribes of Indians pap is 
 made of sagavite, from a root they call toquo, 
 of the bramble kind. This is washed and dried, 
 afterward ground or pounded and made into 
 a paste, which being baked is pleasant to the 
 taste, but of a very astringent quality. It is 
 their common bread. 
 
 On our arrival at Lac Eturgeon, as the 
 weather was bad, we encamped three days, 
 which gave me an opportunity of making some 
 observations on this lake, which I could not 
 do when I passed it in my way to Lac la Mort. 
 
 This lake, by the Indian accounts, is about 
 five days’ journey by water; the width in 
 some parts is about thirty miles. There are a 
 number of small islands in it which abound 
 with hares, partridges, and wild fowl. The 
 Indians who frequent it are Hawoyzask, or 
 80 
 
Bopages anti €rabd£ 
 
 Musquash, who speak the Chippewa language. 
 They are usually more stationary than the 
 generality of the Chippewas; they seldom leave 
 the inlands, and are excellent hunters. Mr. 
 Carver, in his chart, points out a village leading 
 to Riviere St. Croix, which he says belongs to 
 the roving Chippewas; but I believe all the 
 nation, with very few exceptions, may be 
 called rovers, in the strictest sense of the word. 
 
 The first day of our encampment we killed 
 a hare, made fish-hooks of the thigh bones, 
 and baited them with the flesh. The lines were 
 made of the bark of the willow tree, cut into 
 slips and twisted hard together. Success 
 crowned our endeavors, for we not only 
 caught sufficient for present use, but enough 
 for the remainder of the journey to Lake 
 Manontoye. 
 
 The day before our arrival we killed two 
 otters, which I intended as a present to Mr. 
 Shaw, not doubting but any animal food would 
 be acceptable from the severity of the season, 
 concluding that his situation was as bad as 
 our own, except in the article of wild oats. 
 When [we] arrived within six miles of the lake 
 we met a small party of Indians, who alarmed 
 us by an account of a dreadful confusion among 
 their tribe, occasioned by the Hudson Bay 
 savages having killed three of their band; and 
 they said they believed Mr. Shaw had fallen 
 a sacrifice to their fury, as they had heard 
 them consult together to plunder the trader. 
 
 81 
 
^Poljit 3long 
 
 They lamented exceedingly their inability 
 to assist him, not being even strong enough 
 to resent their own personal injury. However, 
 they promised to accompany me on the way, 
 as near to Mr. Shaw’s house as their safety 
 would admit. 
 
 Having taken refreshment, we pursued our 
 journey till within two miles of the house, 
 when they thought it prudent to leave me, 
 and wishing me success, retired into the woods, 
 out of the track, to avoid being seen, where 
 they promised to stay till my return. My 
 Indian and his wife did not choose to proceed 
 any farther, being also afraid of the Hudson 
 Bay savages. I confess my situation was very 
 unpleasant, and I debated in my mind what 
 steps to take to attempt the relief of a brother 
 trader, and at the same time avoid injury my¬ 
 self. Relying on my usual success in suppress¬ 
 ing these kind of tumults occasioned by in¬ 
 toxication, and conscious that I knew as well 
 as any man the nature of the Indians when 
 under its pernicious influence, I did not doubt, 
 however unsuccessful my endeavors might 
 prove as to rescuing Mr. Shaw from his perilous 
 situation, but that I should certainly be able 
 to effect an escape myself in case of an attack; 
 and as one favorable suggestion frequently 
 gives birth to another, and establishes by de¬ 
 grees a confidence in the mind, I anticipated 
 Mr. Shaw’s delivery to my entire satisfaction. 
 Fortified by these flattering hopes, I deter- 
 82 
 
IDopngcs anb €rabd£ 
 
 mined to exert my best and speediest endeavors 
 in his behalf, and pursued my journey without 
 delay. When I arrived within a quarter of a 
 mile of the scene of discord, I heard the war- 
 whoop in a manner very loud and clamorous; 
 and though I had been accustomed to such 
 sounds, I was very much alarmed and felt my 
 resolution rather staggered, sensible that the 
 rage of drunken Indians, when it has risen to 
 a certain pitch, knows no bounds, and of the 
 extreme difficulty of reconciling them to any 
 person to whom they had unfortunately taken 
 a dislike. Animated, however, with the idea 
 of behaving like a warrior, and recurring to the 
 time when I was adopted at Pays Plat, I con¬ 
 ceived it unmanly to shrink from danger, and 
 pushing through the woods, had soon a full 
 view of the infernal spirits, for I could give 
 them no better name. 
 
 I lay some minutes in ambush, listening with 
 great attention, till I heard one of them cry 
 out in the Chippewa language, “ Haguarmissey 
 mornoock gunnisar Chushecance”; or, “I do 
 not mean to kill the Cat”; which was a name 
 given to Mr. Shaw by the Indians, from his 
 speaking in a feeble voice. This convinced me 
 he was alive, though in imminent danger. I 
 made all possible haste up to the house, and 
 found the savages, both men and women, 
 completely drunk. The huts had been knocked 
 down, the canoes [set] adrift, and the whole 
 formed the most dreadful scene of confusion 
 83 
 
^ofm Eon# 
 
 I had ever beheld. There were also an old 
 Indian and a woman, whom I afterwards 
 learned was his mother, lying dead upon the 
 snow by the lake-side. I made several efforts 
 to get into the house, but was prevented by 
 the savages, who kept me back, kissing me 
 and telling me they loved me, but that I must 
 not attempt to relieve the Cat. At last, with 
 inconceivable difficulty, I persuaded them to 
 attend to me, and felt the most extreme satis¬ 
 faction in having succeeded, at least so far, in 
 an attempt which would have been dangerous 
 to anyone to have undertaken who was not 
 fully master of the language and character of 
 the savages, and at the same time cool and 
 dispassionate enough to hear their nonsense 
 with patience and temper. 
 
 I then addressed myself to the most sober 
 of the chiefs, and inquired of him the cause of 
 the dispute. He told me Mr. Shaw was a dog 
 instead of a cat, for that he had refused them 
 rum; and that though he and the rest of the 
 tribe were happy to see me, because they had 
 heard I always had a good heart towards the 
 savages, I should not go in to assist the trader, 
 for they were the masters of the wigwam, and 
 not he, and that they were resolved to have all 
 the rum in his possession before break of day. 
 
 Mr. Shaw’s house might very properly be 
 styled a fort, being secured by high pickets, 
 which made it difficult for the Indians to 
 approach it, and he had taken the precaution 
 84 
 
Bopageg anti €rabd$ 
 
 to fasten the outer gate as well as the door. I 
 told the chief it was not my intention to inter¬ 
 fere, that I had passed accidentally in my way 
 to Lac le Rouge, and should only stay to re¬ 
 fresh myself. This information pleased him 
 exceedingly, as he knew Mr. Shaw had only 
 one man in the house, the rest, with the 
 interpreter, being out in search of provisions, 
 so that at my departure there would not re¬ 
 main force sufficient to obstruct their pro¬ 
 ceedings. I perceived them so fully bent on 
 accomplishing their purpose, that had I be¬ 
 trayed the least intention or inclination to 
 relieve the unhappy man I should most 
 probably have been dispatched without much 
 ceremony. The effects of the rum they had 
 already drunk had so elevated their spirits 
 that nothing less than the full possession of the 
 whole stock would satisfy them; and I am per¬ 
 suaded that if half of them had perished, the 
 rest would without hesitation have risked their 
 lives in the attempt. To avoid all suspicion, 
 which would probably have been fatal both to 
 Mr. Shaw and myself, I left the chief and 
 watched an opportunity of returning undis¬ 
 covered. Fortunately the Indians had not 
 drunk all the rum Mr. Shaw had given them, 
 and the chief, as soon as I had left him, went 
 back to his hut to increase his intoxication and 
 communicate the conversation which [had] 
 passed between us, the rest of the band having 
 retired soon after the conference began. 
 
 85 
 
Hong 
 
 Observing the coast clear, I walked un¬ 
 observed to the fort, and spoke loudly both in 
 French and English. Mr. Shaw and his man 
 heard me, and recollecting my voice, were 
 transported beyond measure. The man, who 
 was a Canadian, was most delighted, as his 
 fears were very strong, it being the first year 
 he had wintered among the savages. On my 
 approach I heard him cry out with the greatest 
 vehemence, “ Mon Dieu! que je suis content! 
 Notre ami est arrive , antrement nous serions 
 joutu. Je conte assurement, que nous serons 
 iientot libre, mon cher bourgeois He distantly 
 opened the gate. I entered precipitately, and 
 congratulated him on the prospect of counter¬ 
 acting the designs of the Indians, being re¬ 
 solved to exert my best endeavors and to five 
 or die with them. Mr. Shaw thanked me for 
 my professions of friendship, and immediately 
 gave me a concise account of the disturbance. 
 He said the Hudson Bay Indians had come to 
 him with very little peltry, and after trading 
 for it he had given them more rum than they 
 had any right to expect; that instead of being 
 content with this they insisted on more; that 
 in a fit of intoxication they had killed an 
 Indian and his mother; and had attempted to 
 set fire to his house with punk-wood, which 
 they shot at it lighted, fixed to the points of 
 arrows. Having heard his story, I encouraged 
 him to keep up his spirits, and advised 
 him, when the Indians returned to execute 
 
Bopageg anil Cratoclg 
 
 their purpose, to appear indifferent to their 
 menaces. 
 
 Whilst we were in deep discourse, I dis¬ 
 covered three chiefs at a small distance from 
 the house, in very earnest conversation, and 
 was convinced they were devising some scheme 
 to effect their design. As they approached I 
 called to them, and desired them to come 
 into the house. They immediately advanced, 
 and walked in one by one, with looks of 
 treachery which the earnestness of the business 
 to be executed would not allow them to con¬ 
 ceal. I talked to them without the least re¬ 
 serve, and in apparent good temper. I asked 
 them if they were sober, but before they could 
 give me an answer the rest of the band came 
 to the door, but did not enter; the head chief 
 then told me they were very sober and ex¬ 
 pressed great concern for their conduct, but 
 that now the strong water had lost its influence 
 they saw their folly, and were sure the bad 
 spirit had left their hearts. 
 
 I told them the Master of Life was angry 
 with them, and that they did not deserve 
 success in hunting, for their bad behavior to 
 the trader, who had been a kind father to 
 them and supplied all their wants. I then 
 presented them with some tobacco to smoke 
 in council, which was well received, and looking 
 earnestly at the chief, addressed the band to 
 the following effect: 
 
 “ Keennerwind Ojemar woke, kee wabindan 
 
 87 
 
Hong 
 
 indenendum kee kee noneydone Kitchee Manni- 
 too, ojey candan opin weene aighter ojey petoone 
 nowwetting guyack debarchemon kaygait nin 
 oathty hepadgey nee woke keennerwind equoy 
 kee janis goyer metach no gome gudderbarchemon 
 hunjyta O, nishshishshin artawway winnin 
 kaygait nee zargetoome artawway winnin metach 
 kakaygo arwayyor Matchee Mannitoo, guy yack 
 neennerwind oathty mornooch kee appay omar 
 neegee.” 
 
 “You chiefs, and others of the tribe whose 
 eyes are open, I hope you will give ear to the 
 words of my mouth. The Master of Life has 
 opened my brain and made my breath blow 
 good words. My heart feels for you, your 
 wives, and children; and what I now speak 
 proceeds from the root of my friend’s senti¬ 
 ments, who owns this house, and who has 
 told me that his heart was opened to you on 
 your arrival; but notwithstanding his kindness 
 the bad spirit got possession of you, which 
 made him very unhappy, though he hoped the 
 Master of Life would change your dispositions 
 and make you good Indians, as you used to be.” 
 
 To this speech one of the chiefs made an¬ 
 swer: 
 
 “Kaygait Atnik, kee aighter annaboycassey 
 omar hapadgey: O, nishshishshin kee debar¬ 
 chemon no gome neennerwind ojey stootewar 
 cockinnor nee doskeennerwaymug kee debwoye 
 neecarnis hapadgey sannegat neennerwind ha 
 nishinnorbay kaygwotch annaboycassey ozome 
 88 
 
Bopnges anti €tatael£ 
 
 Scuttaywabo ojey minniquy neennerwind angay- 
 mer Amik, shashyyea suggermarsh cockinnor 
 nogome mornooch toworch payshik muccuk 
 Scuttaywabo ojey bockettynan Cushshecance 
 warbunk keejayp neennerwind ojey boossin ;— 
 haw, haw, haw.” 
 
 “It is true, Beaver, you have strong sense; 
 it sweetens your words to us, and we all under¬ 
 stand you. We know, friend, your lips open 
 with truth. It is very hard for us Indians, 
 who have not the sense of the white people, to 
 know when we have enough of the strong fiery 
 water; but we hope the Cat will throw off the 
 film from his heart, as ours are clear. We also 
 hope he will open his heart once more and 
 give us a small keg of the strong water to drink 
 to the health of our brother and sister, whom 
 we have sent to the far country, and tomorrow 
 at break of day we will depart.” 
 
 Mr. Shaw, by my advice, promised to com¬ 
 ply with their request, on condition of their 
 being true to their engagements, and that 
 they should forbear even tasting the rum while 
 they remained on the ground. This deter¬ 
 mination I acquainted them with and they 
 retired to their huts, leaving us in quiet 
 possession of the fort. 
 
 The Indians remained quiet all night, which 
 induced me to hope that my promise of rum 
 to them, on their departure, had accomplished 
 the desired effect: but I flattered myself too 
 much, as the storm was not yet even at the 
 89 
 
S f of)ti Hong 
 
 height. At break of day they assembled and 
 asked for the rum, which was immediately 
 given them, and they got into their canoes and 
 went off without burying their dead. This, 
 being very uncustomary, alarmed me, as no 
 people are more particular in paying the 
 greatest respect to the remains of the deceased. 
 Suspecting the bad spirit was still in them, 
 and that they were only gone a short distance 
 to drink the rum, we prepared for an attack, 
 loading twenty-eight Northwest guns and a 
 brace of pistols, and sat down by the fire 
 expecting their return to complete the design 
 my fortunate arrival had hitherto prevented. 
 In about an hour they returned very much 
 intoxicated, singing their dead war-songs, and 
 every warrior naked, painted black from head 
 to foot. As they approached the house in 
 Indian file, each one repeated the following 
 words: “ Mornooch toworch gunnesar cushshe- 
 cance neennerwind ojey dependan O wakaygan”; 
 or, “Nevertheless we do not mean to kill the 
 Cat, we only own this fort and all that is in it.” 
 
 Whilst they were singing, we were preparing 
 our guns and placing them so as to be ready 
 for immediate use if necessary, being deter¬ 
 mined to make a vigorous resistance, although 
 there remained only Mr. Shaw and myself, 
 the Canadian having fled to the woods. 
 
 I assumed the character of commander-in- 
 chief, and desired Mr. Shaw to obey my orders 
 implicitly, and by no means to fire till I gave 
 
 90 
 
lB>opnge£ anti €rabcl£ 
 
 the signal, well knowing that the death of one 
 of the savages, even in our own defense, would 
 so exasperate the rest that there would not be 
 a possibility of escaping their fury. As our 
 situation was truly critical, we acted with as 
 much coolness as men devoted to destruction 
 would. A fortunate thought came into my 
 head, which I instantly put in practice. I 
 went into the store, and rolling a barrel of 
 gunpowder into the outer room knocked out 
 the head. I had scarcely finished it before the 
 savages arrived, and advancing to the door, 
 armed with spears and tomahawks, said to 
 each other, “Keen etam ,” or, “You go first.” 
 We stood ready to receive them, and gave 
 them to understand we were not afraid of 
 them. One of the band entered the house and 
 I said to him sternly, “Ha wa neyoe shema- 
 gonish equoy kee tertennin marmo? ” or, “ Who 
 now among you old women is a brave soldier? ” 
 and immediately pointing my pistol cocked to 
 the barrel of gunpowder, cried out with great 
 emphasis, “ Cockinnor marmo neepoo no gome,” 
 or, “We will all die this day.” On hearing 
 these words they ran from the door, crying, 
 “Kitchee Mannitoo ojey petoone Amik 0 mush- 
 kowar haguarmissey yang”; or, “The Master 
 of Life has given the Beaver great strength and 
 courage.” The women fled with the utmost 
 precipitation, pushed their canoes into the 
 water, and got off as fast as they could. The 
 men, who before were intoxicated, became 
 
 91 
 
Eong 
 
 sober, and making as much haste as possible, 
 paddled to an island opposite the house. Soon 
 after a canoe came on shore with six women 
 to endeavor to make up the breach; but I 
 refused all reconciliation, telling them that 
 they might have known me before; that my 
 name was Beaver; that all the Indians knew 
 me to be a warrior; and that my heart was not 
 easily melted. The women immediately re¬ 
 turned, carrying with them the dead, which 
 satisfied me they did not intend to trouble us 
 again. 
 
 Thus by a happy presence of mind, we were 
 saved from almost inevitable destruction, and 
 probably from ending our lives under the 
 most excruciating torture. 
 
 It may not be improper to observe the 
 necessity there is for a trader to be cool, firm, 
 and in case of emergency brave, but not rash 
 or hasty. The Indians are just observers of 
 the human mind, and easily discover true from 
 affected courage, by that apparent tranquillity 
 which clearly distinguishes the former from 
 the latter. It is well known that no people in 
 the world put courage to so severe a trial, and 
 watch at the execution of their enemies with 
 such savage curiosity the effect of the tortures 
 they inflict. Even the women exult in pro¬ 
 portion to the agony betrayed by the unhappy 
 sufferer, though it frequently happens, through 
 the same spirit operating on both parties, that 
 the most excruciating torments cannot extort 
 
 92 
 
Bopngcs anti €tabd£ 
 
 a sigh. An example or two from Mr. Adair’s 
 History of the American Indians will show the 
 firmness of an Indian mind, and prove beyond 
 a doubt that such anecdotes are not exag¬ 
 gerated. Truth should be the standard of 
 history, and guide the pen of every author who 
 values his reputation. 
 
 Some years ago the Shawano Indians, being 
 obliged to remove from their habitations, in 
 their way took a Muskohge warrior known by 
 the name of old Scrany, prisoner; they basti¬ 
 nadoed him severely, and condemned him to 
 the fiery torture. He underwent a great deal 
 without showing any concern; his countenance 
 and behavior were as if he suffered not the 
 least pain. He told his persecutors, with a 
 bold voice, that he was a warrior; that he had 
 gained most of his martial reputation at the 
 expense of their nation, and was desirous of 
 showing them, in the act of dying, that he was 
 still as much their superior as when he headed 
 his gallant countrymen against them; that 
 although he had fallen into their hands, and 
 forfeited the protection of the divine power by 
 some impurity or other, when carrying the 
 holy ark of war against his devoted enemies, 
 yet he had so much remaining virtue as would 
 enable him to punish himself more exquisitely 
 than all their despicable, ignorant crowd 
 possibly could; and that he would do so, if 
 they gave him liberty by untying him, and 
 handing him one of the red-hot gun-barrels 
 
 93 
 
S f of)n Hong 
 
 out of the fire. The proposal and the mode of 
 his address appeared so exceedingly bold and 
 uncommon that his request was granted. 
 Then, suddenly seizing one end of the red-hot 
 barrel and brandishing it from side to side, he 
 forced his way through the armed and sur¬ 
 prised multitude, leaped down a prodigiously 
 steep and high bank into a branch of the 
 river, dived through it, ran over a small 
 island, and passed the other branch, amidst a 
 shower of bullets; and though numbers of his 
 enemies were in close pursuit of him, he got 
 into a bramble swamp, through which, though 
 naked and in a mangled condition, he reached 
 his own country. 
 
 The Shawano Indians also captured a 
 warrior of the Anantoocah nation, and put 
 him to the stake, according to their usual cruel 
 solemnities. Having unconcernedly suffered 
 much torture, he told them, with scorn, they 
 did not know how to punish a noted enemy; 
 therefore, he was willing to teach them, and 
 would confirm the truth of his assertion if 
 they allowed him the opportunity. Accord¬ 
 ingly he requested of them a pipe and some 
 tobacco, which was given him. As soon as he 
 had lighted it, he sat down, naked as he was, 
 on the women’s burning torches that were in 
 his circle, and continued smoking his pipe 
 without the least discomposure. On this a 
 head warrior leaped up, and said they saw 
 plainly enough that he was a warrior and not 
 
 94 
 
Bopageg anti Crabcte 
 
 afraid of dying, nor should he have died, only 
 that he was both spoiled by the fire, and de¬ 
 voted to it by their laws; however, though he 
 was a very dangerous enemy and his nation a 
 treacherous people, it should be seen that they 
 paid a regard to bravery, even in one who was 
 marked with war-streaks at the cost of many 
 of the lives of their beloved kindred; and then, 
 by way of favor, he with his friendly tomahawk 
 instantly put an end to all his pains. Though 
 the merciful but bloody instrument was ready 
 some minutes before it gave the blow, yet I 
 was assured the spectators could not perceive 
 the sufferer to change either his posture or his 
 steadiness of countenance in the least. 
 
 Death among the Indians, in many situa¬ 
 tions, is rather courted than dreaded, and 
 particularly at an advanced period of life, 
 when they have not strength or activity to 
 hunt. The father then solicits to change his 
 climate, and the son cheerfully acts the part 
 of an executioner, putting a period to his 
 parent’s existence. 
 
 Among the northern Chippewas, when the 
 father of a family seems reluctant to comply 
 with the usual custom and his life becomes 
 burdensome to himself and friends, and his 
 children are obliged to maintain him with the 
 labor of their hands, they propose to him the 
 alternative, either to be put on shore on some 
 island, with a small canoe and paddles, bows 
 and arrows, and a bowl to drink out of, and 
 
 95 
 
^ofjit Hong 
 
 there run the risk of starving, or to suffer 
 death according to the laws of the nation, 
 manfully. As there are few instances where 
 the latter is not preferred, I shall relate the 
 ceremony practiced on such an occasion. 
 
 A sweating-house is prepared in the same 
 form as at the ceremony of adoption, and 
 whilst the person is under this preparatory 
 trial, the family are rejoicing that the Master 
 of Life has communicated to them the knowl¬ 
 edge of disposing of the aged and infirm, 
 and sending them to a better country, where 
 they will be renovated and hunt again with 
 all the vigor of youth. They then smoke 
 the pipe of peace, and have their dog feast. 
 They also sing the grand medicine song, as 
 follows: 
 
 “Wa haguarmissey Kitchee Mannitoo kaygait 
 cockinor nishinnorbay ojey kee candan hep ad gey 
 kee zargetoone nishinnorbay mornooch kee tar- 
 penan nocey keen aighter, O, dependan nishin¬ 
 norbay, mornooch towwarch weene ojey mishcoot 
 pockcan tunnockay “The Master of Life 
 gives courage. It is true, all Indians know 
 that he loves us, and we now give our father to 
 him, that he may find himself young in another 
 country and be able to hunt.” 
 
 The songs and dances are renewed, and the 
 eldest son gives his father the death stroke 
 with a tomahawk. They then take the body, 
 which they paint in the best manner and 
 bury it with the war weapons, making a bark 
 96 
 
Bopage£ anti €rabd£ 
 
 hut to cover the grave, to prevent the wild 
 animals from disturbing it. 
 
 Thus do the unenlightened part of mankind 
 assume a privilege of depriving each other of 
 life, when it can no longer be supported by 
 the labor of their own hands, and think it a 
 duty to put a period to the existence of those 
 to whom they are indebted for their own, and 
 employ those arms to give the fatal stroke, 
 which in more civilized countries would have 
 been exerted for their support. 
 
 I remained with Mr. Shaw until the return 
 of his men, and took an Indian sleigh loaded 
 with wild rice and dried meat, and two of his 
 Canadians to assist me. In my way I called 
 at the place where I [had] left the Indians, 
 who [had] communicated to me the first ac¬ 
 count of the tumult at Mr. Shaw’s, but they 
 were gone. My Indian and his wife waited 
 for me, and were rejoiced to see me again. 
 On my return to Lac la Mort I found all my 
 men in good health and spirits, having been 
 well supplied with provisions by the savages 
 during my absence, and had increased my 
 stock of peltry by barter. Mr. Shaw’s men 
 rested at my house one night, and the next 
 morning set off for [Lake] Manontoye. 
 
 97 
 
Chapter 9 
 
 FURTHER PROCEEDINGS AT LAC LA MORT 
 
 L AKE MANONTOYE, where Mr. Shaw 
 wintered, is not as large as Lac Etur- 
 geon. It abounds with excellent fish 
 and wild fowl, and oats, rice, and cranberries 
 grow spontaneously in the swamps. There are 
 very few islands in it. There are about 300 of 
 the Chippewa nation who resort to it. They 
 are very wild and delight in war, which they 
 sometimes wage against the Sioux on the 
 Mississippi; and they are frequently absent 
 from their families fifteen months, scarce ever 
 returning without a prisoner or a scalp. 
 
 It is very strange that the thirst of blood 
 should stimulate the human mind to traverse 
 such an amazing extent of country, suffering 
 inexpressible hardships and uncertain of suc¬ 
 cess, to gratify a passion which none but an 
 infernal spirit could suggest; and when suc¬ 
 cess has crowned his labors, that he should 
 return with inconceivable satisfaction and re¬ 
 late the transactions of his journey with the 
 greatest exultation, smiling at the relation 
 of agonies which he alone [has] occasioned. 
 The most dreadful acts of a maniac cannot 
 exceed such cruelty: happy those who enjoy 
 the benefits of society, whose civilization and 
 98 
 
Bopageg aniJ €rabd£ 
 
 whose laws protect them from such detestable 
 outrages! 
 
 Previous to their going to war the head chief 
 calls a council, and each chief has a belt of 
 wampum and a war pipe: the belt to remind 
 them of former transactions relative to the 
 nation they intend to commence hostilities 
 against, and the pipe to smoke at the council 
 fire. When they have determined to make war, 
 they send the belts and pipes to their enemies, 
 and if a similar compliment is returned they 
 instantly prepare for blood, with the most 
 steady and determined resolution. 
 
 The novel of Emily Montague 36 affords a 
 striking example of this strong propensity for 
 blood, which I shall relate in the author’s 
 own words: 
 
 “A Jesuit missionary told me a story on 
 this subject, which one cannot hear without 
 horror. An Indian woman with whom he 
 lived on his mission, was feeding her children, 
 when her husband brought in an English 
 prisoner. She immediately cut off his arm, 
 
 36 The author of this novel was Mrs. Frances M. 
 Brooke, an industrious eighteenth-century writer of 
 fiction and drama. Soon after her marriage she came 
 to Canada with her husband, who was appointed chap¬ 
 lain to the garrison at Quebec. In 1763 Mrs. Brooke 
 published anonymously The History of Lady Julia 
 Mandeville, a novel of Canadian life which proved a 
 great success and ran through several editions. In 
 1769 she returned to this field with the four-volume 
 novel, Emily Montague, to which Long makes allusion. 
 
 99 
 
3long 
 
 and gave her children the streaming blood to 
 drink. The Jesuit remonstrated on the cruelty 
 of the action; on which, looking sternly at 
 him—‘I would have them warriors,’ said she, 
 ‘and therefore feed them with the food of 
 men.’” 
 
 When I was at Cataraqui, the capital of the 
 Loyalist settlements in Canada, a party of 
 Mohawks and Messesawgers accidentally met, 
 and having bartered their skins and peltry 
 with the traders, sat themselves down to 
 drink the rum their merchandise had pro¬ 
 duced. As the liquor began to operate, their 
 imaginations suggested to them that they were 
 of different nations and as the Mohawks al¬ 
 ways claimed a superiority, intoxication made 
 them proud. At last a dispute arose, and a 
 Messesawger Indian was killed and his heart 
 taken out, which the Mohawks intended to 
 have broiled, but they were prevented by a 
 gentleman who accidentally passed by their 
 hut, and prevailed upon them to give it up. 
 
 It seems to be the constant attention, both 
 of the male and female part of the Indians, to 
 instill ideas of heroism into the minds of the 
 rising generation, and these impressions they 
 carry far beyond the line of reason or of justice. 
 Is it then surprising that every action of their 
 lives should tend to satisfy their thirst for 
 revenging offenses committed against them, 
 and that these sentiments should operate so 
 powerfully in directing their future conduct? 
 
 IOO 
 
Bopagc£ anti STratocIs 
 
 There is, nevertheless, one exception to these 
 observations—their conduct to traders who 
 are obliged on some occasions, when intoxica¬ 
 tion runs high, to beat them very soundly. 
 To their credit, in these instances, I must 
 confess I never knew them to resent this 
 severity when sober. The only remark they 
 have made has been, “Friend, you beat me 
 very severely last night, but I do not mind, I 
 suppose I deserved it. It was the liquor made 
 me offend.” Or if they betray any dissatis¬ 
 faction, one glass of rum will reconcile all 
 differences. With regard to severity when they 
 are perfectly sober, I am convinced it would be 
 highly dangerous, and should be cautiously 
 avoided. 
 
 But although they often express these blood¬ 
 thirsty sentiments, and too frequently put 
 them in [to] execution, yet there are occasions 
 when they exercise both temper and reason. 
 
 When I was at Pimitiscotyan Landing on 
 Lake Ontario, I had a large dog to protect 
 myself and property. An Indian came in 
 rather in liquor to ask for rum, and probably 
 might strike the animal. The dog instantly 
 seized him by the calf of the leg, and wounded 
 him dreadfully. He returned to his hut and 
 made no complaint till the next morning, when 
 he desired to speak with me. I went to him, 
 and he told me how the dog had used him, 
 saying he hoped I would give him a pair of 
 leggings, to supply those which the dog had 
 
 IOI 
 
^ofjn 3long 
 
 torn; but that with regard to his leg, he did 
 not trouble himself much about that, as he 
 knew it would soon be well. I immediately 
 granted his request, and added a bottle of 
 rum, with which he seemed well pleased, and 
 I heard no more of it. 
 
 But to return to the subject of going to war. 
 The women and children sometimes go for¬ 
 ward in their canoes, singing the war-songs, 
 and encamp every evening at sunset, having 
 a great dislike to traveling in the dark. Forty- 
 eight young warriors are placed, in four divi¬ 
 sions, to keep guard at night armed with guns, 
 bows, and arrows, and some scotte wigwas, or 
 fire bark, to light in case of sudden surprise. 
 
 This bark is taken from the birch tree, and 
 being properly dried is used by the Indians to 
 light them to spear fish. It is fixed on a stick 
 about seven feet long, and either put at the 
 head of the canoe or carried by the person 
 who attends upon the man that spears, and 
 whose business it is also to steer the canoe. 
 
 At daybreak the Indians depart and pursue 
 their journey regardless of the weather till 
 they arrive in the enemy’s country, when the 
 utmost precaution is adopted that it is possible 
 for human invention to suggest. 
 
 When war is made against the Mississippi 
 Indians, they endeavor to kill the men and 
 women and bring away the children to dispose 
 of to the traders, who send them down to 
 Montreal for servants. The boys are not so 
 
 102 
 
Bopngcs anti Crated 
 
 much to be depended upon as the girls, being 
 more stubborn, and naturally disdaining the 
 idea of slavery. They are also full of pride 
 and resentment, and will not hesitate to kill 
 their masters in order to gratify their revenge 
 for a supposed injury. The girls are more 
 docile, and assimilate much sooner with the 
 manners of civilization. Being unaccustomed 
 to domestic life, they are at first sick and un¬ 
 healthy; but the change soon becomes familiar 
 to them, and they then prefer it to the un¬ 
 cultivated manner of living in which they were 
 brought up. 
 
 A few days after my return to Lac la Mort, 
 a band of savages arrived from the Red Lake, 
 called by the Indians, Misqui Sakiegan, and 
 some from Lake Shabeechevan, or the Weed 
 Lake, about five days’ march beyond Lake 
 Manontoye. Red Lake is so called on account 
 of a remarkable circumstance which happened 
 to two famous warriors of the Chippewa nation 
 who were hunting by the lake-side, and as they 
 were looking out for game, perceived at some 
 distance an enormous beast that appeared 
 much larger than any animal they had ever 
 seen; his pace was slow and heavy, and he 
 kept constantly by the water side. They 
 followed him as close as they thought prudent, 
 determined at all hazards to use their best 
 endeavors to kill him. As they approached 
 they had a clearer view, and discovered that 
 his body was covered with something like 
 
 103 
 
^ojjn Song 
 
 moss. This increased their surprise, and after 
 consulting together they continued advancing 
 towards the beast, and fired large shot, without 
 appearing to make any impression. They fired 
 again with as little effect as before; then re¬ 
 treated some distance, sat down and sang war 
 songs, addressing themselves to the Master of 
 Life and desiring his assistance to enable them 
 to conquer it, as they believed it to be the 
 Matchee Mannitoo, or bad spirit, in the shape 
 of this monster. Then they got up and pur¬ 
 sued him, both firing at the same time. The 
 shots proved successful and caused the animal 
 to turn round, which induced them to keep 
 up their fire till the beast jumped into the 
 water and they lost sight of him. From the 
 circumstance of his blood dyeing the water 
 red, this lake has ever since been called the 
 Red Lake. 
 
 Fish is caught here in great abundance, and 
 wild rice grows in very great plenty in the 
 swamps. The country likewise abounds with 
 all sorts of animals for hunting. There are 
 several rivers and falls of water on the north¬ 
 west part. The Indians are very fond of fishing 
 and hunting here during the winter season, as 
 they are generally successful even in the most 
 severe weather. From Red Lake to Lake le 
 Sel, or Salt Lake, by the Indian accounts, 
 there are fourteen short portages, and twenty- 
 two creeks. Lake le Sel is very small, and the 
 water shallow and muddy. It does not exceed 
 
 104 
 
t£opage£ anti €rabd£ 
 
 three miles in length. There are few fish except 
 eels, catfish, and pike, but it abounds with 
 musquashes and wild fowl. From this lake to 
 Lake Caribou, or Reindeer Lake, is eight days’ 
 march across five creeks and three portages. 
 
 Lake Caribou, or, in the Indian language, 
 Ateeque, is about thirty miles long, with several 
 small islands, resembling the Mille Isles in the 
 River St. Lawrence above Montreal. The 
 water is deep and clear, and the bottom hard. 
 It abounds with large trout, whitefish, pickerel, 
 pike, and sturgeon. It is surrounded by a chain 
 of high mountains. Some years ago a French 
 trader settled here, but of late it has been 
 deserted. The Indians reckon it ten days’ 
 march to Lake Schabeechevan, across thirteen 
 portages, and as many creeks; but as I wintered 
 here the following year, though I went to it 
 by a different track, I shall not describe it till 
 I give an account of the occurrences of that 
 time. From Lake Schabeechevan to Lake 
 Arbitibis are three small lakes, eight creeks, 
 and five portages. Lake Arbitibis is very large, 
 and the surrounding land rocky and moun¬ 
 tainous. This lake furnishes the Indians with 
 fish and wild fowl. The aquatic race abound 
 in this part of the world, doubtless so appointed 
 for the support of the numerous tribes of 
 savages who are obliged to resort to the lakes 
 for food. At the northern extremity of this 
 lake is a large fall of water, which flows from a 
 river whose current is rapid for about twenty 
 
Song 
 
 miles. On this river there are also dangerous 
 rapids; the land upon its banks is low, and the 
 beach sandy. From Lake Arbitibis to Crow’s- 
 nest Lake, called by the Indians, Cark Cark 
 Sakiegan, is a short distance. The utmost 
 circumference of Crow’s-nest Lake scarcely 
 exceeds two leagues, and [it] is only remarkable 
 for a small island in the middle, with about 
 forty high palm trees, where the crows build 
 their nests, which is called Cark Cark Min- 
 nesey. The fish in this lake are very indifferent, 
 being mostly of the sword-fish kind, which the 
 Indians seldom eat. From this lake is a long 
 portage, and about half way a high mountain. 
 At the end of the carrying place is a river 
 called Cark Cark Seepi, or Crow’s River, 
 which runs with a strong current for about 
 thirty miles from Neeshshemaince Sakiegan, 
 or the Lake of the Two Sisters, so called from 
 the meeting of two currents, which form one 
 grand discharge into the lake. The Hudson 
 Bay Indians hunt here with great success. At 
 the end is a carrying place about a quarter of 
 a mile long that leads to a remarkably narrow 
 river, which runs with a strong current for 
 about fifty leagues. The land on each side, 
 being very high, makes the navigation dark. 
 The Indians in going up this river travel as 
 light as possible to enable them to combat the 
 strong current. The Hudson’s Bay Company 
 are supplied with a considerable quantity of 
 peltry from this river. 
 
 106 
 
I^opageg and €ratod£ 
 
 As the description of this country, hitherto 
 so little explored, is a principal part of what I 
 intended in this publication, I have described 
 it either from my own knowledge or the most 
 authentic information I was able to procure 
 from the savages. In this respect I have 
 followed Carver, who on his arrival at the 
 Grand Portage met a party of Killistinoe and 
 Assinipoil Indians, from whom he received 
 accounts of several lakes and rivers, which he 
 describes agreeably to the information he 
 obtained. 
 
 It is necessary to observe that though the 
 Indians are very expert in delineating countries 
 upon bark with wood-coal mixed with bear’s 
 grease, and which even the women do with 
 great precision, the length of a day’s march is 
 very uncertain and consequently cannot afford 
 any geographical information. This remark, I 
 trust, will be found to want no further proof 
 than the consideration that their drafts consist 
 principally of lakes and rivers, as they seldom 
 travel much by land; and when their track 
 overland is described, it is perhaps only a short 
 portage which they cross in order again to 
 pursue their journey on their favorite element. 
 But as few persons will probably read this 
 account with a view of going into this country, 
 the description I have been able to give will 
 be sufficient for the generality of my readers. 
 I lament exceedingly my inability to make 
 this work more perfect, but trust that it will 
 
 107 
 
Hlotig 
 
 be found highly useful to those whose avoca¬ 
 tions may induce them to have recourse to it 
 for information and guidance in commercial 
 pursuits. If an Indian goes with the stream, 
 or against it, from sunrise to sunset, it is called 
 a day’s march. This uncertainty makes it very 
 difficult for any one who travels as a trader to 
 ascertain anything more than the Indian 
 distance from one lake to another. As Mr. 
 Carver, in his map, says that the branches 
 which run from Riviere St. Louis, at the end 
 of West Bay, in Lake Superior, are but little 
 known, I can with equal propriety observe 
 that those from Lake Alemipigon, or Nipigon, 
 both east and west, are very difficult to 
 describe geographically. The known candor 
 of my countrymen will, I am persuaded, par¬ 
 don any errors of this sort, as I can assure 
 them I have exerted my best endeavors to 
 render the description of places with respect 
 to distances and situation as clear as possible, 
 which the chart, I hope, will more fully explain. 
 
Chapter 10 
 
 RETURN TO LAKE SUPERIOR 
 
 H AVING given an account of the dif¬ 
 ferent lakes, rivers, etc., from Lac la 
 Mort, I shall continue the narrative 
 from my return from Lake Manontoye, where 
 I relieved Mr. Shaw. 
 
 A few days after, another band of savages 
 arrived with skins, furs, and some provisions. 
 They stayed with me two days, making merry 
 with what rum I could spare them, without 
 doing any mischief, and departed at last very 
 peaceably. On the twenty-third of February 
 another band came in, consisting of about 
 eighty men, women, and children, who brought 
 dried meats, oats, bear’s grease, and eight 
 packs of beaver, which I purchased, giving 
 them rum as usual, with which they got in¬ 
 toxicated. In this frolic one woman was killed 
 and a boy terribly burned. On the third day 
 they departed, well pleased with their recep¬ 
 tion, leaving us plenty of provisions. The 
 _ weather being more moderate, I sent my men 
 to the lake to look after the nets, which had 
 been under the ice a considerable time, the 
 severity of the season not having allowed us to 
 examine them for nearly a month, when to our 
 great mortification they were found almost 
 
Hong 
 
 rotten, and not a single fish; but as one of the 
 Canadians could make nets as well as myself, 
 we repaired the damage, and caught plenty of 
 fish to support us till April. 
 
 The severity of the season was sensibly felt 
 by Mr. James Clark, belonging to the same 
 company, who had five men starved at Lake 
 Savan, a bad lake for fish, about 350 miles 
 from my wintering ground, the Indians being 
 obliged to hunt so far back in the woods that 
 they could not give him any assistance; and 
 from the concurrent accounts of the traders 
 in the Northwest, as well as from the savages 
 who resorted to my house, it was the hardest 
 winter they ever remembered. 
 
 About this time a large band of Chippewas 
 arrived, traded with me for their hunt, and 
 finished their frolic in a peaceable manner. 
 While this band was with me a curious cir¬ 
 cumstance occurred, which I shall relate. 
 
 One part of the religious superstition of the 
 savages consists in each of them having his 
 totem, or favorite spirit, which he believes 
 watches over him. This totem, they conceive, 
 assumes the shape of some beast or other, and 
 therefore they never kill, hunt, or eat the 
 animal whose form they think this totem bears. 
 
 The evening previous to the departure of the 
 band, one of them, whose totem was a bear, 
 dreamed that if he would go to a piece of 
 swampy ground at the foot of a high mountain, 
 about five days’ march from my wigwam, he 
 
 no 
 
I^opageg antJ Crated 
 
 would see a large herd of elks, moose, and other 
 animals; but that he must be accompanied by 
 at least ten good hunters. When he awoke he 
 acquainted the band with his dream and 
 desired them to go with him: they all refused, 
 saying it was out of their way, and that their 
 hunting grounds were nearer. The Indian 
 having a superstitious reverence for his dream 
 (which ignorance and the prevalence of exam¬ 
 ple among the savages carries to a great 
 height), thinking himself obliged to do so, as 
 his companions had refused to go with him, 
 went alone, and coming near the spot, saw the 
 animals he dreamed of. He instantly fired, and 
 killed a bear. Shocked at the transaction, and 
 dreading the displeasure of the Master of Life, 
 whom he conceived he had highly offended, 
 he fell down and lay senseless for some 
 time. Recovering from his state of insensibil¬ 
 ity, he got up and was making the best of his 
 way to my house when he was met in the road 
 by another large bear, who pulled him down 
 and scratched his face. The Indian, relating 
 this event at his return, added, in the simplicity 
 of his nature, that the bear asked him what 
 could induce him to kill his totem; to which 
 he replied that he did not know he was 
 among the animals when he fired at the herd; 
 that he was very sorry for the misfortune, and 
 hoped he would have pity on him; that the 
 bear suffered him to depart, told him to be 
 more cautious in future, and acquaint all the 
 
 hi 
 
^ofjit Hong 
 
 Indians with the circumstance, that their 
 totems might be safe and the Master of Life 
 not angry with them. As he entered my 
 house he looked at me very earnestly and 
 pronounced these words: “Amik, liunjey ta 
 Kitchee Annascartissey nin ,0 Totem, cawwicka 
 nee wee geos say sannegat debwoye”; or, “Bea¬ 
 ver, my faith is lost, my totem is angry, I shall 
 never be able to hunt any more.” 
 
 This idea of destiny, or, if I may be allowed 
 the phrase, “totemism,” however strange, is 
 not confined to the savages; many instances 
 might be adduced from history to prove how 
 strong these impressions have been on minds 
 above the vulgar and unlearned. For instance 
 one in the history of the private life of Louis 
 XV, translated by Justamond: Among some 
 particulars of the life of the famous Samuel 
 Bernard, the Jew banker of the court of 
 France, he says that he was superstitious as 
 the people of his nation are, and had a black 
 hen to which he thought his destiny was 
 attached; he had the greatest care taken of 
 her, and the loss of this fowl was, in fact, the 
 period of his own existence, in January, 1739. 
 
 Dreams are particularly attended to by the 
 Indians, and sometimes they make an artful 
 use of the veneration that is paid to them, by 
 which they carry a point they have in view. 
 I shall relate an instance for the satisfaction 
 of the reader. 
 
 Sir William Johnson, sitting in council with 
 
IDopngts anti €i*atod£ 
 
 a party of Mohawks, the head chief told him 
 he had dreamed last night that he had given 
 him a fine laced coat, and he believed it was 
 the same he then wore. Sir William smiled 
 and asked the chief if he really dreamed it; 
 the Indian immediately answered in the affirm¬ 
 ative. “Well then,” says Sir William, “you 
 must have it”; and instantly pulled it off, 
 and desiring the chief to strip himself, put 
 on him the fine coat. The Indian was highly 
 delighted and when the council broke up de¬ 
 parted in great good humor, crying out, 
 who-ah, which is an expression of great satis¬ 
 faction among them. 
 
 The next council which was held, Sir William 
 told the chief that he was not accustomed to 
 dream, but that since he met him at the council 
 he had dreamed a very surprising dream; the 
 Indian wished to know it. Sir William, with 
 some hesitation, told him he had dreamed that 
 he had given him a tract of land on the 
 Mohawk River to build a house on and make 
 a settlement, extending about nine miles in 
 length along the banks. The chief smiled and 
 looking very cheerfully at Sir William told 
 him if he really dreamed it he should have it; 
 but that he would never dream again with 
 him for he had only got a laced coat, whereas 
 Sir William was now entitled to a large bed, on 
 which his ancestors had frequently slept. Sir 
 William took possession of the land by virtue 
 of an Indian deed signed by the chiefs, and 
 
^ofm Eottg 
 
 gave them some rum to finish the business. It 
 is now a considerable estate, but since the war 
 the Americans have deprived him of it, with 
 all the buildings, etc., which are very valuable. 
 It lies on the opposite shore to the German 
 Flats, but the land is by no means equal in 
 goodness with the soil there. Perhaps no part 
 of America produces land better calculated 
 for cultivation than the German Flats. 
 
 During the American war the best Loyalist 
 troops were collected from the Mohawk River 
 and it was agreed on all hands that for stead¬ 
 iness, bravery, and allegiance they were not 
 to be excelled. Government has done its 
 utmost to reward many of them for their 
 services, by giving them land in Canada and 
 Nova Scotia; and to those whom poverty 
 obliged to solicit them, implements of hus¬ 
 bandry. They are now in a very flourishing 
 state, and there is no doubt but they will 
 prove valuable friends and supporters of Great 
 Britain in any future emergency. 
 
 During the severe weather I had a narrow 
 escape from a contrivance of the Indian who 
 was occasionally with me, and whom I em¬ 
 ployed in hunting and making marten traps. 
 This was occasioned by jealousy on account 
 of his wife, who was a pretty young squaw 
 of the Rat nation, and whom he suspected of 
 infidelity. 
 
 Being short of provisions and having only 
 one faithful Canadian in the house, except the 
 
Bopageg anU Cratoelg 
 
 Indian and his wife, I desired him to make a 
 number of marten traps and set them in two 
 different roads, called a fork. Having finished 
 about 200 and set them in the woods, baited 
 with fish-heads, which these animals are very 
 fond of, he returned and I gave him some rum 
 for his trouble. Every day for a considerable 
 time he went regularly to examine them, and 
 when successful was always rewarded to his 
 satisfaction. Having been unfortunate several 
 days, I charged him with doing other business 
 instead of examining the traps, to which he 
 made no reply. I communicated my suspicions 
 to my man and desired him to watch the 
 savage. The next day the Canadian dis¬ 
 covered him in the woods, dressing some 
 partridges; when he returned home in the 
 evening he asked for rum, which I refused, 
 telling him he did not deserve any. This 
 answer displeased him, and looking earnestly 
 at me, he replied that I did not use him well; 
 for though he had been unsuccessful with his 
 traps, his trouble was the same; and that he 
 generally found them out of order, which 
 obliged him to set them right and employed 
 him the whole next day. This excuse did not 
 make any alteration in my conduct, and I told 
 him the weather was too bad to get at any 
 rum. He then began to imagine that I sus¬ 
 pected him and knew of his laziness, and 
 immediately opened his mind, telling me very 
 frankly that he was jealous of me; and that 
 
^ofjn Slung 
 
 his reason for not going to examine the marten 
 traps was to prevent any communication be¬ 
 tween me and his wife, which, had he been far 
 distant from home, might have been easily 
 effected; and for this reason he kept near the 
 house to watch her, knowing that she was fond 
 of me; but that if I would give him some rum 
 to drive away the bad spirit from his heart, 
 he would endeavor to forget the injury I had 
 done him. 
 
 Judging it prudent to remove his suspicions, 
 I gave him two gallons of rum, a carrot of 
 tobacco, a shirt, a pair of leggings, a scalping- 
 knife, etc., and several articles to his wife. 
 Having received the presents, he called her to 
 drink with him and thank the trader with a 
 cheerful heart for his great kindness. When 
 they were a little merry he began to sing, and 
 I heard him repeat these words: “Mornooch 
 Amik kee zargetoone mentimoyamish,” or, “I 
 do not care though the Beaver loves my wife.” 
 This did not please me as I knew his jealousy 
 would increase in proportion to the quantity 
 of liquor he drank. However, I used the ut¬ 
 most precaution, securing his weapons to 
 prevent his doing me any injury. His wife, 
 hearing him repeat the words so frequently, 
 began to be angry and pulled his hair and 
 scratched his face. I thought this a favorable 
 opportunity to express my dislike, and told 
 him he was a fool to be jealous; that I gave 
 him the rum to drive away the bad spirit, 
 116 
 
Bopage£ anti €ratori£ 
 
 but it had [had] a contrary effect; that I never 
 wanted anything of his wife but to make or 
 mend snowshoes, and always paid her for her 
 trouble. “Yes,” cries the wife, “he is a fool, 
 Beaver, and I will beat him”; which she in¬ 
 stantly did, and cut his head with a glass 
 bottle. I then interfered and parted them. 
 
 The moment I was gone he began the old 
 song, and continued singing till he was sober; 
 when, getting up, he came to me and said, 
 “Beaver, I have seen the bad spirit in my 
 dream, who told me that the trader had 
 robbed me.” Irritated at the expression, I 
 told him his lips never spoke truth, and that 
 he had no sense; and thinking it right to sup¬ 
 press this humor, beat him very severely. 
 When he had recovered his reason he said to 
 me, “Beaver, you have sense, though you 
 have spotted my carcass.” I then remon¬ 
 strated with him on the great folly of being 
 jealous, but he was sullen and made no reply. 
 He then called his wife, but she being asleep 
 did not hear him; he called a second time, and 
 asked for his gun, tomahawk, and scalping- 
 knife; but not receiving any answer he was 
 very angry, and said to me, “Beaver, I will 
 throw away my body,” to which I did not 
 think it prudent to make any reply. He then 
 laid himself down on the ground and called 
 his wife a third time. She came to him, and 
 observing displeasure in his countenance, told 
 him not to be angry with the Beaver, for he 
 
5 f ot)n Song 
 
 was a great warrior and always opened his 
 heart to them. He ordered her to bring him a 
 bark bowl full of water, and set it down care¬ 
 fully between the Beaver’s legs. Whilst she 
 was gone for the water he said to me, “Come 
 here, Beaver, and I will show you that I have 
 nothing sweet on my lips, but will speak the 
 truth.” The wife returned and placed the 
 bowl of water as her husband directed; when 
 it had stood some time he said, “Beaver, put 
 your finger in the water and let it remain till I 
 tell you to take it out.” I obeyed him with 
 the utmost cheerfulness, and in a few minutes, 
 by his desire, withdrew it. He then said, 
 “Beaver, you know that a husband is so called 
 because he is the master of weakness, and for 
 that reason he should protect his wife; and 
 at the same time, you, as a trader, should not 
 injure me: but that I may not accuse you un¬ 
 justly, I will try you by my own thoughts. 
 Beaver, look at my wife and look at the 
 water, and tell me where you have put your 
 finger; if you cannot tell you have certainly 
 robbed me.” I then put in my finger again, 
 and pointed out the place. “No,” said he, 
 looking earnestly at me and his wife, “as you 
 cannot be certain that it is the exact place 
 where you first put your finger, neither can I 
 be certain that you have not robbed me; 
 though I as much believe it as you do that the 
 place you pointed out was the exact spot.” 
 I confessed myself surprised at his disbelief, 
 
Bopageg ants Cratoelg 
 
 but not [being] willing to incense him I told 
 him I was sorry he should imagine me capable 
 of such wickedness as to be guilty of injuring 
 him, for my mind was as calm as the water in 
 an undisturbed state; and after giving him a 
 few presents, sent them away, enjoining him 
 to use his wife well, as she was perfectly in¬ 
 nocent. As they departed he said to me, 
 smiling, “Beaver, you must get somebody else 
 to look after your marten traps.” 
 
 Adultery among the northern savages is 
 generally punished in a summary way by the 
 husband, who either beats his wife very 
 severely or bites off her nose. It is extremely 
 dangerous for a trader to be suspected, for 
 when the husband is intoxicated his jealousy 
 rises into madness, and revenge, whether the 
 party suspected be innocent or guilty, is 
 continually to be expected. When the mind 
 of an Indian is once affected his passion in¬ 
 creases in proportion to the quantity of rum 
 which he drinks, though he has the art to 
 conceal it when he is sober. It is the baneful 
 effect of rum which puts every jealous thought 
 in motion, and then it knows no bounds till 
 intoxication completely overpowers him or 
 returning sobriety restores his lost reason. 
 
 Early in the month of April I received a 
 letter from Monsieur Jacques Santeron at 
 Lake Schabeechevan, in the same employ as 
 myself, to inform me that he was tired of being 
 a servant and, thinking his labors not suffi- 
 
S^ljn Hong 
 
 ciently rewarded, had determined to make a 
 grand coup, having a number of fine packs 
 which he purposed selling to the Hudson’s 
 Bay Company; that he should leave his win¬ 
 tering ground next morning with four birch 
 canoes, and would write further particulars on 
 bark, which he should nail against one of the 
 crooked trees at the foot of the Grand Rapid, 
 in case I should be disposed to come that 
 way; and concluded with great gaiete de 
 coeur, wishing me and all my friends very well. 
 
 I was greatly surprised on receiving this 
 unpleasant intelligence, and particularly as 
 I had never heard of his integrity being im¬ 
 peached in the smallest degree; and I was 
 disappointed, as I expected him to pass my 
 wintering ground on his return to Pays Plat. 
 
 Conceiving it my duty to exert my best 
 endeavors to prevent the loss of so much 
 property to my employers, I engaged Kesco- 
 neek, the chief, and twenty savages, under 
 promise of being satisfied for their trouble, to 
 conduct me to the crooked trees. We went off 
 with the utmost expedition and in a few days 
 arrived at the spot, where I saw the piece of 
 bark, as he described, and the following words 
 written with charcoal: “ Adieu mon cher 
 ami, je prends mon depart avec courage, et 
 j’attends une bonne vente pour me pelleterie. 
 De bon coeur je vous souhaite la prosperity 
 jaites mes compliments a tons mes amis—au 
 revoir mon cher companion .” 
 
 120 
 
Bopagc£ anJj €ratod£ 
 
 Having perused it and explained it to the 
 chief, he said he was a bad spirit, and that as 
 he had been gone six days before our arrival 
 it would be impossible to overtake him, as he 
 could not be far from the entrance of the North 
 River, leading to Hudson Bay; and if I pur¬ 
 sued him I should not get back in time to 
 trade with the Indians for their great hunt. 
 We therefore returned, after a fruitless expedi¬ 
 tion, extremely mortified at the disappoint¬ 
 ment, as I was very sensible he would never 
 return to Canada to make satisfaction to his 
 employers. 
 
 Soon after my return the grand band came 
 in with all their winter’s hunt, which they call 
 Kitchee Artaway. They consisted of about 
 thirty families, of twenty in each. He who 
 has most wives is considered the best hunter, 
 being obliged to provide for their maintenance 
 by his own industry. The Indians laugh at the 
 Europeans for having only one wife, and that 
 for life, as they conceive the Good Spirit formed 
 them to be happy, and not to continue together 
 unless their tempers and dispositions were 
 congenial. 
 
 Having bartered for their skins and furs, 
 they asked for rum. I told them I had only 
 one small keg left, which I would give them 
 at their departure, which satisfied them: and 
 when they were ready to embark, I ordered a 
 Canadian to put it into the chief’s canoe. 
 
 Having disposed of all my merchandise 
 
 121 
 
Eong 
 
 except a few articles and a small quantity of 
 rum, to barter with any Indians I might hap¬ 
 pen to meet with in my return to Pays Plat, 
 we baled up our peltry and on the twenty- 
 third of May left Lac la Mort with four small 
 birch canoes, richly laden with the skins 
 of beavers, otters, martens, mink, loup ser- 
 viers, beaver-eaters, foxes, bears, etc. 
 
 Before I proceed to relate the particulars of 
 my voyage I shall mention the Indian manner 
 of killing the white bear and the buffalo. The 
 large white bear, commonly called the grizzly 
 bear, is a very dangerous animal. When the 
 Indians hunt it they generally go six or eight 
 in a band. The instant they see one they en¬ 
 deavor to surround it by forming a large circle: 
 if it is on the march they fire at it; but it 
 is most frequently discovered, in the winter 
 season, sucking its paws. In that case they 
 approach nearer and form a double row for the 
 animal to run between. One of the party is 
 then sent out, who fires at the bear and 
 generally wounds it. This rouses it to pursue 
 the Indian, who runs between the ranks, and 
 the rest of the band fire and soon despatch it. 
 
 The buffalo I need not describe; it is well 
 known to be a remarkably strong animal. 
 The Indians say its head is bullet proof, and 
 therefore they always fire at the body, en¬ 
 deavoring to hit the heart. When they are in 
 pursuit of this animal they make up small 
 huts of snow in different places, for near a mile 
 
 122 
 
IDopages? anti €ratod£ 
 
 in length on each side of the road. In each of 
 these huts an Indian stands with a bow and 
 arrow, to shoot at it as it passes, preferring 
 that mode to powder and ball as it does not 
 alarm the rest of the herd. The snow prevents 
 the buffalo from smelling the Indians, though 
 their scent is very strong and quick. The 
 instant the animal drops they tomahawk it. 
 
 On the second of July we arrived at Portage 
 Plain, so called on account of its being a barren 
 rock, near a mile long, joining to Lake Alemi- 
 pigon. It was sunset when we encamped. 
 Besides the sixteen Canadians, our party was 
 increased considerably by about twenty of the 
 Sturgeon and Nipigon Indians, who accom¬ 
 panied us according to the usual custom of 
 following the trader to assist at the carrying 
 places. The day previous to our departure 
 some traders overtook us, and encamped also. 
 They informed us of a band of Indians who 
 were enemies to the Nipigons being near at 
 hand, and desired me to acquaint the savages 
 with it. Before their arrival the Sturgeon 
 Indians left us, and the other band would fain 
 have quitted the ground; but upon telling them 
 I wanted their assistance on my journey, they 
 agreed to stay, though I thought very re¬ 
 luctantly. 
 
 We soon discovered several canoes, and in 
 about half an hour the Indians landed. They 
 were of the nation of the Wasses, and always 
 at war with our savages. Being a select people, 
 
 123 
 
^ofm Hong 
 
 they seldom associate with other tribes, and 
 are continually on the hunt, only making their 
 appearance in spring and autumn. We re¬ 
 ceived them very cordially, and after the usual 
 forms of salutation, made mutual presents to 
 each other. They told me they had heard of 
 me by some Indians at Lac la Mort, and were 
 desirous of seeing me before my return to 
 Michilimackinac, or in their language Tecodon- 
 doraghie. 
 
 I soon perceived the uneasiness of my 
 Indians and was careful to keep them at some 
 distance from each other; but all my pre¬ 
 caution was ineffectual, and before my de¬ 
 parture a most dreadful catastrophe was the 
 consequence of their mutual hatred. 
 
 Our Indians, having made up huts, began to 
 sing their medicine songs to induce the 
 Wasses to partake of a feast which they said 
 they intended to make, with a view of pre¬ 
 venting any dispute with them; but knowing 
 that the Nipigons had no provisions but what 
 I found them, I suspected their intentions 
 were not so pacific as they pretended. This 
 induced me to ask a boy belonging to the 
 band why they pretended to make a feast 
 without having any provision to do it. He 
 replied that the Wasses had made them a 
 present of dried meat, and with this and some 
 huckleberries they had saved they intended 
 to make their visitants merry. This answer 
 confirmed my suspicions, as no feast is ever 
 
 124 
 
l^opageg anil €rabd£ 
 
 made where friendship is intended without in¬ 
 viting the trader, and as no notice was sent me 
 I dreaded the evil consequence of their meeting. 
 
 Deliberating with myself on the unpleasant 
 prospect, and considering how to act to pre¬ 
 vent mischief, I was interrupted in my med¬ 
 itations by a savage (. Ayarbee , or the Big Man), 
 wha came to give me intelligence of an in¬ 
 tended plan to destroy the Nipigon Indians, 
 and which was communicated to him by an old 
 woman who belonged to the band of Wasses. 
 
 In about an hour the Nipigon huts were in 
 order to receive their intended guests, who 
 were encamped in a hollow surrounded with 
 cedar trees and bushes close to the lake side. 
 The Nipigons, being determined to counteract 
 the designs of their deceitful visitors and pun¬ 
 ish their intended perfidy, made holes in the 
 bark of their huts, in which they placed their 
 guns, loaded with swan shot. Each man 
 taking his station, the Wasses to the number 
 of eighteen ascended the hill and were coming 
 prepared to partake of the feast, with knives 
 and wooden bowls, intending to overpower the 
 Nipigons on a given signal; but they were 
 fatally disappointed, for when they got 
 within thirty yards of the Nipigon huts they 
 were fired at and all the band except a girl 
 about fourteen years of age killed on the spot; 
 she was dangerously wounded, but advanced 
 with a gun, which she snatched from an Indian 
 who was preparing to despatch her, and shot 
 
 125 
 
Stofjn Song 
 
 Ayarbee through the head, and was herself 
 soon after tomahawked and scalped by a 
 Nipigon boy about the same age, who at such 
 an early period of life displayed all that 
 ferocity which marks the most determined 
 chief. 
 
 Thus was treachery rewarded: and though 
 in my heart I could not but approve of the 
 conduct of the Nipigon Indians, I was afraid 
 of trusting to them and had resolved on taking 
 my leave of them when the chief came up 
 and informed me he was very sorry that his 
 band could not accompany me any farther, 
 for being afraid of the resentment of the 
 Wasses, when they came to hear of the trans¬ 
 action, notwithstanding they had done it in 
 their own defense, they had determined to 
 depart; and soon after pushed off their canoes 
 and left me, a circumstance which pleased me 
 exceedingly. The next day a party of Indians 
 met us, to whom I related the disaster. They 
 were very much shocked, and said the Nipigon 
 Indians might repent their rash conduct, 
 though at the same time they acknowledged 
 them right in guarding against the designs of 
 the Wasses. They asked me if I had got their 
 packs, as they assured me they had made a 
 good hunt and had rich peltry. This informa¬ 
 tion vexed me exceedingly, as I should cer¬ 
 tainly have increased my cargo had not the 
 affair happened, and likewise have given more 
 satisfaction to my employers, though I had 
 126 
 
Bopageg? anti €ratoelg 
 
 already a large quantity of goods and had 
 every reason to be pleased with my success. 
 The Nipigons made up fourteen bales of 
 dried meat, which they took with them; but 
 the furs and skins were hidden in the woods 
 and never afterwards found that I heard of. 
 
 We continued our journey to Lac Eturgeon, 
 where soon after our landing we killed a great 
 many wild fowl and caught plenty of fish. 
 Here we met about fifty of the Hawoyzask, or 
 Rat Nation Indians, with whom I made a 
 small barter, chiefly with rum, having dis¬ 
 posed of all my Indian goods. 
 
 Our journey was retarded for some time in 
 order to gratify my curiosity. A young Indian 
 girl fell sick, and the chief desired me to stay 
 to see the wonderful effects of their medicines, 
 as she was very bad, and without immediate 
 assistance, he said, must soon change her cli¬ 
 mate. The physician who attended her said 
 that the Matchee Mannitoo, or bad spirit, 
 had put the bear’s claws into her, and his 
 medicines would remove them. A hut was 
 prepared and the girl stripped to her matchee- 
 coaty, or under petticoat; she was then painted 
 with vermilion and daubed over with soot and 
 bear’s grease and profusely sweated, which 
 soon relieved her pain. During the operation 
 the physician addressed himself to the Master 
 of Life, begging his assistance and thanking 
 him for giving knowledge to restore health. 
 Then, giving her a decoction of roots, he made 
 
 127 
 
Song 
 
 a perfect cure . 37 I could not help admiring 
 his skill and manner of proceeding, though I 
 attributed her recovery solely to the plentiful 
 perspiration she underwent. 
 
 Previous to our departure one of the women 
 was delivered of a fine boy, and I was highly 
 delighted with the mother’s tenderness as the 
 infant sucked the milk, which in their language 
 is called tootooshonarbo, or the sap of the human 
 breast, an expression which struck me forcibly. 
 The husband was also very attentive and 
 performed the part of an affectionate parent, 
 which induced me to give him some rum to 
 cheer his heart and drink my health. He 
 seemed pleased with the present, and address¬ 
 ing himself to the Great Spirit thanked him 
 for the safe delivery of his mentimoye: then 
 looking very earnestly at me, [he] told me how 
 much he was indebted to me for the comfort 
 that I had afforded him, and that he was sure 
 that I was a brave warrior, for my generosity 
 to him and his wife when they so much wanted 
 assistance. When the young warrior cried, 
 he observed that he wished to be grateful to 
 me for my attention to his parents, and that 
 it was only the echo of his breath (meaning 
 his voice) to praise the goodness of the Sag- 
 gonash, or Englishman. As I got into my canoe 
 he said, “Beaver, be strong, you will always 
 have a public road among the Nipigon 
 
 37 On the practices of the medicine men compare 
 Alexander Henry’s Travels and Adventures ,j>p. 113-22. 
 
 128 
 
Bopageg anfe Crab rig 
 
 Indians, therefore return as soon as you can. 
 In the meantime I shall take care to acquaint 
 all the Indians with your goodness, and I hope 
 when we see you again we shall have had a 
 good hunt and be able to give you furs and 
 skins to repay your kindness.” I told him I 
 always loved the Indians, that I was adopted 
 by the Chippewas and considered myself as 
 one of their tribe; that I would return as soon 
 as possible with plenty of goods for their 
 families; that my heart was melted by his 
 regard for me; and giving him and his wife 
 each a parting glass of the strong water, [I] 
 took my leave and pursued my journey. 
 
 We arrived at Pays Plat on the tenth of 
 August, where I met some brother traders 
 who had been in different parts of the inlands, 
 particularly the Northwest. Here we waited 
 for fresh goods from our employers and en¬ 
 joyed ourselves with the remains of our dif¬ 
 ferent provisions, which we threw into a 
 common stock, and made ourselves merry with 
 the scanty pittance, recounting our several 
 adventures: but none of them had suffered 
 the difficulties I had experienced, except Mr. 
 Shaw, whom I happily relieved at Lake 
 Manontoye, the rest of the traders having 
 wintered very remote from me, by the way of 
 the Grand Portage. Soon after our arrival 
 our employers sent their agents with a fresh 
 assortment of merchandise and provisions, 
 which rejoiced us exceedingly, having been a 
 
 129 
 
Stofm Hong 
 
 considerable time without corn or grease, and 
 absent from Michilimackinac about fourteen 
 months. I delivered my cargo of furs, consist¬ 
 ing of about 140 packs in good condition, and 
 loaded the canoes with the fresh goods; then 
 taking leave of my companions, [ I ] prepared for 
 my departure for the inlands to winter another 
 year among the Nipigon savages. But before 
 I begin to relate my second adventure I cannot 
 forbear making some observations on the 
 hardships attending an Indian life, particu¬ 
 larly as an interpreter and trader. 
 
 My salary was about £150 per annum, which 
 I certainly deserved, considering the knowledge 
 I had of the Chippewa language. 
 
 I was sent into the inlands with only corn 
 and hard grease, without any other provisions 
 I could rely on; for as to fish and other animal 
 food, the former in a great measure depends 
 on the season, the latter on the arrival of 
 savages; and though in general I was success¬ 
 ful in aquatic pursuits, and received frequent 
 supplies from the Indians, it was a precarious 
 mode of subsistence, and at Lac la Mort I 
 suffered great hardships. 
 
 I had sixteen men, and an Indian and his 
 wife occasionally with me, to feed and govern, 
 and on the continuance of their health my 
 existence in great measure depended. As it 
 was my constant duty to be in the way in case 
 of the arrival of savages, being the only one 
 who could talk their language, I had few 
 
Bopage£ anti Crabefe 
 
 opportunities of hunting, neither could I go 
 far abroad to examine whether the Canadians 
 did their duty or not. I was, therefore, always 
 full of anxiety, and rejoiced when the spring 
 returned to set me free. 
 
 The constant attention necessary in taking 
 care of the goods to prevent depredations; the 
 continual fears and apprehensions of being 
 plundered by a set of intoxicated beings; 
 always liable to insults, without daring to 
 resent them; and when I had bartered all my 
 merchandise and made a successful trip, feeling 
 a painful solicitude till the fruits of my labors 
 were safely delivered to my employers. Upon 
 the whole, perhaps no situation can be more 
 distressing, and it has often filled my mind with 
 surprise when I reflected on the engagement I 
 entered into, which consumed the prime of 
 my days in a traffic the dangers and fatigues 
 of which scarce any salary could compensate. 
 I believe nothing but the flattering idea of 
 thinking myself superior to others as an 
 interpreter prompted me to continue in a 
 station so fatiguing to support and so difficult 
 to execute, and I cannot but conclude with this 
 observation: that however censurable a man 
 may be for indulging even this degree of pride, 
 the liberal mind will easily pardon the pre¬ 
 sumption, as they know he alone is the sufferer; 
 and as self-opinion governs the pursuits of 
 mankind, the individual who is most influenced 
 by it must stand or fall by the consequence. 
 
chapter n 
 
 SECOND WINTER AMONG THE NIPIGON 
 INDIANS 
 
 O N the fifteenth of August I left Pays 
 Plat with four birch canoes and the 
 same men who wintered with me at 
 Lac la Mort, and arrived at Riviere la Pique, 
 which runs into Lake Superior. This river is 
 very crooked for about seven miles, and 
 extremely deep; it abounds with fish, par¬ 
 ticularly pike, from which it takes its name. 
 On our landing we found a large band of 
 Chippewas and some of the Rat nation, who 
 immediately prepared a feast for us of dried 
 meat, fish, etc. Among them was an Indian 
 named Ogasby, or the Horse; he was reckoned 
 even by his own tribe a bad Indian, which 
 put me on my guard during my encampment 
 there. I traded' for their skins and furs and 
 gave them some rum, with which they had a 
 frolic which lasted for three days and nights; 
 on this occasion five men were killed, and one 
 woman dreadfully burned. When the fumes 
 of the liquor had evaporated they began, as 
 usual, to reflect on the folly of their conduct, 
 and all except Ogasby expressed great concern. 
 He seemed rather to be pleased at the mischief 
 which had happened, and before my departure 
 
 132 
 
Bopageg anU €rafedg 
 
 I was informed that he intended to destroy 
 me and plunder the property. To frustrate 
 his villainous intention, I kept him in good 
 humor and made him sleep in my hut, a com¬ 
 pliment he seemed highly pleased with, and 
 which I believe for the time diverted him from 
 his purpose; and though by no means fond of 
 his company, I judged it most prudent to have 
 my enemy in sight. In the morning I gave him 
 a glass of rum and promised him a two-gallon 
 keg to carry off the ground, which, as the 
 Indians express themselves, drove the bad 
 spirit from his heart. When my men had pre¬ 
 pared everything for embarkation I gave the 
 chief of the band the liquor, and a single 
 bottle of rum more than I promised to Ogasby, 
 unknown to the rest, in which I had infused a 
 considerable quantity of laudanum. Unsus¬ 
 picious of what I had done he put the bottle 
 to his mouth, and shaking me by the hand, 
 said to me, “ Kee talinimanco negee,” or, 
 “Your health, friend,” and immediately took 
 a hearty draught, which soon stupefied and 
 lulled ham into a profound sleep in which, I 
 was afterwards informed, he remained twelve 
 hours, depriving him of the power of doing 
 harm; and that soon after, an Indian who 
 had an antipathy against him and only sought 
 an opportunity of gratifying his resentment, 
 tomahawked him. His eldest son burned him 
 and fixed his bones on a high pole as he was 
 the head chief of the tribe. 
 
 133 
 
3Totig 
 
 We proceeded on our voyage and arrived at 
 a short carrying place, called Portage la Rame, 
 where we encamped for nine days, being wind 
 bound. Here we found a number of Indians 
 in the same situation. 
 
 As soon as Lake Superior was passable with 
 safety we continued our journey through 
 strong and dangerous rapids, which kept us 
 continually in the water and very sensibly 
 affected our limbs. On these occasions, where 
 great exertion is necessary, all distinction is 
 laid aside and it is tel maitre tel valet; the 
 bourgeois must work as hard as the engages, 
 to encourage them to do their duty with 
 more alacrity, and avoid all cause of com¬ 
 plaint. 
 
 The wind proving favorable, we proceeded 
 to Cranberry Lake, so called from the great 
 quantity of cranberries growing in the swamps. 
 We stopped here two days to refresh ourselves 
 after the great fatigue we had undergone in 
 struggling against the rapids. Being suffi¬ 
 ciently recovered and having nothing to de¬ 
 tain us, we proceeded to a short carrying 
 place called la Grande Cote de la Roche at the 
 entrance of the Nipigon River, which is a high 
 ridge of rocks that must be passed to avoid 
 the great cataract which I mentioned in my 
 former voyage. At this time we had very 
 little animal food, but fortunately killed three 
 large bears in the middle of the portage, which 
 supported us several days, besides which we 
 
 134 
 
19opagc£ antJ Cratoelg 
 
 reserved some of the meat we had smoked 
 and dried to carry with us. 
 
 From la grande Cote de la Roche we pro¬ 
 ceeded to Lac le Nid au Corbeau, or Crow’s- 
 nest Lake, which is about 200 miles in cir¬ 
 cumference and supplied by a number of 
 small rivers. There are also several islands on 
 it which furnish the Indians with great plenty 
 of wild fowl. Bears are also found here in 
 abundance, and a surprising number of beaver 
 dams, running in a crooked direction about 
 ten miles. The Chippewas hunt here and find 
 a great deal of game. 
 
 The reader will observe that in the first 
 voyage I gave an account of another Crow’s- 
 nest Lake, which is very small, with an island 
 in the middle with high palm trees. In such an 
 extent of country it is not surprising that 
 there should be two places of the same name. 
 
 During our stay a band of Indians arrived 
 from Lake Arbitibis, who probably were dis¬ 
 satisfied with the trader they dealt with and 
 intended to go to Michilimackinac, but finding 
 that I understood their language they bartered 
 with me and made me a present of meat and 
 fish. An accident happened here which had 
 nearly proved fatal, and which was of infinite 
 service to me ever after, by putting me more 
 on my guard in all transactions with the 
 savages. 
 
 Some of the chiefs being desirous of seeing 
 my Northwest guns, I was obliged to open a 
 
 13s 
 
^ofjtt Hong 
 
 case for their inspection. This I did unwilling¬ 
 ly, as the weather was fine and I was extremely 
 anxious to get to the wintering ground before a 
 heavy fall of snow. Having shown them the 
 guns, they loaded four and laid them down 
 by the cases, intending to try them. During 
 the time they were thus employed I was busy 
 in arranging the goods that had been dis¬ 
 placed in getting at them, but as soon as I was 
 at leisure I took,up one of the guns in a care¬ 
 less manner, not knowing it was charged, and 
 snapped the lock, which most unfortunately 
 shot off the ear of one of the chiefs, and I also 
 received some injury by the powder flying in 
 my face and almost depriving me of sight. 
 The discharge was so instantaneous and ap¬ 
 peared so premeditated that the chief re¬ 
 proached me in very severe terms for the 
 injury I had done him, and threatened revenge; 
 however, I soon convinced him it was an 
 accident, and giving him some presents, he 
 consoled himself for the loss of his ear, which 
 was very large and handsome and without a 
 single break, which made it very valuable in 
 his estimation. It was fortunate I did not kill 
 him, as in all probability we should have been 
 sacrificed to the resentment of the band. 
 
 The Indians pride themselves on having 
 large ears, and extended as wide as possible, 
 which renders them liable to be pulled off. 
 It is very common in drunken frolics to lose 
 them, but when they are only torn they cut 
 136 
 
t£>opage£ aitb €rabd£ 
 
 them smooth with a knife and sew the parts 
 together with a needle and deer’s sinews, and 
 after sweating in a stove resume their usual 
 cheerfulness. 
 
 The next day we took our leave and pur¬ 
 sued our journey to Shecarke Sakiegan, or 
 the Skunk’s Lake, which runs with a strong 
 current. In the fall it abounds, with geese and 
 ducks. Here we hunted one day and with good 
 success. The next morning at break of day we 
 embarked and had favorable weather till we 
 arrived at Lake Schabeechevan, or the Weed 
 Lake. This lake is about 180 miles in circum¬ 
 ference and full of small islands. It abounds 
 with fish, and the swamps are full of wild rice 
 and cranberries. It is about six days’ march 
 from Lac la Mort. 
 
 This lake was an unfortunate situation to 
 my employers last year, when one of their 
 servants, Jacques Santeron, went off with a 
 valuable cargo. 38 On my arrival I looked out 
 for the house he had erected, but could not 
 discern the least trace of it. Probably he was 
 so elated that he made a feu de joie on the 
 prospect of being his own master. At the 
 extremity of this lake is a fall of water, which 
 runs from a river of the same name, and has a 
 direct communication with the waters leading 
 from Fort Albany, 39 within the boundaries of 
 
 38 See ante, p 119. 
 
 39 This fort, built by the Hudson’s Bay Company, 
 stood at the mouth of Albany River, on the shore of 
 
 i37 
 
^To^n Hong 
 
 the Hudson’s Bay [Company] territories. It 
 is about thirty days’ march across nineteen 
 portages and creeks, besides fourteen rapids, 
 which are a great hindrance to the journey. 
 The Indians run down the strong currents 
 without the least fear, and seldom meet with 
 any accident, performing the voyage in one- 
 third part of the time they take in ascending, 
 and without any damage to their canoes, 
 which in going against the stream are fre¬ 
 quently rendered useless and they are obliged 
 to make new ones before they can pursue their 
 voyage; but it is a most convenient circum¬ 
 stance that they are nowhere at a loss for 
 birch bark, and being also very expert, they 
 will make a canoe in three days sufficiently 
 large to carry three people, with necessaries 
 for their support and room to stow their furs 
 and skins. 40 On this lake there are about 150 
 good hunters, who make a great many packs 
 of beaver, etc., and this was one inducement 
 for settling here, which was increased by the 
 prospect of a plentiful supply of fish, rice, 
 and cranberries, which are winter comforts of 
 too great consequence to be slighted. 
 
 James Bay. In 1686 it was captured by a French raid¬ 
 ing party from Montreal and held for seven years, 
 when it again passed into English possession. This was 
 the affair alluded to by Alexander Henry, Travels and 
 Adventures, p 238. 
 
 40 A description of the Indian method of making bark 
 canoes is given by Henry, p 172. 
 
 x 3 8 , 
 
Bopageg ant* €rabd£ 
 
 Having secured the canoes and refreshed 
 my men with good soup, I left them in charge 
 of the goods and took two Indians to show me 
 a convenient place to build a house, which 
 having fixed on, a building was erected fifty 
 feet long and twenty feet wide, divided into 
 two separate apartments, one for merchandise 
 and the other for common use. The rum being 
 concealed in the woods and everything prop¬ 
 erly arranged, we put the fishing tackle in 
 order; and as the lakes began to freeze very 
 fast I divided my men into two parties, one- 
 half to be employed in fishing, the remainder 
 (except one man whom I always kept in the 
 house) in providing fuel for winter. In about 
 three weeks a sufficient quantity of wood was 
 piled near the house, and the wood-cutters 
 joined the fishing party. They proved very 
 successful, so that our injnds were more at 
 ease than in the preceding year, not having 
 the dread of famine. 
 
 In about ten days a numerous band of 
 Indians arrived with their fall hunt, none of 
 whom I had ever seen, not having wintered 
 so far inland before. They seemed well pleased 
 to find a trader settled among them, and 
 particularly as I spoke the language; but 
 when I informed them that I was a brother 
 warrior and showed the marks of adoption 
 in my flesh they were highly delighted. The 
 women were immediately ordered to make up 
 huts and prepare a feast. Whilst this was doing 
 
 139 
 
Hong 
 
 the Indians came into my house, one by one, 
 and seating themselves on the floor began to 
 smoke and looked very cheerful. When I had 
 given them tobacco and other Indian goods 
 the old chief, whose name was Mattoyash, or 
 the Earth, took me round the neck and kissed 
 my cheek, then addressed me in the following 
 words: 
 
 “ Meegwoitch Kitchee Mannito, kaygait kee 
 zargetoone an Nishinnorbay nogome, shashyyar 
 payshik artawway winnin tercushenan, cawween 
 kitchee morgussey, an Nishinnorbay nogome 
 cawwicker indenendum. Kaygait kitchee mush- 
 kowway geosay haguarmissey waybenan matchee 
 oathty nee zargetoone Saggonash artawway; 
 winnin kaygait hapadgey kitchee morgussey an 
 Nishinnorbay; kaygwotch annahoycassey neener- 
 wind mornooch towwarch nee zargey debwoye 
 kee appay omar, cuppar bebone nepewar appim- 
 iniqui omar.” —“I thank the Master of Life 
 for loving us Indians and sending us this day 
 an English trader, who will open his heart to 
 me and my young men. Take courage, young 
 men, suffer not your hearts to be bound up, 
 and throw away the bad spirit from you. We 
 all love the English traders for we have heard 
 of their pity to savages; we believe that they 
 have an open heart, that their veins run clear 
 like the sea. It is true we Indians have but 
 little sense when drunk, but we hope you will 
 not think of this, and if you will stay with us 
 we will hunt with spirit for you.” 
 
 140 
 
t£opage£ mils Crabcfe 
 
 When he had finished his speech they all 
 got up and taking me by the right hand con¬ 
 ducted me to their hut. Immediately on 
 entering one of the warriors placed me on a 
 large beaver robe which was prepared for me, 
 and put a wampum belt round my neck, sing¬ 
 ing all the time to the Master of Life, while 
 myself and the chief were eating. When the 
 feast was over I took two of the Indians to 
 my house and gave them two kegs of rum and 
 ten carrots of tobacco, with other articles, 
 for which they gave me all their peltry. Then 
 they began to frolic, which continued three 
 days and nights. The only accident which 
 happened was to a little child, whose back 
 was broken by the mother. When they had 
 rested a day after intoxication I supplied them 
 with plenty of ammunition for their winter’s 
 hunt and they departed perfectly satisfied 
 with their reception. I cannot help relating 
 the method I was obliged to adopt to quiet 
 an old Indian woman, who was more trouble¬ 
 some than the rest, and continually impor¬ 
 tuned me for liquor. 
 
 I infused forty drops of the tincture of 
 cantharides and the same quantity of lau¬ 
 danum into a glass of rum, and when she came 
 to me soliciting very earnestly for the strong 
 water, I gave her the dose which was prepared 
 for her. She drank it without hesitation, and 
 being already much intoxicated, it made her 
 stagger. But this did not satisfy her and she 
 
S^fjn Hong 
 
 still asked for more. I then repeated the 
 dose, which she also drank, and then fell on 
 the floor. I ordered my Canadian to carry 
 her out of the house and lay her carefully near 
 her own wigwam, where she remained twelve 
 hours in a deep sleep, to my entire satisfaction. 
 I have always found laudanum extremely use¬ 
 ful. In general it may be considered an 
 essential article in the commerce with the 
 Indians, as it proves the only method of over¬ 
 coming their intoxicated senses and making 
 the life of a trader more tolerable, by putting 
 a stop to their impertinence. 
 
 On the nineteenth of November a band of 
 about forty Indians came in with a few skins 
 and a great quantity of dried meat, with some 
 bear’s grease, which I purchased for a little 
 rum, and advised them to carry it along with 
 them off the ground. They complied with my 
 wishes, and embarked perfectly sober. 
 
 It was always my custom to endeavor to 
 persuade them to take away the rum, though 
 I seldom succeeded. The fatigue of watching 
 them when the liquor begins to operate is in¬ 
 conceivable, besides the risk of our lives and 
 property. 
 
 After their departure I was left for nearly a 
 month with only one man, the rest being 
 employed in fishing and watching the marten 
 traps. In both pursuits they were successful, 
 but particularly in the former, having brought 
 home near eight thousand trout, pike, pickerel, 
 
 142 
 
Bopageg anti €rafcd£ 
 
 and whitefish, which we hung up as usual to 
 freeze. When the severe weather sets in every 
 man has his allowance served out twice a day, 
 and this rule is constantly adhered to even 
 though the stock be very considerable. 
 
 In the beginning of December a new- 
 married couple arrived, and having given 
 them a little rum, they got very merry; and 
 perceiving the woman was in great good 
 humor, I desired her to sing a love song, which 
 she consented to do with cheerfulness. 
 
 THE SONG 
 
 “Debwoye, nee zargay ween aighter, payshik 
 oathty, seizeebockquoit shenargussey me tar- 
 biscoach nepeech cassawicka nepoo , moszack 
 pemartus, seizeebockquoit meteek.” 
 
 “It is true I love him only whose heart is 
 like the sweet sap that runs from the sugar 
 tree, and is brother to the aspen leaf that al¬ 
 ways lives and shivers.” 
 
 I thanked her for her song, and giving the 
 husband a bottle of scuttaywabo, 41 left them 
 together to enjoy their hearts’ delight; and as 
 there was not sufficient to intoxicate them, I 
 was not afraid of a jealous fit. I always bore 
 in mind the circumstance at Lac la Mort, and 
 my fortunate escape. In the morning they 
 departed, paying me well for my presents 
 with some beaver, bear, and otter skins. 
 
 A few days after, an Indian arrived with 
 
 41 The Chippewa word for rum, or brandy. 
 
 i43 
 
^ofm Hong 
 
 his two wives and three children. They 
 immediately came into my house and sat 
 down by the fire. I thought I discovered 
 deceit in his countenance, and watched him 
 very narrowly. I asked him what success he 
 had met with in his hunt. He told me he 
 believed the Master of Life was angry with 
 him, for he had fired at several animals and 
 expended all his ammunition without doing 
 execution. This was a figurative mode of 
 expression, and convinced me that he was 
 lazy and could not get credit for what he 
 wanted. He added that his family had been 
 without provisions some days, and hoped I 
 would cheer their hearts and be a friend to 
 them. I then ordered a large kettle to be put 
 on the fire and boiled some fish, which they 
 ate of very heartily, particularly the women 
 and children. 
 
 I questioned him concerning his hunting 
 grounds. He told me he was from Hudson 
 Bay, and had come so far hearing some traders 
 were settled at Skunk’s Lake, and as he knew 
 there were plenty of animals he expected to 
 get a good many skins. This I was convinced 
 was false and I immediately considered him as 
 a straggler or he certainly would not have 
 traveled so far, unless he had done something 
 to displease the servants at the Company’s 
 forts and could not obtain credit. Looking at 
 me very earnestly, he asked me to trust him 
 a gun, blanket, and ammunition, but I re- 
 
 144 
 
Bopage£ anb €rabri£ 
 
 fused him. This displeased him, and going 
 out of the house, one of them called him, the 
 other followed him out and said something to 
 him in a low tone of voice. This appeared to 
 me like a confederacy and put me on my guard. 
 In a few minutes he returned and renewed his 
 solicitations, saying, “Are you afraid to trust 
 me forty skins? I will pay you in the spring.” 
 I told him I never gave credit to any but good 
 hunters, and I was sure he was an idle straggler, 
 who lived without industry, and advised him 
 to return to his own tribe and solicit their 
 assistance who knew him better than I did. 
 So severe a check to his application (and which 
 I was afterwards sorry for) seemed to rouse the 
 bad spirit in his heart, and he left me under 
 the influence of the Matchee Manitoo and 
 went down to his canoe, seeming to be in deep 
 discourse with his wives. 
 
 My man observing them, watched them very 
 narrowly and saw the Indian endeavoring to 
 file off the end of his gun to make it convenient 
 to conceal under his blanket. Having short¬ 
 ened and loaded it, he returned with it hid 
 under his dress. This transaction being a 
 convincing proof of his diabolical intention, I 
 directed my man to stand on one side of the 
 door and I took my post on the other, waiting 
 his entrance into the house. Just as he passed 
 the threshold I knocked him down with a 
 billet of wood, and taking his short gun from 
 him, beat him so much that we were obliged to 
 
 i4S 
 
Hong 
 
 carry him down to his canoe, where his family 
 were waiting for him, and ordered them all 
 off the ground, threatening that in case of 
 refusal his canoe should be instantly broken 
 to pieces and his family turned adrift. The 
 squaws and children appeared very much dis¬ 
 tressed and with great reluctance obeyed my 
 order. Thus I got rid of an unprincipled set, 
 and, as will soon appear, escaped a danger 
 which was certainly intended to involve me 
 and my men in utter ruin. 
 
 A few days after their departure an Indian 
 arrived and informed me that Mr. Joseph La 
 Forme, a brother trader who was settled at 
 Lac le Sel, was killed by a savage, and de¬ 
 scribed his person. I had no doubt but he was 
 the same man who [had] attempted to destroy 
 me. I communicated every circumstance of his 
 conduct, and the revenge I took on the occa¬ 
 sion. The Indian congratulated me on my happy 
 escape, as he was known to be a bad man by 
 all the tribe, having killed his brother and one 
 of his wives last fall, which was the reason 
 that the band he belonged to would not suffer 
 him to stay among them. As I was anxious to 
 know the particulars, I desired him to relate 
 them. He told me that he was informed by a 
 savage whom he accidentally met, and to 
 whom the murderer had revealed the par¬ 
 ticulars, that the Indian being disappointed 
 in his design against me, pursued his journey 
 with the bad spirit in his heart and arrived 
 146 
 
anti €rabd£ 
 
 at Joseph La Forme’s house, which he entered, 
 and asked for rum and tobacco, which was 
 given him; but observing he had not anything 
 to trade with, La Forme was suspicious of 
 him. Whilst he was smoking he asked for 
 credit, but was refused and told that he was 
 not only a bad hunter, but that he had a heart 
 of lead. This imprudent reproach incensed 
 him, and observing no one in the house but the 
 trader (the men being fishing) he watched 
 [for] a convenient opportunity and when La 
 Forme stooped to light his pipe, shot him 
 through the head, plundered the house of a 
 few things, and went off. 
 
 On this information I despatched six Indians 
 with a trusty Canadian to endeavor to secure 
 the property, in which they fortunately suc¬ 
 ceeded and brought away all the peltry, mer¬ 
 chandise, etc., and the deceased trader’s men, 
 whom I engaged in my service. About six weeks 
 after, one of the tribe whom he had formerly 
 offended and who had heard of this recent act 
 of villainy, after repeated reproaches for his 
 baseness, tomahawked him, cut off his head, 
 and brought it to my house to show my Indians. 
 
 The unhappy fate of Joseph La Forme 
 affords a melancholy example of the precarious 
 situation of all Indian traders, and furnishes a 
 useful lesson of instruction to those who may 
 in future be engaged in commerce with the 
 savages—that it is frequently more prudent 
 to conceal resentment than to gratify it. 
 
 147 
 
Chapter 12 
 
 FAMINE AND CANNIBALISM; OBSERVATIONS 
 
 upon the Hudson’s bay company 
 
 T HE latter end of January, 1779 a band 
 of the Rat nation arrived, belonging 
 to Shekarkistergoan, or the Skunk’s- 
 head Lake, which is between Lake Nipigon 
 and Lake Manontoye. They brought me pro¬ 
 visions and furs, which I bartered for, giving 
 them rum as usual, of which they drank freely 
 without doing any mischief. After their de¬ 
 parture we were short of provisions, having a 
 larger household to provide for, by taking La 
 Forme’s men into my service. We were re¬ 
 duced to a few fish and some wild rice, or 
 menomon (which are kept in muccucks, or 
 bark boxes) to support myself and seventeen 
 men, the allowance to each being only a hand¬ 
 ful of rice and a small fish, about 2-lb. weight, 
 which is boiled together and makes pleasant 
 soup. I have often been surprised that fish 
 broth is not more generally used, as it is cer¬ 
 tainly very palatable; but I am not sufficiently 
 informed in medical knowledge to speak either 
 of its wholesomeness or nutritive qualities. 
 Sturgeon broth is delicious, and leaves a 
 pleasing taste on the tongue; but as it rather 
 increases the appetite for food, as I have 
 148 
 
Bopageg anti €rafcd£ 
 
 experienced, it should not be taken but when 
 there is plenty of meat to be got. This fish 
 is very common in Albany, and is sold at i d. 
 per lb. York currency. The flesh is called 
 Albany beef. 
 
 The frost continuing very severe, and no 
 appearance of Indians to supply our wants, 
 we were obliged to take off the hair from the 
 bear skins and roast the hide, which tastes 
 like pork. This, with some tripe de roche 
 boiled, was all our nourishment. 
 
 Tripe de roche, or hawercoon, is a weed that 
 grows to the rocks, of a spongy nature and very 
 unwholesome, causing violent pains in the 
 bowels, and frequently occasions a flux. I am 
 informed the traders in the Northwest have 
 often experienced this disorder; and some of 
 them in very severe weather have been com¬ 
 pelled to eat it for fourteen days successively, 
 which weakened them exceedingly. When 
 the disorder does not terminate in a flux it 
 occasions a violent vomiting, and sometimes 
 spitting of the blood, with acute spasms in the 
 bowels. 
 
 After suffering great hardships I advised 
 my men to make marten traps and set them 
 in the woods as they did last winter at Lac la 
 Mort, which supplied us occasionally, but very 
 short of our real wants. At last a band of 
 Indians arrived with ten sleigh-loads of meat 
 and furs, which relieved us and gave us fresh 
 spirits. My men discovered them at a distance, 
 
 149 
 
3*ong 
 
 and though much enfeebled by severe hunger, 
 put on their snowshoes to meet them. 
 
 It is surprising what efforts nature makes to 
 support distress, and how cheerfully she strug¬ 
 gles when the prospect of relief is near at hand. 
 Every painful recollection of past sufferings 
 quickly vanishes and new life seems to breathe 
 through every vein. Those who live in con¬ 
 stant luxury and are ignorant of the meaning 
 of the bread of carefulness are strangers to 
 the joy arising from an unexpected supply, 
 and sitting down to a table in the wilderness. 
 Hunger needs not the borrowed aid of 
 sauce; and, in the language of Pope, “To 
 enjoy, is to obey.”—Plow delightful is such 
 obedience! 
 
 The Indians, seeing our distress by our looks, 
 which were very meagre, gave us all their 
 provisions, consisting of bear, raccoon, and 
 moose. The kettle was soon put on the fire 
 and we made a comfortable repast, with cheer¬ 
 ful hearts; the Indians, during the time, 
 enjoying the happiness of relieving our wants. 
 
 Notwithstanding the cruelty of savages 
 they possess virtues which do honor to human 
 nature, and exhibit instances of generosity 
 and kindness which the most philanthropic 
 soul cannot exceed. They are ignorant of those 
 mean, sordid sentiments which disgrace many 
 more enlightened and more wealthy; and from 
 the knowledge I have of their disposition, I 
 am sure they would blush at the parsimonious 
 
I£opa0e$f anti Crabds 
 
 conduct of those whom Providence hath 
 blessed with affluence. 
 
 After the repast the chief (not willing to 
 disturb us before) asked for some tobacco, 
 and having smoked some time, he. said he had 
 bad news to tell me, which some Indians had 
 informed him of, concerning Mr. Fulton, then 
 at Shekarkistergoan, and which he was sorry 
 to relate as it affected him exceedingly. I 
 desired him to finish his pipe and drink a glass 
 of rum before he began the story; and at the 
 same time mentioned my surprise at not 
 hearing of any remarkable circumstance, hav¬ 
 ing traded with a band of the Rat nation within 
 a few days, who came from that lake. He told 
 me he had met the band and related the affair 
 to them, who were much astonished; but as 
 Mr. Fulton’s men were not returned from fish¬ 
 ing when they left the place, the transaction 
 was not known till after their departure. 
 
 Mr. Fulton being obliged to divide his men 
 into two parties, which is called the cawway, 
 or casting lots, which party shhll hunt and 
 fish and which shall stay with the master, 
 did so accordingly. The fishing party con¬ 
 sisted of Charles Janvier, Francois St. Ange, 
 and Lewis Dufresne, all natives of Canada, 
 who being provided with axes, ice-cutters, 
 and fishing material, set off and at the expira¬ 
 tion of eight days arrived at a convenient 
 place, where they built a hut in which they 
 lived for some time tolerably well; but fishing 
 
^Pofjn Hong 
 
 failing them, and having no success in hunting, 
 they were almost starved. In this situation, 
 said the chief, the bad spirit had entered the 
 heart of Janvier, and he being the strongest 
 man, supported hunger better than his com¬ 
 panions, by which he was enabled soon after 
 to effect a diabolical purpose he had formed of 
 killing the first Indian who should come in 
 his way, and which he had declared he would 
 do. In the height of their distress Janvier 
 perceived a savage at some distance with a 
 load at his back, and instantly returning to the 
 hut told his poor, dispirited partners of their 
 approaching relief. They instantly got up, 
 though very weak, and came out of the hut 
 as fast as their feeble limbs would allow them. 
 The Indian arrived, took off his load, which 
 was only two otters and two hares, and gave 
 them to Janvier, who received them with great 
 satisfaction; and when he had skinned them, 
 boiled them in the kettle without cleansing 
 them, so extreme was their hunger. This 
 seasonable relief was soon devoured, and 
 from the eagerness with which Janvier ate 
 and the satisfaction which appeared in his 
 countenance when he looked at the savage 
 the men were in hopes he had forgotten the 
 rash determination he had formed, and 
 flattered themselves his mind was not so de¬ 
 praved as to entertain a thought of doing an 
 injury to the man whose timely assistance 
 had saved their lives. The next morning 
 
 152 
 
Bopageg anti €rabd£ 
 
 the Indian told them he was sorry he could 
 not assist them further, having no ammunition, 
 but that he was going to Mr. Fulton for a 
 supply. 
 
 Janvier’s heart being inexorable even to the 
 kindness he had received, he desired the savage 
 to assist him in placing a large log of wood 
 on the fire, as his companions were unable to 
 do it. The Indian cheerfully complied, and 
 stooping to take it up, Janvier knocked him 
 down with an axe and dragged him to the door 
 of the hut, cut him up, and with the most 
 unfeeling barbarity put as much of the flesh 
 of his deliverer into the kettle as he thought 
 sufficient for a meal. 42 When it was dressed 
 he compelled Francois St. Ange and Louis 
 Dufresne to partake of it, and obliged them to 
 kiss the cross which hung at his breast and 
 swear by all the saints never to reveal the 
 transaction: threatening at the same time that 
 if they did they should share the same fate. 
 Intimidated by his threats and the certainty 
 that he would fulfill them, they solemnly 
 promised perfect compliance with his injunc¬ 
 tions. Having overcome their first aversion 
 which extreme hunger had occasioned, they 
 ate immoderately of the horrid meal and soon 
 after fell sick with violent retchings. During 
 their indisposition they complained to each 
 other softly that it was eating the Indian’s 
 
 42 For similar instances of cannibalism in the Lake 
 Superior country, see Henry, pp. 199-201 and 212-13. 
 
 153 
 
Sof)n 5tong 
 
 flesh which had occasioned their sickness. 
 Janvier, overhearing them, called them fools 
 and rascals and asked them if they were afraid 
 the savage would come to life again; and with 
 an insolent sneer desired them to tell him 
 which they thought the best part of a man. 
 The poor fellows only replied they were very 
 sick and could not tell the cause. In a few 
 days (having no other provision) the Indian 
 was eaten up, and Janvier determined to have 
 human flesh if no other could be obtained. To 
 this end he sought an opportunity to quarrel 
 with St. Ange—Dufresne not daring to inter¬ 
 fere in the dispute. Janvier willing, however, 
 to appear as plausible in the eyes of Dufresne 
 as possible, widened the breach very artfully, 
 till pretending he was no longer able to con¬ 
 tain his anger, [he] asked Dufresne if he did 
 not think St. Ange deserved the Indian’s fate 
 for daring to say he would reveal the circum¬ 
 stances he had so solemnly sworn to conceal. 
 Dufresne, dreading the consequences of differ¬ 
 ing with him in sentiment, said he thought St. 
 Ange was to blame; upon which reply, Janvier 
 immediately struck him with an axe and killed 
 him. He then cut him up and boiled a part, 
 of which he obliged Dufresne to partake, he 
 not daring to show any reluctance. Fortunate¬ 
 ly for Dufresne the weather became more 
 moderate, and having caught plenty of fish, 
 they proposed to return to their master. 
 Janvier, intoxicated with ideas of his superior- 
 
 154 
 
Bopageb anil Crabrib 
 
 ity, obliged Dufresne to drag him in an Indian 
 sleigh to Mr. Fulton’s house—a cruel imposi¬ 
 tion upon him, and a dreadful service to a 
 weak, emaciated man; but knowing he was 
 unable to resist, he made a virtue of necessity 
 and obeyed the tyrant with seeming cheerful¬ 
 ness. On the journey he was frequently re¬ 
 minded of his oath, and the fatal consequences 
 that would attend him if he should ever divulge 
 the secret, which Janvier assured him would 
 produce instant death. 
 
 Mr. Fulton was much rejoiced at their 
 return, being in want of his men as the Indians 
 were daily coming in with their winter hunt. 
 Soon after their arrival he made inquiry after 
 St. Ange, but no answer was given. He then 
 addressed Janvier directly upon the subject, 
 who said he was gone on the hunt with a 
 chief of the name of Onnemay, or the Sturgeon, 
 whom Mr. Fulton knew, and that he would 
 soon return. One of the Canadians contra¬ 
 dicted him by saying that could not be true, 
 as Onnemay [had] left Mr. Fulton’s house 
 the day before their return. Janvier then 
 said he might be mistaken in the chief’s 
 name as he was not well acquainted with the 
 Indian language, and Dufresne, for fear of a 
 discovery at that time, changed the conversa¬ 
 tion in hopes of pleasing Janvier. 
 
 Several days elapsed, and St. Ange not 
 returning, Janvier was again questioned, who 
 told them as before and appealed to Dufresne 
 
Stoijn Hong 
 
 for the truth of his assertion, which he was 
 obliged to confirm. 
 
 Mr. Fulton, not being perfectly satisfied, 
 examined them apart; from Janvier he could 
 not get any information, but Dufresne hesi¬ 
 tated, and at last said he had sworn not to 
 reveal, but that St. Ange would never return. 
 Mr. Fulton endeavored to convince him that 
 the breach of an oath so imposed was no crime; 
 and in the end he convinced the Canadian that 
 it was so far from being obligatory in the 
 sight of God, that it would be a sin of the most 
 heinous nature in him to conceal the truth; 
 artfully adding as an additional argument to 
 induce him to reveal the transaction that if 
 he had no doubt he was himself perfectly 
 innocent he could not have any honest motive 
 for secrecy, and that he had no occasion to 
 dread the resentment of Janvier, as he would 
 engage to protect him from all hazard by the 
 discovery. Thus persuaded and encouraged, 
 Dufresne disclosed the whole affair, but 
 requested Mr. Fulton’s secrecy, which he 
 promised until the conversation should be 
 renewed, when it was agreed that he should 
 relate every particular in Janvier’s presence. 
 Janvier was repeatedly urged by the rest 
 of the men to give them some information 
 respecting the absence of St. Ange, but he 
 remained obstinately silent. Some of them 
 went so far as to accuse him in pretty plain 
 terms of knowing too much about him, 
 156 
 
Bopageg anti €ratori£ 
 
 but he treated their insinuations with in¬ 
 difference. 
 
 Mr. Fulton, having disposed of all his goods, 
 prepared to leave his wintering ground, and 
 everything being properly arranged, they 
 departed. The first night after their de¬ 
 parture Mr. Fulton loaded a brace of pistols, 
 and having previously acquainted his men with 
 the discovery Dufresne had made and the 
 punishment he intended for the villain, came 
 out of his tent and stood by the fire round 
 which the Canadians were seated. The con¬ 
 versation about St. Ange being purposely 
 renewed, Mr. Fulton remarked it was cruel 
 to leave him in the woods with the Indians, 
 and blamed Janvier particularly, as he was 
 the foreman of the party and therefore the 
 more responsible. Janvier, nettled at the 
 repetition of the subject (for guilt is soon 
 angry) replied that St. Ange was able to take 
 care of himself, and that he had not any con¬ 
 trol over him. Dufresne was then censured, 
 upon which, agreeably to the plan settled with 
 Mr. Fulton, he divulged the whole transaction 
 and gave a full account of every particular of 
 Janvier’s conduct. Janvier attempted to take 
 instant revenge for the aspersion, as he called it, 
 and denied the charge with the most hardened 
 effrontery and solemn asseveration. Mr. Ful¬ 
 ton then thought it a proper time to interfere; 
 and to cover him, if possible, with confusion 
 asked him “which was the best part of a man.” 
 
 iS7 
 
^Pofnt Song 
 
 Janvier replied with ready insolence that those 
 who had eaten human flesh could easily tell: 
 but being repeatedly urged and at length thrown 
 off his guard, he replied in great wrath “the 
 feet.” The party, encouraged by this confes¬ 
 sion, pressed the charge till at last he confessed 
 the facts he was accused of, and declared that 
 in a similar situation he would kill his brother. 
 
 Mr. Fulton could no longer suppress his 
 resentment, and going up to Janvier told him 
 he was an abandoned villain, first for killing a 
 harmless Indian who had generously relieved 
 his wants, and afterwards eating him like a 
 cannibal; that not content with these atrocious 
 acts, he had increased his guilt by another 
 deliberate murder on a defenseless man, his 
 companion, his fellow laborer, and friend; 
 that he was a disgrace to human nature, and 
 ought not to be suffered to live a moment 
 longer; and without allowing him time to 
 reply, shot him through the head. The men 
 were ordered to bury him, and in the morning 
 Mr. Fulton continued his journey to Michili- 
 mackinac, where on his arrival he surrendered 
 himself to the commanding officer, who on a 
 close examination of the men honorably 
 acquitted him, but recommended him not to 
 venture again into those parts where the 
 Indian was killed, lest the savages should hear 
 of the transaction and resent the death of one 
 of their tribe, whereby the innocent might 
 suffer for the acts of the guilty. 
 
 158 
 
Bopage£ anti €rafcd£ 
 
 In the month of February, I had a visit 
 from a trader dressed in a smoked-leather 
 shirt, who was accompanied by three Indians 
 and had been absent five days from Fort 
 Albany. He said he was induced to come 
 from a motive of curiosity to see me, not 
 having heard of any person wintering so far 
 inland before except the servants belonging 
 to the Hudson's Bay Company. At that time 
 I had very little provisions, and eight men to 
 maintain, besides Mr. Joseph La Forme’s 
 Canadians. Our chief food was tripe de roche. 
 On his arrival the kettle was on the fire with 
 the leaves. He asked what food I had. I 
 ordered some to be taken out of the pot and 
 put into a bark dish, which he tasted but could 
 not swallow. I informed him it had been a 
 principal part of our diet for many days, and 
 in the best of times we had nothing but wild 
 animal food and seldom any flour, as the 
 quantity of Indian corn we were able to bring 
 along with us from Pays Plat was not sufficient 
 to last the winter. When I had given him a 
 description of my mode of living, which he 
 confessed was very different from the comforts 
 he enjoyed, I took him into my store and 
 showed him the packs of beavers I had col¬ 
 lected. This increased his surprise, as he could 
 not conceive how it was possible to transport 
 a sufficient quantity of goods to barter for the 
 value I seemed to be in possession of. He asked 
 me to return with him and promised to supply 
 
 159 
 
StoJjn Song 
 
 me with provisions; but I told him I was 
 engaged in an employ, and had supported 
 the same disagreeable situation the preceding 
 winter at Lac la Mort; and as I could not 
 expect to pass my life among the Indians with 
 so much ease as in England, my duty obliged 
 me to remain till the season was over, when I 
 should return and endeavor to make myself 
 some amends for the hardships I had endured 
 by giving a good account of the merchandise 
 intrusted to my care and receiving a reward 
 for my labors. In the morning he took his 
 leave, wishing me the speedy arrival of some 
 Indians who might be able to relieve me from 
 such pressing necessity by supplying me with 
 plenty of more nourishing and palatable food. 
 
 This civility from one of the Hudson’s Bay 
 Company’s servants leads me to make some 
 few observations in vindication of that respect¬ 
 able body, whose character has been so 
 severely, and I think so unjustly, censured. 
 
 Mr. Joseph Robson, one of the Company’s 
 servants, who resided in their factory six 
 years as surveyor and supervisor of the build¬ 
 ings, in a work published by him some years 
 since, 43 animadverts in very strong terms on 
 the mode in which the governors of forts 
 exert what he calls their uncontrollable author¬ 
 ity, and asserts that their extreme tyranny is 
 a perpetual source of personal disgust. He 
 
 43 An Account of Six Years' Residence in Hudson's 
 Bay (London, 1752). 
 
 160 
 
Bopageg attii €ratod£ 
 
 also says that “the overplus trade is big with 
 iniquity, and no less inconsistent with the 
 Company’s true interest than it is injurious to 
 the natives, who by means of it are become 
 more and more alienated, and are either dis¬ 
 couraged from hunting at all or induced to 
 carry all their furs to the French.” It may 
 be necessary here to observe that the overplus 
 trade arises from the peltry which the Com¬ 
 pany’s servants obtain in barter with the 
 natives beyond the ratio stipulated by the 
 Company, and which belongs to themselves. 
 
 This is a heavy charge and, if true, a very 
 proper cause of complaint; but it should seem 
 there is not sufficient ground for the accusa¬ 
 tion, for Mr. Robson afterwards says that 
 this overplus trade is of little advantage to 
 them, for “that part of it they always add to 
 the Company’s stock for the sake of enhancing 
 the merit of their services, and apply the 
 remainder to their own use, which is often 
 expended in bribes to screen their faults and 
 continue them in their command.” What a 
 strange degree of folly, as well as of guilt! 
 That the governors are so weak and so wicked 
 as to commit enormities only to make a 
 temporary advantage, and are obliged to 
 distribute the wages of iniquity in order to 
 screen themselves from its consequences 
 among the Company, and their confederates in 
 vice; whereas by a contrary conduct they would 
 be equally rich, more respected, and also feel 
 161 
 
Hong 
 
 an inward satisfaction of mind from the con¬ 
 sciousness of having discharged their trust 
 with integrity; ideas too absurd to be admitted. 
 With regard to the Company, it cannot be 
 supposed they are ignorant of this “overplus 
 trade,” or the means by which their servants 
 obtain the advantages arising from it. If 
 they are not, and no impartial person will 
 suppose they are, they not only allow but 
 approve of the conduct of their governors, 
 from a conviction of its being beneficial to the 
 interests of the Company; a proper reward for 
 the labors of their servants, or from some 
 other motive, which because it is adopted by 
 men so respectable and so much above re¬ 
 proach must be allowed to be wise and 
 prudent. 
 
 In the next place I believe it will be very 
 difficult to prove that the conduct of the gover¬ 
 nors has “alienated the natives from the 
 Company’s interest, and discouraged them from 
 hunting.” The former is by no means clear, 
 as I am credibly informed the new Northwest 
 Company , 44 whose trade extends to the 
 boundaries of the settlements of the Hudson’s 
 Bay Company, find very little encouragement 
 from the Indians. If, therefore, the natives 
 were disgusted they would embrace the first 
 
 44 The North West Company was established in 1783 
 by a temporary association of Montreal traders. It 
 carried on a bitter competition with the Hudson’s Bay 
 Company until the two were united in 1821. 
 
 162 
 
Bopngcg anti Srabcfe 
 
 opportunity of showing their dislike by 
 carrying their peltry to new traders. Nothing 
 can be more natural than to expect that this 
 would be the consequence; but as they have 
 not done so, the inference is fair that they are 
 not disgusted. Another observation is, “that 
 the cruel and oppressive behavior of the 
 governors and captains towards the inferior 
 servants not only deters useful people from 
 engaging in the Company’s service (a cir¬ 
 cumstance they should attend to for their 
 own interest) but furnishes one pretext for 
 the bad character that is given of the com¬ 
 pany.” 
 
 Though in the particular department in 
 which I have been many years engaged as an 
 Indian interpreter and trader I have had few 
 opportunities of a personal and intimate 
 acquaintance with many of the Company’s 
 servants (having been in a commerce in direct 
 opposition to their interest) yet I can speak 
 with confidence in regard to some of them 
 whom I have conversed with; that in every 
 point of view I believe them to be useful ser¬ 
 vants, and well skilled in the language of the 
 natives. So far, in answer to the assertion 
 “ that useful people are deterred from entering 
 into their service.” And by way of refuting 
 the charge of “cruelty and oppression,” I need 
 only add, what none I think will deny, that 
 they have been so well satisfied with the con¬ 
 duct of their superiors that many of them have 
 163 
 
Stofjn Hong 
 
 continued in the service more than twenty 
 years. 
 
 I believe upon the whole it will appear that 
 the conduct of the governors at home and 
 abroad is perfectly consistent with the true 
 interests of the Company, and that any other 
 mode of behavior would tend to anarchy and 
 confusion; and I must declare for my own part 
 that I never heard of that personal disgust 
 which Mr. Robson so much complains of, but 
 have rather found an anxious solicitude to be 
 employed in their service. Mr. Carver, in his 
 history of North America, observes that on 
 the waters which fall into Lake Winnepeek 
 the neighboring nations take a great many 
 furs. Some of them they carry to the Hudson’s 
 Bay Company’s factories, situated at the 
 entrance of the Bourbon River, but this they 
 do with reluctance on several accounts; for 
 some of the Assinipoils and Killistinoe Indians, 
 who usually traded with the Company’s serv¬ 
 ants, told him that if they could be sure of a 
 constant supply of goods from Michilimackinac 
 they would not trade anywhere else; that they 
 showed him some cloth and other articles 
 purchased at Hudson’s Bay with which they 
 were much dissatisfied, thinking they had been 
 greatly imposed on in the barter. 
 
 To this Mr. Carver adds, “that allowing 
 their accounts true, he could not help joining 
 in their opinion,” but afterwards he admits 
 “ that this dissatisfaction might probably pro- 
 164 
 
Bopage£ ant» €rabd£ 
 
 ceed in a great measure from the intrigues of 
 the Canadian traders; and that the method 
 they took to withdraw the Indians from their 
 attachment to the Hudson’s Bay Company 
 and to engage their good opinion in behalf 
 of their new employers was by depreciating 
 on all occasions th,e Company’s goods, and 
 magnifying the advantages that would arise 
 to them from trafficing entirely with the Ca¬ 
 nadian traders. In this they too well succeeded; 
 and from this, doubtless, did the dissatisfac¬ 
 tion which the Assinipoils and Killistinoes 
 [felt] proceed.” “But,” says he further, 
 “another reason augmented it, the length of 
 the journey to the Hudson’s Bay factories 
 which they informed him took up three months 
 during the summer heats to go and return, and 
 from the smallness of their canoes they could 
 not carry more than one-third of the beaver 
 they killed, so that it is not to be wondered 
 at that the Indians should wish to have 
 traders come to reside among them.” As Mr. 
 Carver did not travel in the interior parts as 
 a trader, he could not have any interested 
 commercial motives. On that account he is 
 certainly entitled to credit as an impartial 
 observer. The public will judge of his re¬ 
 marks and how far they tend to censure, or 
 approve, the conduct of the Hudson’s Bay 
 Company. 
 
 I am induced to indulge this digression in 
 consequence of a new publication on the 
 165 
 
Hottg 
 
 present state of the Hudson’s Bay by Mr. 
 Umfreville . 45 
 
 It has unfortunately happened that the 
 Company’s enemies have been frequently of 
 their own household, persons in whom they 
 placed confidence and entrusted the mysteries 
 of their commerce. Differences will naturally 
 arise, and doubtless have arisen, between the 
 governors and their servants, in which case 
 no man is, or ought to be, obliged to stay in a 
 service that is disagreeable to him; but then 
 it is certainly sufficient to leave the employ, 
 and highly improper to endeavor to prejudice 
 the interest he once thought and felt it his 
 duty to promote; and I am of opinion that 
 not a single transaction or circumstance should 
 be revealed that has not an immediate refer¬ 
 ence to the cause of the disagreement, or is 
 necessary to support or vindicate a reputation. 
 The present governors are men of great 
 probity and probably may not condescend to 
 take notice of these heavy charges against 
 them; but as the most exalted virtue maybe 
 injured by groundless assertions, I trust the 
 public will not be displeased with my endeav¬ 
 ors, however feeble, to vindicate the character 
 of so respectable a body. As I do not intend 
 to enter on the subject more fully I shall only 
 entreat the reader, if he wishes further satis¬ 
 faction on this head, to peruse the publication 
 
 46 Edward Umfreville, Present State of Hudson’s 
 Bay (London, 1790). 
 
 166 
 
t^opageg and €raiid£ 
 
 of Mr. Robson, who was one of the Company’s 
 servants and whom Mr. Umfreville acknowl¬ 
 edges to be a true and impartial writer. From 
 his account the reader will judge of the pro¬ 
 priety of Mr. Umfreville’s censures on the 
 conduct of the governors of the Hudson’s 
 Bay Company. A more copious examination 
 of Mr. Umfreville’s publication would exceed 
 the limits I have prescribed to myself; and I 
 cannot but think that those who peruse it will 
 readily perceive how much injustice he has 
 done to the governors and the Company. 
 
 167 
 
Chapter 13 
 
 INDIAN CUSTOMS AND BELIEFS; RETURN 
 TO MACKINAC 
 
 S OON after the departure of the trader, 
 a large band, consisting of about ioo, 
 
 , came in. My stock of rum was very 
 small, which was a misfortune as rum is too 
 important in treaties with the Indians to be 
 easily dispensed with. On their arrival they 
 wished to drink, but I continued to barter for 
 all their furs before I gave them any rum. 
 Having finished the business, they grew 
 clamorous, when I gave them as much rum 
 as I could spare, upon receipt of which they 
 embarked in tolerable good humor. 
 
 In the month of April the last band came , 
 in and I was extremely perplexed how to act, 
 having a very small portion of rum and no 
 prospect of increasing my stock. I was, there¬ 
 fore, obliged to dilute it so as to make it 
 about one-fifth part weaker than usual, which 
 made twenty gallons of very passable Indian 
 rum. Having supplied them with wearing 
 apparel, etc., and received their peltry, I gave 
 them a taste of the scuttaywabo , and just before 
 my embarkation made the following speech: 
 
 “ Haguarmissey cockinnor an Nishinnorbay 
 kee wabindan cawwickcar nin serpargussey nee 
 168 
 
Bopage£ anti €rabd£ 
 
 zargetoone, keenerwind kaygo kee cushkendum 
 webatch neenerwind tercushenan nepewar anna- 
 cotchigon nin ojey petoone. Wa haguarmissey 
 cockinnor meenwendesay bazam Ebeckcheck 
 megoyyack debwoye negee kaygo arwayyor 
 matchee oathy, kee cannawendan cockinnor, 
 mokoman, baskeyzegan goyer becka, kee minni- 
 quy kaygo arwayyor annascartissey woke, mor- 
 nooch kee permartissyan cockinnor an nishin- 
 norbay no gome debwoye negee nepewar artaw -• 
 way winnin ojey zargetoone an Nishinnorbay, 
 keshpin suggermarch wennewar metach nin ojey 
 debar chemon kitchee ojemaw awassa woity 
 kitchee wakaygan Michilimackinac metach kay- 
 goshish ween ojey bockettywaun keennerwind 
 —-“Now my friends, take courage. I have al¬ 
 ways shown you a good heart and you all know 
 I am full of pity for you, your wives, and 
 children. Therefore, do not be uneasy or think 
 the time long I shall be absent from you. I 
 hope the Master of Life will give me courage 
 and strength to return to you and bring you 
 goods. Now as you know I have no sugar on 
 my lips nor any spear at my tongue, and that 
 my ears are not stopped nor my heart bound 
 up, I hope you will deliver up your knives, 
 guns, and tomahawks and have no bad heart 
 before you begin to drink, so that on my return 
 I may find you all well. I shall speak with 
 courage to the great English chief at Michili¬ 
 mackinac and he will open his heart to you.” 
 
 Having finished my speech, the weapons 
 169 
 
Hottg 
 
 were collected and delivered to me. I then 
 gave them a considerable quantity of rum, 
 after which I returned their knives, etc., to 
 convince them of the good opinion I enter¬ 
 tained of them, and that I had no doubt but 
 they would attend to the advice I had given 
 them. I then got into my canoe, and waving 
 my hand, was saluted by a discharge of 200 
 guns, which I returned by one volley, and 
 pursued my journey in good spirits, heartily 
 pleased at leaving my winter quarters. 
 
 We continued our voyage without meeting 
 with any occurrence worth relating till we 
 arrived at the Skunk’s River, where I had 
 unfortunately shot off a chief’s ear, as I have 
 before related. Here I met with the new- 
 married couple, and some of the same band to 
 whom I was so much obliged in the preceding 
 December for singing the love songs; and being 
 desirous of obtaining a perfect knowledge of 
 their manners and customs, I made many in¬ 
 quiries, and among other knowledge gained 
 information of the Chippewa form of court¬ 
 ship, which I presume will be acceptable to 
 those who have as much curiosity as myself. 
 
 INDIAN COURTSHIP 
 
 When an Indian wishes to take a wife, and 
 sees one to his mind, he applies to the father 
 of the girl and asks his consent in the following 
 words: “ Nocey , dinner kee darmissey kee dar- 
 niss nee zargayyar kakaygo O waterwardoossin 
 
10opagc£ anti €mbd£ 
 
 cawween peccan weettey gammat ottertassey 
 memarjis mee mor —“Father, I love your 
 daughter, will you give her to me, that the 
 small roots of her heart may entangle with 
 mine, so that the strongest wind that blows 
 shall never separate them.” 
 
 If the father approves, an interview is 
 appointed, for which the lover prepares by a 
 perspiration. He then comes into her presence, 
 sits down on the ground, and smokes his pipe. 
 During the time of smoking he keeps throwing 
 small pieces of wood of about an inch in length 
 at her one by one to the number of one 
 hundred. As many as she can catch in a bark 
 bowl, so many presents her lover must make 
 to her father, which he considers as payment 
 for his daughter. The young warrior then 
 gives a feast to which he invites all the family. 
 When the feast is done they dance and sing 
 their war songs. The merriment being over and 
 mutual presents exchanged between the lover 
 and her relations, the father covers them with a 
 beaver robe and gives them, likewise, a new gun 
 and a birch canoe, with which the ceremony ends. 
 
 When the French became masters of Can¬ 
 ada, the ceremony of marriage between the 
 savages was very fantastical. 
 
 When a lover wished his mistress to be in¬ 
 formed of his affection he procured an inter¬ 
 view with her, which was always at night and 
 in the presence of some of her friends. This 
 was conducted in the following manner: 
 
Stofjn Eottg 
 
 He entered the wigwam, the door of which 
 was commonly a skin, and went up to the 
 hearth on which some hot coals were burning. 
 He then lighted a stick of wood and approach¬ 
 ing his mistress pulled her three times by the 
 nose to awaken her. This was done with 
 decency and, being the custom, the squaw did 
 not feel alarmed at the liberty. This ceremony, 
 ridiculous as it may appear, was continued 
 occasionally for two months, both parties be¬ 
 having during the time in all other respects 
 with the greatest circumspection. 
 
 The moment she becomes a wife she loses 
 her liberty and is an obsequious slave to her 
 husband, who never loses sight of his prerog¬ 
 ative. Wherever he goes she must follow, and 
 durst not venture to incense him by a refusal, 
 knowing that if she neglects him extreme 
 punishment, if not death, ensues. The chief 
 liberty he allows her is to dance and sing in his 
 company, and [he] is seldom known to take 
 any more notice of her than of the most in¬ 
 different person, while she is obliged to perform 
 the drudgery of life, which custom or in¬ 
 sensibility enables her to do with the utmost 
 cheerfulness. 
 
 A circumstance of this kind I recollect 
 reading [of] which happened at Beaver Creek, 
 about twenty-five miles from Fort Pitt. An 
 Indian woman, observing some white men to 
 carry firewood on their shoulders, took up her 
 hatchet and brought them in a short time a 
 
 172 
 
Bopagc£ anti Cratorig 
 
 great burden on her back; and throwing it 
 down by the fire, said she not only pitied them, 
 but thought it was a great scandal to see men 
 doing that which was properly the work of 
 women. 
 
 The men consider women as of no other 
 use but to produce them children and to per¬ 
 form the drudgeries of life; as to the offspring, 
 he prefers the sons to the daughters because he 
 expects they will all prove warriors. The 
 daughters they do not value, for the same 
 reason that they subjugate their wives, deem¬ 
 ing them worthy only to wait on warriors 
 and do those things which would disgrace the 
 male sex. 
 
 We pursued our journey to Lac le Nid au 
 Corbeau, where we killed some wild geese 
 and ducks, which at this season of the year 
 have a fishy taste. Here we rested two days 
 to enable us to pursue the remainder of our 
 voyage with greater vigor. The third morning 
 at daybreak we embarked and arrived at 
 La Grande Cote de la Roche, where we were 
 fortunate enough to kill two bears, which eat 
 remarkably fine, and having some leisure time 
 to spare in the cookery, we enjoyed them with 
 as high a relish as in better situations we had 
 done more luxuriant meals. 
 
 We proceeded to Cranberry Lake, where we 
 caught some fish and picked as many cran¬ 
 berries as we could conveniently carry. From 
 thence we continued our journey to Portage la 
 
 173 
 
5 f of)n Song 
 
 Rame, where we were again windbound for 
 some days, but during our stay we had not a 
 single visitor to disturb us. At length the wind 
 proving favorable, we proceeded to Riviere la 
 Pique. On my arrival I was immediately 
 struck with the remembrance of the escape I 
 had [had] from Payshik Ogashey last year, but 
 my mind was almost as instantly relieved by 
 the recollection of his being killed, and no 
 longer a terror to traders. 
 
 This was one among many instances in 
 which I found that when the heart is oppressed 
 with unpleasant recollections or forebodings 
 the Author of our Being conveys relief to the 
 mind very unexpectedly. This sudden transi¬ 
 tion we are too apt to impute to our own 
 wisdom, and to attribute the escape from 
 dangers we have experienced, or the hopes of 
 deliverance which we form, entirely to our 
 own sagacity and foresight. The Indians, on 
 the contrary, think more properly. They say 
 it is the Master of Life from whom we derive 
 that presence of mind which has extricated 
 [us] or procured us relief. To the Master of 
 Life the Indian addresses himself even for his 
 daily support. To him he imputes his victories 
 and his success; and when subdued and fast¬ 
 ened to the stake he thanks him for giving him 
 courage to open his veins. It is this confidence 
 which enables him to bear the severest tortures 
 with composure, and in the height of anguish 
 to defy the utmost malice of his enemies. 
 
 174 
 
1£opage£ anti €ratod£ 
 
 Notwithstanding the Chippewas, as well as 
 the greatest part of the Indian nations of 
 North America, think so justly, it is to be 
 lamented that it is not universally so. The 
 Mattaugwessawauks, it is said, do not worship 
 a Supreme Being, and when success attends 
 them in war they attribute the merit of the 
 victory to their own valor or skill. But not¬ 
 withstanding their disbelief of a Master of 
 Life, in some respects they are not less super¬ 
 stitious than other savages, for they think 
 that certain places are haunted by evil spirits, 
 whose power they dread, and impressed with 
 these ideas cautiously avoid them. Another 
 proof of their superstition is, if one of their 
 people is killed by accident they preserve a 
 hand or a foot, which they salt and dry and 
 keep as a charm to avert calamities, by which 
 it appears that although they do not acknowl¬ 
 edge a dependence on a good spirit, they enter¬ 
 tain fears and apprehensions of a bad one; 
 which induces one to hope that such a devia¬ 
 tion from the common belief of mankind may 
 never be confirmed, as it would stamp human 
 nature with an odium too horrid to think of. 
 But to conclude this digression; we continued 
 our voyage to Pays Plat, where we stayed some 
 days in the society of traders who had also 
 wintered in the inlands, and others who arrived 
 with goods to supply those who were engaged 
 to return; but as my time was expired I re¬ 
 turned to Michilimackinac. After waiting on 
 
 i7S 
 
S f oS)n Hong 
 
 the commanding officer and giving an account 
 of my stewardship to my employers, I retired 
 to Chippewa Point, a spot of ground out of the 
 fort, where I lived with an Indian family, who 
 occasionally made me moccasins and other 
 parts of Indian dress. 
 
 176 
 
Chapter m 
 
 AN ESCAPADE AT MACKINAC, AND EXPEDITION 
 TO PRAIRIE DU CHIEN 
 
 D URING the time I remained at Chip¬ 
 pewa Point I had frequent offers from 
 the officers to sleep at their quarters 
 within the fort, but being accustomed to he 
 in the woods I generally preferred that situa¬ 
 tion. A circumstance happened soon after 
 my arrival, which I shall relate. 
 
 In consequence of Indian treachery in the 
 year 1764 (when the savages commanded by 
 Pontiac, the chief, under the pretense of a 
 game at ball, formed a plan to destroy the 
 inhabitants and take possession of the fort, 
 and in which they unfortunately succeeded, 
 to the extreme mortification of the English) 
 there was a standing order that no Indian 
 should be permitted to enter the fort with 
 firearms, nor any squaw or Indian woman 
 allowed to sleep within the walls of the gar¬ 
 rison on any pretense whatever; and for the 
 better security of the inhabitants, when a 
 council is held with the chiefs double sentries 
 are always placed. 
 
 Having a strong desire to introduce a great 
 chief’s daughter and her sister (notwithstand¬ 
 ing the governor’s orders) I communicated 
 
 177 
 
^ofjn Hong 
 
 my intentions to an officer and desired his 
 assistance to complete the plan. He very 
 politely told me that he could not appear to 
 countenance my scheme, but would give me 
 every possible assistance consistent with his 
 station. I assured him that they were a great 
 chief’s daughters, and that I would be answer- 
 able for their conduct. 
 
 With his consent I applied to two soldiers 
 and asked them if they could spare time to 
 roll a large hogshead of bottled porter from 
 Chippewa Point to the fort. They told me 
 [that] whenever it suited me they would be 
 ready to assist. Having purchased the hogs¬ 
 head and got it rolled down the hill whilst 
 the officers were at dinner, I told the squaws 
 of my plan, and having knocked out the head 
 and bung and bored several holes to admit 
 as much air as possible, desired them to get 
 in, which with some difficulty I persuaded 
 them to do. I then replaced the head and 
 ran immediately to the soldiers to acquaint 
 them that the porter was ready, and desired 
 their assistance without delay, as I was 
 afraid some of the bottles were broken and it 
 would be proper to examine them as soon as 
 possible. 
 
 The soldiers immediately returned with me 
 and applying their shoulders to the cask, rolled 
 it up the hill with great labor and fatigue, 
 continually observing that it was very heavy. 
 Just as they arrived at the gate the com- 
 178 
 
Bopageg anti €ratod£ 
 
 manding officer and the commissary were 
 coming through, and seeing the hogshead, 
 asked the soldiers what they had got there. 
 They replied it was bottled porter for a trader, 
 who had desired them to roll it from the 
 Point. As a vessel had just then arrived from 
 the Detroit, the commanding officer was so 
 satisfied with the account the solders gave 
 that he observed it was very fortunate, for 
 they now should have plenty of good beer to 
 drink. The soldiers had scarcely rolled another 
 turn when unluckily one of them kicked his 
 foot against a stone, who with the extreme pain 
 he suffered fell down. The other, not being 
 able to sustain the whole weight, let go his 
 hold and the hogshead rolled down the hill 
 with great velocity. Just as it came to the 
 bottom the head fell out and the squaws 
 exhibited the deception. Unfortunately, the 
 commanding officer was near at hand when 
 the accident happened, and though it was, 
 a manifest breach of his orders he could not 
 help smiling at the conceit, and looking 
 at the imprisoned females, said to them, 
 “Pretty bottled porter indeed!” The squaws 
 were so confused that they ran with the 
 utmost precipitation into the woods and 
 did not make their appearance for several 
 days. 
 
 On the commanding officer’s return to the 
 fort inquiry was made for me and I was 
 under the necessity of obeying his summons, 
 
 179 
 
Hong 
 
 although I confess my situation was very un¬ 
 pleasant. As soon as I came into his presence, 
 assuming a look of displeasure he asked me 
 how I could dare to disobey the orders of the 
 garrison, which I knew were issued to prevent 
 the most serious consequences; that I was more 
 culpable than another person, knowing the 
 nature and disposition of the Indian women 
 and the impropriety and danger of confiding 
 in them; adding that for the sake of example, 
 and to prevent others from acting so im¬ 
 prudently, he believed he should send me down 
 to Montreal in irons. 
 
 Alarmed at my situation, I made the best 
 apology in my power and assured him I was 
 extremely sorry for my conduct, but hoped 
 he would pardon it. This acknowledgment of 
 the offense induced him to forgive me, and as 
 he said he considered it a frolic of youth he 
 would pass it over, but cautioned me against 
 playing such tricks again. I felt myself ex¬ 
 tremely obliged by his lenity and promised to 
 conduct myself with more propriety in future, 
 which promise I faithfully kept; for though the 
 experiment to admit the squaws would not 
 have been attended with any bad consequences 
 I did not choose again to risk the commanding 
 officer’s displeasure. 
 
 On the eleventh of August the traders 
 arrived from the Mississippi and brought an 
 account of an extraordinary escape which a 
 Mr. Ramsay and his brother had [had] from a 
 180 
 
Bopage£ ants €ratori£ 
 
 tribe of the nation of the Poes in their way to 
 St. Joseph. 46 
 
 The Poes are a very wild, savage people, 
 have an aversion to Englishmen, and generally 
 give them as much trouble as possible in pass¬ 
 ing or repassing the Fort of St. Joseph’s, 
 where some French traders are settled by their 
 permission. 
 
 It seems the Canadians were invited by the 
 savages to land, and Mr. Ramsay, supposing 
 they had some furs to dispose of, ordered his 
 men to go on shore; when standing up in his 
 canoe just before his debarkation, three of the 
 warriors waded through the water neck-high, 
 dragged him out of his canoe, and carried 
 him on shore. Mr. Ramsay’s men immediately 
 landed and were preparing to follow their 
 master, but observing eleven Indians near at 
 hand and perceiving the bad intention of the 
 chiefs, got again into their canoes, leaving the 
 one in which Mr. Ramsay and his son were on 
 the beach, and paddled to an adjacent island, 
 waiting the event of a circumstance which 
 threatened death to their masters. 
 
 Mr. Ramsay being tied to the stump of a 
 tree, and his son narrowly watched, the 
 Indians rummaged the canoe and brought up 
 as much rum as they thought they could 
 
 46 The “Poes” were the Potawatomi tribe, which has 
 played so large a role in the pioneer history of the Old 
 Northwest. Fort St. Joseph was in the outskirts of 
 modern Niles, Michigan. 
 
 181 
 
-John Hong 
 
 drink. They then began to sing their war 
 songs, and making a large fire near the stump 
 to which Mr. Ramsay was tied, they sat down 
 on the ground and began to insult him, telling 
 him he was an old woman, and obliged his 
 brother to join in the derision. 
 
 The usual mode of execution among the 
 savages is as follows: 
 
 When a warrior is taken, he is brought into 
 a hut and tied with small cords made of the 
 bark of trees, about the size of a cod-line. He 
 is then fastened to a stump and a small rattle 
 put into his hand, called chessaquoy, which he 
 shakes while he sings the dead war song: 
 
 “ Wabindan payshik shenagonish kitchee Man- 
 nitoo; nee wee waybenan neeyoe Matchee 
 Mannitoo .” 
 
 “Master of Life, view me well as a warrior; 
 I have thrown away my body against the bad 
 spirit.” 
 
 When the song is finished the prisoner is 
 untied and made to run the gauntlet through 
 two ranks of women, who are provided with 
 small sticks to beat him. After this punish¬ 
 ment a dog-feast is prepared with bear’s 
 grease and huckleberries, of which he is obliged 
 to eat. He is then brought again to the stake, 
 when wood is placed round him. He now sings 
 his war song and the women set fire to the pile, 
 the prisoner singing as it burns. The bones are 
 then collected and fixed to the war-standard, 
 which is a high pole painted with vermilion. 
 
 182 
 
BopngcS an& Crab els 
 
 It is said that the nation of the Followens, 
 or Wild Oats, 47 kill their wives and children 
 before they go to battle, that in case of a defeat 
 the enemy shall not have any prisoners of their 
 nation. 
 
 The Poes, beginning to feel the effects of the 
 rum, examined the cords, which were made of 
 the bark of the willow-tree, and ordered some 
 wood to be put round the stump, to be ready 
 when they should find themselves disposed to 
 burn him. Soon after they untied him and 
 brought him to the war-kettle to make his death- 
 feast, which consisted of dog, tiger-cat, and 
 bear’s grease mixed with wild oats, of which he 
 was compelled to eat. Mr. Ramsay, knowing 
 the nature of Indians, complied with seeming 
 cheerfulness and said he was satisfied. He was 
 taken back to the intended place of execution 
 and tied again to the stump, from which with 
 great composure he desired permission to make 
 his speech before he changed his climate, which 
 being granted, he immediately spoke to them 
 to the following effect: 
 
 “It is true the Master of Life has sent me 
 here to those Indians whose hearts are full of 
 poisoned blood, and as they mean me to 
 change my climate I shall go with courage to a 
 better trading-ground, where I shall find good 
 Indians. They have always known me to 
 have had pity on them, their wives, and 
 
 47 The Menominee tribe, whose home was in the 
 vicinity of Green Bay. 
 
 183 
 
^ofm Hong 
 
 children since I have been a trader, and to 
 have opened my heart to them on all occasions; 
 but now the bad spirit has joined his heart 
 with theirs to make me change my climate, 
 which I am glad of for I am better known in 
 the country I am going to, and by greater 
 warriors than ever these were. I now look on 
 all the chiefs as old women; and as I am the 
 Peshshekey (or buffalo) I shall drink my last 
 with them, and carry the news to the warriors 
 in the other climate.” 
 
 Having attentively heard his speech, they 
 prepared for his death; which he perceiving, 
 immediately told his brother not to be dis¬ 
 heartened as he had hopes of overcoming their 
 fury, and desired him to ply them with rum 
 and keep their kettles constantly filled. His 
 brother followed the instructions he gave him, 
 and distributed the rum among them very 
 plentifully. When Mr. Ramsay discovered 
 that they were sufficiently intoxicated to be 
 incapable of doing mischief, he desired his 
 brother to cut his cords; and being released, 
 assisted in pouring rum down their throats 
 till they were quite insensible. Fired with 
 resentment at their intended barbarity, he 
 and his brother cut all their throats, loaded 
 his canoe with the articles they had taken 
 out, and paddled from shore as fast as they 
 could. The men hailed him at some distance, 
 and were rejoiced to see him safe; and after 
 arranging their cargo, [they] pursued their 
 
 184 
 
Bopage? anb €rabel$? 
 
 journey into the Indian country by a differ¬ 
 ent course. 
 
 I was informed Mr. Ramsay returned after¬ 
 wards to Michilimackinac, where he was con¬ 
 gratulated by the commanding officer on his 
 fortunate escape, but he never thought it 
 prudent to go that route again. 
 
 About this time the Indian traders formed 
 a company of militia, which I joined with the 
 rank of adjutant and lieutenant, under Captain 
 John Macnamara. In the month of June, 
 1780 news was brought from the Mississippi 
 that the Indian traders had deposited their 
 furs at La Prairie des Chiens, or Dogs’ Field 
 (where there is a town of considerable note, 
 built after the Indian manner), under the care 
 of Mons. Longlad, the king’s interpreter; 48 
 and that the Americans were in great force at 
 the Illinois, a town inhabited by different 
 nations, at the back of the Kentucky state, 
 under the Spanish government, who have a 
 fort on the opposite shore, commanded by an 
 officer and about twelve men, to prevent illicit 
 trade. 
 
 The commanding officer at Michilimackinac 
 asked me to accompany a party of Indians 
 and Canadians to the Mississippi, which I 
 
 “Prairie du Chien, at the mouth of the Wisconsin 
 River, had been from time immemorial an important 
 rendezvous of Indian intercourse and commerce. Its 
 permanent white settlement seems to date from 1781. 
 On Charles Langlade, see Alexander Henry’s Travels 
 and Adventures, pp. 80-87, 93~94- 
 
 185 
 
S^tt llong 
 
 consented to with the utmost cheerfulness. 
 We left the post 49 with thirty-six southern 
 Indians of the Ottiguamie and Sioux nations, 
 and twenty Canadians, in nine large birch 
 canoes, laden with Indian presents. After a 
 march of three days I was taken ill, which I 
 attributed to hard living in the Nipigon 
 country. Considering, however, the urgency of 
 the business, and that there was not anyone 
 of the party capable of acting as interpreter, 
 I struggled with my indisposition; apprehend¬ 
 ing, also, that if I could not pursue the journey 
 I should be exposed to great inconveniences; 
 and therefore I increased my endeavors, deter¬ 
 mined to risk my life at all hazards. 
 
 The fourth day we encamped at Lac les 
 Puants, 50 so called, I apprehend, from the 
 Indians who reside on the banks being nat¬ 
 urally filthy. Here we got plenty of deer and 
 bears, Indian corn, melons, and other fruit. 
 The southern Indians have more villages and 
 are better civilized than the northern, the 
 climate being warm and nature more prolific, 
 which enables them to raise the fruits of the 
 earth without much labor. Their houses are 
 covered with birch bark and decorated with 
 
 49 Of this expedition, which forms one phase of the 
 hostile operations between the British partisans in the 
 Northwest and the Spaniards of upper Louisiana in the 
 closing years of the Revolutionary War, Long’s nar¬ 
 rative is our best account. 
 
 “Modern Green Bay. 
 
Bopagcsf att& €tatod£ 
 
 bows and arrows and weapons of war. Their 
 beds are bark and mats made of rushes. 
 
 We pursued our voyage to Ouisconsin, a 
 fine river with a strong current for about sixty 
 leagues, which our canoes ran down in a day 
 and a half, and upon which we saw an immense 
 quantity of ducks, geese, and other fowl. On 
 this river we were obliged to unload our canoes 
 in order to transport our goods across the 
 portage, about two miles in length. We 
 encamped on the banks and intended setting 
 off at break of day, but one of the Indians was 
 bitten by a rattlesnake, which Mr. Adair calls 
 the bright inhabitant of the woods, and which 
 had fourteen rattles. 
 
 Mr. Beatty relates that as he was preaching 
 to the Indians and others at a small house 
 near Juniata River, a rattlesnake crept into 
 the room, but was happily discovered and 
 killed; and before the people could well recover 
 themselves, a snake of another kind was dis¬ 
 covered among the assembly, which was also 
 killed without any other detriment than 
 disturbing the congregation, which surprised 
 him very much, as it was a matter of astonish¬ 
 ment how these reptiles could crawl into the 
 house without being offended by some one, 
 and which always excites them to bite. 
 
 The Indians say that when a woman is in 
 labor, holding the tail of a rattlesnake in her 
 hand and shaking the rattles assists her de¬ 
 livery. It is always observable that the Indians 
 187 
 
Hong 
 
 take out the bag which contains the poisons 
 of the venomous reptile and carry it alive in 
 their medicine-box when they go to war. 
 
 This unfortunate accident retarded our 
 journey until the unhappy sufferer relieved 
 himself by cutting out the wounded part from 
 the calf of his v leg, and applying salt and 
 gunpowder and binding it up with the leaves 
 of the red willow tree. He was soon able 
 to proceed, bearing the pain with that forti¬ 
 tude for which the savages are so eminently 
 distinguished. 
 
 At the close of the next day we encamped 
 near the river and it rained very hard; the 
 Indians made some bark huts. One of them, 
 walking some distance in the woods, discovered 
 a small log-house, in which he found a white 
 man with his arms cut off, lying on his back. 
 We conjectured he had been settled at the 
 spot, and killed by a bad Indian, which must 
 have happened very recently as he was not 
 putrid. Before our departure we buried him. 
 
 The next day we arrived at the Forks of the 
 Mississippi , 51 where were 200 Indians of the 
 nation of the Renards, or Foxes, on horseback, 
 armed with spears, bows and arrows. They 
 did not seem pleased with our appearance , 52 
 
 61 That is, at the mouth of the Wisconsin. 
 
 62 Due to the effective work of George Rogers Clark, 
 by whose efforts these Indians had been won over to the 
 American interest. See Clark’s Conquest of the Illinois, 
 published in the Lakeside Classics series for 1920. 
 
 188 
 
Bopage£ anti Cratoefe 
 
 which Warbishar, the chief of our band, told 
 me. Just before we landed they dismounted 
 and surveyed us. The Sioux asked me if I 
 was afraid. I told them that I had seen a great¬ 
 er number of savages before, and more wild 
 than any of the southern Indians. Warbishar 53 
 gave orders to strike ashore. As soon as we 
 landed the Renards took our Indians by the 
 hand and invited them into their camp. In 
 the space of an hour they prepared a feast, 
 which consisted of five Indian dogs, bear, 
 beaver, deer, mountain cat, and raccoon, 
 boiled in bear’s grease and mixed with huckle¬ 
 berries. After the repast the Indians danced 
 and sang. A council was then held, when the 
 chief of the Renards addressed Warbishar to 
 this effect: 
 
 “Brothers, we are happy to see you. We 
 have no bad heart against you. Although we 
 are not the same nation by language, our 
 hearts are the same. We are all Indians, and 
 are happy to hear our Great Father has pity 
 on us and sends us wherewithal to cover us 
 and enable us to hunt.” 
 
 To which Warbishar made answer: “It is 
 true, my children, our Great Father has sent 
 me this way to take the furs and skins that 
 are in the Dogs’ Field, under Captain Long- 
 lad’s charge, lest the Long Knives (meaning 
 the Americans) should plunder them. I am 
 
 63 This was Wabasha, a noted Sioux chief of Minnesota, 
 who sided with the British in the Revolutionary War. 
 
 189 
 
^Potjn Hong 
 
 come with the white man (meaning me) to 
 give you wherewithal to cover you and am¬ 
 munition to hunt.” 
 
 When the speech was finished we immediate¬ 
 ly distributed the presents, got our canoes into 
 the water, and left the Renards in the most 
 friendly manner. 
 
 After seven days’ journey we arrived at 
 La Prairie des Chiens, 54 where we found the 
 merchants’ peltry in packs, in a log-house 
 guarded by Captain Longlad and some 
 Indians, who were rejoiced to see us. After 
 resting some time, we took out about 300 
 packs of the best skins and filled the canoes. 
 Sixty more which remained, we burned, to 
 prevent the enemy from taking them, having 
 ourselves no room to stow any more, and 
 proceeded on our journey back to Michili- 
 mackinac. About five days after our departure 
 we were informed that the Americans came to 
 attack us, but to their extreme mortification 
 we were out of their reach. Seventeen days 
 after leaving La Prairie des Chiens, we arrived 
 at Lac les Puants, where we found a party of 
 Indians encamped. The next day we em¬ 
 barked and arrived at Michilimackinac after 
 an absence of eighty days. Soon after my 
 return I waited on the commanding officer, 
 expecting payment for my services; but 
 
 54 Some slight confusion is evident in the narrative 
 at this point, for the story of the arrival at Prairie du 
 Chien has already been told. 
 
 190 
 
Bopage£ anti Crabds 
 
 was referred for satisfaction to the Indian 
 traders, from whom I never received any 
 compensation. 
 
 By this means I was left destitute even of 
 the necessaries of life; but I did not remain 
 long in this uncomfortable situation, for I soon 
 found protection and support among the 
 Indians; but as their assistance would not 
 afford the means to appear in civil society, I 
 was under the necessity of soliciting friendship 
 from the merchants to enable me to return to 
 Montreal, which I fortunately obtained. I left 
 Michilimackinac in the beginning of September 
 and arrived at Montreal on the twenty-seventh 
 of the same month. 
 
 I embraced the first opportunity to call on 
 my old master, expecting to find him in good 
 health, but alas! he had paid the debt of 
 nature, and was succeeded by his nephew, who 
 had been contemporary clerk with me. He 
 permitted me to lodge at his house for a fort¬ 
 night, but a few days after my abode with 
 him, my situation being different from what I 
 had experienced during the life of my old mas¬ 
 ter, I asked him to fit me out with an assort¬ 
 ment of goods for the Indian trade, and 
 promised to remit him payment in furs. He 
 told me I was welcome to any goods he had in 
 his store that would suit me, but on examining 
 the stock all the merchandise proper for the 
 savages was disposed of, and nothing left 
 that would answer any profitable purpose. 
 
^ofjn Hong 
 
 I then left his house, returning him thanks 
 for his civility; and having procured pecuniary 
 assistance from a friend, took lodgings in the 
 town, where I stayed some time. I then went 
 to Quebec, where a gentleman accidentally 
 hearing that I was out of employ, and knowing 
 that I could speak the Indian languages, sent 
 for me and engaged me in his service, to go 
 among the Indians at Lake Temiscaming 55 or 
 any other situation I might think most eligible 
 for commerce. 
 
 66 North of Lake Ontario, near the headwaters of 
 Ottawa River. 
 
 192 
 
Chapter is 
 
 EXPEDITION TO THE SAGUENAY COUNTRY 
 
 B EING furnished with a proper assort¬ 
 ment of merchandise, I left Quebec 
 and proceeded to Tadoussac, which is 
 at the end of the Saguenay River, near the 
 River St. Lawrence. About nine miles from 
 Quebec there is a village inhabited by the 
 Loretto Indians, who are properly of the 
 nation of the Hurons. They embraced Chris¬ 
 tianity through the means of the Jesuits, and 
 followed the Catholic religion. The women 
 have remarkably good voices and sing hymns 
 in their own language most charmingly. They 
 cultivate the ground and bring the produce to 
 market; and in their manners they are the 
 most innocent and harmless of all the savages 
 in North America. Their houses are decent 
 and built after the Canadian fashion. They 
 are an exception to the generality of Indians, 
 seldom drinking any spirituous liquors. They 
 are for the most part tall, robust people, and 
 well shaped; have short black hair, which is 
 shaved off the forehead from ear to ear, and 
 wear neither caps nor hats. With regard to 
 their beards, though they are scarcely visible, 
 they have them in common with all the tribes 
 of savages; but having an aversion to excres- 
 
 193 
 
S'ofyn flotig 
 
 cences, they carefully pluck out every hair 
 from the upper jaw and chin with brass wire, 
 which they twist together in the form of 
 pincers; and it is well known that all traders 
 carry out that article of commerce for this 
 express purpose. 
 
 Baron de Lahontan seems to have been 
 much mistaken when, in speaking of the 
 savages, he says that they have no beards. 
 Lord Kaims 56 was also in the same error, when 
 he asserted there is not a single hair on an 
 Indian’s body excepting the eyelashes, eye¬ 
 brows and hair of the head, and that there is 
 no appearance of a beard. 
 
 This observation, Mr. James Adair remarks, 
 is utterly void of foundation, as can be at¬ 
 tested by all who have had any communica¬ 
 tion with them; and Major Robert Rogers, 67 
 who certainly knew the Indians as well as 
 any man, says that they totally destroy their 
 beards, which proves beyond a doubt that they 
 are not naturally imbarbes. 
 
 I have been led into these observations from 
 the perusal of Lord Kaims’ Sketches of Man, 
 
 66 Henry Horne, Lord Kames, Sketches of History of 
 Man (Edinburgh, 1774). 
 
 67 Major Robert Rogers of New England was a noted 
 ranger in the French and Indian War. He was later 
 appointed Governor of Michilimackinac, where his 
 rule proved most unfortunate. He wrote one of the 
 earliest American plays, A Concise Account of North 
 America (to which Long here makes allusion), and one 
 or two other works. 
 
 194 
 
t^opageg att& Crabdb 
 
 who not only insists that the Indians have no 
 beards, but builds on the hypothesis to prove 
 a local creation. 
 
 Tadoussac is on the sea side north of the 
 River St. Lawrence, and inhabited by a few 
 Indians called mountaineers, who live chiefly 
 on fish; and one trader, clerk to the gentleman 
 in whose service I was engaged. 
 
 There is a French clergyman and a church 
 for the Indians, who are all Catholics. At this 
 village I remained a fortnight, during which 
 time the American privateers were continually 
 cruising about. One morning there was a 
 great fog, but we could just discern at a small 
 distance a vessel: this alarmed the priest and 
 the Indians. My brother Englishman (the 
 trader who was settled here) joined with me in 
 soliciting the Indians to stand their ground, 
 which the priest strongly opposed, though paid 
 by the British government. This incensed me, 
 and I insisted on taking some of his flock with 
 me to reconnoitre and endeavor to discover 
 what vessel she was, though I had strong suspi¬ 
 cions she was an American privateer. We 
 went towards the shore, but could not discover 
 the number of guns she mounted. We re¬ 
 turned to our camp and all the Indians at my 
 request accompanied me to attack her. We 
 embarked in canoes, dressed alike, and as we 
 approached perceived she lay at anchor and 
 was a vessel of inconsiderable force, mounting 
 only eight small swivels. I immediately went 
 
‘ijofjn Hong 
 
 on one side of her and directed the Indians 
 to the other, to inclose her as much as we could. 
 Having reached the vessel, I took hold of a 
 rope and went on board. The Captain was 
 alarmed, and his fears were increased when he 
 saw himself surrounded with canoes, filled 
 with savages armed with guns and tomahawks. 
 However, he advanced towards me and clap¬ 
 ping me on the shoulder asked what I wanted. 
 I was too politic to make any reply at that 
 time. He then asked me if I would have some 
 biscuit. I replied, “ Caween ,” or, “No.” He 
 shook his head, as much as to say “I wish I 
 could know what you want.” The Indians then 
 came on board, and the Captain, having only 
 seven men and our number being upwards of 
 forty, well armed, did not know how to act, 
 but probably willing to please me, ordered his 
 men to get some biscuit and rum. Whilst the 
 sailors were gone I perceived she was an 
 English vessel, and then asked the Cap¬ 
 tain in English to whom she belonged. He 
 was agreeably surprised, told me his name 
 was Allcrow, and that he commanded the 
 Mercury , packet of Quebec. This informa¬ 
 tion gave me occasion to rejoice we did not 
 take rough means; and when I communi¬ 
 cated the intelligence to the Indians they 
 were highly pleased and shook hands with 
 the Captain. 
 
 The Captain then accompanied us to shore 
 in our canoes and we landed at our encamp- 
 
 196 
 
Bopageg anti €rabd£ 
 
 ment. We afterwards went to the priest’s 
 house, where we dined. Mr. Martin, the 
 priest, and myself were invited on board the 
 next day, when we had an excellent repast, 
 with plenty of wine and other liquors. Un¬ 
 fortunately we drank too freely, and returning 
 in the evening, the priest began to be very 
 angry with me for encouraging the savages. 
 This reprehension, with his former conduct, 
 incensed me exceedingly and in the heat of 
 passion I threw him overboard, but by the 
 assistance of the sailors he was saved. On our 
 landing, our contest led us to blows, but we 
 were soon parted. When we were recovered 
 from intoxication we shook hands, and after¬ 
 wards remained good friends. 
 
 The next day the Indians were seized with 
 an epidemic fever, which deprived them of 
 the use of their limbs and occasioned a delir¬ 
 ium. The disorder attacked me very severely, 
 but by the friendly assistance of Mr. Martin, 
 who had a medicine chest, in about three 
 weeks I recovered. 
 
 The winter now advancing very rapidly, 
 and the unavoidable delay at this post 
 obliged me to proceed on my journey on snow- 
 shoes, carrying all my goods on Indian 
 sleighs through the woods and over high 
 mountains. We travelled twenty-one days on 
 a deep snow, about ioo leagues through 
 the Saguenay country, which was very 
 fatiguing, till we arrived at a place called 
 
 197 
 
3 f otyn 3long 
 
 Checootimy. 58 About half way up the river 
 on which it stands the salt water ebbs and 
 flows. Only a few Indians reside here, and 
 one Indian trader, with whom I wintered and 
 hunted, killing a great many animals. Early 
 in the spring I took my leave of him, and 
 being furnished with canoes, pursued my 
 journey to St. John’s Lake; from thence to 
 Panebacash River, to Lake Shaboomoochoine, 
 which lies northeast of Lake Arbitibis about 
 the distance of seven days’ Indian march. 
 
 Near the falls of Panebacash River I landed 
 and ascended a high mountain, to survey a 
 large cave, about 200 yards deep and three 
 yards wide at the mouth. Here I picked up a 
 piece of ore about three inches square. The 
 exterior crust was black and very thin and 
 when broken appeared yellow. I brought it to 
 Quebec, but by some accident lost it, which I 
 lamented exceedingly, as some of my friends 
 to whom I showed it were of opinion that it 
 was very valuable. 
 
 The journey was farther inland by nearly 
 eighty leagues than any trader had ever been, 
 the only settlement in that part of Canada 
 being at St. Peter’s Lake, where a French 
 house was formerly established, and where 
 an English trader who was employed by the 
 merchants in whose service I was engaged 
 resided. 
 
 68 Chicoutimi is at the head of navigation on the 
 Saguenay River. 
 
 198 
 
Bopagc£ ants €tabel$ 
 
 I arrived at Lake Shaboomoochoine on the 
 twenty-sixth of May, 1781, where I intended 
 to stay only a few days; but some Indians 
 arrived who assured me that it would answer 
 my purpose to winter, and promised to 
 supply me with fish, furs, and skins. This 
 induced me to remain here, and I built a 
 house suitable for my business, and kept two 
 Indians with their wives to hunt for me. 
 
 On the twenty-ninth we set our nets, and 
 in about four hours caught abundance of 
 large trout, pike, maskenonjey, pickerel, and 
 whitefish, and as the country abounded with 
 wild fowl we were never without two courses 
 at table, with roots for garden stuff. 
 
 On the seventeenth of June a band of In¬ 
 dians arrived, who were agreeably surprised 
 to see a trader at a place where no one had 
 settled before, and they were particularly de¬ 
 lighted when they heard me speak their own 
 language. 
 
 During my residence here I saw a great 
 many snakes; and one day in particular as I 
 was walking in the woods I discovered one 
 of those reptiles in the grass. The instant I 
 perceived it I cut a long stick and dropped 
 it gently on the snake’s head; it immediately 
 moved, and I could hear the rattles very 
 distinctly. Whilst I was surveying the bright¬ 
 ness of its colors, which were inexpressibly 
 beautiful, it was coiling itself round like a 
 rope to dart at me. This warned me of my 
 
 199 
 
^ofm Hong 
 
 danger, and I took [hold of]' the taper end of 
 the stick and let the heavy end fall on its 
 head. The weight of the blow stunned it, 
 and seizing this opportunity I struck it again, 
 which killed it. I measured it and judged the 
 length to be at least five feet and a half, and 
 the thickest part about four inches in circym- 
 ference, with nine rattles on its tail, which 
 agreeably to the general observation made his 
 age nine years; but I believe this is not an 
 established fact, as it is uncertain at what 
 time the rattle begins to appear. 
 
 The flesh of this reptile is delicious, and I 
 have frequently eaten of it with great gout. 
 I have seen the Indians poison it with the 
 juice of tobacco. 
 
 Whilst I am on the subject, though not quite 
 connected with it, I shall make some observa¬ 
 tion on the turkey and black water snake. 
 
 The turkey snake is longer than the rattle¬ 
 snake, with stripes on the back, and a spear 
 at the end of its tail like an anchor, and a 
 double row of teeth in each jaw. It takes its 
 name from its voice, which resembles the note 
 of a wild turkey. In the Mississippi [country] 
 it feeds on wild rice, which grows among long 
 grass, bearing its head frequently erect, and 
 makes a noise like a turkey to decoy it. As the 
 bird approaches, the snake darts its tail into 
 it, and makes it an easy prey. 
 
 The black water snake is used by the Indians 
 when they go to war. They pull out the teeth, 
 
 200 
 
l^opagcg anti €rabd£ 
 
 tie the head and tail together, and fasten [it] 
 round their bodies, which soon kills it. They 
 take it off every night, and put it on every 
 morning. 
 
 In travelling from Toniata Creek on the 
 River St. Lawrence, to Pimetiscotyon Landing 
 on Lake Ontario, I saw one of these snakes 
 swimming with a flat fish in its mouth, which 
 I had the good fortune to shoot, and released 
 the prisoner from the jaws of death. 
 
 I kept a flag constantly flying at my little 
 fort, which the Indians paid respect to by a 
 salute from their guns. The band who were 
 at this time with me held a council and made 
 me a present of two very large beaver robes 
 and several valuable skins, with plenty of pro¬ 
 visions, for which I supplied them with to¬ 
 bacco, rum, trinkets, and ammunition. Two 
 days after, they left me and desired me to 
 wait their return, which I promised, provided 
 they would bring me furs and skins to load 
 the canoes, and they should be repaid with 
 Indian goods. As I depended on their punctu¬ 
 ality, I remained perfectly satisfied. 
 
 I was then left with two white men and 
 two Indians and their wives. We passed our 
 time in hunting and fishing, and as there were 
 a great many small islands near us, we made 
 frequent trips to shoot wild fowl, which 
 enabled us to keep a good table. On one of the 
 islands we discovered two Indian huts, but 
 from their appearance no person had visited 
 
 201 
 
fofjti 31ong 
 
 them for a [great] length of time. About half 
 a mile from the place we saw a high pole, 
 daubed over with vermilion paint; on the top 
 were placed three human skulls, and the bones 
 hung round. The Indians supposed it had 
 been erected many years. About an hour be¬ 
 fore sunset we returned to our wigwam. The 
 next morning, in the absence of the Indians, 
 the Canadians assisted me in mixing the rum 
 and assorting the goods, to be prepared against 
 the arrival of the savages and to fill up the 
 time, which hung heavy on our hands. 
 
 On the twenty-fourth of June a band of 
 Indians arrived from Lake Arbitibis, who 
 brought a considerable quantity of excellent 
 furs and skins, with dried meat, which I bar¬ 
 tered for. When the bargain was made I gave 
 them some rum, as usual upon such occa¬ 
 sions, which after their long march highly de¬ 
 lighted them. They drank very plentifully, 
 as I had exceeded the common donation, but 
 their cargo deserved it; and I always found it 
 my interest to be generous to them upon a 
 barter. 
 
 On their departure, taking an Indian for my 
 guide I made a visit to a brother trader 150 
 miles from my settlement. I stayed with him 
 about a fortnight, and was on the point of re¬ 
 turning when two Indians came to inform me, 
 by the desire of my Canadians, that a band 
 of savages waited for me. In about five days 
 we returned, and I bartered for all their furs. 
 
 202 
 
Bopagc$ anti €ratael£ 
 
 On the sixteenth of July about fifty savages 
 came with their spring hunt, which I also 
 bartered for, though the peltry was very 
 inferior to what is collected in winter; but as 
 I was determined to make as good a season as 
 possible, I was eager to avail myself of every 
 opportunity to increase my stock. 
 
 The latter end of the month the band who 
 had promised to return came in and fulfilled 
 their promise, bringing a large quantity of 
 furs, which, with the stock I had collected 
 during their absence, was as much as my 
 canoes would hold. They also brought intel¬ 
 ligence that the Hudson’s Bay Company had 
 been pillaged of their furs by the French. 59 
 
 Early in the month of August I made up 
 my packs and embarked for Quebec, where I 
 arrived in about six weeks, to the great joy of 
 my employers, who. from my long absence, 
 were very uneasy; however, the cargo fully 
 satisfied them, and convinced them of my 
 industry and integrity in their service. Being 
 persuaded I had undergone great fatigue, they 
 made me a handsome present above my 
 salary, and I quitted their service and the 
 Indian life with a resolution to endeavor to 
 procure an employ less hazardous, and where 
 I could partake of the pleasures of society with 
 less fatigue, both of body and mind. 
 
 I remained some time at Quebec and in- 
 
 59 The allusion is to the capture of York Factory and 
 Fort Prince of Wales by the expedition of La Perouse. 
 
 203 
 
^ofjn Hong 
 
 tended to pass my winter there, but my money 
 being nearly exhausted and my mind not 
 reconciled to another Indian voyage, I re¬ 
 turned to Montreal, where I found friends to 
 supply my wants till the spring following. 
 
 204 
 
Chapter is 
 
 FURTHER VICISSITUDES OF THE AUTHOR 
 
 I N May I took a trip to Fort George, 
 situated on a lake of the same name, 
 called by the French Saint Sacrement, 
 where I stayed with some of the Mohawks 
 who were encamped there. In the beginning 
 of the French and Indian War, in 1757, there 
 was a remarkable instance of resolution and 
 cool, deliberate courage in one of these savages, 
 occasioned by a sentence being passed upon a 
 soldier to receive 500 lashes for intoxication. 
 
 An Indian, known by the name of Silver 
 Heels from his superior agility, as well as his 
 admirable finesse in the art of war, and who 
 had killed more of the enemy than anyone 
 [else] of the tribes in alliance with Great 
 Britain, accidentally came in to the fort just 
 before the soldier was to receive his punish¬ 
 ment, and expressed his displeasure that a 
 man should be so shamefully disgraced. He 
 went up to the commanding officer and asked 
 him what crime the soldier had committed. 
 The officer, not choosing to be questioned, 
 ordered one of his men to send Silver Heels 
 away, and to inform him that the company of 
 Indians was not agreeable on such occasions. 
 “Wa! wa!” or, “Oh! oh!” replied the savage, 
 
 205 
 
Hong 
 
 “but what is the warrior tied up for?” “For 
 getting drunk,” answered the soldier. “Is 
 that all?” said Silver Heels. “Then provide 
 another set of halberts and tie up your chief, 
 for he gets drunk twice a day.” Having said 
 so he instantly left the fort, telling the soldier 
 he should quickly return to endeavor to pre¬ 
 vent the punishment being inflicted. Soon 
 after the delinquent was tied up, and the drum¬ 
 mers in waiting to obey orders, Silver Heels 
 returned, and going up to the officer, with a 
 tomahawk and scalping-knife, said to him. 
 “Father, are you a warrior, or do you only 
 think yourself so? If you are brave, you will 
 not suffer your men to strike this soldier whilst 
 I am in this fort. Let me advise you not to 
 spill the good English blood which tomorrow 
 may be wanted to oppose an enemy.” The 
 officer, turning upon his heel, answered with 
 an indignant look that the soldier had trans¬ 
 gressed and must be flogged. “Well!” replied 
 Silver Heels, “ then flog him and we shall soon 
 see whether you are as brave a warrior as an 
 Indian.” 
 
 About two days after, the officer was riding 
 some distance from the fort, and Silver Heels 
 was lying flat on his stomach, according to his 
 usual custom when he watched to surprise an 
 enemy. The officer passed without perceiving 
 him, when he instantly sprang up and laying 
 hold of the horse’s bridle, told the officer to 
 dismount and fight him. The officer, judging 
 
 206 
 
I^opageg anb €rabd£ 
 
 it improper to risk his life against a savage, 
 refused to dismount and endeavored to spur 
 his horse. Silver Heels, perceiving his inten¬ 
 tion, tomahawked the horse, who fell down 
 suddenly, and the officer rolled on the ground 
 without being hurt. “Now,” says Silver 
 Heels, “we are on equal terms, and as you have 
 a brace of pistols and a sword you cannot 
 have any objection to fight me.” The officer 
 still refusing, Silver Heels told him that he 
 thought himself a warrior when he ordered 
 one of his white slaves to be flogged for a 
 breach of martial law, but that he had now 
 forgotten the character he then assumed or he 
 certainly would have fought him; and looking 
 very sternly, added that he had a great mind 
 to make him change his climate; but as that 
 mode of proceding would not answer his pur¬ 
 pose, and sufficiently expose him among his 
 brother warriors, he might walk home as soon 
 as he pleased; and that tomorrow morning he 
 would come to the fort with the horse’s scalp 
 and relate the circumstance. The officer was 
 rejoiced to escape so well, though he was 
 obliged to walk a distance of three miles. 
 
 The next morning Silver Heels arrived and 
 asked to see the officer, but was denied ad¬ 
 mission into his presence. Some of his brother 
 officers came out and inquired his business. 
 He related to them the circumstance between 
 the officer and himself, and exhibited the tro¬ 
 phy, adding that tomorrow he intended going 
 
 207 
 
^ofm Hong 
 
 to war, and should make a point of taking 
 an old woman prisoner, whom he should send 
 to take the command of the fort, as the great 
 chief was only fit to fight with his dog or cat, 
 when he was eating, lest they should have 
 more than him. Then, asking for some rum 
 (which was given him) he left the fort to fulfill 
 his promise, but was soon after killed in an 
 engagement, fighting manfully at the head of 
 a party of Mohawks near the Bloody Pond, 
 joining to Lord Loudon’s Road, in the way to 
 Albany. 
 
 Just before the frost set in I returned to 
 Montreal and visited my old Cahnuaga 
 friends, where I amused myself in the Indian 
 way, as I always preferred their society to the 
 Canadians. Notwithstanding, I occasionally 
 mixed in more civilized amusements, and as 
 I danced tolerably well my company was gen¬ 
 erally sought after. 
 
 The Canadians are particularly fond of 
 dancing, from the seigneur to the habitant; 
 and though the meaner sort of people do not 
 excel in it, there is a peculiar ease and careless 
 indifference, which, though it appears too 
 rustic, is far from being disagreeable. The 
 beverage on those occasions is sour Spanish 
 red wine, called black strap; and this, homely 
 as it would be thought in more refined assem¬ 
 blies, is there considered as a very handsome 
 manner of treating their friends. 
 
 The winter being passed, I determined to 
 208 
 
Bopageg an& 
 
 go to Quebec and endeavor to get a passage 
 to England, not having any prospect of a 
 permanent settlement in Canada. On my 
 arrival I put up at a tavern and lived as 
 moderately as possible, from necessity more 
 than inclination; for everyone knows that 
 Indian traders, like sailors, are seldom suffi¬ 
 ciently prudent to save much money. For¬ 
 tunately for me, I met with an old schoolfellow 
 at Quebec, a captain of a ship, whom I had 
 not seen for sixteen years. To him I com¬ 
 municated my distressed situation, and by 
 him was generously relieved. In addition to 
 this act of kindness, he promised me a free 
 passage to England on board his vessel, which 
 offer I accepted with pleasure and gratitude. 
 
 Having fixed the time of his departure, I 
 took the post and went to Montreal to settle 
 my affairs, I then returned to Quebec, from 
 whence we sailed the eleventh day of October, 
 1783 and put into Newfoundland. When we 
 came in sight of harbor several of us requested 
 permission to take the long boat and row on 
 shore, which was granted; but it being a dead 
 calm, we made very little way. We had not 
 left the ship more than a league when a south¬ 
 west wind sprang up and retarded us consider¬ 
 ably. In the evening the wind abated, and 
 with hard rowing we reached the shore about 
 midnight, both fatigued and hungry. Early 
 in the morning the ship came into harbor, and 
 had suffered some damage by beating about in 
 
 209 
 
^ofm 3long 
 
 the night, which induced the captain to dis¬ 
 pose of the cargo. On the ninth of Novem¬ 
 ber we left Newfoundland on board another 
 vessel. Our passage was favorable, without 
 any remarkable occurrence, and we arrived in 
 London the thirtieth of the same month. 
 
 My native city, upon my arrival, appeared 
 like a new world to me, having been absent 
 from England fifteen years, and it was with 
 difficulty I found any of my old friends, the 
 greatest part of them in such a length of time 
 being dead. 
 
 In February, 1784 I entered into an engage¬ 
 ment with a relation to return to Canada, 
 and being furnished with a cargo, left London 
 on the fifteenth of April following. On the 
 twentieth we got under way and put into 
 Portsmouth to take in wines. After a bad and 
 tedious passage of eleven weeks we arrived 
 safe at Quebec, from whence my goods were 
 sent to Montreal in small craft. Unfortunately 
 the season was too far advanced to suffer me 
 to attempt going to Michilimackinac and 
 wintering in the inlands, as I had no prospect 
 of providing suitable canoes; nor were my 
 goods properly assorted, and there was not 
 time sufficient to arrange them, so as to make 
 the intended voyage. This induced me to 
 consult a friend upon the occasion, who ad¬ 
 vised me to dispose of my goods at public 
 vendue, which I did at very great loss, so that 
 I could only remit my friend in London a very 
 
 210 
 
Bopageg anti Crabd^ 
 
 small sum in part of payment. In this ad¬ 
 venture nothing succeeded to my wishes, for 
 by my credulity and being willing to retrieve, 
 if possible, the loss I had sustained, I soon in¬ 
 creased my difficulties, so that in a few months 
 after my arrival, all my schemes failing, I was 
 left totally destitute. 
 
 In February, 1785 I quitted Montreal and 
 walked from La Prairie to St. John’s, where I 
 accidentally found a friend who supplied me 
 with money to go to New York. I proceeded 
 to Stony Point, where I stayed two days with 
 some Loyalist officers, some of whom accom¬ 
 panied me to Crown Point, where we also 
 stayed three days. We then parted company 
 and I hired a sleigh which carried me safely 
 to New York, where I took a lodging and lived 
 as moderately as I could. 
 
 During my residence there I met a Loretto 
 savage, called Indian John, who had been in 
 the American service all the war, and who 
 waited to receive a reward for his fidelity, as the 
 Congress were then sitting. He told me he had 
 been at war for them nine years, had killed 
 a great many of their enemies, and had only 
 received a gun, two blankets, three pieces of 
 Indian gartering, and one hundred dollars in 
 paper money, which he could not make use of; 
 and as I understood his language, he desired 
 me to render him service by interpreting for 
 him to the Governor. I desired him to call at 
 my lodgings, and in the meantime I wrote down 
 
 211 
 

 the circumstances he had related to me, that 
 I might be prepared in case I was sent for at 
 a short notice. 
 
 A few days after, he explained to me more 
 fully the nature of his claim and how he had 
 been trifled with by Congress. I asked him 
 his reasons for engaging in the American serv¬ 
 ice. He told me that at the commencement 
 of the war the Big Knives (meaning the Amer¬ 
 icans) had advised him to turn his heart from 
 the English and promised to supply all his 
 wants; and, as an additional inducement, that 
 they would pay a better price for a scalp 
 than had been usually given, and at the close 
 of the war he should have land and stock 
 sufficient to maintain himself and family; 
 but he was now convinced they only meant to 
 serve themselves as he had frequently applied 
 for a performance of their promises without 
 success; and that he was determined to get 
 satisfaction some way or other. 
 
 I told him I was not sorry for his disappoint¬ 
 ment; that he was a bad Indian for deserting 
 his good father, who lived on the other side 
 the great water and who was universally be¬ 
 loved by all who knew him, particularly by 
 the Loretto nation; and as the subjects of this 
 great and good father lived near his village 
 and gave every proof of their love and friend¬ 
 ship to his nation, which he could not be ig¬ 
 norant of, I was surprised that he should suffer 
 his heart to be moved by the changeable 
 
Bopageg anti Crafccls 
 
 winds, and was sorry to add that I believed 
 he was the only Loretto Indian with two 
 minds, and therefore I was unwilling to say 
 anything in his behalf before Congress. 
 
 These remarks on his conduct seemed to 
 affect him, and he replied that he hoped, not¬ 
 withstanding he had deserted the cause of his 
 great father, he should find me his friend to 
 attend him when his affair should be taken 
 under consideration by Congress, as he had 
 not anyone in New York who could serve 
 him so essentially. I told him that in spite of 
 my just displeasure, his situation had melted 
 my heart and I would not refuse his request. 
 
 In about four days he came to acquaint me 
 that Congress were then sitting, and he be¬ 
 lieved they would pay his demand if I would 
 go with him and interpret to the Governor; 
 but having taken an active part against the 
 Americans during the war, I would willingly 
 have been excused. On his urging my promise 
 to him, I could not resist, and immediately 
 accompanied him to the council, where Gover¬ 
 nor Franklin was president, who asked me if 
 I knew Indian John. I told him, only by seeing 
 him at New York, and that I came at his 
 particular request to speak in his behalf. He 
 desired me to assure the Indian that he might 
 depend on having his demand satisfied in a 
 few days, and to make his mind easy. This I 
 communicated to him, with which he seemed 
 perfectly satisfied. 
 
 213 
 
Song 
 
 Soon after, he was sent for and he received 
 an order on a merchant for one hundred 
 dollars, which being presented for payment, 
 was not honored. This incensed John, and he 
 desired me to tell the merchant that the 
 Congress and their agents were all thieves. 
 The merchant excused himself by saying that 
 the treasury was very poor, and could not 
 immediately satisfy every demand. 
 
 The next day John went again to the Gover¬ 
 nor and having acquainted him with the 
 refusal of the draft, received an order on 
 another merchant, which was duly honored. 
 John’s heart was quite elated, and in less than 
 ten days he had disposed of all the money, 
 like a true Indian, principally in drink. 
 
 My interference in favor of the Indian made 
 me well known and procured me an introduc¬ 
 tion to a respectable mercantile house, from 
 which I got credit for the Indian trade. Hav¬ 
 ing arranged my cargo I proceeded in a vessel 
 to Albany, where I arrived on the eighteenth 
 of June. At this place I unloaded my goods 
 and got them conveyed in a wagon to Schenec¬ 
 tady, where I purchased two boats. On the 
 sixth of July I proceeded up the Mohawk 
 River to the German Flats, where I stayed 
 three days, during which time a band of 
 Oneida Indians came and solicited me to 
 winter at their village, which was about ten 
 days’ march from Fort Stanwix. I complied 
 with their request and set off with twenty- 
 
 214 
 
Bopageg anti €rabelg 
 
 eight horses to carry my baggage, being 
 obliged to travel through the woods, and sold 
 my boats to satisfy those from whom I hired 
 the horses. I arrived safe at the village with 
 all my goods, but finding the plan was not 
 likely to turn out advantageously, after a 
 residence with them [of] three weeks, I bar¬ 
 tered for the few skins they had and having 
 repurchased my boats, I left my Indian 
 friends, proceeding immediately to the Genesee 
 Lake, where I arrived on the fourteenth of 
 September. 
 
 Having landed and secured my goods I 
 ordered my men to prepare a house. The 
 chiefs, on hearing of my arrival, assembled 
 and came up to me, accompanied by their 
 young men, expecting presents, which I was 
 obliged to make; and I asked permission to 
 stay on their ground. Some consented, and 
 others disapproved; at the last, after consulting 
 each other, they told me I might go on with the 
 building. The men immediately proceeded 
 with cheerfulness and despatch, in hopes of 
 finishing the business before their return; 
 but how transitory are all human events! 
 Whilst the men were at work some Indians 
 came in great haste to desire my attendance 
 at the council fire, which was at a small dis¬ 
 tance from my intended place of residence. I 
 obeyed the summons and sat down by the 
 chiefs, when one of them rose up, and addressed 
 me to the following effect: 
 
S^ofm Hong 
 
 “You are the sugar, for so you are called in 
 our tongue, but you must not have too much 
 sweetness on your lips. All the Oneida Indians 
 say they have heard that you are only come 
 under a pretense to get our lands from us; 
 but this must not be. My young warriors will 
 not suffer any Englishman to settle here. 
 You are like the great chief, General Johnson, 
 who asked for a spot of ground, or large bed, 
 to lie on; and when Hendrick, the chief of the 
 Mohawks, had granted his request, he got 
 possession of a great quantity of our hunting 
 grounds; and we have reason to think that 
 you intend to dream us out of our natural 
 rights. We loved Sir William and therefore 
 consented to all his requests; but you are a 
 stranger, and must not take these liberties. 
 Therefore, my advice is that you depart to¬ 
 morrow at break of day, or you will be plun¬ 
 dered by the young warriors and it will not be 
 in our power to redress you.” 
 
 As I have mentioned a council, I shall de¬ 
 scribe the form of a house erected for that 
 purpose near Fort Pitt. 
 
 The building is long, with two fires in it at 
 a proper distance from each other, without 
 any chimney or partition. The entry into the 
 house is by two doors, one at each end. Over 
 the door the figure of a turtle was drawn, 
 which is the ensign of the particular tribe. On 
 each door-post was cut out the face of an old 
 man, an emblem of that gravity and wisdom 
 216 
 
Bopage^ and €rabd£ 
 
 that every senator ought to be possessed of. 
 On each side, the whole length of the house 
 within, is a platform or bed five feet wide, 
 raised above the floor one foot and a half, made 
 of broad pieces of wood split, which serves 
 equally for a bed to sleep on and a place to 
 sit down. It is covered with a handsome mat 
 made of rushes, and at the upper end of the 
 building the king or great chief sat. 
 
 To return from this digression: We baled 
 up our goods and proceeded to Fort Oswego, 
 which I attempted to pass, but was pre¬ 
 vented by a sentinel, who informed me that 
 no bateau with goods could pass without the 
 commanding officer’s permission. I told him 
 I was not an American, and would wait on 
 him to know if he had issued such orders. 
 I travelled in my Indian dress, and left my men 
 at the landing, about a mile and a half from 
 the garrison. I paid my respects to him, and 
 acquainted him with my situation. He told 
 me he should be very happy to oblige me, but 
 that it was impossible to pass the fort without 
 proper credentials; and as I had them not, he 
 desired me to return to the United States to 
 prevent my goods being seized. Notwith¬ 
 standing this friendly advice I was determined 
 to run the risk, and to my extreme mortifica¬ 
 tion they were all seized by the custom-house 
 officers, by them deposited in the king’s ware¬ 
 house, and afterwards condemned. 
 
 In this distressed situation, and very ill in 
 
 217 
 
Stofjn Hong 
 
 health, I went down in a king’s boat to Catara- 
 qui, where I arrived on the eighth of November 
 and took up my abode at Mr. Howell’s tavern. 
 My indisposition increasing, I was obliged to 
 keep to my blankets and had only one faithful 
 squaw to attend me. In this miserable state 
 I lay some time, expecting every hour to 
 change my climate, though determined to use 
 every endeavor to effect a recovery. At this 
 interesting period my correspondent arrived 
 from England, and notwithstanding the losses 
 he had sustained by my imprudence, performed 
 the part of a good Samaritan, pouring oil and 
 wine into my wounds; and finding my disorder 
 required medical assistance, desired a surgeon 
 to attend me, and I was soon sufficiently 
 recovered to pursue my journey to La Chine, 
 where I remained some months in preparing 
 the goods which he [had] brought from Eng¬ 
 land for a Northwest journey among the 
 Indians, intending to go next spring to Michil- 
 imackinac. Mais la mauvaise fortune qui nous 
 poursuivit toujours frustrated all our schemes 
 and obliged us to leave La Chine on the 
 twenty-sixth of May, 1786, from whence we 
 proceeded in a large Schenectady boat to 
 Oswegatche, where we stopped a few hours 
 and landed at a place called Toniata Creek, 
 where I determined to apply for 500 acres of 
 land as a Loyalist settler; which being granted 
 me by Government, I immediately felled 
 timber to build a house for the accommodation 
 
 218 
 
12opagc£ anti €ratad£ 
 
 of Indians, in hopes of deriving considerable 
 advantages by barter. 
 
 In a few days the Indians came to trade 
 with us, which gave us encouragement and 
 at the same time flattered us with the pleasing 
 ideas of succeeding in commerce; but some 
 affairs requiring my friend’s attendance at 
 Montreal, trade suffered a temporary suspense, 
 and at his return he told me that we must 
 leave our quarters for he was apprehensive of 
 a seizure for an English debt. 
 
 In this cruel dilemma flight was our only 
 security, and we embarked all our goods on 
 board a large bateau and proceeded to 
 Pimitiscotyan Landing upon Lake Ontario, 
 where we entered a creek and found accommo¬ 
 dation at a trader’s house. The next morning 
 we prepared a house for trade, and for some 
 days went on successfully; but our happiness 
 was of short duration, for an officer pursued 
 us and took possession of all the effects he 
 could find, even to the tent which sheltered us 
 from the weather, and carried them down to 
 Montreal, where they were sold for less than 
 one-fourth part of their original cost and 
 charges. Thus circumstanced, without any 
 property to trade with, we came down to the 
 Bay of Kenty and resided there ten months 
 among the Loyalist settlers, whose hospitality 
 tended to soften the rigor of distress and 
 alleviate my sorrows. Early in spring, 1786, 
 we crossed over to Carleton Island and from 
 
 219 
 
3long 
 
 thence to Fort Oswego, intending to go into 
 the United States by that post; but not having 
 any pass, we were not allowed to pursue our 
 journey. In this mortifying situation I advised 
 my friend to adopt another plan, and procured 
 a conveyance to Salmon Creek, about twenty 
 miles from the fort. Here we rested one day, 
 and with five pounds of pork and two loaves 
 of bread we set off on foot, escorted by a 
 squaw, expecting to reach Fort Stanwix in 
 about four days; but the old path was entirely 
 obliterated and we were obliged to return in 
 the evening to the creek, disappointed in the 
 attempt. Unwilling to make another effort, 
 we agreed to return to Fort Oswego, and 
 though the distance was not more than twenty 
 miles, we were six days before we reached the 
 garrison. 
 
 In this expedition my friend suffered great 
 hardships; not being accustomed to sleep in 
 the woods, and having also a knapsack with 
 about thirty pounds’ weight to carry, grieved 
 him exceedingly. The shortness of provisions 
 increased the distress, for it cannot be sup¬ 
 posed that five pounds of pork and two loaves 
 of bread would last three persons any length 
 of time. 
 
 Previous to our journey’s end we were 
 twelve hours without any sustenance except 
 wild onions; but fortunately we found on the 
 sand about 140 birds’ eggs, which we boiled 
 and eagerly devoured, notwithstanding the 
 
 220 
 
Bopagcg anti €rabd£ 
 
 greatest part had young birds in them, with 
 small down on their bodies. 
 
 On our arrival at the fort the commanding 
 officer rallied us on our attempt; and taking 
 my friend aside, advised him either to return 
 to Montreal or go up to Niagara, as he was 
 sure he was not equal to the fatigue of an 
 Indian life. He followed the officer’s advice, 
 and left me at the fort, which I soon after¬ 
 wards quitted and went down to Montreal. 
 From thence I got a conveyance to Quebec 
 and being greatly distressed, applied to Lord 
 Dorchester for relief, who generously directed 
 his aide-de-camp to accompany me to Lieu¬ 
 tenant-general Hope, and strongly recom¬ 
 mended me to his notice, to be employed in 
 an Indian capacity. Being in some measure 
 relieved, and supplied with a few dollars 
 and other necessaries, I was sent up to 
 Cataraqui. 
 
 I left Quebec and arrived at Montreal on 
 the fourteenth of July. The next day I 
 pursued my journey on foot, but seeing 
 two Indians of my acquaintance in a canoe 
 and having some money in my pocket to 
 buy rum, I hired them to convey me to 
 Cataraqui, and in our way we killed plenty 
 of game. 
 
 On the nineteenth of August I delivered my 
 credentials to the proper officer, but he could 
 not render me any service. However, he recom¬ 
 mended me by letter to his friend at Carleton 
 
 221 
 
^Pofm Slong 
 
 Island, where Sir John Johnson 60 was waiting 
 for a vessel to convey him to Niagara to hold 
 a council with the Indians. Fortunately I 
 procured an interview with him and com¬ 
 municating to him my situation, he ordered 
 me to be in readiness to assist as interpreter 
 at his return. On the eighteenth of September 
 Sir John Johnson met us at the head of the 
 Bay of Kenty. The instant the Indians heard 
 of his arrival they saluted him with a discharge 
 of small arms and having received some rum, 
 they danced and sang all night their war 
 songs. One of them I particularly noticed, 
 which was to the following effect: 
 
 “At last our good father is arrived. He has 
 broken the small branches, and cleared his 
 way to meet us. He has given us presents in 
 abundance, and only demands this large bed 
 (meaning a considerable tract of land which 
 was described on a map).” 
 
 At twelve o’clock the next day a council was 
 held and Sir John laid his map before them, 
 desiring a tract of land from Toronto to Lake 
 Huron. This the Indians agreed to grant him 
 and the deed of gift being shown them, it was 
 signed by the chiefs affixing the emblem, or 
 
 00 This was the son of Sir William Johnson of New 
 York. He succeeded to his father’s rank and estates, 
 and during the Revolution was an active leader of 
 partisan forays against his native state. At the close of 
 the war he removed to Canada and became Superin¬ 
 tendent of Indian Affairs for British North America. 
 
t£opage£ anb €ratod£ 
 
 figure of their respective totems, as their 
 signatures. 
 
 Sir John Johnson then left them and em¬ 
 barked for Cataraqui, the capital of the 
 Loyalist settlements. 
 
 Previous to his departure I made him more 
 fully acquainted with my distressed situation 
 and procured from him a temporary supply, 
 which enabled me to go down to the third 
 township in the Bay of Kenty, where I stayed 
 with my Loyalist friends till the spring of 
 1787, during which time I had frequent op¬ 
 portunities of making observations on the 
 flourishing state of the new settlements. 
 
 The settlements of the Loyalists in Canada 
 bid fair to be a valuable acquisition to Great 
 Britain; and in case of a war with the United 
 States will be able to furnish not only some 
 thousands of veteran troops, but a rising gen¬ 
 eration of a hardy race of men whose principles 
 during the last war stimulated them to every 
 exertion, even at the expense of their property, 
 family, and friends, in support of the cause 
 they so warmly espoused. There was, however, 
 when I resided in the country, one cause of 
 complaint, which, though it may not imme¬ 
 diately affect the welfare and prosperity of the 
 present inhabitants or prevent an increase of 
 population in proportion to the unlocated 
 lands, is big with impending danger, and 
 which for the satisfaction of the public I shall 
 endeavor to explain. 
 
 223 
 
Hong 
 
 All the land from Point au Baudet (the be¬ 
 ginning of the Loyalist settlements on the 
 River St. Lawrence) to the head of the Bay 
 of Kenty, which at this period, I am informed, 
 contains at least 10,000 souls, is said to be 
 liable to the old feudal system of the French 
 seigneuries, the lords of which claim title to 
 receive some rent, or exercise some paramount 
 right, which though it may be at present very 
 insignificant, and which perhaps may never 
 be insisted on, renders every man dependent 
 on the lord of the manor, and in process of 
 time, as land becomes more valuable, the 
 raising these rents or the exercise of these 
 rights, may occasion frequent disputes. I 
 think, therefore, with submission to our gov¬ 
 ernment, that as many hundreds of Americans 
 are now settled there, and doubtless many 
 more may occasionally migrate from the 
 United States, either from being disgusted 
 with the polity of the country or from an idea 
 of reaping greater benefits as subjects of Great 
 Britain, it behooves us to remove every ob¬ 
 stacle of subserviency, and either by purchase 
 or any other mode Administration may think 
 fit to adopt, render all the lands in Canada 
 granted to Loyalist subjects, or others who 
 have [taken] or may voluntarily take the oaths 
 of allegiance, as free as those in Nova Scotia. 
 
 Men who have been engaged in their coun¬ 
 try’s cause from the best of principles should 
 have every possible indulgence; and in propor- 
 
 224 
 
IDopngcs anti €rabri£ 
 
 tion as they have been deprived of comforts 
 by the desolation of war, they should be recom¬ 
 pensed without any partial restrictions, and the 
 remainder of their days rendered as happy as the 
 governments they live under can make them. 
 
 The population of these new settlements 
 and their parallel situation with Fort Oswe- 
 gatche, Carleton Island, Oswego, and Niagara 
 evince, perhaps, more forcibly than ever the 
 propriety of retaining these barriers in our 
 possession, which in the former part of this 
 work I have fully explained; and as the third 
 township alone (which is nine miles square) 
 contained in the year 1787 about 1700 in¬ 
 habitants, it is difficult to say what number 
 of valuable subjects that country may here¬ 
 after produce. Certain it is that it is capable 
 of supporting multitudes, as the land is in 
 general fertile and on an average produces 
 about thirty bushels of wheat per acre, even 
 in the imperfect manner in which it is cleared, 
 leaving all the stumps about three feet high 
 and from five to ten trees on an acre. This 
 mode of clearing is in fact absolutely necessary, 
 because new-cultivated lands in hot climates 
 require shelter to prevent the scorching heat of 
 the sun, which in its full power would burn up 
 the seed. It has also been found expedient in 
 stony ground to let the stones remain, as they 
 retain a moisture favorable to vegetation. 
 
 In the month of May I left the new settle¬ 
 ments and went down to Montreal and from 
 
 225 
 
Stofnt Hong 
 
 thence to Quebec, where I waited on Lord 
 Dorchester, but could not gain admittance. I 
 was afterward informed that His Lordship was 
 indisposed. I then went to Lieutenant-general 
 Hope’s, but he had embarked for England. 
 
 So many mortifying disappointments af¬ 
 fected me very sensibly, but as my discourage¬ 
 ments generally increased my exertions, I 
 was more assiduous in my endeavors to live, 
 and while I was contriving schemes for future 
 support I received a supply from a friend. 
 So seasonable a relief braced up all my nerves, 
 and I felt a pleasure that can scarce be con¬ 
 ceived by any but such as have experienced 
 hardships and difficulties similar to mine. 
 
 My heart being cheered and every gloomy 
 thought, dispersed, I determined to leave the 
 country whilst I had money in my pocket. 
 Having found another friend to sign a pass, I 
 went on board a ship then lying in the River 
 St. Lawrence on the twenty-fifth of October, 
 and arrived in London the beginning of 
 December following, rejoiced at again setting 
 foot on my native shore. 
 
 Having finished the historical part of my 
 work, I have only to solicit the candid in¬ 
 dulgence of the public for any literary errors 
 I may have been guilty of; and with great 
 respect to convey to them an humble hope 
 that the Voyages and Travels, together with 
 the vocabulary subjoined, may not be found 
 totally unworthy of their attention. 
 
 226 
 
Index 
 
fitter 
 
 Adair, James, History of the American Indians cited, 
 39 , * 94 - 
 
 Adirondack Indians, war with Iroquois, 12-14; alliance 
 with French, 131. 
 
 Adultery, punished, 119. 
 
 Albany, as fur-trade center, 20-21. 
 
 Albany, Fort, route to, 137-38; captured by French, 
 
 r 3 8. 
 
 Algonkin, importance of language, xxvii. 
 
 Allcrow,-, captain of Mercury, 196. 
 
 Allen, Ethan, in Revolutionary War, 25-26. 
 
 Anne, Queen, presents goods to Indians, 43. 
 
 Arbitibis, Lake, described, 105; Indians trade with 
 Long, 135-36. 
 
 Arnold, Benedict, in Revolutionary War, 27. 
 Assenegether, Iroquois chief, 8. 
 
 Athergain, Indian game, described, 69. 
 
 Ball game, described, 68-69. 
 
 Banks, Sir Joseph, Long dedicates book to, xvii. 
 
 Baths, sweat, described, 63. 
 
 Bears, as totems, 110-12; at Crow’s-nest Lake, 135; 
 
 as food, 173. See also Grizzly Bears. 
 
 Beattie, Rev. Charles, Journal cited, 34, 187. 
 
 Beauport, described, 5. 
 
 Beaver, described, 54. 
 
 Bernard, Samuel, superstition of, 112. 
 
 Bird, Henry, in Revolutionary War, xv-xvi. 
 
 Boneau, Joseph, fur-trade employee, 76. 
 
 Braddock, Gen. Edward, criticized, 37. 
 
 Brooke, Frances M., as novelist, 99. 
 
 Buffalo, method of hunting, 122-23. 
 
 Butler, Lieut. Walter, in Revolutionary War, 26. 
 Calumet, described, 61-62. 
 
 229 
 

 Canada, Americans invade, xii, 25-30; origin of name, 
 4; use of French language, 8; canoe travel in, 50; 
 fondness of people for dancing, 208. 
 
 Cannibalism, among traders, 151-60. 
 
 Canoes, method of repairing, 52; Northwest, described, 
 57; made by Indians, 138. 
 
 Carden, Major, killed, 26. 
 
 Caribou (Reindeer) Lake, described, 105. 
 
 Cark Cark (the Crow), scalping exploit, 32-33. 
 
 Carleton, Sir Guy, in Revolutionary War, 30, 45. 
 
 Carleton Island, described, 20; Long’s party visits, 219. 
 
 Carlton, Major, in Revolutionary War, 36. 
 
 Carver, Jonathan, Travels discussed, xix-xx; cited, 107- 
 108, 164-65; career, xxviii-xxix. 
 
 Cataraqui (Fort Frontenac), described, 16-17; Long 
 visits, 218-21. 
 
 Caughnawaga (Cahnuaga, Cocknawaga), Long locates 
 at, 8; village, described, 9-11; Indians allies of 
 British, 35-36; intermarry with Connecedagas, 34. 
 
 Charivari, custom described, 46-47. 
 
 Chessaquoy, Indian rattle, 64. 
 
 Chicoutimi (Checootimy), Long’s party at, 198. 
 
 Chippewa (Sauteur) Indians, importance of language, 
 xxvi-xxix; at Sault Ste. Marie, 57; mode of life, 
 67-68; roving habits, 81; warfare with Sioux, 98; 
 courtship, 170-71. 
 
 Chippewa Point, Long sojourns at, 176-80. 
 
 Clark, George Rogers, in Revolutionary War, xv- 
 xvi, 188. 
 
 Clark, James, employees starve, no. 
 
 Colden, Cadwallader, History of the Five Indian Nations, 
 i5- 
 
 Connecedaga (Rondaxe) Indians, war party, 27-30; 
 tribe described, 34-36; village, 53. 
 
 Cooper, Isabella, in Chicago massacre, 31. 
 
 Council, Indians hold, 215-17, 222-23. 
 
 Cranberries, in Lake Schabeechevan, 137. 
 
 Cranberry Lake, significance of name, 134; Long’s 
 party at, 173. 
 
 Crawford, Captain, captures Ethan Allen, 25-26. 
 
 230 
 

 Crow’s River (Cark Cark Seepi), described, 106. 
 
 Crow’s-nest Lake (Cark Cark Sakiegan), described, 
 106. 
 
 Crow’s-nest Lake (Lac le Nid au Corbeau), described, 
 I3S; Long’s party at, 173. 
 
 Delaware Indians, unwarlike reputation, 13, 36. 
 
 Detroit, described, 22. 
 
 Dogs, traders eat, 76; Indian bitten by, 101-102. 
 
 Dorchester, Lord, Long appeals to for aid, 221, 226. 
 
 Dufresne, Lewis, act of cannibalism, 151-58. 
 
 Edwards, Rev. Jonathan, Indian vocabulary, xxviii. 
 
 England, Colonel, in Revolutionary War, 30. 
 
 Eturgeon, Lac, see Sturgeon Lake. 
 
 Famine, at Lac la Mort, 75-76; at Lake Savan, no; 
 among traders, 148-60. 
 
 Feudal system, in Canada, described, 224-25. 
 
 Firearms, introduced among Indians, 13. 
 
 Fishing, at Sault Ste. Marie, 57; in Lac la Mort, 74-75, 
 109-10; in Red Lake, 104; in Caribou Lake, 105; in 
 Crow’s-nest Lake, 106; in Lake Savan, no; in 
 Riviere la Pique, 132; in Lake Schabeechevan, 137, 
 139, 142-43; fish as food, 148; in Lake Shaboomoo- 
 choine, 199. See also the kinds of fish. 
 
 Five and Six Nation Indians, see Iroquois. 
 
 Fleas, at Trois Rivieres, 7. 
 
 Foster, Captain, in Revolutionary War, 26. 
 
 Fox (Renard) Indians, reception of British at Prairie 
 du Chien, 188-90. 
 
 Franklin, Governor, Long interviews, 213. 
 
 French, use of language in Canada, 8; war with Iroquois, 
 13-14; christianize Indians, 41-42. 
 
 French River, see Ottawa River. 
 
 Frontenac, Fort, see Cataraqui. 
 
 Fulton,-, trading activities, 151-58. 
 
 Fur-trade, morality of traders, 44; canoes described, 
 50, 57; route from Montreal to Mackinac, 51-53; 
 repairing canoes, 52; food of employees, 57; traders 
 barter with Indians, 65, 72-73, 100, 109-10, 121, 
 127, 132, 141-42, 148, 168, 201-203, 219; traders at¬ 
 tacked, 81-92, 144-47, 181-85; assemble at Pays 
 
 231 
 
Sender 
 
 Plat, 129, 175; hardships of life, 130-31; expedition 
 to Prairie du Chien, 185-90. 
 
 Galvez, Governor-General, defeats British, xv, 
 
 George, Fort (Saint Sacrement), anecdote concerning, 
 205-208. 
 
 German Flats, fertility, 114; Long’s party at, 214. 
 
 Gordon, Major, killed, 27. 
 
 Grand Portage, activities of North West Company, 59. 
 
 Grand River, see Ottawa River. 
 
 Grande Cote de la Roche, La, route by, 66; described, 
 134; Long’s party at, 173. 
 
 Great Spirit, offerings to, 58. 
 
 Green Bay (Lac les Puants), British expedition at, 186. 
 
 Grizzly Bears, ferocity, 55; method of hunting, 122. 
 
 Henry, Alexander, career, xi, xiii; Travels cited, 22, 
 23. 57, 59, 60, 62, 128, 138, 153, 185. 
 
 Hope, Lieutenant-General, succors Long, 221; returns 
 to England, 226. 
 
 Horne, Henry, see Lord Karnes. 
 
 Hudson’s Bay Company, trader attacked, 81-92, 144- 
 47; trader deserts to, 119-21; trader visits Long, 
 159-60; administration defended, 160-67; fort pil¬ 
 laged, 203. 
 
 Hunter, Governor, speech to Indians, 43. 
 
 Huron Indians, of Loretto, described, 193-94. 
 
 Indians, warfare, xii-xiii, 25-40, 99-103; vocab¬ 
 ulary of language, xxvi-xxix; method of con¬ 
 ducting trade, 6; Caughnawagas described, 9-11; 
 firearms introduced among, 13; drinking of liquor, 
 11, 19-20, 65, 73-74, 83-92, 109, 119, 132-33, I4I-43, 
 181-84; scalping described, 31-33; sense of direc¬ 
 tions, 37-38: cleverness, 38-39; vanity, 39-40; 
 jealousies, 40, 114-19, 132-33; violent tempers, 41; 
 influence of Christianity, 41-44; immorality of 
 traders to, 44; attacks on traders, 81-92,144-47,181- 
 85; dances, 46; moccasins, 47; physical prowess, 48; 
 marksmanship, 48-49; hunting methods, 122-23; 
 generosity, 55-56, 150; shrine at entrance to Lake 
 Superior, 58; superstitions, 58-59, 175, 187; ceremo¬ 
 ny of adoption, 61-65; games, 68-70; position of 
 
 232 
 
Sto&ejt 
 
 wife, 73, 172-73; childbirth, 77-78; treatment of 
 children, 78-80, 128-29; torture of enemies, 92-95; 
 execution of aged, 95-97; of prisoners, 182-85; geo¬ 
 graphical knowledge, 107-108; totemism, 110-12; 
 dreams, 1x2-14; adultery punished, 119; practice of 
 polygamy, 121; battle between tribes, 123-26; 
 medicine men, 127-28; fashions in ears, 136-37; 
 canoe-making, 138; love song, 143; courtship, 170- 
 72; attitude toward Great Spirit, 174-75; of Green 
 Bay, described, 186-87; of Loretto, described, 193- 
 94; wearing of beards, 193-95 j exploit of Silver Heels, 
 205-208; councils held, 62-63,112-14, 215-17, 222-23. 
 See also the several Indian tribes. 
 
 Iroquois Indians, described, xxv, 12-18; language, 
 xxix; war with Adirondacks, 12-14; with French, 13- 
 14; leagues among, 14-16; territorial claims, 17-18; 
 vanity, 40. 
 
 Janvier, Charles, act of cannibalism, 151-58. 
 
 Jay, John, treaty with Great Britain, 19. 
 
 Johnson, Sir John, council with Indians, 222-23. 
 
 Johnson, Lieut. Peter, in Revolutionary War, 26. 
 
 Johnson, Sir William, council with Indians, 62-63, 112- 
 r 4- 
 
 Jordan,-, lost in woods, 3-4; found, 6. 
 
 Kalm, Peter, Travels quoted, 38-39. 
 
 Kames, Lord (Henry Horne), Sketches of History of 
 Man cited, 194-95. 
 
 Kenty, Bay of, see Quinte. 
 
 Kesconeek, speech, 72-73; aids Long, 120-21. 
 
 La Chine, origin of name, 50; Long sojourns at, 218. 
 
 La Forme, Joseph, killed, 146-47. 
 
 Lahontan, Baron de, career, xxvii; narrative cited,15, 
 194- 
 
 Lake of the Two Mountains, Indians of, 34-36, 45, 53. 
 See also Connecedaga Indians. 
 
 Lamothe, Captain Guillaume, in Revolutionary War, 
 27-30. 
 
 Langlade, Charles, in Revolutionary War, xv; at 
 Prairie du Chien, 185, xgo. 
 
 La Perouse, raids Hudson’s Bay Company forts, 203. 
 
 233 
 
Subcr 
 
 La Salle, Sieur de, enlarges Fort Frontenac, 17; de¬ 
 scribes panther, 53-54. 
 
 Laudanum, Indians drugged with, 132, 141-42. 
 
 Liquor, use by Indians deplored, n; drinking by In¬ 
 dians, 19-20, 65, 74, 83-92, 109, 119, 132-33, 141-43, 
 181-84; watered, 73, 168; drugged by traders, 133, 
 
 I4T-42. 
 
 Long, John, biographical sketch, xi-xvii; Travels pub¬ 
 lished, xvii-xviii; estimate of, xviii-xx; preface to 
 original edition, xxv-xxx; removal to America, 3-8; 
 in Revolutionary War, 25-31, 45, 185-91, 195-96; 
 Indian vocabulary, xxvi-xxix, 35; learns Chippewa, 
 46; masters arts of Indians, 47; enters Northwest fur- 
 trade, 50; removal to Lake Superior, 57; adoption 
 by Chippewa, 60-65; winter at Lac la Mort, 71-129; 
 visits Lake Manontoye, 76-97; quells Indian attack, 
 82-92; Indian jealous of, 114-19; second winter in 
 Northwest, 132-76; injures chief, 135-36; attacked 
 by Indian, 144-46; defense of Hudson’s Bay Com¬ 
 pany administration, 160-67; speech, 168-69; es " 
 capade at Mackinac, 176-80; expedition to Prairie 
 du Chien, 185-91; return to Montreal, 191-92, 203- 
 204; expedition to Sagueney country, 193-203; 
 encounter with French priest, 195-96; visit to Fort 
 George, 205; return to Caughnawaga, 208; to 
 England, 209-10, 226; re-enters fur-trade, 210-11, 
 214-21; visits New York, 211-14. 
 
 Long Sault, waterfall described, 52. 
 
 Loon, described, 49. 
 
 Loretto, village described, 193-94; claim of Indians 
 against United States, 211-14. 
 
 Louis XVI., reputed son of, 8. 
 
 Loyalists, of Mohawk Valley, 114; settlements, 16, 218- 
 19, 223-25. 
 
 Mackinac, see Michilimackinac. 
 
 Macnamara, Capt. John, heads expedition to Prairie 
 du Chien, 185-90. 
 
 Manontoye, Lake, Long visits, 76-97; described, 98. 
 
 Marie Antoinette, reputed son of, 8. 
 
 Maskenonjey, caught, 199. 
 
 234 
 
^ntier 
 
 Matchekewis (Matchee Quewish), aids British, xv; 
 at Pays Plat, 60, 64. 
 
 Mattoyash (the Earth), speech, 140. 
 
 Medicine men, methods described, 127-28. 
 
 Menominee (Wild Oats, Followen) Indians, kill wives 
 and children, 183. 
 
 Mercury, vessel captured, 195-96. 
 
 Michilimackinac, Fort, described, 22-23; massacre, 177; 
 Long’s escapade at, 177-80. 
 
 Moccasins, described, 47. 
 
 Mohawk Indians, intermarry with Connecedagas, 34; 
 exploit of Silver Heels, 205-208. 
 
 Montgomery, Colonel, expedition to Rock River, 
 xvi. 
 
 Montmorenci, Fall of, described, 5. 
 
 Montreal, as fur-trade center, xv, 6; ancient name, 6; 
 home of Iroquois, 12; Long at, 7-8, 191-92, 203-204. 
 
 Mort, Lac la, Indians of, 67-68; Long winters at, 71-129. 
 
 Moose, snout as delicacy, 54. 
 
 Musquash (Hawayzask) Indians, described, 80-81. 
 
 New Orleans, British plan attack on, xiv-xv. 
 
 Nesbit, Brigadier-General, in Revolutionary War, 30. 
 
 Niagara Falls, dimensions, 21-22. 
 
 Niagara, Fort, described, 21-22. 
 
 Nid au Corbeau, Lac le, see Crow’s-nest Lake. 
 
 Nipigon (Alemipigon), Lake, described, 66; Indians, 
 battle with Wasses, 123-26*. 
 
 Nipissing, Lake, source of St. Lawrence, 4, 53. 
 
 North West Company, vessel on Lake Superior, 59; 
 trader deserts, 119-21; organized, 162. 
 
 Ogasby (the Horse), jealousy of, 132-33. 
 
 Oneida Indians, Long visits, 214-16. 
 
 Onnemay (the Sturgeon), Chippewa chief, 155. 
 
 Orleans, Isle of, described, 5. 
 
 Oswegatche, described, 19; Long’s party at, 218. 
 
 Oswego, Fort, described, 20-21; Long’s party at, 217, 
 220. 
 
 Ottawa (Grand, French) River, home of Adirondack 
 Indians, 12; Indians remove to Mackinac, 16; 
 Long ascends, 53. 
 
 23S 
 

 Outagamie (Ottiguamie) Indians, join expedition to 
 Prairie du Chien, 186-90. 
 
 Panebacash River, route by, 198. 
 
 Panther, described by La Salle, 53-54. 
 
 Paris, Treaty of, xxv, 18-24. 
 
 Paterson,-, killed, 26. 
 
 Pays Plat, Long arrives at, 59-60; traders assemble, 
 129, 175 - 
 
 Pensacola, Spaniards capture, xv. 
 
 Peoria, Montgomery’s expedition to, xvi. 
 
 Pickerel, caught, 57, 105, 142, 199. 
 
 Pike, caught, 105, 132, 142, 199. 
 
 Pimitiscotyan Landing, Long at, ior, 219. 
 
 Pique, Riviere la, described, 132. 
 
 Polygamy, among Indians, 121. 
 
 Posts, barrier, importance of to British, 18-24. 
 Potawatomi (Poe) Indians, attack trader, 181-85. 
 Prairie du Chien, British expedition to, xiv-xvi, 185-90. 
 Prince of Wales, Fort, captured, 203. 
 
 Puants, Lac les, see Green Bay. 
 
 Quaife, Milo M., Historical Introduction, xi-xxi. 
 Quinte (Quenty, Kenty) Bay, Indians settle near, 
 16; Long sojourns at, 219, 223. 
 
 Rame, Portage la, Long’s party at, 134, 173-74- 
 
 Ramsay,-, encounter with Indians, 180-85. 
 
 Rat (Hawayzask) Indians, trade with Long, 127. 
 Rattlesnakes, Indian bitten by, 187-88; as aid in child¬ 
 birth, 187; as food, 200. 
 
 Red Lake (Misqui Sakiegan), significance of name, 103- 
 104. 
 
 Revolutionary War, John Long in, xii-xvi, 25-31, 
 45, 185-91, 195-96; treaty, xxv, 18-24. 
 
 Rice, Wild, in Red Lake, 104; in Lake Schabeechevan, 
 137; as food, 148. 
 
 Robson, Joseph, attacks Hudson’s Bay Company, 160- 
 61. 
 
 Rock River, Montgomery’s expedition to, xvi. 
 
 Rogers, Major Robert, career, T94. 
 
 Rondaxe Indians, see Connecedaga Indians. 
 
 Sagueney River, Long’s expedition to, xvii, 193-203. 
 
 236 
 

 St. Ange, Franfois, act of cannibalism, 151-58. 
 
 St. John, Lake, Long visits, xvii; route by, 198. 
 
 St. Joseph, Fort, location, i8r. 
 
 St. Lawrence, source, 4-5, 53. 
 
 St. Louis, British attack, xv. 
 
 St. Peter’s Lake, traders at, 198. 
 
 St. Regis Indians, intermarry with Connecedagas, 34. 
 Salmon Creek, route by, 220. 
 
 Salt Lake (Lake le Sel), described, 104. 
 
 Santeron, Jacques, deserts North West Company, 119- 
 21, *37- 
 
 Sault Ste. Marie, vicinity described, 57. 
 
 Sauteur Indians, see Chippewa Indians. 
 
 Scalping, practice described, 31-32; anecdote concern¬ 
 ing, 32-33- 
 
 Schabeechevan (Weed) Lake, route by, 105; Long 
 winters at, 132-76; described, 137. 
 
 Scrawny, Old, exploit of, 93-94. 
 
 Scunnionsa (the Elk), scalping exploit, 32-33. 
 Scuttawaybo, see Liquor. 
 
 Sel, Lac Le (Salt Lake), trader killed, 146-47. 
 Severance, Frank H., Studies of the Niagara Frontier 
 cited, 22. 
 
 Shaboomoochoine, Lake, route by, 198; Long winters 
 at, 199-203. 
 
 Shaw, ——-—-, trader at Lake Manontoye, 76; attacked 
 by Indians, 81-92. 
 
 Shawnee Indians, unwarlike reputation, 13. 
 Shekarkistergoan (Skunk’s-head) Lake, savages visit 
 Long, 148; famine among traders, 150-58. 
 
 Silver Heels, anecdote concerning, 205-208. 
 
 Sioux Indians, join expedition to Prairie du Chien, 
 186-90. 
 
 Skunk’s Lake (Shecarke Sakiegan), described, 137. 
 Smith, Captain, commands ship, 3-6. 
 
 Snakes, see the various kinds. 
 
 Spanish, in Revolutionary War, xiv-xvi; explore Gulf 
 of St. Lawrence, 4. 
 
 Stanwix, Fort, described, 22; Long passes, 214. 
 Sturgeon, caught, 59, 105, 148-49, 199. 
 
 237 
 
S^ntiejc 
 
 Sturgeon Lake, Long reaches, 67; described, 80-81; In¬ 
 dians accompany Long, 123. 
 
 Superior, Lake, ancient name, 58; described, 58-59. 
 
 Superstitions, among Indians, 110-12; among civilized 
 nations, 112; battle with Wasses, 123-26. 
 
 Tadoussac, described, 193, 195. 
 
 Tattooing, practice described, 64. 
 
 Thwaites, Reuben Gold, estimate of Long’s Voyages and 
 Travels, xviii. 
 
 Tobacco, offered to Great Spirit, 58. 
 
 Toniata Creek, Long locates at, 218. 
 
 Totems, among Chippewa, 110-12; among civilized 
 nations, 112. 
 
 Tracy, Monsieur de, name given to Lake Superior, 58. 
 
 Tripe de roche, used as food, 149, 159. 
 
 Trois Rivieres, described, 6-7. 
 
 Trout, caught, 57, 105, 142, 199. 
 
 Turkey snakes, described, 200. 
 
 Tuscarora Indians, unite with Iroquois, 15. 
 
 Two Sisters, Lake of the (Neeshshmaince Sakiegan), 
 route by, 106. 
 
 Umfrevili.e, Edward, Present State of Hudson's Bay, 
 discussed, 166-67. 
 
 Viixe Marie, ancient name for Montreal, 6. 
 
 Wabasha (Warbishar), on Prairie du Chien ex¬ 
 pedition, 186-90. 
 
 Wampum, described, 62; use of belts, 62-63. 
 
 Washington, General George, criticized, 37. 
 
 Wasses Indians, battle with Sturgeon Lake band, 123- 
 26. 
 
 Water Snakes, black, described, 200-201. 
 
 Whitefish, caught, 57, 105, 143, 199. 
 
 Williams, Eleazer, supposed lost Dauphin of France, 8. 
 
 York Factory, captured, 203. 
 
 238 
 

 
 
 

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