^'-•^-^^e- i^^o"^ ^^ :.% "W^ *«- '^ %iN ■ ■>^^B^ 5^ 91 ll^H ^ OBI K^ ^ j^Rj ^Sdl^ r^^^^^^^M f9^\^ B tta i #-v ^^-3^ ^ T/ltt^ 4-'.^>-*5>,&igtr Digitized by the Internet Archive in 2011 with funding from Research Library, The Getty Research Institute http://www.archive.org/details/historyamericafr01russ Puhtiikd u.r tfu J,t .iiruU. J Jan. ij/S t,* PieHbf^ k WaOar at Paternivto'/^- Limden . THE HISTORY OF AMERICA, FROM. ITS DISCOVERY BY COLUMBUS TO THE CONCLUSION OF THE LATE WAR, W- I T H AM APPENDIX, CONTAINING AN ACCOUNT OF THE RISE AND PROGRESS OF THE PRESENT UNHAPPY CONTES: BETWEEN GREAT BRITAIN AND HER COLONIES. By WILLIAM RUSSELL; ESQ. OF GRAYfS-INNj VOLUME I. LONDON; Printed for Fielding and Walker, No. 20, Pater-noster-Row, ADVERTISEMENT. TPI E Difcovery of America, if we confider its confcquences, U' the moft important event in the hiftory of mankind. The gold and filver imported from the New World into Spain, entirely changed, in a few years, the value of money, and the price of labour all over Europe. The colonies, efpecially thofe of England, planted in the American iilands, and on the Continent, have increafed the number of the civilized part of the human fpecies : they have fupplied the in- habitants of our quarter of the g'lobi with a variety of cttnmodities, formerly unknown, or very rare, which contribute to the more com- fortable enjoyment of life, as well as to the extenfion of trade j and by the confumption of European manufadlures, they have furnifhed a fub-' fiftence to many thoulands of European artizans, who could not other- wife have found employment. The number of mariners was fuddenly increafed; the fcience of navigation was perfefted; and double the former number of fhips have long navigated the ocean, laden alternate- ly with the commodities of each hemifphere. Europeans engroffed the trade of the earth. But if that fpirit of independency, which has broke out with fuch. violence in the Britifh fettlements, and is faid to have fpread itfelf over the whole American continent, fhould be able to accomplifh its aim, the flate of commerce, already much altered, mull: undergo a total re- volution. The colonies, inflead of depending on the mother-countries, will themfelves become manufafturers ; unreftrained by commercial laws, they will waft their commodities to every quarter of the globe, and receive what they want in exchange : they will become our rivals in the markets of Europe, and alfo in the trade of the Eaft and Weft- Indies. The treafures of Mexico and Peru, in fuch event, will no longer flow into Spain, but will circulate through that continent where they have their fource, in exchange for its different commodities and manufactures; and this circulation will give aftivity to every branch of trade, and vigour to every fpecies of induftry 3 while the commerce of Europe, deprived of its vivifying principle, will fink into a {late of expiring languor. Her luxuries, unfed by the fountain that produced them, will prey upon her vitals ; and her prefent lucrative trade to India, when that of America is loft, will prove not only unprofitable but ruinous. The gold and filver of the Weftern World alone can en- able us to purchafe the precious commodities of the Eaft. At this crifis, when new republics are forming, and new empires burfting into birth, the History of America becomes peculiarly interefting. We are naturally led to inquire, by what train of circiu jv ADVERTISEMENT. fiances fettlements fo lately founded have arrived at fuch a degree ot" wealth and power as to attempt new eflablilhments, in defiance of the arms of a great nation. Nor will the ifflie of the prefent ftruggle, be- tween Great Britain and her colonies, Hiould it ever prove in favour of the parent ftate, entirelj^ fubvert the order of things : it will only re- tard, for a few years, events that would now have taken place, unlefs the fpirit of independency fhould be finally extinguilhed. By the aflift- ance of foreign troops, we may poffibly be able to fubdue our rcfraftory fellow fubjeds; but we muft be able to infpire them with new fenti- ments, before we can hold them in fubjeftion. The termination, however, of this conteft, the mofl unhappy in which England ever was engaged, will mark an important aera in the hiftory of Europe, as well as of America. But though the progrefs of commerce and colonization, and the dif- ferent wars which they have occafioned, are the chief obieds of this Ihitiory, they are not its fole purpofe. The difcovery of America not only brought to view a vafl continent, and illands of whofe exiftencc jiiankind had formerly no conception, but where every plant, and tree, iani animal, was different from thofe of the ancient hemifphere. It offered to human contemplation a fpetftacle equally new and aftonifli- ing; alike fingular and grand. Nature appeared there in all her rude magnificence. Immenfe forefls, untrod but by the foot of the hunter, imd where the axe had never exerted its power; exteniive plains, with- out any traces of culture, large lakes, great rivers, and enormous mountains, are tlie diftinguifhing features of America. That favage and fimple ftate, which v/as known only in our continent by the fanci- ful defcriptions of poets, aiftually exifted in the other. Man, in the New World, appeared under the rudeft form in wliich we can con- ceive him to fubfill : he v/as not only a flrangcr to the refinements ia policy and arts, but the Mexicans and Peruvians excepted, almofl un- acquainted with property; he was in the firft ftage of his being. To follow him in his progrefs, as he gradually advances from this infant ftate of civil life to its maturity; to obferve at each period how the faculties of his underftanding unfold ; to attend to the efforts of his ac- tive powers ; to watch the motions of the affertions as they arife in his heart, and mark whither thsy tend, and with what ardour they are excited, are objects of which the writers of ancient Greece and Rome had but an imperfecft view, but which are fully prefented to the hiftorian of America, and will form not the leaft; interefting part of the following work. THE BOOK' ' \,- .' « »" F/ f A o '■,.v'l""«i^*'"^''"- A M ..."'^ ■rr^^T^ -^«i» »'"fr'f5\ K?tV>'^ s iX / IZ . O-SN li A #-M?^i ^a/^ ■f»«As/i",,5>.: / £: A JT E A IT -"■s. THE HISTORY O F A M E R I C a: BOOK L The Discovery of America, and the Conqjtest of the two great Empires of Mexico and Peru, by die Spaniards. CHAP. L 7he Progre/s of Commerct and Navigaticn^ from the earliejl Acctunts, to the Di/covtry ef the New World. IN order to prepare the mind of the reader for the various fcenes that unfold BOOK themfelves in the following hiftory, it will be neceflary to give fome account of the progrefs of navigation, prior to the difcovery of America ; and as that event was followed by a fignal revolution in the commercial world, it will alfo be fatisfadtory to trace the progrefs of commerce to the fame memorable a;ra. That great body of water which every where furrounds the earth, and fo frequently interfefts it, to the eye of untutored man, feems intended to obilruiil. that intercourfe which Providence defigned it to facilitate. Men mull have lived feveral ages together, and have made confiderable progrefs in fcience, as well as in the mechanical arts, before they could conftrud: veflcls of fuch a fize, and navigate them with fo much fkill, as to confider the ocean as beneficial to tiie interefts of fociety. They mufl: alfo have experienced a variety of wants : diey- muft have perceived the riches of other countries, and t!ie poverty of their own ; and they muft have been fenfibk of the genera! advantages that might be derived I. B from 2 THEHISTORYOFAMERICA, B o O X I. from an exchange of commodities, in confcquence of which the wants of one country would be lupplied by the fuperfiuities of another, before they turned their minds to the iludy of navigation, or their induftry to the building of fliips. I'he foil muft ill have requited their culture, where firft they thought of plough- ing the main ; and the game and the fruits of the foreft muft have been few, where firft they relolved to fell its trees, and convert its tiniber into a vefTcl, in which they might commit themfelves to the mercy of the winds and waves. Experience jufliifies this conjedure. The barren coaft of Phoenicia produced the firft eminent fhip-builders, and the rock of Tyre the firft navigators of any note. Navigation foon made the Phcenicians acquainted with all the advantages of commerce. The induftry and ingenuity of the people compenfated for the barrennefs of the foil : they carried every fpecies of manufafture to the greateft perfection then known; the city of Tyre became the principal emporium in the ancient world. Thither reforted the merchants of all nations.; and Phoenician velTels not only frequented all the ports in the Mediterranean, but pafting the Straits of Gades *, vifited the weftern coafts of Spain and Africa. There tlKy difpofed of their rich fabrics, and received in return the necefiTaries of life, or the rude materials of induftry, from countries more abounding in natural fuperflui- ties, or nations lefs advanced in the arts. Nor was tliis enterprifing people latisfied with thefe advantages. Having made themfelves maflers of Elath, and other commodious harbours in the Arabian Gulph or Red St-a, they eftablifhed a trade with Arabia and India on the one hand, and Ethiopia on the other. From the different ports of thefe countries, to which their fliips regularly reforted, but efpecially from India, they imported many precious commodities, and enjoyed for feveral ages, without a rival, the lucrative trade of the Eaft. Thefe commodities were carried over land irom tlatli tq Rhinocolura, the neareft port in the Mediterranean ; where being re- fliipped, they were tranfported to Tyre, or to Sidon, a city fcarcely lefs eminent on the fame coaft; and from thofe marts they were diftributed through liurope, Afia, and Africa, as far as travelling was prafticable or navigation knov;n f. Tlie Carthaginians, a colony from Phoenicia, inherited the commercial fpirit of their parent ftate, and applied to navigation with no lefs ardour and fuccefs. But jthough Carthage early rivalled, and foon furpafled Tyre in wealth and power, the Plioenicians continued to enjoy the exclufive pofltffion of the trade to India. The mercantile adlivity of the Carthaginians took anotlier direiftion ; their navigation extended itfelf chiefly towards the weft and north. They not only vifited the coafts of Spain, but alfo thofe of Gaul and Britain ; and pufliing their hardinefs yet farther, they failed along the weftern coaft of Africa, where they planted feveral colonics, and launching into the Atlantic ocean, difcovered the Canaries or For- tunate iflands, fuppofed to be the utmoft limits of ancient navigation in the weftern. main J. » Now known by the name of the Straits of Gibraltar. ' I Strabon. Geog. lib. xvi. Died. Sicul. lib. i. J Plin. Nat. Hift. lib. vi. e. 37. The THE HISTORY OF AMERICA. The Greeks, notwithftanding the favourable fituation of their country, alhiofl; C H A encompafTcd by the fea, which formed many fpacious bays and commodious harbours, and though furrounded by fertile iflands, were late in making any con- fiderable progrefs in navigation. Even in their moft improved itate, they hardly carried on any commerce beyond the limits of the Mediterranean. Tlieir chief intercourfe was with the colonies of their countrymen planted in Afia Minor, in Italy, and Sicily •, though they fometimes vifited the ports of Egypt, of Gaul, and of Thrace ; orpaffing through the Hellefpont, now the Dardanelles, traded with the countries fituated around the Euxine or Black Sea ff. But the expedition of Alexander the Great into Afia, enlarged the fphere of Grecian navigation, and was followed by a revolution in the commercial world, no lefs remarkable than that which it produced in the political. That extraor- dinary man, whofe genius fitted him equally for conqueft and dominion, had no fooner accomplifhed the deftruftion of Tyre, and reduced Egypt to fubjedlion, than he founded a great city, to which he gave his own name, and which he pro- pofed to make the centre of commerce, as well as the feat of empire. This city was fituated near one of the mouths of the river Nile, that by the Mediterranean fea, and the neighbourhood of the Arabian gulph, it might command the trade both of the Eaft and Weft ; and that fituation was chofen with fo much difcern- ment, that Alexandria foon became, what Tyre had been, the greateft empo- rium in the ancient world *. But the ambition of Alexander was not fatisfied with having opened to his countrymen a communication with India by fea ; he afpired at thefovereignty of ■ that rich territory, and conduced an army thither by land. Enterprifing how- ever as he was, he may be faid rather to have difcovered, than.to have conquered it. His ra(h expedition ferved only to make him more fenfible of its importance, and his immature death prevented any fecond attempt to fubdue it. But the Indian trade eftabliflied at Alexandria continued to flourifh, not only under the Grecian monarchs of Egypt, but after that kingdom was fubjefted to the Roman power. - It even furvived the Roman empire itfelf, whofe declining majefty it had contri- buted to fuftain, and was never totally ruined, till the difcovery of the paflage to India by the Cape of Good Hope-f : fo great was the fagacity and forefight of the Macedonian hero, who has been branded with the name of madman by one eminent writer J, and compared with a common highwayman by ano- ther § ! The progrefs of the Romans in commerce and navigation was (lill more . flow, and lefs confiderable than that of the Greeks, Their military education, . the genius of the people, and the fpirit of their laws, all tended to eftrange them . from mercantile purfuits. The necelTity of oppofing a formidable rival, not any commercial views, firft made them aim at naval power ; and it was the de» . ■f-\ Huet. Hift. du Commerce des Anciens. * Diod. Sicul. lib. xviii. c. i. Arrian. de Expedit. Alex. lib. vii. c. 27, 28. Strab, Geog. lib. xvii. t Mun's Difcourfes on the Eall-India Commerce. t Pope. § Hawkefworth, finr THE HISTORY OF AMERICA; BOOK I. fire of bending all nations under one yoke, not of uniting them by mutual in- terefl: in the exchange of goods, that prompted them to afpire at the domini6n of the fea, which they had found to be inleparably connedled with that of the land. Even after the Roman arms had fubdued all the maritime ftates in the ancient world ; when Carthage, Greece, and Egypt, had fubmitted to their power, and when the fubverfion of the republic had foftened the feverity, and brought down the ftatelinefs of ancient manners, commerce did not rife to any' higli degree of eftimation among the Romans. The trade of the conquered countries was fuffered to remain almoft entirely in the hands of the natives, and continued to flow in its former channels. But kingdoms and commonwealths, when reduced to the form of provinces^ could not retain the enterprifing fpirit of independent dates ; nor could the addi- tional fecurity which commerce is fuppofed * to have received from the extent of the Roman authority, or the vigilant infpeftion of the Roman magiftrates, compenfate for the want of that Ipirit. Rome was indeed a market for every juxury ; but every province was a Itate prifon : and the wealth of the whole em- pire was wafted to Italy, where it was wafted in voluptuous profufion. " One, indeed, fuperintending power, moved and regulated the induftry of mankind^, and enjoyed the fruits of their joint efforts -f--," but that power, like a fpring ren- dered feeble by its length, was unable, though unreftrained by any partial ob- ftrudions or interfering force, to communicate vigour to tlie complicated ma- chine. If navigation, therefore, received any improvements under the Roman dominion, they muli have arifen from the natural progrcfs of the human mind, riot from any advantages peculiar to the Roman government, which was a^ like dcfpotic, opprefijve, and debafing. The Romans however, notwithftanding their difinclination to naval affairs, greatly contributed, by their victorious armies, to extend the intercourfe of na- tions, as well as the knowledge of unknown lands and leas, i'revious to their conqueffs, the civilized nations of antiquity had no communication with thofe countries in Europe, which now form its moft opulent and powerful kingdoms. The interior parts of Spain and Ga^ul were litde known j Britain, except by its northern neighbours, had only been vifited by a few Carthaginian merchants j and the name of Germany Iiad fcarcely been heard of on the other fide of the Alps. Into all thefe countries the Roman armies penetrated, and the greater part of them they fubdued. Nor was the progrels of the Romans lefs con- fidcrable in the other quarters of the globe. In Africa, they acquired a confi- derable knowledge of all the countries that ftretcli along the coaft of the Medi- terranean, from the mouth of the Nile to the Straits of Gibraltar. In Afia, they not only made themfelves mafters of moft of the provinces that com pofed the Perfian and Macedonian eaipi/es, but, after their victories over Mithri- dates and Tigranes, they fcem to have furveycd the countries contiguous to the Cafpian and Euxine feas, more accurately than they had been formerly, and ta * Robercfon, Hili. America, Booki. f Id. ibid. have THE HISTORY OF AMERICA, have carried on a more extenfive trade than that of the Greeks, v;ith the opulent CHAP. I. and commercial nations then feated around the latter :{;. Such was the progrefs of commerce, navigation, and difcovery among the ancients, from the firft dawn of civilization, to the full eftablifhment of the Ro- man empire, the moft enlightened aera in die ancient world; from which it ap- .pears, that they were but very imperfeftly acquainted even v/ith that portion of the earth which was known to them. They were almofl entirely ignorant of thofe vaft countries in the north of Europe, which are at prelent fubjedl to the kings of Denmark, Sweden, Poland, Prudla,. and thole which belong to the Ruffian empire. With the north of Afia, and the greater part: of Africa, they were ftill Icfs acquainted; and the fertile and opulent countries of India, beyond the Ganges, were to them regions unexplored. That part of India, now known by the name of the Malabar coafi:, appears to have been the utmoft limit of ancient navigation in the Eaft, as the Canaries were in the Welt. Nor is the narrownefs of thcfe boundaries by any means to be ■wondered at, if we refieft that the ancients were unacquainted v/ith that property of the magnet, which makes it point to the poles, and confequently with the ma- riner's compafs. Deftitute of this faithful guide, which now condufts the pilot with fo much certainty in the unbounded ocean, they duril feldom quit fight of land, but crept timidly along the coafi:, expofed to all the dangers, and retarded by all the obftruftions, unavoidable in holding fuch an aukward courfe, doublinty every ftormv cape, and becalmed in every bay. They had no other method of regulating their diredion, but by obferving the fun and ftars ; and when thefe ■ difappeared, during the darknefs of night, when the heavens were involved ia< clouds, their courfe was neceffarily retarded. Hence many years were requifite for performing voyages which are now accomplifhed in a fev/ months ; and the veiTels being fmall and (hallow, in order to avoid the rocks and fhoals, and de- pending as much for their navigation upon oars as fails, every part of the nau- tical art v/as of confequence imperfect *. Other caufes confpired to retard the progrefs of difcovery among the ancients. They fuppofed all that portion of the earth which lies between the tropics, or what tliey called the torrid zone, now found to yield both the necelTaries and the comforts of life In the moft luxurious profufion, to be not only uninhabitable by man, but the region of perpetual fterility. Nor was this wild opinion peculiar to the ignorant vulgar ; it was adopted by the moft enlightened phl- lofophers and' bell informed geographers, who, only differed about the extent of the void and uninhabitable fpace, fome confining it to twelve, others to eight degrees on each fide of the equator. They even believed the iieat of the torrid zone to be fo exceffive, as to prove an infuperable barrier againfl: all intercourfe between the inhabitants of tlie two temperate regions of the X Robertfon, Hift. Amer ca, book i. * Hift. Philof. ft Poiit. c'cs EiabliiTe^ens, &c. des Euro^"'. daas is deux In:'es, par I'.^bke - Raynal, iiv. i, Hili. Aaier. L. i. I. C earth,: 6 THE HI-STORY OF AMERICA. BOOK I. earth *. Men confequently were not likely to profeciite dilcovery, at the hazard ^""""^'"■^^ of their lives, where the foil was fuppofed to produce nothing that could recom- ■penfe them for tiic danger to whicli they muft expofe themfclves. But rude as the art of navigation was, even in its moit improved ftate, among the ancients, it became ftill more imperfect during the decline of the Roman power, and the knowleilge of remote countries Itill more confined. That languor and feeblenefs, which have been already mentioned, as refulting from the extent of the Roman empire, encouraged the barbarous nations, who had been expelled to the liorth of Europe and of Afia, to aflemble their armies on its frontiers ; to circumfcribe its dominion ; to difmember, and at laft to overturn it. The arts and fcienccs of the Romans periflied with tlieir empire, and Europe may be laid to have returned to a fccond infancy in knowledge and civilization. The barbarous invaders, confilling of various tribes, differing from each other in language and culloms, parcelled out their conquefl-s into many fmall independent Hates, jealous of their freedom, and between wlioie members no intercourfe fiiblilted. Habituated to the feverities of a military lite, averfe to indullry, and unacquainted with the arts, tiiey had few wants tofupply, and no fuperHuities to difpofe of. All commerce between nations ceafed ; and not only the knowledge of diftant countries was loll:, but almoft their very names were forgot in Europe f . This great revolution, the moft memorable in the hiftory of human affairs, is fuppofed to have been partly occafioned by the vanity or caprice of Conftantine, who translerred the feat of government from Home to Byzantium, to which he gave his own name, and which continued to flourifli long after the capital of the world was in ruins. But if Italy and the weltern provinces became lefs fe- cure by the removal of the imperial feat, Greece .and the eaftern provinces, cer- tainly the molt valuable, were better defended in confequence of that event. Confbntinople, though often threatened, efcaped the defl:ru(5tive rage of the bar. barians, who fpread defolation over the reft of Europe. In that city, the know- ledo-e of ancient arts and difcoveries was preferved, together with a tafte for ele- gance and fplendour-, and commerce, with its neceflfary attendant, navigation, which alone can furnifh the luxuries of foreign countries, was profecuted with vif^our and fuccefs. The merchants of Conftantinople not only traded to the idandsof the Archipelago, and the adjacent coaft of Afia, but imported the precious commodities of India, by the way of Alexandria. Even after Egypt was fubjeftcd to the fword of the Saracens, and the navigation of the Red Sea •cut off, the ingenuity of the Greeks, or Romans as they affedted to call them- felves, found out a new channel, through which the produce and the manufac- tures of India were conveyed to Conftantinople. They were carried up the river Indus, as far as it is navigable ; thence they were tranfported, by land, to the • Cicero, Somn. Scip. c. vi. Plin. lib. ii. Strabo, lib. ii. t Robettfon, Hill. Charles V. vol. 1. Hift. Amer. b. i. banks T H E H I S T O R Y O F A M E R I C A. 7 banks of the Oxus, and proceeded down that rive: :" :: .; Cafpian fea; eroding CHAP, r, which, they enter: • : ' j : carried by land to the ^—'^'f "^ Tanais, which c- .r ^ ^..;.. . . ^. ^.ack Sea, where vef&ls of a brger fize, frorr. C ... .. : rheir arrival * : or, according to othtr accounts, they were carried, by a ihorter couric, up lite river Cyrus, and down die Phafis; Serpana, on the banks of tlte latter, which empiies idelf in the Euxine fea, bdi^ only five days journey finom the ftream of the former -f : but both channels were mofl: probably taken advanta^ of, and more or leis purfued at different times, as the Gre^ happened to be at peace or war with the nations on the banks of the (everal rivers. The trade with India was carried on tfanx^ tbefe, and other leis confiderabls channels, from the feventfa to the eleventh century, durii^ which rime Conflan- tinopk continued to be the centre of the commerce of the Ea& and WefL Before the latter period, however, Eun^ began to emerge from that barbarifm in which it had been plui^d by the fall of the Roman empire. The rude trib^ who had iettled in its different provinces, but efpecially in the marinme pars of Italy, having acquired by degrees fixne relifii for the com&xts of civil life, foreign com- oieroe was revived, indufby and emulatioa were excited, and the intercotitie be- tween nations was reftored. Even prior to diis sera, fome attempcs had been made at naval povrer, by Charknoagne in France, and Alfred tbe Great in England. The necellity of oppofii^ the Normans or Danes, as they were occafioaally called, who made dieir attacks by tea, and were confidered as kmls o£ tbe ocean, roufed the arttn- tioo of thofe two enligfitmed and powerful princes ; and ieveral Italian cities took fteps no lefe vigorous, proportioned to their force, in order to oppaCe ths invafions of the Saracens. The marine of France and England, efpecially that of the fcHiner, went tj decay under the fucceflixs of Alfred and Charlemagne ; but the adivity of ti^ Italians, being once awakened, never remitted its efforts. They turned their minds from war to commerce: navigation flouriihed amoi^ them ; and they be- came the carriets, tbe bankers, and the fadors of Europe and of Afia. Coa- flantinopk was the chief mart to which they at firlt relbrted. There they were fupplied both with the precious commodities of the Eaff:, and mxh many curious manufadures, the prodod of the ancient arts and ii^enuity that flill remained among tbe Gre^s, or which they had learned to ^ricate by tbdr intercoorfe with India. Thefe they difliibuted over Europe ; and communicated inlenfibly, to its various nations, a tafle for arts and vaaaahStaxts, of which they had hither- to had no conceptioo j:. * Hoet, Hit. do Con. 6e$ Acdeu. RaBsfio. R^Krdba, St. Ama: b. L t Mod. U«iT. Hit. ToL IV. UL edit Hit. Philof. ct PoUi. iti EeWsSraesj, fee. dss Zarc- pint dast k deoz lades, par I'Abbe RaTsal, Ut. L c 6. J if arsi. Aatiqait. laj. to!. II. Ths 8 T H E H I S T O R Y O F A M E R I C A; BOOK I. The corruption of the Greeks favoured the induiiry and enterprifing fpirit of *~ ^"^"^ the Italians. Enervated by luxury, and funk in indolence, to which they were allured by a debafing fuperflition, the citizens of Conftantinople not only refigned to die Italian ftatcs the trade of Europe, but alfo permitted them to make them- fclves mafters imperceptibly of that of Afia. Become rich and powerful by tranfporting the merchandize of the Greeks, the fubtle Italians began to attempt eftablifhments for themfelves, at theexpence of their employers, and to fabricate , thole curious manufaftures, wliich they had hitherco been obliged to purchafe at an enormous price. The Genoefe not only fettled a colony in the very fuburbs of Conftantinople, but got pofTefTion of Caffa in Crim Tartary, with the trade to India by the Cafj)ian and Euxine feas. The Venetians, Florentines, and Pilans, foundtrieans to carry on the fame trade by the way of the Red Sea. 1 he foldans of Egypt, become more enlightened than their predecefTors, who had burnt the famous Alexandrian library, encouraged a commerce, which they faw would be attended with many lucrative advantages -, and the Italian powers, butefpecially the Venetians, notwithftanding their averfion to the Mahometans, and the infults to which they were expofed, continued to prof cute it from the fame motives. The ancient port of Alexandria was revived, and the trae of India flowed once more in tlie channel marked out tor it by the penetrating and enlightened founder of that city f. The Crufades, or military expeditions to the Eaft, in order to deliver the Holy Land from the dominis^n of the InMdels, alfo confpircd to incrcafe the commerce and maritime power of the Italians. 'I hey alone were acquainted with the navigation of the Mediterranean, or poffefled veffcls of fufficient fize to tranlport into Afia the multitudes that enlilted themfelves in thofc entiiufiaftic enterprizes. They were therefore employed by the kings of France, England, and otiier countries, to carry thither their armies. 1 hey fupplied them, while there, with provifions and military ftores •, and in confequence of thefe fervices, they not only became poffcffcd of immenfe fums of money, but obtained commercial privileo-fs and eftablifliinents of great confequence, in the conquelh made by the cham- j)ions of the crofs, on tlie fea-coafts of Syria and Palcftine *. Nor were the commercial cfFedts of the Crufade;, conlined to the Italian ftate.s. The other European nations, by their expeditions into Afia, became acquainted with recnote regions, which they formerly knew only by name, or by the reports of ignorant and credulous pilgrims ; and as the firft rendezvous of the armies of the crofs was commonly in Italy, and the fecond in the plains of Dalmatia whence they marched by land to Conftantinople, they had an opportunity of ob- ferving the manners, the arts, and tiic accommodations, of people more poliflied t Huet, Hift du Com. des Anc. F.Imacin, Hil Sar. Hift. PMIof. des Et.iblir. &c. par Ravnal, liv. i. JUberifon, Ilfl. Amcr. b. i. • Murat. Antiquit. Ital. vol. Jl. Mod. Univ. Hifl. vcl. IV. lol. edit. Robertron, Hill Charles V. vol. 1. than T H E II I S T O R Y O F A M E R I C A. 9 than themlclves. Even in Alia, wh?n? the caliphs had UitVulcU knowlcvlge and CKAP. 1. civilization through their empire, thufc pious warriors t'oond arts aiui improve- ^— -'^**-^ iiicnts to which they were Uraagers. i~!ieir views enlarged v their prejadi^es wore oil"-, new ideas crowdevl iiuo their minds •, and as a dole intercourle between the Eall and Well lliblUtcd t'l-om the Ixginning ot the twelfth, till towards the cloli; ot the thirteenth century, during which period new armici were continuAlly n>arch- ing t'roni Europe into Alia, while tormcr adventurers returning home, cotnnu>ui» catc\l to their countrymen the knowledge they had acquired, and the habits at" lite they had concra>.'ted by reliding among more refined nations, a tatte tuf pomp, tor plealure, and amulement, together wit!^ a bolder Ipirit ot cnterprile, gradually dilVulcd icli:lf over Europe. The principal nuritinK Itates tiot only encouraged the refort of tbi-eigners to their harbours, but began to perceive the advantage ot" applying to commerce themlelves, and the neoeiutv of import- ing thole precious commodities, which they weiv obliged to purchale a: an enor- mous and diicretionary price tron\ others j . The commercial Ipirit awakened in the North about the middle ot the thir- teenth century. I'lie cities ot" Hamburg and IaiLkc having oper.evl lome travle with the nations then Utuated around the Baltic, tovnul themldves obliged to en- ter into a league ot" mutual defence againtt the pirates who inftlted that lea, I'he advantages derive<,l from this union t.lcierminev.1 other cities to join in the con- federacy i and, in a ihort time, eighty ot the moll conliderable towns, Icattca-d through thole vail countries which llirtch from the bottom of the Baltic to Co- logne upon the Rhine, united in the famous Hanllratic leaiiue, which became lo tormidable, that its alliance was courtevl, and its enmity dreadevi by the gixMtcll monarchs :{:. The members of this powerful alVociation, wlio formed the firll fyltem;ra. Anileil'tfD, Hift. Com. vol. I. Kobertfo-i, Hill. Charles \ . vol. 1. I. D threat lo THE HISTORY OF AMERICA. BOOK I. great manufadlures of wool and flax, which feem to have been confidcrable in the Netherlands as far back as the ao;e of Charlemagne *. Soon after this regular intercourfe was opened between the north and fouth of Europe, a fortunate difcovery was made, which contributed more than all the efforts and ingenuity of preceding ages, to improve and to extend navigation. That wonderful property of the magnet, by which it communicates a virtue fo extraordinary to a needle, or flender rod of iron, as to point towards the poles of the earth, was obfcrved. The ufe which might be made of this difcovery, in directing navigation, was immediately perceived -, and that invaluable, though now familiar inftrument, the mariner's compafs, was framed. When navigators found, that, by means of the compafs, they could at aU times, and in every place, difcover tiie north and fouth with eafe and accuracy, it became no longer neceffary to depend merely on the light of the ftars and the obfervation of the fea-coaft They gradually abandoned their ancient timid and lingering courfe along the iTiore, ventured boldly into the ocean, and relying orr this new guide, could fteer in the darkeft night, and under the moft cloudy Iky, wi:h a fecurity and precifion hitherto unknown f. Lifbon and Alexandria, however, continued to mark the limits of modern navigation, till the beginning of the fourteenth century ; when the Spaniards, by what accident we are not told, difcovered the Can.iries or Fortunate Iflands. Thefe iflands were known to the Carthaginians, and are kippojcd, as has been already oblerved, to be the utmoft: ftretch of ancient navigation in the wellcrn ocean : nor did the moderns advance beyond them, till the beginning of the fif- teenth century. But before that ^ra, many events had conlpired to foufe the minds of men to enteiprife, and to extend their knowledge of the habitable globe. The crufades, by opening a communication between the Eaft and Well, not only taught tiie European princes the value of a naval force, and afforded them an opportunity of gaining a more perfeft knowledge than they could otherwife have acquired of the fituation, produce, and extent of the great monarchies in Afia, but awakened a general pafTion for adventures as well as a ipirit of com- merce. In conlequcnce of this pafllon, fcveral perfons advanced far beyond the countries where the champions of the Crofs carried on their operations, travelling by land into the more remote and opulent regions of the Eafl . The irruptions of the Tartars, under Jenghiz Khan and I'amerlane, alfo contributed to the fame effccf. Thefe two rapid conquerors, who, from obfcure beginnings, rofe to the higheft pinnacle of human greatnefs, who broke, at different times, the Mahome- tan power, and made themlelves mafters of almofl all Afia, from the frontiers of RufTia to the extremity of India, received feveral embalTies from the pope and the Chriftian princes ; and though the perfons deputed on fuch occafions were ge- * Ut fupra. See alfo Lud. Goic. Defcrit. di Paefi Bafli. I Coilinas ec Trontbeilus de Acus Nauckx laveac. Robertfon, Hift. Amer. b. i. nerally THE HISTORY OF A ME R IC A. 1 1 nerally monks, and confequently little qualified for dcfciibing the countries or t H A P. I. the people they vifited, yet leveral iileful informations were obtained by their means relative to regions formerly unknown-in Europe*. Some were induced, by commerciaf motives, to follow the Tartar catnp or Court, among whom was the celebrated Marco Polo of Venice ; and fome entered voluntarily into the armies of Jenghiz and Tamerlane, that they might have an opportunity of taking vengeance on the Saracens and Turks, the great enemies of the Chrillian name-f-, whilft others,, and in particular our countryman Sir John Mandeville, prompted by mere curiofity, vifited the interior and remote parts both of Afia and Africa J. Polo penetrated as far eaft as Cambalu, or Peking, the capital of the great kingdom of Cathay or China, fubjeft at that time to the fucceflbrs of Jenghiz Khan. He made more than one voyage on the Indian ocean; he traded in many of its princii^il iflands, from which Europe had long received fpiceries, and other precious commodities, without knowing the particular countries to which it was indebted for thole produdtions ; and by the defcription which he furnifhed of Madagafcar, and the neighbouring coafts of Africa, he gave reafon to believe, that a paflage to India by fea was not only pofTible but practicable \\. The coincidence of this conjecture with the reports of antiquity to the fame purpole §, and the increafing demand for India commodities, made feveral princes and ftates think feriouQy of attempting fuch a paffage. But the glory. of that difcovery was relerved for Portugal, one of the fmalleft and moft in- confiderable of the European kingdoms. Many circumftances, however, con- fpired to animate the Portuguefe to exert their attivity in this new direclion ; and as thefe are intimately connected with the progrcfs of navigation and com- merce, as well as with the difcovery of America, they fhall here be particularly noticed. Spain and Portugal had long been partly poflefled by the Moors, againft whom the Chriftians were engaged in perpetual wars. In coi>fequence of thefe conti- nued hoftilities, the Portuguefe acquired a martial and enterprifing fpiric, even beyond what was common in Europe during the middle ages. Before the end' of the fourteenth century the Moors were finally expelled Portugal •, and John I, furnamed the Ballard, being the natural fon of the monarch he fucceeded, ob- tained fecu re pofTilTion of the crown, by the peace concluded with Callile in 141 1. He was a prince of great abilities, and bv his fuperior coura^^e and con- duct had raifed himfclf to that throne, on which he now found hiinfclf Hrmly feated. The ftruggles occafioned by the difputed fuecefTion, which involved the * Recueil de diveifes Voyages en Tartaric, &f. Leyd. I 730. t G-rb-ron, H 11 de Tariares. Hill, de Tiniur Bee. t Mand^ville's Travels. II Viaggl di iMa'CO Polo. § A Phenician flee: is f.iid to have O.iled. from a rort in the Red Sea, round the foaihern pro- montory of Africa, to ihc Sciaits of Gadts, and thence to the mouUi of the Niie. Herodot. lib. iv. c. 42. kinjdon'-i 12 THE HISTORY OF AMERICA. BOOK I. kingdom at once in a civil and foreign war, had augmented the military ardour ^■^ ' "^ of the Portuguefe -, and John inftantly perceived, that it would be impoITible to preferve public or domeftic tranquiUity, without finding fome emplcymcnc for the reftlels and daring fpirits naturally produced amid iuch convul- fions *. The fituation of the kingdom, bounded on everv fide by the dominions of a. more powertul neighbour, left no room for die adlivity of the Portuguefe to exert itfelf by land. But Portugal is a maritime ftate, furnilhed with many com- modious harbours : the people had begun to make fome progrefs in navigation ; and the fea being open, prcftnted to them a i'pacious field of cnterprife. John was fully fenfible of this advantage, and took the moft effectual means of pro- fiting by it. The ancient hatred againft the Moors was ftill ftrong in the breafts of his fubje6ts : Lifbon is diftant but a fhort way from the coail of Barbary : againlt the Moors there fettled he projedled an expedition -, and having afTcm- A. D. 1414. bled a formidable armament, made himfclf niafter of the important fortrefs of Ceuta. The fuccefs of this expedition, though it afforded the Portuguefe little reafon to expect future conquefts on the coaft of Barbary, addv.d ftrength to the fpirit of enterprife in the nation, and pufhed it on to new undertakings. Happily for Portugal, thefe were condufted by Henry duke of Vifeo, third fon of king John by Phillippa of Lancaller, fitter to Henry IV, of England. This prince had early applied himlelt to geography, aftronomy, and all the fciences connected with navigation : he had accompanied his father in his African expedition, where he had dift inguiflied himfclf by his valour ; and he had afterwards relieved Ceuta, when befieged by the Moors, from whom and the Jews of Barbary he received A. D. 1415. fome valuable* informations relative to the fouth-weft parts of Africa. On his return, he immediately retired from court, that he might devote his mind m.ore particularly to his favourite fludy, and fixed his refidence at Sagrez, in Algarve, near Cape St. Vincent, where the profpeft of the Atlantic Ocean invited his thoughts continually towards thofe objects to which he wifely judged it might conduct the fkiltul navigator -f-. The natural ardour of Henry's genius was augmented by the progrefs of fome veflels knt out by king John, while preparing for his enterprife againft Ceuta. They not only doubled Cape Non, which, as its name imports, had hitherto been tonfidered by navigators as a boundary that could not be paficd, but proceeded an hundred and fixty miles beyond it, to Cape Bajadore. This new promon- tory, however, which ftretches a confiderable v*ay into the Atlantic, appeared to the Portuguefe commanders more dreadful than the one they had doubled. They durft not attempt to fail round it. But what to them feemed an infupcr- A D 1418 "^^^^ barrier, proved only a fpurto Henry's ambition. He fitted out a tingle fhip, the command of which he gave to two gentlemen of his houfliold, Gonzalez • Hid. dc Portugsl. Univ. Hitl. vol. IV. fol. edit. ■{■ Fitii y Soufa, lib. iv. La Neuf. Mariana. Turquet. Zarco THE HISTORY OF AMERICA. »5 Zarco and Triftan Vaz, who had ftudied navigation under his eye. According CHAP. r. to the timid mode of failing, which ftiil prevailed, they held their courfe along * — -~»r— -J the fhore ; and by following that diredion, they muft have encountered infur- mountable difficulties, in attempting to pafs Cape Bajadore. But fortune came in aid to their inexperience, or want of fkill : a fquall of wind arofe, drove them out to fea, and prevented that voyage from proving altogether fruitlefs. When they expefted every moment to perilh, they found themfelves landed on an un- ^- ^- '4'S known ifland ; which, from their lucky efcape,* or as others fay, becaufe they firfl: faw it on the fcaft of AH Saints, they named Porto Santo *. Encouraged by this faint dawn of fuccefs, lufficient to animate a mind ardent in purfuit of a favourite obje6t, Henry icnt out next year three fhips un- a. D 14.1 dcr the fame commanders, to whom he joined Bartholomew Pereftrello, in order to take poflelTion of die ifland already found. From Porto Santo they obierved, towards the fouth, a fixed fpot in the horizon, like a fmall black cloud : this, from fome circumftances, they conjedured to be land; and by fleering towards it, they arrived at a confiderable ifland, wliich they denominated Madeira, on account A. D. 1420,- its being covered with wood -f . The news of this fecond difcovery no fooner reached Portugal, than prince Henry, whofe chief aim, in projecting fuch voyages, was the benefit of his coun- try, and the good of mankind, immediately lent out a colony, in order to people the new found iflands ; and his provident attention not only furnifhed the fet- tlers with the feeds, plants, and domellic animals common in Europe, but alfo with flips of the vine of Cyprus, the rich wines of which were then in high requefl, and with plants of the fugar caiie from Sicily, into which it had been lately in- troduced from Afia. Favoured by the warmth of the climate and the fertility of the foil, thefe exotics throve fo profperoufly, and were cultivated with fo much diligence, that the fugar and wine of iMadeira foon became confiderable articles in the trade of Portugal j:. The Portugaele, by their voyages to Madeira, were gradually accuftomed to a bolder navigation. Inftead of creeping fervilely along the fhore, they ven:ured into the open fea : in confequence of holding fuch a courfe. Cape a D. 14.11; Bajadore was doubled; and in the fpace of a few years, all the coaft of Africa, from Cape Blanco to Cape de Verd, was explored. The fame of the Portuguefe difcoveries fpread over Europe: and prince Henry, fenfible of their importance, procured from the pope, as the vice gerent of Chrifl upon a. D. 1444. earth, a bull grandng the crown of Portugal an exclufive right to all the coun- tries, which were or fhould be difcovered, from Cape Non to the continent of India "H. • Galvino's Difcoveries. MafFxi, Hift. Indica. t Alcafarus, Difcov. Mad. t GLicciardini, Defcriu. de Paefi Baffi. Jl Spond. Ann. Ecc. i, E This . . r4 T H E H I S T O R Y O F A M E R I C A. B O O K I. This grant was accompanied with a claufe, importing, that the Portuguefe ^■""^ -' fhould in all their expeditions, endeavour to fpread die knowledge ot the Chriftian rehgion, to eftablilh the authority of the Holy See, and to increafe the flock of the univerfal paftor. Thus the fpirit of dilcovery being connefted with ze-il for religion, the moll aftive principle, in that age, made rapid progrefs, and for a time bore down every obftacle before it. The Cape de Verd IHands, A. D, 1449. vvhich lie off the promontory of that name, were difcovered, and alio the iQes called Azores, above nine hundred miles from any continent * ; the Portuguefe mull therefore, by this time, have been fkilful, or at kail: adventurous naviga- tors. The progrefs of thefe difcoveries however, was, retarded for a while, by the A. D. 1463. death of prince Henry, whofe' fuperior knowledge had hitherto directed, and whofe patronage had encouraged them ; and yet farther by the mifguided ambition of Alonzo V. who then pofTefled the crown of Portugal, and was al- moft conftantly engaged in fupporting his pretenfions to the crown of Caflile, or in carrying on expeditions againft the Moors ot Barbary. But no fooner did John II. fucceed to the throne, than the fpirit of difcovery revived, and the adlivity of the Portuguefe was directed in its proper line. Equally capable of forming and executing great defigns, he declared him.lelf the patron of every liberal enterprife. Travellers were difpatched to vifii the extreme parts of Afia A. D. 1484, and Africa: a powerful fleet was fitted out, which, after difcovering the kingdoms of Benin and Congo, advanced above fifteen hundred miles beyond the line : the vifionary terrors of the torrid zone were difpelled ; forts were builr, and colonies fettled on the coaft of Guinea •, and at length Bartholomew Diaz, the nioft bold and ikilful navigator that had hitherto appeared among the Portuguefe, . A. D. i4?6. after encountering incredible dangers and difficulties, dcfcried that lofty promon- tory which bounds Africa to the fouth. To this promontory, which he durll iV3t attempt to double, on account of the Hiattered condition of his fhips, and the turbulence of his crew, Diaz gave the name of Cabo Tormencofo, or the I'empeiluous Cape ; but king John, more fcnfible of the importance of the dilcovery,. and willing to encourage future navigators, ftyled it Cabo del Bueno Efperanza, or the Cape of Good Hope, forefeeing that it would lead to the ereat objed of all thefe voyages, a paffage to India by lea -;-. John was confirmed in this opinion, by the informations which he received from the adventurers, whom he had^fcnt out to make difcoveries by land. The belief of the pofTibility of failing from Europe to India became univerfal, and various cor>iei.'Uires were formed in regard to its confequences. The Venetians, who fince the taking of Conllantinople by the Turks, and the expulfion of the Genoefe from Caffa, had monopolized almofl: the whole commerce of the Eaft, began to be difquietcd with apprehenfions of lofing that great Iburce of their * G»'vino's Difcoveries. f Maffsei, HiiK Indies, lib. i. c. 17. Faria y Soufa, Port. Afia, vol. I. Lafitau, Hift. de Con(j. Port. vol. I. power THEHISTORYOFAMERICA. 15 power as well as opulence, and the Portoguefe already enjoyed in idea the ^ JI A P. I. wealth of India But while Europe was thus fufpended between hope and '— ~J fear, in regard to an event, which was one day to give a new direftion to trade, and aggrandite nations hitherto oblcure or inconfiderable, news arrived of a dil'covcry no lefs important, and more immediately connected vvith the fubjeft of tliis work. CHAP. II. 7he D:fco'verie: and Seilkmenli of the Spaniards in the New World, from the frjl Vojagf of Colum- bus, to the Death of that great havigator, TH E fame of the Portuguefe difcoveries allured into their fervice adven- CHAP. IL turous navigators from all the maritime ftates of Europe. Among thefe > v — ^J was Chriftopher Columbus, a fiibjedt of the republic of Genoa. The Genoefe, . till the taking of Conftantinople by Mahomet the Great, whom they treacher- a. D. 14-0. oufly affifted, and who deprived them defervedly of their Icttlements on the Black Sea, and the trade with India through that channel, had carried on the moft A. D. 1475. extenfive navigation of any European power ; and they fall contentied, though feebly, with the Venetians, their ancient rivals, for the fovereignty of the Medi- terranean, and the commerce of the Eaft by the v/ay of Alexandria. Columbus ■ had diftinguifhed himlelf in that conteft, alike by his courage and his fkiil as a mariner. But the Mediterranean being too narrow a fphere for the adivity of his genius, which he had early cukivated by the ftudy of geometry, cofmography, aftro- nomy, and the art of drawing, he made a voyage to the northern feas ; vifited • the coafts of Iceland, to which the Engliili and other nations had begun to refort on account of its fifhery; and afterwards repaired to Lifbon, in order to launch into the Atlantic, or great WelLcrn Ocean *. The naval fcience and experience of this determined adventurer procured hini a favourable reception among the Portuguefe ; and having gained the efteem and the hand of Philippa PereftrelJo, daughter of the celebrated captain of that name, employed by prince Henry in his early navigations, and who had dilcovered and planted under the prottftion of his patron the iflands of Porto Santo and Madeira, Columbus fixed his rehdence in Lilbon. By means of this marriage, he got poflcffion of the journa^ls and charts of that able navigator. From them he learned the courfe which thePortuguefe had held in makina their difcoveries: his favourite pafllon was inflamed; and in order to gratify it, he. made a voyage to Madeira ; to which ifland, as well as the Canaries, the Azores, * Life of Columbus, written by his fon Ferdinand, . 6' and i6 THEHISTORYOFAMERICA. BOOK I. and the Portuguefe fettlements on the continent of Africa, he continued for feve- ral years to trade *. During the ccurfe of thefe voyages, Columbus formed that great fcheme of difcovery which he afterwards carried lb happily into execution. As the fpherical figure of the earth was then knovv-n, and its magnitude afcertained with fome de- gree of accuracy, he had early concluded, that the continent on this fide of the globe mufl. be balanced by an equal quantity of land on the other. This theory was fupporced by conjeifliires founded on experience. He had obferved, after violent wcllerly winds, that trees torn up by the roots were driven on the coad ol- the Azores ; pieces of wood artificially carved had alfo been perceived float- ing on the fea, to the weftward of any known land ; and as the winds, in the Cape de Vcrd iflands, blow for a ftated time from the weft, he rightly judged that this mull be owing to a great tradt of land in that quarter f. 1 he united evidence arifing from thefc theoretical principles and pradlical ob- fervations, led Columbus confidently to expeil the difcovery of new countries in the Weltern Ocean -, and other reafons induced him to believe, that they muft be connected with the continent of India, the grand objedl of the Fortugucfe navi- gators. From the exaggerated accounts of traveller-, who had magnified the extent of China and Japan, he drew a rational conclufion, that in proportion as the continent of India ftretched out towards the eaft, it muft, in confequence of the fpherical figure of the earth, approach nearer to the iflands lately difcovered in the weft ; tliat the diftance from the one to the other was probably not very confiderable -, and that the moft dired, as well as ftiorteft courfe, to the rich coun- tries of the Eaft, was to be found by failing due weft, acrofs the Atlantic Ocean, inftead of winding along the coaft of Africa j;. Fully fatisfied hinifelf with refpeft to the truth of this fyftem, and anxious to bring it to die teft of experiment, Columbus, whole long ablence had not ex- tinguifhed the affection which he bore to his native country, laid his fcheme before the fenate of Genoa •, offering to fail under the banners of the republic, in queft of the countries which he hoped to difcover. But he had rcfidcd fo many years in foreign parts, that his countrymen were unacquainted with his abi- lities ; nor, though reputed fkilful navigators, could they form any idea of the princioles on v-fhich he founded his fanguine expedations of . fuccefs : they therefore rejefted his propofal, as the dream of a vifionary proie then laid their hands upon their heads, in token of rc- fpcdt, and caft their eyes up towards heaven, whence they fuppofcd their vifitors to be immediately defcended. But what pleafed the Spaniards more than all this homage, was the ornaments of gold, which the natives of Hayii poflcifed in greater abundance than their neighbours, and which they readily exchanged for pins, glals beads, and other Ihining and glittering trinkets. Soon after his arrival here, Columbus was vifited by one of the caziques or princes of the country, who exprefied great curiofity to lee the Spanifh fhips. He was carried in a fort of palanquin upon the flioul- ders of four men, attended by upwards of two hundred ot his fubjefts, and dit- tinguiflied by every mark of rcfpefl and veneration. His deportment was grave and ilatcly : he was relerved towards his own people, but familiar with the Spa- niards i and on coming on board the admiral's iTiip, he ordered ajl his train to keep at a diftance, except two of his counfcllors, who fat at his feet. He ate and drank with the admiral, made him a prefent of fome thin plates of gold, and a girdle curioudy let with feed-pearl ; in return for which he received fome cloaths, flippers, and beads, with which he was highly delighted *. Still Columbus, intent on difcovering the mines that yielded gold, con- tinued to inquire anxiouily after their fituation. The natives concurred in point- ing out a mountainous country, which they called Cibao, at fome diftance from the lea, and farther eafl. Deluded by this found, which appeared to him the fame with Cipango, the name by which Marco Pclo and other travellers dilUnguilhed the iflands of Japan, Columbus no longer doubted of the vicinity of the countries he had dilcovercd to the remote parts of Afia ; and in full expeffation of reaching foon thofe regions wliich had been the objcd of his voyage, he bent iiis courfe to- wards the eaft. After failing in that direftion for fome time, he put into a commo- dious harbour, which he named, St. Ihomas. Here he received meflcngers from Guacanagari, one of the five caziques or Ibvereigns among whom the iiland was divided, and by much the moft powerful. This prince, in whofe diftriift the harbour lay, fent Columbus a prefent of a mafk curioufly faftiioned, the ears, nofe, and moutii of which were of beaten gold, and invited him to the place of his rcfidence, near what is now called Cape Franfois. Before Columbus ventured upon the proffered interview, he difpatched fome of his officers to vifit Guacanagari; and they returned with fuch favourable accounts both of the country and the people, as made the admiral impatient to perform his • Life of Columbus, c. 32. Herrera, dec. I. lib. i. c. ij. viflt. T H E H I S T O R Y O F A M E R I C A. 23 vifit. As he was coafting eaftward for this purpofe, his fhip, through the negli- CHAP. 11. gence of the pilot, ran upon a rock •, and but for the timely affiftance of boats a'd^''^^ trom the Nigna, ail on board muft have perifhed- Columbus was alfo indebted tor relief to the cazique and his people, who crowded on this occafion to the llrore ; and inftead of taking advantage of the diftrefs of the Spaniards, lamented their misfortune with tears of the moft fincere condoleHce, and putting to fca in a number of canoes, afUited in faving whatever could be got out of the wreck. Guacanagari in perfon vifited the admiral,now on board the Nigna, and endeavour- ed to conl'ole him for his lofs, by offering all that he poiTefTed to repair it * ; an in- ftance of generofity truly great, and which proves, that the moft amiable of hu- man virtues tholl- which make us feel for the diifrelfes of others, and incline us to relieve them, are neither implanted by education, nor confined to the meridian of cultivated manners. Columbus's condinon made confolation neceflary. He had yet heard nothing of the Pinta, with which Martin Finzon, impatient of feparate honour, had quitted his companions on leaving Cuba, regardlefs of the admiral's fignals to flacken fail till they fliould come up with him ; and he no longer doubted but his treacherous affociate had fet fail for Spain, in order to pre-occupy the ear of his fovereign, and rob him of the glory and reward of his difcoveries. There now- remained but one vefTel, and that the fmallefl and moft crazy of the fqiiadron, to travcrk fuch a vaft tract of ocean, and to carry fo many men back to Europe. Thefe were alarming circunrftaiices -, and to a perfon of lefs fortitude than Co- lumbus, muft have been altogether overwhelming. But that great man, amid his moft prefting misfortunes, was never without a refource. He refolved to leave- part of his crew in the idand, that they might learn the language of the natives, examine the nature of the country, fearch for mines, and prepare the way for tiie commodious fettlement of a colony. The Spanirti failors approved of this defign, as foon as it was made known to them, many offering voluntarily to be among the number of thofc who fhould remain. Nothing therefore was wanting towards its execution, but the confcnt of Guacanagari ; and on the admiral's promifing to proteft him from the Carib- beans, a fitrce and warlike people, who, as he informed Columbus, inhabited feveral iflands to the fouth-eaft, and whom his lubjedls durft not face in battle, that credulous prince clofed eagerly with the propofal. The ground was accord- ingly marked out for a fmall fort, which Columbus called Navidad, or Nativity, becaufe he had landed there on Chriftmas day. A deep ditch was drawn round it : the ramparts were fortified with palifades •, the great guns, faved out of the admiral's fliip, were planted upon them -, and in ten days the work was finifhed, the fimple natives labouring with inconfiderate afliduity in erefting this firft mo- nument of their own flavery f. * Herrcra, dec. I. lib. i. c. 18. f Robertfon, Hid. Amer. book ii. Mean- THE HISTORY OF AMERICA. Meanwhile Columbus, by his carefles and liberality, laboured to increafe -the high opinion which the iflanders entertained of the Spaniards. But at the fame time chat he endeavoured to infpire them with confidence, he wifhed likewife to give them fonie ilriking idea of his power to punifh, or take vengeance on fuch as were tiie objefts of his juft indignation. He therefore drew up his men in order of battle, in prefence of a vail multitude, and made an oftentatious, but innocent difplay of the (harpnels and force of the Spanifli weapons. Strangers to the ufe of iron, and little acquainted with hoftile inftruments of any kind, thcfe rude people wondered and trembled. Their fear was not allowed to abate before the oreat guns were fired •, the fudden explofion of which ftruck them witii furh a degree of terror, that they fell flat to the ground, covering their faces with their hands ; and when they beheld the aftonifhing effe^ of the bullets, they concluded that it was impodible to refill men, who had the command of fuch deflrudive inftruments, and who came armed with thunder and lightning againll tiieir enemies *. Having taken thefe, and other precautions, for the fecurity of the infant colony, Jan. 4. which confided of thirty-eight of his people, under the command of a gentleman '493- of Cordova, Columbus left Navidad, and fleered towards the eaft, giving names to moflof the harbours on the northern coaft of the ifland. Two days alter his departure he defcried the Pinta, and on the third came up with iier. Pinzon en- deavoured tojuftify his conduct ; pretending tliat he v/as driven from his courfe by flrefs of weather, and prevented from returning by contrary winds. TJie admiral admitted his apology, though by no means convinced of his innocence ; and as the condition of his iliips, as well as the temper of his men, made it neccf- Jan. 16. fary to haften his return to Europe, Columbus diredled his courfe towards the north-eaft, and foon loft fight of land After a dangerous voyage, during which he Warch 15. had frequently given up all hopes of fafety, he arrived in the port of Palos, k\in months and eleven days from the time v/hen he fet out on his enterprife 7. Columbus was received on landing with royal honours: the bells were rung, the cannon fired ; and all the people, in folemn proccfTion, accompanied him and his crew to the cliurch, where they returned thanks to heaven, which had fo won- derfully condufled them through numberlefs dangers and difficulties, a.nd brought their voyage to a profperous iflue. After this adl of devotion, the admiral's next care was, to inform Ferdinand and Ilabclla of liis arrival and fucccfs. No lefs . aftonifhed than delighted with this intelligence, their majefties requefted him to re- pair immediately to court, that from his own mouth tliey might receive a lull ac- count of his cxtraordinaiy voyage and difcoveries. During his journey to Barcelona, where the court then refided, Columbus was . continually furrounded by crowds of admiring fpeiSlators from the adjacent coun- try ; and his entrance into that city was a perfcdl triumph. The natives of the c(Hintiies which he had difcovered walked firft •, next to them were carried tlie crna- luents of gold, fulhioned by. their rude art, the grains of gold found in the moun- * Herrera, dec, I. lib. i. c. 20. Life of Columbus, c. 34. f Ut fop. tains. THE HISTORY OF AMERICA. 25 tains, and the duft of the fame metal gathered in the rivers ; and after thefe appear- C PIAP. ir. ed the various commodities, and curious produdtions of the new difcovered coun- tries. Columbus himfelf clofed the procefilon, and attracted the eyes of all ranks of people, who feemed to perceive at a diflance, in the ftrange objedls prelented to their view, that inexhauftible fource of riches which would one day flow into Spain. Ferdinand ar.d Ifabella received him clad in their royal robes, and feaied upon a throne. When he approached, they ftood op-, raifed him, when he keeled to kifs their hands ; commanded him to take his feat, on a chair pre- pared for him, and to fit covered (a diftin^tion peculiar to aSpanifh grandee) while he oave them an account of his voyage. Every mark of honour, in a word, that gratitude or admiration could luggeft, was conferred upon him. But what pleafed Columbus more than all thde was, an order to equip, without delay, an arma- ment of fuch force as might enable him not only to take pofleffion of the coun- tries which he had already difcovered, but to go in fearch of thofe more opulent rccrions towards which his enterprizing genius ftill confidently pointed *. Durino- the interval employed in making preparations for this fecond expedi- tion, the fame of Columbus's firft voyage fpread over Europe, and excited the attention of all orders of men. The ignorant were (truck with wonder and amazement at the idea of a new world, while the learned were filled with admira- tion and joy at an event which extended fo much the boundaries of human knowledge. Various conjedures were formed concerning the new found coun- tries, and what divifion of the earth they belonged to. Columbus adhered tena- ciouHy to his original opinion, that they lliould be reckoned part of thofe vait re- gions of Afia comprehended under the general name of India ; and in confe- quence of this notion, the name of Indies was given to them by Ferdinand and Ifabella, in a ratification of their former agreement with him f . Even after the error which o-ave rife to this opinion was deteded, and the true fituation of the New World afcertained, the name has remained ; the appellation of W^ell In- dies beino- ftill o-iven to the American i'.lands in thofe latitudes, and that of In- dians to all the barbarous tribes, both in the iflands and on the continent. This invitincr name, the fpecimens of the riches and fertility of the new coun- tries and the exac'crerated accounts of the adventurers, awakened a wonderful fpirit of enterprife among the Spaniards. Perfons of all conditions offered them- lelves as volunteers, to accompany Columbus in his fecond expedition. Even the cautious Ferdinand feemed to catch the fame fpirit with his fubjefts ; and a fleet of feventeen fh'ps, fome of which were of confiderable burden, was fitted out with a rapidity unufual in that age. It had on board fifteen hundred per- fons of different ranks and employments, furnifhed with every thing requifite for conqueft or fettlement ; with feeds, plants, domeftic animals, and inftruments of all forts J. " Life of Columbus, c. 42, 45. Hsrrera, dec. I. lib. ii. f Life of Columbus, c. 44, J Herrera, dec. L lib. ii. 2, H Formidable A.D. 1493. ,7 7 4 26 THE HI STOR Y OF AMERICA. Formidable, however, and well provided as this fleet was, Ferdinand and Ila- bella did not reft their title to the Well Indies iblely upon the iuccel's of its opera- tions. The papal grant was judged neceflai^ : and Alexander VI. a pontiff in- famous for everv crime that difgraces humanity, as vicar and reprefentative of JellisChrirt, and fuppofed, in virtue of that character, to have a right of dominion over all the l<.ingdoms of the earth, beftowed on their Catholic majefties, by a liberality which coft him nothing, and fcrved to eftablifli the jurifdidlion and pre- tenfions of the court of Rome, all the countries which they had difcovered, or fliould difcover, an hundred leagues to the wcftward of the Azores* -, this line of partition being neceflary, in order to prevent tlie prefent grant from interfering with that formerly made to the crown of Portugal. As zeal for propagating the Chriftian faith was the pretext employed by Ferdinand for foliciting this grant, a body of friars, under father Boyl, a Catalonian monk of great reputation, were appointed to accompany Columbus, in order to inflruft the natives of the New World. But the ambaiTidors of Chrift, in carrying to thofe incfFcnfive and formerly happy people, the dodrines of the golpel, literally verified the words of their mafter : " I bring not peace, but a fword !" Thefe previous fteps being taken, in order to fecure to the crown of Spain To great a portion of the globe, Columbus fet lail with his fleet from the bay Nov. 25. of Cadiz, and arrived, after a voyage of icven weeks, at Hifpaniola. in his pafiage he difcovered the Caribbee or Leeward iflands, and vifiied fuc- cefTively Dominica, Marigalante, Guadaloupe, Antigua, and Porto Rico. But the joy which he felt, on account of thefe dilcoveries, was fmall in comparifon of his forrow, when he landed at Navidad. He found the fort entirely demoliflicd, and not a Spaniard alive to welcome liis return. They were all cut off to a nwn. This difafter had been occafioned by the infolence and rapacity of the Spaniards themfelves, as the admiral learned from a brother of the cazique Guacanagari. The powerful reftraints, impofed by tlie prefcncciof Columbus, were no fooner with- drawn, than the garrifon threw off all obedience to the commanding officer. 7 he gold, the women, tlie provifions of the natives, were all the prey of thofe licen- tious invaders. The gentle fpirit of the people was at length roufed. Tlie ftraggling parties of the Spaniards were furprikd, while exerciling their oppref- lions in kcurity ; and the cazique of Cibao, whofe territories they cliicfly in- feftcd, on account of the gold found in that diftriiSt, aflcmblcd his people, and furrounding the fort, fet it on fire. The Spaniards were all cither killed in de- fending it, orperiflied in attempting to efcape ; and Guacanagari, whofe attach- ment all their outrages had not been able to alter, in endeavouring to protccft them, had received a wound, by which he was ftill confined f. In confequence of this account of the matter, and the ncccffity of fecuring the friendfliip of fome potentate of the country, in order to facilitate ilie projefted fettlement, Columbus, though by no means fatisficd of the fidelity of Guacana- * Torquemada, Mon. Ind. lib. xviii. c. 3., f F. Martyr. Herrera, dec. J. lib. li. i^ife of Columbus, c. ;i. g'iri. THEHISTORYOFAMERICA. 27 gari, refolvcd not to inquire too Icrupuloufly into his conducSt. He rejefted ail C HAP. II. violent counfcl •, and inllead of wafting his time in punifhing paft wrongs, took aTd^^TIq'^, precautions againft any future injury. With this view he traced out the plan of a town, which was reared and fortified with the utnioft expedition, and to v/hich he gave ihe name ot liabelia, in honour of his patronefs the queen of Caftile. While this city, the firft founded by Europeans in the New World, was build- ing, Columbus had to ftruggle with a variety of obftacles. The natural inafti- vity of the Spaniards was increafed by the enervating influence of the climate : the difappointmentof the chimerical hopes of the more fanguine adventurers, who faw themfelves obliged to toil like day- labourers, inftead of reaping thofe golden . harvefts of indolence, which they expedled, threw them into a dejection ot mind bordering on defpair, and which led to general difcontent ; the fpirit of dif- affeftion fpread ; and a confpiracy was formed, which, if not difcovered in time, might have proved fatal to the governor and the colony. Happily, liowever, Columbus was able to fecure the ringleaders, whoni he lent priloners to Spain, whither he dilpatched twelve of the fmaller veflels, which had ferved as tranf- ports, with an earneft requeft for a fupply of men and piovifions *. Mean- while he planned fevcral expeditions into the interior part of the country, in or- der to prevent his people from brooding over their diiappointment, as well as to awaken new hopes. 1 he diftrift of Cibao in particular was vifited, and fully anfwcred the defcription given of it by the natives. Gold was found in dull or grains in every river and brook : and the Spaniards, from thefe indica- tions, no longer doubted but the country contained rich trcafures in its bowels, which would prove a recompence for all their fufferings. Concord and order being thus reftored to the colony, Columbus re- folved to purfue his difcoveries. He accordingly left the government of the illand to his brother Don Diego, with tlie affiftance of a council of officers, and weighed anchor with one lliip and two fmall barques under his command ; but April 24, after a tedious and dangerous voyage of full five months, he was obliged to re- •A. D. 1494. turn without making any difcovery of importance, except the ifland of Jamaica. This diiappointment, however, was in fome meafure compenlated when he ar- rived at Piifpaniola, by meeting there with his brother Bartholomew, to whom he v/as united in dole friendftiip by a fimilarity of talents, and whom he had not feen for thirteen years. Bartholomew, hearing of his brother's difcoveries, in his way to Spain from the coaft of England, had made himfelf known to Fer- dinand and Ifabella, who perfuaded him to take the command of three fliips, appointed to carry provifions to the colony in Hifpaniola f. Never could Columbus have found a friend when he ftood in need of more one capable of alTifting him with his counfels. The foldiers under Don Pedro Margarita, an officer appointed to vifit the different parts of the ifland during the admiral's abfence, and to imprefs the inhabitants with * Herrera, dec. I. lib. ii. — Father Boyl, the apoftolic vicar, was one of the moft violent of the confpirasois. t Li(e of Columbus, c. 51. an ' 28 THE HISTORY OF AMERICA. an idea of the Spanifh power, had thrown off all reftraint, and pil- lao-ed and infulted the inoffenfive natives, who waited only for a fignal from their leaders to fall upon the colony. It was therefore now neceffary to have rccourl'e to arms, which Columbus had hitherto carefully avoided em- ploying againft the Indians ; and conlcious that fuccefs depended on the vigour and rapidity of his operations, he inllantly affembled his forces. They were now reduced to a very fmall number ; the body which took the field confining only of two hundred foot, twenty horfe, and twenty large dogs, a very formi- dable troop, when employed againll: naked lavages. All the caziques of the ifland, Guacanagari excepted, were in arms againfl. the Spaniards, with forces amounting to an hundred thoufand men. Inftead of taking advantage of the March 24. woods and mountains, they advanced into the moft open plain in the country ; A. D. 1495. where Columbus attacked them during the night, when undifciplined troops are leall capable of acting to advantage, and obtained an eafy victory. FilLd with cpnllernation by the noife and havock made by the fire-ams, the impetuous force or' tiie cavalry, and the fierce afiTault of the dogs, they threw down their arms, and fled at the firft onfet •, and fo thoroughly were they intimidated, that they ■relinquillied from that moment all thoughts of refiltance, and abandoned theni- iclves to del pair *^ After this viilory, Columbus employed feveral months in marching through the ifland ; and as the inhabitants every where fubmitced, without refiftance, to the Spanilh government, he impofed a tribute on them, as a mark of their fub- jedion. Every perfon above fourteen years of age, who lived in thofe diftrids where gold was found, was obliged to pay quarterly a certain quantity of gold duft ; and fuch as lived in other parts of the country, fo many pounds of cotton. This tax, lo contrary to the maxims which Columbus had hitherto purfued in regard to the Indians, as well as to the mildnefs and moderation of his temper, he was forced not only to iinpofe, but to exacSb with rigour, in order to counteract the machinations of his enemies at the court of Spain, by evincing v.'hat he had reported of the richnel's of the country, and to encourage Ferdinand and Ifa- bella to perfevcre in profccuting his plans. The event proved that he was not adiuated by falfe pretences or groundlcfs fufpicions, and fornis his beft apology, Aquado, a groom of the bed-chamber, was fent over by their Catholic majeflies, to inl'ped: into the condud of Columbus, while thus employed in violating his own feelings and the ri^'jus of humanity to ferve them. This circumftance, joined to the infolence and felf-importance of the commiflloner, determined the admiral to return to Spain, in order to vindicate his meafures. He accordingly • M9 • jg[ j-^ii ^ leaving the adminiftration of affairs, during his abfence, to his brother Bartholomew, with the title of adelantado, or lieutenant-governor -f-. Soon after his arrival in Spain, Columbus appeared at court with all the confi- dence of conlcious integrity, fupported by the fcnfe of eminent fervices ; and * Several of them were fo fimp'e, and fo much aftoniftied at the fight of the cavalry, as to be- lieve the man and horfe to be but oni; an'mal, or rather a kind of divinity. Life of Columbu.«, c. j2. \ Hcirera, dec. I. lib. iii. Ferdinand THE HISTORY OF AMERICA. 29 Ferdinand and Ifabella, afhamed of lending too favourable an ear to frivolous C HAP. II. or ill-founded accufations, received him with fuch diftinguilhed marks of re- ,^^^^7^. fpeft, as covered his enemies with confufion. The gold, the pearls, the cotton, and other commodities which he produced, feemed fully to refute every charge againft him in regard to the poverty of the country. Of the natives, with whom he was now more fully acquainted, he communicated the following among other particulars : That all the caziques, or fovereigns, lived in palaces at fome diftance from the towns, where were painted a number of extraordinary- images, which Ihey called Cemis, and fometimes honoured with the names (rf' their anccftors : that thefe images were worfliipped by the people as titulary deities -, and that offerings were made to lome of them for health, to others for affluence, fine weather, profperous enterprifes, and many fuch wifhes -, but that thejT were confidered as inferior to the fun, which was reputed the chief, or cazique of the divinities : that each of the fovereigns was alio high prieft in his own dif- trifl, a circumftance which added greatly to the authority of thofe princes, and enabled them to praftife many religious impoitures on the underltandings of their ignorant and credulous fubjefts : that feveral of the caziques kept three Hones, to which they afcribed extraordinary virtues; one promoting the fertility of the foil, another affifting women in child-birth, the third procuring either rain or fun-lliine, as the occafion required : that, when a cazique died he was em- bowelled, and dried by the fire, in order to preferve his body from corruption, which was interred in a cave, widi his military weapons, and ftore of provifions : that the wifr, who bore him the greateft affedtion, was likewife buried with him ; and that there could not be a more difhonourable proof of female ingratitude, than any mark of reludlance to pay this lad duty to her lord and hufband : that they ftrangled all the fick of whole recovery they defpaired, a practice common to this day among certain Negroes on the coaft of Africa : that after death they imagined they fhould go to a valley of vaft extent, of which the caziques fup- pofed they fhould be fovereigns, and where all believed they fhould find their parents, kindred, and friends, and be blefied with an eternal round of uninter- rupted felicity : that they had no law for regulating the number of wives, but that one generally poflclTed an authority over the rell : that both fexes were re- markably indolent, averfe to, and even incapable of much labour ; wonderfully fparing in their diet, one European eating as much as three of them •, and that the men were peculiarly moderate, and even cool, in regard to the pleafures of love ; which frigid indifference, and want of appetite, made the negleded wo- men paflionately fond of the more amorous Spaniards *. With thefe particulars relative to the natives of Hifpaniola, Columbus mingled an account of his own fuccefs in reducing them to obedience, dwelling particularly on luch cjrcumftances as he knew were moft likely to pleafe j the tax which he had impofed, the mines he had found out, and the future difcoveries which he Jioped to make. Flattered by fuch an acceffion of territory, fuch an increafe of • Id, ibid. 2. I fubjeds, A. D. 1496. THE HISTORY OF AMERICA. fubjeds, and the profpeft of fuch a copious fource of wealth, Perdinand and Ilabella lefolved to fupply the colony in Hifpaniola with every thing that could render it a permanent eftablifhment ; and alfo to furnifh Columbus with fuch a fleet, as might enable him to proceed in fearch of thofe yet undifcovered coun- tries, of whofe exiftence he feemed fo confident *. The means molt proper for accomplifliing both thefe ends were concerted with the admiral ; but though he obtained with great facility and difpatch the royal approbation of every meafure and regulation he propofed, his endeavours to carry them into execution were fo long retarded, as mufl have tired out the par tience of any man lefs accuftomed to encounter difficulties and tofarmount them% The Spaniardswcrefo backward in engaging voluntarily to iettle in a country, whofe noxious climate had proved fatal to fo many of their countrymen, that Colum- bus propofed to tranfport to Hifpaniola iuch malefadfors as had been convidfed of crimes, which, though capital, were of a lefs atrocious nature. The pri>- jons were accordingly drained in order to coUeft members for the new colony ; and the judges were inftrufted to recruit it by their future fentences -f-. This meafure, rafhly propofed, and inconfidcrately adopted, has been imi- tated by the other European nations in their fettlcments. But, as the abbe Raynal well obferves J, though men who have violated the laws of their coun- try, may fonietimes be uleful in ertablifhcd colonies, it is not with iuch materials ihat the foundations of a fociety delhned to be permanent fhould be laid. A year, however, elapfed before Columbus could obtain two fliips to carry over even thefe wretclied fupplies intended for the colony -, and almoft two years were Jpent before the fmall fquadron was equipped, of which he himfclf was to take the command !|. It confifled of fix fhips only, of no great burden, and thefe but indifferently provided for a long or dangerous voyage. Argdtt 30. With this Iquadron Columbus at length fet fail, and meditated a courfe dif- A. u. i.)98. ferent from any he had hitherto taken. As he was fully perfuaded that the fer- tile regions of India lay to the fouth-wcft of thofe countries which he had dif- covered, he propofed to fteer in that diredtion ; but the importunities of his crew, who were alarmed at the heat of the torrid zone, obliging him to alter his courle Augiift.-^ to the north- v/eft, he fell in with a confiderable ifland, to which he gave the name of Trinidad, and which litrs on the coaft of Guiana, near the mouth of the Orinoco. From the vaft body of water which this river rolls towards the ocean, he juftly concluded that it could not have its fource in an ifland, but mull How through a country of immenic extent ; and confequcntly, that he was now .ir- rrved at that continent which it had fo long been the objeft of his wilhes to dif- cover. Under the influence ot this idea, he flieered to the weft, along the coafl of thofe provinces now known by the names of Paria and Cumana. He landed in feveral places, and had fome intercourfe with the natives, wiio refembled thofe of Hifpaniola in their appearance and manner of life, but feemed to poflefs a • Ut fupta. t Tuion. Hift. Gen. de TAtneriqut, 10,71. I. Herrcrs, dec. I. lib. iii. J Hill. Philof. et Politique. || Hcrrera, dec. I. lib. iii. better THEHISTORYOFAMERICA. 31 better underftanding, and greater courage. The country produced four-footed animals of feveral kinds, as well as a variety of fowls and fruits ; and Columbus was fo much delighted with its beauty and fertility, that he imagined it to be the paradile defcribed in Scripture, which the Almighty chofe for the reiidence of man, while yet in a ftate of innocence*. The fliattered condition of his fliips, however, prevented him from prolecuting his difcoveries :• he therefore bent his •courfe towards Hifpaniola -, and in his way thither, he fell in with the iflands of Cubagua and Margarita, which afterwards became remarkable for their pearl fiOiery. ■ Wlien Columbus arrived af Hifpaniola, he was wafted to an extreme decree by fatigue and ficknefs. He ftood much in nerd of repoie ; but the fituation in which he found the affairs of the colony unhappily afforded him no profped of enjoying it. Many revolutions had happened in that country during his ab- fence. His brother Bartholomew, in confequence of an advice which the admi- ral gave him before his departure, had removed the greater part of the colony from ifabella, to a more commodious ftation on the oppofite fide of the iffand, and laid the foundation of St. Domingo, long the mofl: confidcrableEuropean town in the New World. But while the adelantado was employed in eltabhlhing this new fettlement, and in keeping the Indians under fubjcirion, a mutiny broke out among the Spaniards. Francis Roldan, whom Columbus had appointed alcade, or chief juftice of the ifland, a ftation which required him to be the guardian of order, and tranquillity, was the author of this revolt. He accufcd the adiniral and his two brothers of arrogance and feverity ; and as the people of every, nation view with a jealous eye the exaltation of foreigners, a confider- able number of the Spaniards, feduced by Roldan's arguments, made choice of of him as their leader, and taking arms againft the adelantado and his brother, feized the king's magazine of proviCons, and attempted to furprife the fort of' St. Domingo It was preferved, however, by the vigilance and courage of Don Diego Columbus, and the mutineers were obliged to retire to the province of Zaragua ; where they ftill continued to difclaim the adelantado's authority, and even endeavoured to perfuade the Indians to follow their example -f. . This diftrafted ftate, in which ColumbiTs found the colony when he landed at St. Domingo, was increafed by other circun.ftances. 1 hree fhips, v;hich he had difpatched from the Canaries, with a fiipply of men and provifions, had been carried, by the violence of the currents, to the eaft of St. Domingo, and forced to take ftielter in a harbour in the province of Zaragua. 7 here Koldan and his -feditious followers being cantoned, he artfully perfuaded the comman- ders, before they were apprifed ot his inlurrcdion, to let on fhore a confidera- ble part of the new fettlers. Thefe men, the refufe. of the jails of Spain, to whom deeds of violence were familiar, were eafily induced to join the infurgents. By fuch an acceffion of force Roldan became extremely formidabl*, and very extravagant in his demands. Columbus, hov/ever, chole rather to comply with- • Id. ibid. t Ut fupra. them. ga THEHISTORYOFAMERICA.^ tliem, than to kindle the flames of civil war ; and by diat prudent mcafurc, he diiTolvcd without bloodlhed a dangerous combination, which threatened tlic co- lony witli ruin *. Lands were allotted the mutineers, in confequence of this agreement ; and die A D. 1^99 Indians letded in each diltrit% were appointed to cultivate a certain portion of ground for the ulc of diefe new mailers, in place of the tribute formerly im- pofed. But how nccellary foever fuch a regulation might be in a fickly feeble colony, it uniiappily introduced among the Spaniards tlie Repardinicntos, or d:f- tributions of Indians cftabliflied t3y them in all their fettlements, which brought nuniberlefs calamities oo the natives of the New World, and fubjciiled them to the moll grievous oppreiTions. Nor was diis the only bad efll"c1 of the infurrec- tion in Hupanwla : K prevented Columbus from profecuting his difcoveries on tiie continent j and though he tranfmittcd to Spain an accurate account of die whole tranfadion, together with a dcfcription of the new countries which he had difcovered, and Ipccimcns of the gold, pearls, and odier curious and valuable produdions wliich lie had acquired by trafficing with the natives, the recriminat- ing a^vDlogy of lioldan and his followers, conveyed by the fame Hiips, unfor- tunately gained more credit in the court of Ferdinand and IfabcUa f. But previous to tlie efFcAs ^ib humiliating to Columbus, and fo difgraceful to the Spanifli nation) produced by thefe rcprefentations, events had happened which merit attention, equally on account ot dieir own importance and their connexion with the hillory ot America. While Columbus was engaged in conducing the Spaniards to the Weil, the fpirit of difcovery did not languifli in Portugal, where it had firfl acquired vigour. Emmanuel, who had lately fucceeded to the throne of that kingdom, and who pofleflcd die enterprifing genius of his predeccflbrs, perfiJled in their grand fclicme of opening a pafTage to India by the Cape of Good Hope. A fqua- dron was accordingly equipped for the purpofe -, and Vafco de Gama, a man of A. D, 14-7. noble binh and great talents, who was veiled with the command of it, doubled that formidable promontory which had fo long been the boundary of naviga- tion, and direding his courfe towards the north-eaft, arrived at Calecut on the coaft of Malabar. He was (Iruck with the wealth and populoufncfs of the coun- tr)', which exceeded his moll romantic ideas ; but as he pofTefled neither fuffi- cient force to attenipt a fettlcment, nor commodities to enable him to carry on commerce of any confequence, lie haflened back to Portugal with an account of s>pf. 14. his fuccefs, and landed Lifely at Lifbon, after a vovage of two years, two A D. M99- nicnths, and five days t Before the news of this great difcovery reached Europe, the merchants of May 20. Seville, animated by the general fpirit of enterprile, had fent out four (hips in quefl of new countries, by permiflion of the Spanifli court, under the command ot Alonzo dc Ojcda, a gallant and aflive officer, who had accompanied Co- • Life ftf Colambos. c. So. i Her^cra, dec 1. lib. iii. Benzon. Haft. N»v, Orb. lib. i. I Ramufio, vol. I. lumbus THE HISTORY OF AMERICA. 33 loinbus in his fecond voyagr. He was a/Tnlsd by Americus Vefpuciuf, a CHAP. Ii. Florentine gentletnan, eminently fkilled in all the fcienccs fub&rrvient to navi- ^~^' ' gadoa. Ojeda, however, ftruck. out no new path of Idling-, but foU'ywing lervilely the route which Columbus bad taken in his lad voyage, the journal and charts of which he had fcen, arrived oo the coall of the new continent, two hun- dred leagues to the eaftward of Paria- He traded with the natives, who I'padiJy exchanged gold and pearls for glittering toys -, and ftanding to the wdl, proorcded as far as Cape de Vela, touching at feveral places, and examining the taoe of the country, every particular relative to which was carduUy obfcrved by A mericus Vcfpucios, who had chiefly direded the opn'adons during the voyage *, Americus poflefled other talent* than thoii; of a navigator; and by pubUifaing, foon after bis return to Spain, an interefiii^ account of the councncs which he had vifited, he was able to give his own name to the weftem world, in prejudice to the prior right of Columbus. Mankind an: now become ienfible of the im- pofture : but cime has fandi&(^ the error -, and this new quarter o( the globe continues u> be difUnguifbed univerfaliy, duxigh unjufiiy, i^ the appellation (tf Amekxca. But though Ofcdz's voyage was prododive of no important difcoverics. the gold and pearls for which he trafficked aloi^ the coails of Cumana axKi Maracapajia, cncour^ed other adventurers to vifit the New WorkL The firft of theCc was AlonfoNigno, who had accompanied Columbus when be difcovered the conti- nent, and who made a fucceisful voyage to the coait of Paria. Soon afcer, Yanez Pbzoo, one of Columbus's companions in his firft voyage, f^kd from PakM with four flijps. He flood boldly towards the jbuth, and was the Jat. ij- firft Spaniard who ventured to crofe^be equinorial line -*--, but, notwithfianding ■*- ^- 'i''* the pretenGons of his counrrymcn, he appears to have landed oo oo part of America beyond the mouth of the Maragoon, or river o( the Amazons. Durir^ this bft year of the fifteenth century, fo fcnak in gncac events, that rich diftrid of South America, on the confines of which Pinzon bad iiopt fljort, was tnore fijHy difcovered by the Portugucfc Enco^Jf^ed by the fuccdsful voy^ of Gama to the Eaft Indies, Emmanuel bad fitted out a poweriul fleet, fumiihcd with every thing necefiary for commerce or war. The coounand of k was given to Pedro AU artz Cabral ; who, in order to avoid the inconveniences of fleering ak>ng the coafl of Africa, flood out to iea, and Lcpc (o fax welt, that, to hii farpriJe, he found himfelf on the ihorc of an unknowu country in tl^ &- teaith degree beyond the line. He at firfl fuppofed it to be Ibme iiQand in the Atlantic Ocean hitherto uniAfcrved ; bui after (ailing akH^ its ooafi: for Ssvsral days, be was gradually kxi to believe. " ■ tsrriiory (o exKnfive cooU only he- kwig to an immense connnenc In t> , ^ure, no Icii probable than jafl, bs was confirmed by the appearance of the natives, who had not the kaft refem- blance to the Africans, or any other people be had ever feen j and having fonned a very hkh idea of the ferrility of ite oo^jntr. . to which he gave the name of • Hcmn, dec f. fib. w. - f id. iiiid. a. K The THE HISTORY OF A M E R t G A. The Land of the Holy Crofs, (fince changed into that of Biafil, becaufe the pre- cious wood there found, ufed in dying, and which was for a time its mod valu- able commodity, bore this name) he took poflefTion of it for the crown of Por- tugal, and diipatchtrd a fliip to Lifbon with an account of his unexpeded difi^o- very *. Hence it appears, as Herrera well obftrves, if the fagacity of Colum- bus had not conducted mankind to America, Cabral, by a fortunate accident, might have led them, a few years later, to the knowledge of that vail continent : chance might have accomplilhed, to ufe the elegant language of Dr. Robertfon, that great defign, which it is now tiie pride of human reafon to have formed and perfedled. While the Spaniards and Portuguefe were performing thefe fucceflive voyages, >vhich made them more fully acquainted with the extent and opulence of the New World, the great difcoverer himfelf, inftead of enjoying thofe honours and that tranquillity he had reafon to expeft, was experiencing at Hifpaniola every diftrefs in which the envy ^nd malevolence of the people under his command could involve him, and every mortification wliich the ingratitude of the court he had ferved could inflid. Though the pacification with Roldan broke the union and weakened the force of the mutineers, it did not eradicate the feeds o|- diicord out of the iflaqd. Several of the malcontents continued in arms : and Coluni- bus and his brothers were obliged to take the field alternately, in order to check their incurfionsj or to punifh their licentious temerity. I'he dii'quiet occafioned by thefe dilbrders prevented the admiral from attend- ing to the machinations of his enemies at the court of Spain, where the moll atrocious charges were prefented againft him by fuch of the malcontents as had returned to Europe, and memorials of their pretended grievances from the reft. He was accufed of tyranny, cruelty, and avarice ; of ufing the Spaniards as flaves, driving the Indians to delpair, and fccreiing great part of the gold, pearls, and other precious commodities which had come into his hands : and thefe avowed endeavours of his crcmies to ruin him, were feconded by the dif- guifed but more dangerous infinuations of that party among the courtiers, who had always thwarted his Ichemes, and envied his fuccefs. Ferdinand, naturally fufpicious and ceconomicarl, liltened with a partial ear to every acciifation ; for, notwithftanding the accounts which the admiral had given of the riches of tlie New World, the remittances from it had liiihcrto been lo fnudl, as not to detray the expence of the armaments fitted out. The king therefore concluded, that Columbus muft cither have deceived or defrauded Spain. Even Ifabella, who had uniformly proteftcd him, was at length fliaken by liie number and boldnefs of his accufers. She began to fufpedt, that a difaftedlion fo general muft have been occafioned by real grievances, which called for redrefs. A refolution fatal to Colunibus Vvas taken : Francis Bovadilla, a knight of Calatrava, was ap- pointed to repair to Hifpaniola, with full powers to inquire into the conduft of the admiral ; and, if he found the charge of maladminiftration proved, to fu- percede him, and aflume tlie government of the illand -[-. • Herrera, dec. I. lib. iv. + I.lfe of C'&lumbus, c. 85. Robctfon, Hift. Ameiica, book ii. It t H ^ H I S T O R Y OF A M E R I C A. 35 It was impoffible, as Dr. Robertibn very jliftly remarks, to efcape condemna- CHAP. li. tion, when this prepofterous commilljon made it the intereft of the judge to find ^ j^ i-co the perfon v.-honi he was lent to try, guiky. Tiiough Columbus had compofcd ail difientions in theifland,andhadn1ade fuchefFeftual provifion forworking the mines and cultivating the country, as would have fecured a confiderable revenue to the kin£,, as well as large profits to individuals, Bovadilia difcovered, from the mo- ment he landed in Hilpaniola, a determined refolution of treating the author of thefe important regulations as a criminal. He made himfelf mafter of the king's ftores and the fort at St. Domingo by violence : he took poffeffion of the admiral's houie, from which he happened to be abfent •, fcized his effefls, as if he had already been convicled •, and lummoned him to appear before his tribunal, in ordei- to anfwer for his conduit, tranfmitting to him at the lame time a copy of the royal mandate. Columbus did not hefitate a moment what courfe he fl:iould take. Though deeply affected with the ingratitude of Ferdinand and Ifabella, he repaired dired'tly, in obedience to the will of his fovereign"':, to the court of that violent and partial judge whom they had appointed to try him. Bovadilia, with- out admitting the admiral into his prefence, ordered him inilantly to be arrefted, to be loaded with chains, and hurried on board a fhip. Meanwhile h^.* ingra- tiated himfelf with the Spaniards, by the moll liberal ccncclTions la their favour: he fet at liberty the prifoners confined by Columbus ; and in order to colle^fl ma- terials for a charge againft him, gave ear to the nioft improbable and inconfiftent accufations. No informer, hov<' infamous foever, was rejedbed. The refult of this inqueft was tranfmitted to Spain, whither Columbus and his two brothers, were carried in fetters, and confined in diffei-ent fhips *. Happily however, even under this reverfe of fortune, that firmnefs of mind, which diftinguifhes the charafler of the great difcoverer, did not forl'ake him. He endured the infult offered to his charafler, though aggravated by cruelty, not only with compofure but with dignity. Never was the elevation of his foul more confpicuous, than in his anfwer to Alonfo de Vallejo, tr.e captain of the vcflcl on board which he was confined. '1 ouched with the fentimtnts of veneration and pity due to the rank, the age, and the merit of his prifoner, Vallejo, as foon as he was clear of the ifland, approached the admiral with profound refpefl, and offered to rtleal'e him from the fetters v/ith which he was unjuftly loaded. " No Val- lejo !" replied Colum.bus, with a generous indignation, " I wear thefe chains in confequence of an order from my Ibvereigns Tliey (hall find me as obedient to this as to all their other injundtions. By their command I have been confined, and their command alone fliall fet me at liberty -f." The voyage to Spain was fortunately fhort : and Ferdinand and Ifabella were no fooncr informed of the indignity put upon the man, to whole fervices they owed fo many obligations, and who Hood lo high in the opinion of Europe, than afliamed of their own conduct, and eager to efface the ilain which it mi^ht fix on their reign and charafler, they inftandy iffued orders to let Columbus at • Ovied, lib. iii. f Life of Columbus, c. S6. Her/e;a, dec. I. lb. iv. liberty ; THE HISTORY OF AMERICA. liberty ; invited him to court, and remitted money, in order to enable him to ap- pear there in a manner fuitable to his rank. When the admiral entered the royal prel'cnce, he threw liimfelf at the feet of his fovereigns, where he remained for fome time, without being able to utter a word ; fo violent were the agitations of his mind ! But at length, being ordered to rife, he recovered himfelf, and vin- dicated his condudt in a pathetic fpeech -, producing the mod fatisfadory proofs of his own integrity, as well as of the malevolence of his enemies. Ferdinand and Ifabella exprelTed their forrow for what had happened, difavowed their know- ledge of it, and were liberal in promifes of proteftion and future favour; but, though they inftantly degraded Bovadilla, in order to prevent any fufpicion of their having authorized his violent proceedings, they ditl not reftore Columbus to thofe honours and employments of which he had been unjuftly deprived. Afraid to truft the man they had injured, and to whom they were fo highly indebted, they retained him at court under various pretences, and appointed to the govern- ment of Hifpaniola, Nicholas de Obando, a knight of the military order of Alcantara *. The daily reports of the immenfe wealth of America, excited the avarice and the ambition of new adventurers. Rodorigo de Pallidas, a man well A. D. 1501. (killed in geography, of bold fpirit, and confiderable fortitude, fitted out two fliips in co-partnerfliip with John de la Cofa, who had ferved under Columbus, and was re[)uted the bcft mariner in Spain. They fteered direftiy for the coaft of Faria, were they arrivt.'d after a profperous voyage, and dilcovered all the coaft of the province now known by the name of Terra Firma, from Cape de Vela to theGulph of Darien ; after which they returned by Hifpaniola, with a confiderable cargo oi gold and pearls. The fame motives, nearly about the fame time. Induced Ojeda and his former aflbciate, Americus Vcfpucius, to un- dertake, a iecond voyage. Unacquainted with the deftination of Baftidas, they held the fame courfe, coafted along the fame fhore.s, and touched at the fame places i but they were lefs fortunate, the voyage being neither produdive of riches nor difcoveries. It furnifhed the artful Americus, however, with the means of gaining more credit to his pretenfions to the difcovery of the new con- tinent, by confounding the particulars of his two voyages -f-. Before the return of thefe adventurers, a fleer was equipped, at the public expence, for carrying over Objndo, the new governor, to Hifpaniola, where his prefcnce was much wanted. Bovadilla, confcious of the iniquity of his pro- ceedings againlt Columbus, continued to make it iiis fole object to gain the fa- vour of his countrymen, by accommodating himfelf to their pafiions and pre- judices. Inftead of habituating them to the rellraints of law, he fuffered them to enjoy (uch uncontrouled licence, as encouraged the wikkft exceffes. He gave a legal fandion to the opprefTion ot the Indians ; taking the exaft number of thole unhappy people, dividing them into clafies, and diltributing them amonr^ Jiis adherents, by whom they were driven in crowds to the mountains, and com- * Herrcra, dec. I, lib. iv. Life of Columbus, c. 87. -f Herrera, dec. I. lib. iv. pelled THE HISTORY OFAMERIC a; 37 pelled to work in the mines, where ta(ks beyond their ftrength were impofed CHAP. II. upon them without mercy or dilcretion. But on the arrival of Obando, who had the command of the mofb refpeftablc armament hitherto fitted out for the New World, a proclamation was ifllied declaring the natives to be free fubjefts of Spain, of whom no fervice was to be exafted contrary to their own inclina- tion, nor any labour required without paying them an adequate price for it. Bovadilla was commanded to return inftantly to Spain, to anlwer for his con-, diidt ; Roldan, and the other ringleaders of the mutineers, were ordered to leave the ifland at the fame time -, various regulations were made for fuppreffing that licentious fpirit which had been To hurtful to the colony -, and an ordinance was publidied, directing all the gold, acquired by working the mineK, to be brought to a public fmeking-houfe, and declaring one half of it to be the pro- perty of the crown *. « While Obando was taking thefe neceflary (leps for fecuring the tranquillity of the colony of Hifpaniola, and rendering it beneficial to theSpanifh government, Columbus, who had planted it, and who had an unqueftionable right to the office of viceroy over all the countries which he had difcovered, was employed in loliciting, and in vain, the favour of an ungrateful court. The jealous and poli- tic Ferdinand, afraid of trutVing a fubjedt, and an injured one, with a jurifdic- tion which might render him formidable, eluded all the requefts of the admiral for the performance of his original treaty. He infpired Ifabella with the fame fufpicions ; and Columbus finding every claim of jultice and merit difregarded by an unfeeling prince, attempted to work upon his avarice, in order to obtain, advanced as he was in years, and broken by misfortunes, the command of a fleet for the purpofes of difcovery. A new road to India, the firfl: objeft that called forth his inventive genius, flill occupied the admiral's thoughts. A paflage to the Eaft had indeed been found by the Cape of Good Hope ; and the return of the Portugueie fleet under Cabral, about this dme, awakened the avidity of all Europe, by the richnefs of its cargo : but Columbus offered to condu£t the Spaniards to India by a route which he expected would prove both fhorter and lefs dangerous. He had con- ceived an opinion, that, beyond the continent of America, there was a fea which extended to the Eaft Indies -, and he hoped to find fome ftrait or narrow neck of land, (fituated, as he fortunately conjedurcd, near the gulph of Darien) by which a communication might be opened between Europe and the extreme parts of Afia. Ferdinand and Ifabella, roufcd by the profpedl of fharing tiie wealth of India, and glad of the pretext of an honourable employment for removing from court a man with whofe demands they deemed it impolitic to comply, and whofe fervices it was indecent to negleift, eagerly embraced this propofal •, and Colum- bus, anxious to perfedt his grand fcheme of difcovery, fet out on a fourth voyage with all the ardour of a youthful adventurer f. Important, however, as the objeiSt of this voyage appeared to their Catholic Majeilies, Columbus was able to obtain only four fmall barques to perform it • Id. ibid. f Life of Colpmbus, c. 88. Oviedo, lib. iii, 3. L in, A. D. 1503 3^ THE HISTORY OF AMERICA. ih, tin'e lai'geft of which did not exceed feventy tons in burden. With thefe he arrived at Hilpaniola, accompanied by his brother Bartholomew, and his d'econd ibn Peipe of exchanging oite of his vclftls, which lie had found unlit for fervice, for fome flvip of the "fleet that had canicd over Obando. But the new governor would neither permit him to enter the harbour, in order to negociate the exchange of his (hip, nor to take fhelter during a violent hurricane, of which he difcerncd the aprproach. Nay, lb great was Obando's contempt of the admiral's fagacity, that he would not put off for a few days die departure of the fleet deftined for Spain. The hurricane came : Columbus was prepared for it, and by his fkill in feamanfhip, was able to ride it out ; but of the homeward-bound fleet, con- fiding of eighteen veflela, only two or tiuee dcaped. On board one of thefe were all the cfFedts that had been faved from the wreck of the admiral's fortune j.- and, what is veiy remarkable, in the general v/reck perifned BovadiUa, Roldan, and the greater part of thole who had been moft attive in perilcuting Columbus, and in opprefiing the Indians, witli all the wealth which they liad acquired by their injuftice and ci-uelty *. This diverfm' of fortune, and difcrimination of charaiSers, is univerfally attri- buted, by the hiftorians of thole times, to an immediate interpofuion of divine Providence. By the vulgar, it was viewed in a different light. Believing, in the fondnefs of their admiration, Columbus to be poffeficd of lupernatural powers, they imagined he had conjuredjup this dreadful llorm, in order to be ave'^ged c^ his enemies -f-. But the misfortunes which he afterwards experienced, during his voyage, were fufficient to convince the moft credulous of them, that he had no command over the winds and waves. July 14. Leaving Hilpaniola, wltere he had met with fuch an inhofpitable reception, Columbus ftocd towards the continent. In his paffage, which was tedious and dangerous, he difcovered the ifland of Gnania, in the efitliance of the bay of Honduras. Here he Was vifit-ed by a conliderable number of the inhabit-ants of the continent. They -came in a canoe of vail length, eight feet wide, and con- ftruded with much ingenuity, and appeared to be a people more civilized than any he had hitherto dikovered. They wore feveral maily ornaments of o-old j and on the Spaniards inquiring, with their ufual eagerneis, where they got that precious n-ietal, they pointed to certain countries fituated to the weft, where it was foviwd in iuch pkn'ty, according to their accounts, as to be applied to the moft common ufes. But Cokimbu.s was fo bent on finding out that imaginary ftrait, which he4!^>pored to communicate With the Indian ocean, that he flighted this important information •, and inflead of fleering along the coaft of Yucatan, which would have con of the earth, the cultivation of the foil ; and fbme flips of the fugar-cane being, brought from the Canaries^ by way of experimeat, chey were found to shrive to well in Hifpaniola, that the cukivadon of diem Looa became an objeS of ccm- mercc, and the manufacture of lugar the principal occupatioa of the inhabitants of the iilir.d, and the mx)0: coniiderable fource of their vrealth*. Theie endeavours of Obando to promote the welfare of the Spanifh. fettJe- ET.ent at St. Domingo, were powerfully fecoaded by Ferdinand. The large remit- Eances which he received from the New World, having ax length opened his eyes to the importance of thoic dilcoveries which he had formerly afiectsd to delpile, A. D. 15C7. he erected a board of trade, compofed of pcrfoQs of rank and abilities, to whom he committed the admiaifbratMn of xT.racrican aEiirs. But nocwiikftandiris rl^ attention of this board- and the prudence of the governor, the colony in Hi, ja- nrola was thnrareced widi ruin. The ocigmal inhabitants, on whom the Spa- niards chiefiy depended for their profperity, wafted fo fall,, that die fettlers Fouzd it impciEbkto extend tlieir improvements, or even, to carry on the works which. they had already begun. A. D. icc3, la order to remedy this evil, Obando decoyed forty thouland of the inhabi- tants of the Lucayos into Hifpaniola ; under pretence of carrymg them zo 2 delicious country, the reildence of their departed aaceiior;, and where tiiev ftiould enjoy uninterrupted felidty, but in reality to mingle their groans and tears with thofe of the wretched nadves of that rfl'and +. Other Indians wcrr made captives, and brought by force fircm the neighbouring iiles. But all chefe recruits proving infufficient, and mouldering away, Kke the original inha- bitants, by reafon of the diiproporuoa of the tafks impofed en them to tfie fecbleneis of tlieir frame, the flave-trade, that dilgracc to tumanity, was efla- blifhed with the Portuguefe fetdements on the cosft of Africa ; and as it was found by experience, that one Negro could execute as much hard worlt as foor Indians, this traffic was fbon extended, and liill ccnrinues to be carried oo, fnsKa political mcdves, ici defiance of religion and philofophy, all fevere labour in "Thit ccateinp c whick civiJizcd sauao j aie Ca ape co entsrtaia for E>arbar£za5, and eke f xulcaacs of coBftioas faperiority in ttreagtli or (kill, are too rea^y. rt nnut be cwnerf, lo perUaife men chat z ooveer of domicton, or i capacity for gmeramitfl c, entiJes them, co ike rfglK of gc»ernfng. Tieie errors ha^e their origin w human talure, anc kaiie j^vica h-.rzh. to m^ny »ilucJ> «Jeliab:3 ia c-ae)ty, znder^ays liie groanj of 'lie niierabie, and whidlis iouarLibiv Jie faoie, sehfi- taer it aCj under a Jrw 'i app-eheniian of an heaies^Pw ^roinile uj a chol'ea race, a popiili per- £ialica ot the divine aa^hgricy aitti aaiiverfai j . '. Oi" a Upreme pon-itif, a puriaaicit aaibitioa cf ereding a kingdoai cf grace, or a . an leai for propagaang cite dotftriaes cf a fsrpoled prophet, aad exendiog Uie empire of a a foliuwerj, can alase be islptreii by fanatiriftn. • Gvieio, lib. It, - Hsrrera, dec I. lib. tii, the rHE HISTORY OF AMEK IC a; 43 t'ne European kttlements in the New World being performed by Negroes. — Thus CHAP. UJ. the difcovery of America, how benevolent Ibever miaht be the intention of ^TT^'^ — ^ Columbus, or whatever advantages Europe may derive from tiiat event, was not only the fource of inexprefllble mifery to the natives, but has involved a great part of the inhabitants of another quarter of the globe in the molt abjecl flavery. If to thefe evils wc add that venereal malady, that poifon which withers rhe rofes of love! that bane of human blifs ! which the Americans communi- cated to their conquerors, and which commerce has fince carried to every (hore, we fhall perhaps find reafon to lament, as lovers of our fpecies, that fapienc forefight which led the Genoefe navigator to launch into the weftern main in queft of another continent. The Spaniards made no difcoveries during the government of Obando, nor did they eftablilh any new fettlement, except one in the illand of Porto Rico, which Columbus had difcovered in his fecond voyage. This ifland was fubjefted by Juan Ponce deLeon, an officer eminent for courage and conduft, who com- manded under Obando in the caftern diftridl of Hifpaniola. The natives were all reduced to fervitude, and rapidly exterminated by cruelties fimilar to thole- already related *. Obando was fucceeded in the government of Hifpaniola, by Don Diego Co- d A iron, lumbus, fon of the great navigator. Ever fince the death of his father, he had been employed in foliciung Ferdinand for thofe offices and immunities which defcended to him by inheritance, in confequence of the original agreement with the admiral. Wearied at length with fruitlels importunities, he carried his claim before the board vefted with the management of Indian affairs ; and to the ete.'-- nal honour of that court, a decifion was given againft the king. New obftacles, however, might have been thrown in the way of Don Diego, if he had not formed an alliance, by marriage, with the family of the duke of Alva, a ^randee of the firft rank, whole Iblicitations Ferdinand could not refill. Soon alter his arrival in Hifpaniola, the new governor eftablifhed a colony in the little ifland of Cubagua; where large fortunes were rapidly acquired by the fidiery of pearls, and where the Indians experienced new miferics in being obliged to dive for them +. He next projefted the conqueft of Cuba : but, before we enter into the particu- lars of that event, it will be proper to carry forward the progrefs of dif- covery. About the time that young Columbus entered on his governmenr, Alonxp de Ojeda, who had already made two voyages as a difcoverer, and Diego de NicueiTa who had acquired a large fortune in Hifpaniola, failed from that ifland for the continent of America, in order to plant two colonies there, in confequence of articles with the Spanifli court. To Ojeda was afligned all the territory cx- * Relacion deB. >nificence of Cemagre's palace, where they were hofpitably entertained, and which far exceeded any thing they had beheld in America. It was an hundred and fifty paces in length, and eighty in breadth, railed upon wooden pillars, and inclofcd by a ftone wall, with rails at the top, fo beautifully carved that the Europeans were aftoniflicd at the workmanftiip. But what was more peculiarly pleafin^ to Balboa's attendants, Vv-as the great abundance of provifions, which they found in the ftorehoufe, together with a variety of red and white pleafanc liquors drawn from Indian wheat, roots, and the palm. The wealth and generofily of this prince farther increafed their latisfaflion. His eldcft fon, defirous of obliging the Spaniards by every method in his power, ordered feveral pieces of gold, equally valuable for their workmanfliip and purity, and weighing about four thoufand pefos, to be prelented to Balboa and his THE HISTORY OF AMERICA. 49 his followers; and it was on the divifion of thefe prefents that they quarrelled, CHAP. III. when the young prince, perceiving them on the point of proceeding to adts of ^T^ T* violence againft one another, tumbled the gold out of the balance and cried, " Why do you conteft about fuch a trifle ? If the Spaniards are fo paffionately fond of gold, as to forfake their native country, and difturb the peace of dif- tant nations in fearch of ir, I will conduftthem to a kingdom, where they may tnjoy it in profufion, and where the meaneft iitenfils are made of this metal lb highly prized." In anfvver to their eager inquiries, occafioned by fuch agreeabl'e intelligence, he farther informed them, that, at the diftance of fix funs, that is of fix days journey, towards the fouth, they fliould difcover another ocean, near to which this wealthy kingdom was fitUated ; but, if they intended to make war upon it, that a powerful force woi'ld be necefi^ary *. The young prince's information was confirmed by the teftimony of the more grave and experienced Indians ; and Balboa having nov/ before him objefts fuited to his boundlefs ambition, and tlie enterprifing ardour cf his genius, v/aS impatient to fet out on an expedition, which promifcd both to himfelf and his country fuch an acceffion of wealth and power. But previous negociations and preparations were requifite to infure fuccefs. He therefore d'.fpatched one of his officers to folicit Ferdinand for the neceflTary reinforcement, and to lay be- fore the Spanilli miniftry the inexhauftible fource of riches, which he hoped to difcover -, fending at the fame time, in order to enforce his requeft, the king's fifth of the gold found by the new colony -f. While this affair was negociating, and Balboa employed in fecuring the friendfliip of the neighbouring caziques, Don Diego Columbus, governor of Hifpaniola, was taking meafures fsr the conqueft of Cuba. He gave the com- mand of the troops deftined for this fervice to Diego Velafquez, one cf his fa- ther's companions in his fecond voyage, and who was well qualified for con- ducing fuch an enterprife. The ifland abounded with inhabitants -, but they were of the fame unwarlike charafter as the natives of Hifpaniola, and feemcJ to have formed no concert for their common fafety. The only oburudion which the Spaniards met with was from Hatuey, a cazique v/ho hail fled from Hifpaniola, and tiiken poflcffion of the eafi:ern extremity of Cuba. Rendered del'perate by adverfity, he fl:ood upon the defenfive at their firll land- ing ; and afterwards encamped, with a confiderable body of Indians, in the woody grounds, which were inacceflible to the Spanifn cavalry. There he main- tained his fliation for fome time, but was at length diflodged by the fuperior fi- mities ftill more fatal. A violent and dellrudlive malady, which carried ofi^ fix hundred perfons in the fpace of a month, broke out among the folJiers who ac- companied Pedrarias. An extreme fcarcity of provifions augmented this difirefs- dejedlion and defpair fpread through t!ie colony •, many of the principal volun- teers folicited their difmifllon, and departed for Spain by the return of the fleet glad to relinquifii all their hopes of wealth, in order to efcape from dil'eafe and famine. Thole who remained were expofed to new mifcries. The mifconduft of Pedrarias, and the avarice of the perfons he employed, raifed fuch a multi- tude of enemies, as threatened the colony with total ruin. More attentive to prcfent gain than to the means of facilitating their future progrefs, thole rapaci- ous adventurers, regardlefs of the alliances formed by Balboa, plundered with- out dilfindion wherever they marched, ftripping the natives of every thing valu- able, and treating them with the greateft infolence and cruelty. In confequence of thefe violent proceedings, all die Indian princes became hoftile to the Spa- niards; who were thus inconfiderately deprived of the advantages they might hav® * Herrera, dec. I. lib, x. c. 3. 3« P reaped , THE HISTORY OF AMERICA. reaped from the friendfhip of the caziques, in extending their conquefts towards llie South Sea, for the lake of an inconfiderable quantity of the precious metal, purchafed at the expence of national honour *. Nor were the Spaniards aUvnys fuccefsful. In fome of their pillaging expeditions, they were all cut off to a man •, in others they were robbed of that booty whicii they had purchafed at the expence of blood ; and on many occafions they experienced hardfliips, or perifhcd by fufferings only too mild for their unexampled barbarities, adequate to which, no puniihment can be found. Balboa, who during theie tranfacElions remained unemployed at Santa Maria, beheld with forrow the execution of his favourite fcheme retarded by fuch per- nicious meafures, and fcnt violent remonftrances to Spain againfl: the condutl of Fedrarias, who had ruined by his tyrannical government a happy and flourifh- .ing colony. Pedrarias, on the other hand, accufed his predeceflbr of having deceived tlie king by magnifying his own exploits, as well as by falfe reprefenta- tions of the opulence ot the country, and the facility of profecuting further and more valuable dilcoverics. Ferdinand weighed both charges ; and as he naturally poflcffed an excellent underftanding, he became fenfible of his imprudence in luperceding the moft adive and experienced officer lie had in the New World, and by way of compenfation to Balboa, appointed him Adelantado, or lieutenant- A. D. ICI-. governor of the countries upon the South Sea, with very extenfive powers, en- joining Pedrarias, at the fame time, to affift him in all his enterprifes, and to confultwith him concerning every meafure which he himfelf fliould purlue+. But Balboa's commiffion was for a while inerely nominal. Enraged at the honour conferred upon a man, whom he confidered as his implacable enemy, . Pedrarias, in violation of his inftruftions, ufed all poffible means to thwart .the dcfigns, blaft the reputation, and endanger the life of the adelantado. Inflead ■ of leaving the care of farther difcoveries to Balboa, and fupplying him with the neccflary force, he fcnt Gafpar de Morales, one of his officers, with fixty men ■ towards the South Sea, apparently widv no other intention than to plunder the , Indians, and incenfe them fo much againfl: the Spaniards, that all the adelantado's ■ cndeavoirrs to re-unite them, and form alliances, might be fruitlcfs ; and confe- quently his utmoft diligence to plant colonies, and make conquefts acrofs the jlthmus, be exerted to no purpofe. Mortified, however, as Balboa was at this treatment, he had no remedy. The power of the governor was uncontroulable, and the adelantado's fortune being cxhaufted by the payment of his fine, and other exaiftions of Pedrarias, he was unable to make fuitable preparations for taking poflefilon of his new govern- ment. He could only vent his grief in letters to the court, charging Padrarias with the moft fatal errors, and the moll obftinate contempt of his inftruftions. A dread of the confequences which might refult from thefe, and the interpofition of the biPnop of Darien, who had formed the highefl: idea of Balboa's merit, at leni^th brought about a reconciliation ; and in order to cement this union * id. ibid. F-elacJon deB. de las CalTas. f Heriera, dec. II. lib. i. c. i. more THE HISTORY OF AMERICA; more firmly, the governor agreed to give his daughter in marriage to the adclantado *. Balboa, in appearance, now enjoyed the governor's favour, and was appointed to fettle a colony at the port of Ada. There he prepared timber, which was carritd by land to the river de la Ball'as ; where-, after vai-ious obftrufcions, and in- credible misfortunes, he built two brigantines,with which he entered the South Sea, Alany adventurers reforted to him : he intreafed the number of his vefTcls to four ;- and in thefe, with three iuindred chofen men, (a force fuperior to that with which Pizarro afterwards undertook the fame expedition) lie was preparing to invade. Peru, when he received an unexpeded meflage from his father-iorlaw. As the reconciliation of Pedrarias with Balboa had never been cordial, the progrefs made by the adelantado revived the governor's ancient enmity, and added to its rancour. He dreaded the elevation and profperity of a man, whom he had fo deeply injured : he fufpefted that iuccefs would encourage him to aim at an independent jtirildiiftion ; and fo violently did the paffions of hatred, fear, and jealouly operate upon his mind, that, in order to gratify them, he fcrupled. 'not to defeat an expedition of the utmoft importance to his country. Under falfe but plaufible pretexts, he defired the adelantado to poflpone his voyage for a fliorL time, and to repair to Ada, that he might have an interview with him. Balboa repaired to the place appointed, with the unfufpedting confidence of a foldier, and the firmnefs of a man confcious of no crime; but no fooner did he make his appearance, than he was arrefted by order of Pedrarias : an accufatioa of difr loyalty to the king, and of an intention to revolt againft the governor, was pre- ferred againfl him -, and he was tried, condemned, and publicly executed, notr a. D, 1517 withflianding the v\arm interceffions of his countrymen, who univerfally confi- dered him as more capable of forming and executing great deligns, than any officer that had yet commanded in- America f. In confequence of the death of Balboa, the expedition which he had planned was relinquiflied ; and Pedrarias was not only fcreened from the punlfliment due to his violence and injuftice, by the powerful patronage of the bilhop of Buro-os and other courtiers, but continued in the government, notwithftanding the mani- fold proofs of his mifcondudf, and the fignal fervices of the man v/hofe Blood he had cruelly fpilt. Soon after this tragical event, he obtained permiflion to remove the colony from its unhealthy ftation at Santa, Marj,^, to Pa-qama, on tlie oppofite f;de of the ifthmus J -, where, though it did not gain much in point of healthfulnefs, the commodiuufnefs of die fituation greatly contributed to make the Spaniards more intimately r.cquainted with. the vaft countries bordering on the South Sea, as v/ell as to facilitate their conq.uefls in dial quarter.. During thefe tranfaflions in Darien, and previous to the death of Balboa Juan Diaz de Solis, an eminent Spanilli navigator^, in two ihips fitted out by Ferdinand for the difcovery of the Spice Iflands, failed along the coair of South America, as far as the mouth of the great river de la Plata, where endeavourino- « Herrera, dec. II. lib. t. c. 3. f Ibid. c. 1—4. f Ui fup. c. 4. to 56 THE HISTORY OF AMERICA; n O O K T. to make a defcent, he and fevcral of his crew were flain by the natives -, who, iti '/['^'Tr^ ^ght ol' the fhips, cut their bodies in pieces, roafted, and devoured them. I'er- ' rified at this Ihocking fpectacle, and difcouraged by the lofs of their commander, the furviving Spaniards made the beft of their way to Europe, without attempt- ing any farther difcovery *. But important difcoveries were foon after made in other parts of the New World. One hundred of the gentlemen adventurers, who left the colony at Santa Maria during the fcarcity of provifions, had embarked for the ifland of Cuba, which was (till governed by Velafquez, as the deputy of Don Diego Co- lumbus ; and under his prudent adminiftration it was become one of the miolt flourifhing of the Spanifli fettlements. Velafquez, who aimed at rendering his authority altogether independent, received his dirtrefled countrymen with the greateft cordiality, and promifed to embrace the firft opportunity of promoting their interell. As Cuba lay to the weft of all the iflands occupied by the Spa- niards, and as the ocean which ftretches beyond it towards that quarter, had not hitherto been explored, the governor was naturally invited, by thefe cir- ^cumftances, to attempt new difcoveries, A hint to this purpofe was offered to the adventurers irom Darien-, and as they were prepared for any defperate projc(5b, they inftantly feizcd the idea, and entered into an affociation to undertake a voyage of difcovery. Velafquez countenanced the defign •, and Francifco Hernan- dez Cordova, an eminent planter, celebrated for his wealth, valour, and public fpirit, who was at the expence of the expedition, was perfuaded to command hi He accordingly failed from St. Jago de Cuba, on the 8th of February 1517, with an hundred and ten active volunteers, on board three fmall veflels, furniflied with every thing requifite for traffic or war f . Cordova, by the advice of his chief pilot, Antonio Alaminos, who had ferved under the great Columbus, ftood diredtly weft ; relying on the opinion of that illuftrious navigator, who uniformly maintained, that a wefterly courfe would lead to the moft important difcoveries. On the twenty- firft day after their de- parture, they faw land, which proved to be the eaftern part of that large penin- iula, projefling from the continent of America, which ftill retains its original name of Yucatan. As the fhips approached the Ihore, two canoes came off full of people, who were kindly received by Cordova. They were dreffed in fhort cotton jackets, without fleeves, and had pieces of the fame cloth wrapped round their middle; an aftonifhing fpectacle to the Spaniards, who had found every other part of the New World poffcffed by naked favages. But though it was evi- dent, from this circumftance, that the natives of Yucatan had made fome little ■|)rogrefs in the arts, it was alfo obfervable, that the drcfs, arms, fliips, and beards of the Spaniards, v.-ere great novelties to them. From the favourable report of his fubjeifts, who were delighted with fome trifling prefents which ^Cordova had made to them, the cazique next day approached the fhips, with •twelve canoes filled with men, crying out Conez Coloche, " Come to my houfci" • .Herrera, dec. II. lib. i. c. i. f Ibid. c. 3. i.- whence THE HISTORY OF AMERICA. whence the Spaniards gave the name of Cape Cotoche to this promontory, which lies oppofite, and at no great diftance from the weftern extremity of the ifland of Cuba. And fo prcffing was this prince in his felicitations, and fo gr°at the fhew of friendfhip made by the Indians in general, that Cordova yielded to their entreaties : he went afhore ; and as he advanced into the country, he obfcrved with new wonder fome large houfes built with ftone and mortar. But while he was gratifying his curiofity in furveying tiiefe fpecimens of growing refinement, he was roufed from his contemplations by its too common attendant, treachery. A body of Indians, planted by the cazique behind a neighbouring wood, rufli- cd out from their ambufcade on a fignal given, and furrounded the Spaniards. They were clad in armour of quilted cotton, and furnirtied with targets, wooden fwords edged with flint, wooden cutlafles, fpears, flings, and bows. Their heads were adorned with plumes ot feathers, and their faces bedaubed with a kind of paint, which rendered them perfectly hedious. They began the attack v.'ith frightful fhrieks and howling, to which they joined the found of feveral inftru- ments, rather noify than mulical ; pouring in upon the Spaniards, at the fame time, full flights of arrows. Cordova's companions did not exceed twenty-five; but they made fo brave a defence, and plied their fire-arms with fo much dex- terity, that the Indians, ftruck with terror by the repeated explofion, and amazed at the execution aone by thofe and other weapons of their new enemies, fled with precipitation : and Cordova fuddenly quitted a country where he had met with fuch an hoilile reception, carrying off with him tv/o prilbners, who after- wards embraced the Chrillian faith, and the furniture of a fmall temple, which he plundered in his retreat. On leaving Cape Cotoche, Cordova continued his courfe towards the weft j and in fixteen days arrived at Campeachy, on the other fide of the peninfuLi. There the natives received him more hofpitably than thofe he had laft vifited; but not finding a proper fupply of water, he proceeded fome leagues farther along the coall, and landed at the m.outh of a river near Potonchan. Every precau- tion was here taken to prevent a new furprife ; the troops being drawn up in form, to proteifl the failors employed in filling the calks, and boats kept ready to receive both, in cafe of any prefl'mg neceflity. But all theie prudent regulations were infufficient. The Indians ruflied upon them with fuch defperate refolution, and in fuch numbers, that forty-feven of the Spaniards v.ere killed upon the fpot ; and the reft, all covered with wounds, widi difficulty made their way to - the fliips. Cordova himfelf was wounded in twelve different places, and died foon after his return to Cuba, to which he now haftened with his fliattered forces *. This expedition, notwithftanding its difaftrous conclufion, ferved rather to animate than damp the fpirit of enterprife among the Spaniards. Tliey had difcovered an extenfive, and feemingly a rich country, fituated at no great dftance from one of their moft flouriftiing colonies, and inhabited by a people far fu- • Herrcra, dec. II. lib. i. c. 3. Oviedo, lib. xvii. Gomarsj c. 52. 4- 5^ P^rloP •58 THE HISTORY OF AMERICA. perior in improvement to any they had hitherto vifued in America. Thefe cir- cumftances were iufficient to excite romantic hopes. Great numbers offered to ■enchase in a new expedition ; and Velalquez iolicitous, as has been already ob- ferved, to diftinguifh himi'elf by fome lervice lb meritorious as might entitle him to claim the independent government of Cuba, no: only encouraged their ardour, -but at his ov/n expence fitted out four fliips for the voyage. The command of this fquadron. on board which two hundred and forty volunteers embarked, was given to Juan de Grijalva, a young man of known abilities, affifted by Antonio Alaminos, principal pilot in Cordova's expedkion. A.D. 1518. Grijalvafailed from St. JagodeCubaon the Sth of April i5'8. Alaminos held tiie fame courfe as in the former voyage, but the violence of the currents carrying the veflcls to the fouth, the firft land which they difcovered was an ifland to the eafl of Yucatan, fince kno-vn by the name of Cozumel. As all the inhabitants had fied to the woods and mountains on the approach of the Spaniards, and all endeavours to eftablilTi an intercourfe with them proved fruitlefs, Grijalva kept on his courfe along the coafl of Yucatan, and without any remarkable occurrence, reached Fotonchan, on the oppofite fide of the peninlula. A defire of reveng- ing the death of his countrymen, who had been flain there, concurred with his ideas of found policy, in prompting him to land, and chaftifc the Indians of that diCr-dt with fuch exemplary rigour, as might Itrike terror into the neighbour- ing tribes. He accordingly difembarked his troops, and carried alliore fome field pieces; but the Indians fought with fo much courage, that the Spaniards gained the viftory with difficulty, and were confirmed in their opinion of the fuperior valour of the natives of this country. From Potonchan, Grijalva continued his voyage towards the weil, keepini^ as near to the fliore as poflible, and cafting anchor every night, in order to prevent the accidents to which he might be expofcd in an unknown iea. During the dav, the eyes of the Spaniards were turned continually towards land, with an equal mixture of furprife and wonder at the beauty and novelty of the objefts which they beheld. In the villages feated along the coaft, they could diftinguifh houfes built of ftone, which feemed white and lofty at a dirtance : thefe, in the warmth of their admiration, they miftook for the towers and pinnacles of fpacious cities ; and one of the fokiiers happening to remark, that the country refembled Spain in its appearance, Giijalva, in a kind of tranfport, called it New Spain*; a name whicli was afterwards extended to all Mexico, and which ftill diftinouilhes that large and opulent province of the Spanifh empire in America. Grijalva and his companions landed at the mouth of a river, to which the na- tives gave the name of Tabafco ; and the fame of their victory at Poronch.-n, having reached this place, they were permitted to difembark without obftruc- tion. The natives, however, difcovered their jealoufv, by furroundins the boats with a number of canoes filled with armed men ; but Grijalva, willing to allay their fears, fent the two Indians taken by Cordova, and baptifcd by the names of Alelichor and Julian, to acquaint the Tabafcans, that his purpofe was to efta- ♦ De Solis, lib. i. c. 5. blifli THE HISTORY OF AMERICA. blifii a friendly intercourfe, which miglit prove mutually beneficial. In con- fequence of this information, and fome prefents of European toys, all hoftile iticentions were laid afide, and the Spaniards were plentifully fupplied with pro- vifions. The cazique in perfon vifited Gnjalva, and without helkation went on board his fhip, prei'enting him with a complete fuit of gold armour -, with a wooden helmet plated with gold, and fludded with ftones refcmbling emeralds ; with feveral breaft-plates and coverings for targets of folid gold, together with fix collars, and various other ornaments of the lame metai, to an immenfe value. Grijalva, in return, prefented the caz'.que with feveral changes of fine linen •, with a coat of crimfon velvet, and a cap of the fame -, with knives, fciffars, beads, bells, and other trinkets, which he prized above all the eold of the New World *. Several of the Spaniards were well difpofed to remain in a country which exhibit- ed fo many fpecimcns ot riches and fertility; but as it was evident, notwithltanding the cazique's liberality and kindnd's, that he was not inclined to favour a colony, Grijalva ordered them to re-embark, being fenfible that the people were too war- like and powerful to permit him to eftablilh a fettlement by force. As he con- tinued his courfe along the fhore, the Indians were feen on the coaft in a warlike pofture, with fhields of tortoife-fliell ; which, by the reflection of the fun beams, made a brilliant and martial appearance. The country feemed to be extremely populous ; and in many places the natives held up flags of co;ton upon long poles, as fignals for the Spaniards to land. Thefe invitations tempted Grijalva to fend afliore Francifco de Montejo, one of liis officers, accompanied by twenty foldiers, with orders to give immediate notice to thefhipping if he found the In- dians inclined to hoftilities. When Montejo landed, tlie natives perfumed him with incenfe of gum Copal, offering him fowls, fifh, bread, and fruits of vari- ous kinds. Encouraged by thefe civilities, Grijalva went aliiore in perfon, at- tended by a large body of his followers, all dcfirous of fliaring in the liberalities of a people, who appeared to be equally opulent and generous. He was re- ceived on landing v»ich the moft profound refpeft, by the governors of the diftrift. A traffic with the inhabitants foon took place •, and the Spaniards, in the fpace of fix days, obtained ornaments of gold to tiie value of fifteen thoufand pefos, in exchange for European toys, and trinkets of fmall value -f-. Leaving this place, which v/as fituated in the province fince known by the name of Guaxaca, Grijalva continued his courfe towards die weft, and difcovered feveral little ifiands. One he called Ifia Blanca, a fecond la Verde, and a third the Ifle of Sacrifices •, becaufe here the Spaniards beheld, for the firft time, the horrid i'pcftacle of human vi^inis, which the barbarous fuperfticion of the na- tives offered to their gods. He touched at another fmall ifland, to which he gave the name of St. Juan de Ulua, where the fame frightful objeds were prefented to his view : he alio landed on the continent, which was only half a league diftant, and thence difpatched Pedro de Alvarado, one of his officers, to Velafquez, with *' Herrera, dec. II. lib. i. c. 4. Gomara, c. 52. f Herrera, dec. II. lib. ii. c, i. « an 6o THEHISTORYOFAMERICA. BOOK I. an account of the important dilcoveries he had made, and with all the treafure ^T"^ g he had acquired by trafficking with the natives. ■ '^ ■ After the departure of Alvarado, Grijalva proceeded with the remaining vefiek alono- the coaft, as far as the river Panuco, the country ftill appearing to be po- pulous, fertile, and opulent. During this navigation feveral of his officers con- tended, that it was not enough to have difcovered thofe delightful regions, or to have performed the empty ceremony of taking pofTeffion of them for the crown of Cailile, and that their glory was incomplete, unlels they planted a colony in fome proper ftation, which might i'ecure the Spanifli nation a footing in tlie country. Some even went fo far as to affirm, that, with the reinforcements which they were certain of receiving, they might llibjed: the whole to the dominion of Ferdinand. But Grijalva, though poflefled of both ambition and courage, was dcftitute of the fuperior talents capable of forming or executing fo great a plan ; he therefore judged it more prudent, as he had fulfilled the purpofe of his voyage, and his provifions were almoft exhaufted, to return to Cuba, from which he had been. abfent near fix months *. Meanwhile Velafquez, elated with the information brought by Alvarado, and tranlported at the Hght of the treafure, had difpatched a perfon in whom he could confide, to carry an account of the fuccefs of this expedition to Spain, and to folicit fuch an increafe of authority as might enable him to attempt the conqueft of the rich countries difcovered by his means. Without waiting, however, for the re- turn of the meflenger, or the arrival of Grijalva^ of whofe courage or conduft he was become fo diffident, that he refolved no longer to employ him, he began to make preparations for an armament fo powerful, as might prove, under an able and gallant commander, equal to the important enterprife he had in view. All things were foon in great torwardnefs : but as this new excurfion terminated in one of the moft memorable revolutions in the hiftory of mankind, it will be pro- per to introduce the account of it with fome degree of form -f. CHAP. • Herrera, dec. IF. lib. ii. e. i. Ovledo, lib. xvii. f The author might herf, in imitalioii of a learned hilloiian, fufpend the curiofity of the reader, in order to introduce an elaborate diflertation concerning the charafier of the Americans ; to prove thit, though diiiindl from the reft of the human fpecies,in mental as well as perfonal qualities, ihey ire the defcendan;s of the fame common parent ; and he might inquire with fyftematical folemnity, ^vheiher America was firft peopled from the north of Europe or of Afia : but as he is fully per- fuadcd, that the original inhabitants of America were natives of the foil, this laft inquiry btcomes unnecelTary ; and as he has ever been of opinion, that the charaflers of nations, whether favsge ct civilized, are morepcrfeflly obtained from a particular delineation of their manners and cuftoms, than from any general theoretical furvey, (the diflinguifhingcharaileriftics even of barbarous tribes, though fprurg from the fame common flock, being often obferved to dift'er eircntially,) he propofes to cent nue the thread of his narration. However, he thinks it proper to notice thofe leading dif- tinftions, which mark tlw Americans as a particular race of men, and which induce him to confider thrm as aborigines of that portion of the earth which they inhabit. *'^' The fiift peculiarity that ftrikes us on the view of a native of the New World is his copper colour, which is nearly the fame in every latitude ; beneath the vertical rays of the fun, in the milder climates, and in ihs regions of eternal fxoll. The fecond grand perfonal diflinftion i«, tlie THE HISTORY OF AMERICA. iSi CHAP. IV. Tbe InvaJioH of Mexico,, and the Progrefs cf the Spaniflx Arms, till the Arri'val of Cortez at the Capital of that opulent and cxieifi've Ernpre, TH E mofl: embarraffing fuuation in which a perfon pofiefred of delegated CHAP. IV. power can find hinifelf, is to be obliged to undertake what he diftrufts his a. D. i -i8. ability to perform, or to employ another in a fervice that, properly executed, would do honour to his own character, and which may exalt his deputy above him. Such was the fuuation of Velafquez, when he had almoll com.pleted that armament, deftined to attempt the conqucft of the rich country dilcovered by Grijalva. Though a man ot alpiring ambition, and not v/ithout talents for government, he had neither that daring courage, nor that vigour and aftivity of mind, neceilary for the command of fuch an armament, or which could incite him to- conduit it in perfon. In order to extricate himfelf from this dilemma, he fondly aimed at impoffibilities : he formed the vifionary fcheme, not only of conquering by means of a deputy, but of fecuring to himfelf the glory of con- quefts fo made. A little obfervation made the difficulty of realizing this chime- the want of a beard, or hair upon any part of what is properly called the bcdy. From this pecu- liarity arifes a third, cf which the fecond appears to be the fymptom ; namely a defeft in man- hood, or at leaft an almoft total infcnfibility to the paffion of love, and an indifference to the plea- sure cf the fexes. This indifreience is univerfal, though not every where in the fame degree. The heads of both fexes are alfo univerfally covered with lank black hair, and the b dies of both ate alike fmooth ; hut if tte may judge from the ardour with which the Arr.erican women met the embraces of the Spaniards, the coldnefs of defire feems to be mote peculiar to the men. From thefc general charafleriftics, howeves muft be excepted one Americm nation ; namely, the Efquimaux, who inhabit the country extendin:; from the coaft of Labrador towards the pole, as far as it is hibitable, and appear to be a race differint from the reft of the natives of the New World. Their complexion though fvarthy, by being continually expofed to the rigour of a cold climate, inclines to the European white rather than to the copper colour of America, and the mea have beards, and other figns of viril;:y. From this circumftance, perhaps, they ailume to ihem- felves by way of eminence, as oppofed to the other Americans, the name of Keralit or Men ; a dignity which would certainly be fiillained by them, notwitliftandirg the inferiority of their Itature, in a female court of honour. — Thofe who are inquifuive on this fuhjeS, or doubtful in regard to the foregoing fafls, may confult Henepin, Mceurs des Siuvages, Ulloa, Notic. Americ. Re- cherches Philof fur les Americains. Ellis's Voyage to Hudfon's Bay, and Roberifoii, Hift. Americ. b. iv. Some readers may perhaps be furprifed, that nothing is here faid of the fuopofed giants of Patagonia ; but the exiftence of fuch a race is not yet fufTiciently authent'catcd to be made the foundation of hiflorical reafoning. The molt intelligent naviga-ors who have vifited Patagonia afiert, that the natives, though Itout and well made, are not of a fize fo extraordinary as to be . dillinguifhed from the reft of the huinan fpecies ; and as experience tells us, that if animals any where rife above the ufual ftandard of their kind, it is in mild climates, or where they find the ■moft nutritive food in the greateft abundance, it is not likely that man Ihould attain a fuperiority cf (izeand vigour, beyond what he has leached in any other part of the earth, in the uncultivated wafte of the Magellanic regions. But that point will be cleared up, and various other particulars relative to the Americans noticed, in the hillory of the diifirent countries. 4. R rical €z THEHISTORYOFAMERICA. BOOK I. rical idea confpicuous : fuch officers as appeared worthy of being trufted with the fuccefs of the expedition were too high fpirited, he perceived, to be the fervile infrrun-icnts of his will, while fuch as feemed more docile were unequal to tjie charge. But though Velafquez could not find a perfon, who united the very cppofue qualities of courage and meannefs, the abihty to command with the moll: abjcd fubmiffion, (tor fuch a one only v/ould have fuited liis purpofe) his choice was directed to an officer, who poflefild every requifite of a general and foldier, without fuch reputation or confequence as to excite his jealoufy. This ofiicer was Fernando Cortez -, a man whofe exploits have placed him on a level v/ith the moll: illuftrious heroes of ancient or modern times, and of whom it will be proper to give fome account, before we follow him to that fcene of riches and glory to wh.ich he conducted his countrymen. Cortez was a native of the province of Eftremadura in Spain •, aHd being dcRined by his parents, who were of noble defcent, but very moderate fortune, to the (ludy of the law, he fpent fome years at the univerfity of Salamanca. But an academic life not fuiting his ardent and active genius, he obtained his fa- ther's confent to engage in the fervice of his country, and profecute his fortune as an adventurer in arn)S. In confequence of this rcfoludon, young Cortez pro- pofcd to embark ior Italy, in order to learn the rudiments of the military art under tiie famous Gonzalvo de Cordova, commonly known by the name of the Great Captain, then at the head of the Spanifli army in that country ; but being prevented by a dangerous illnefs from accompanying a reinforcement bound for Naples, he turned his views towards the New World, whither he was allured by the profpedl of the advantages he might derive from the powerful patronage of his kinfman Obando, at that time governor of Hil'paniola. He accordingly fet fail for St. Domingo in i 504, being then in tlie ninet"enth year of his age ; and his reception on his arrival, was equal to his molt funguine hopes. He was employed by Obando in feveral honourable and lucrative ftations -, but thefe not fatisfying his ambition, he obtained permiffion to accompany Velafquez in his expedition to Cuba, in 151 1. In this fervice he diftinguilhed himlelf emi- nently -, and though he had aftcrv/ards fome violent contefts with Velafquez, which had almoft coft him his life, that gentleman was ftill fo fenfible of his merit, that he took him again into favour, made him a liberal grant of lands and Indians, the ufual reconipcnce of delerving adventurers in the New World, and even raifed him to the office of Alcade of St, Jago *. Such * De Solif, lib. i. c. 9. It flioold feem that Dr. Robertfon, in giving an account of ihecon- qijeft of Mexico, did not think his onn reputation dfe, without deftroying that of this celebrated writer, on whom he hath pafled a mod cruel cenfure. The Doftor had reafon to be jealous ; for De Solis is the iTioll elegant, the leall fupctilitious. and leafi credulous of all the Spanifti hiftorianf, who have trea'cd of Aniericin afl' is ; and notwithftanding fome redundant and illchcftn metaphors, his hlftory of the conquell of Mexico will ever be cnnfidered, by men of tafte and judgement, as one of the mod excellent hifloriial produflions in modern lime?. He was hiftorio^rapher and fecre- tary to the king of Sp:iii) ; and as fuch had opportunities of information to which no foreigner could have had tcccfs. His chief fault feems to be, a too ardent zeal for ihecharaiSler of Caitez, which leads THEHISTORYOFAMERICA. 65 Such was the condition of Fernando Cortez, when appointed by Don Di^-go CHAP. IV. Velafquez to the cominand of that armament from which he cxpeAed fo great an acceflion of riches and glory, and in regard to tlie kiccefs ot which he was fo jealous. Velafquez was direifled to this choice, equally unfortunate for himfelf and advantageous to his country, by Amador de L2res, the royal treafurer, and Andres Duero, his own fecretary j two perfons in whofe judgment he chiefly con- fided, and whom he confulted on all momentous occafions. He therefore flat- tered himfelf that he had at laft found, what he had fo long fought for in vain, a general not likely to become his rival in power, yet able to execute his ambitious projedfs -, for though Cortez had not hitherto afted as commander in chief, he had difplayed, on feveral trying occafions, fuch uncommon military talents, as made all men of difcernment regard him as capable of performing the greatefl: achievements, and of conducting the moll extenfive oprrations : and Velafquez hoped by this new mark of confidence to attach him for ever to his intereft. The charafter of Cortez is differently reprefented by hiftoriens : but they all agree, that to great ftrength of body, and the ability of enduring the moft exccfllve fatigue, he united great vigour and perfcverance of mind ; that he had a graceful perfon, an engaging afpeft, was fingular for dexterity in all warlike exercifes, and pofTeffed in an eminent degree that addrefs and infinuation neceflary to acquire an afcendency over the minds of others. To thcfe high qualities his admirers add, a fagacity that torefaw every thing ; a prefence of mind not to be difturbed by the moft untoward events -, calm prudence in concerting his fchemes, fteady refolution in executing them ; animated by that enthufiaftic love of glorv, which has ever been confidcred as the leading qualification in a hero, and which may rather be faid to command fuccefs, than to earn it. But the mora] portrait of this extraordinary man is beft delineated in his aftions ; by which the reader, if he fhould judge itneceflary, may correal the foregoing ficetch. Having received his commilTion from the governor, with the warmeft exprefu- ons of refped: and gratitude, Cortez immediately erefted his ftandard before his leads him on fome occalions to extenuate the errors of that commander, and to exaggerate his vir- tues. Gomara, Conez's domeftic chaplain after his rctarn to Spain, and who f.rlt wrote an ac- count of this conqueft, is equally partial to his hero, and full of other extravagancies. Callillo was one of Cortez's companions in the expedition to IVlexico, and wrote his hiftory of the con- queft of that empire, in order to detraft from the merit of Cortez, or at leaft free that which Gomara had alEijned him, and to exalt his own, and that of his companions of an inferior cl»fs. Herrera was hiftoriographer to his Catholic majefty, and predeceflor to de Solis in that office. He appears to have been a man of patient induftry, b'jt little genius, and has written a general h'ftory of Spanilh America, and all the difcoveries connefled with it, from the firft voyage of Coiombus to the year 1554 ; four years la'er than the period at which Dr. Roberifon concludes the narrative part of his woik lately published on the fame fubjeft. But though Herrera defeives great praile for the p'odigicus numb;r of fafts which he has ccllefled and arranged in chronologi- cal order, his account of the conqueft of Mexico is lefs perfeft, even in refpeft to information, than that of De Solh, who, befxdes what original papers afforded him, has taken from Cadillo every thing worthy of preferving ; among which are many cuiious particulars, entirely omitted, or mifreprefeiued by Herrera. ' own A D. i,-iS. 64 THEHISTORYOFAMERICA. own houie, appeared in a military drels, and afTumed all the enfigns of his new dignity. He exerted his utmoft influence and aftivity in peri'uading his friends to engage in the fcrvice : he fopplied the wants of luch as were unable to equip tliemfelves in a manner i'uitable to their rank ; and in order to infure the fuccefs ot the expedition, he not only expended all his ready money, but all that he could raife by mortgaging his eftates, in purchaHng an extraordinary fupply of provL- lions and military ftores. Laudable, however, as this zeal was, his difappointed ccmpetitors were malicious enough to give it a turn to iiis diladvantage * : they reprelentcd him as aiming already, by an oflentatious and intercfted liberality, at acquiring an independent authority over his troops. They reminded Vclafquez of his former diffentions with the man in whom he now repofed fo much confi- dence : they even infinuated that all his generofity had not been able to efface from the mind of Cortez the refentment of pall: injuries ; and they entreated him to confider thefe circumftances maturely, before it was too late to repair an error which might prove fatal to his honour and his life, as well as to the public fer- vice, and the interefts of religion and his country. Velafquez at firft received fuch remonftrances as what they really were, the effufions of malice and difappointed ambition ; but they loon made fo ftrong an imprefllon on his fufpicious mind, that Cortez obferved fome fymptoms of grow- ing alienation, and by the advice of his friends hailened his departure, left thefe Nov. 15. fhould break out in open violence. He accordingly fet fail from St. Jago, after taking leave of the governor in a friendly manner, and proceeded to Trinidad, a fmall fettleraent on the fame fide of the ifland. There he was joined by a great number of volunteers, many of whom were perlons of the beft condition in Cuba-, a circumftance which furnifhed his enemies with frefli arguments to im- peach his fidelity, and which enabled them ftill farther to poifon the governor's mind with diftruft andjealoufy. Thefe produced the defired effedt : the arma- ment being no longer under the eye of Velafquez, imagination co-operared with the fuggeftions of envy and perfonal animofity in increafing his fufpicious, and his fears of the man whom he lately efteemed fo worthy of the important co.m- mand with which he had veiled him •, and he haftily difpatched two couriers to Trinidad, with letters to all his confidants, and cxprefs orders to Verdugo, the chief magiftrate there, to proceed againft Cortez in a judicial way, and deprive kiim of his commiflion ■]-. But Cortez had already made fuch progrefs in gaining the efteem and confi- dence of his troops, as encouraged him on the firft intimation of this clcficrn to alTemble them in a- body ; to inform them of the machinations of his enemies, and requeft their advice how to aft -, declaring, that he fhould confider himfclf as in- nocent or guilty, by the judgment which they fliould pafs on his conduift. The report was anlwerable to his cxpeftations. The foldiers to a man declared, that • Herrera reprefenis this whole affair to the difadvantage of Cortt7 ; but he is coDlradifled bj Caftillo, who, as DeSoIis we'l obferve?, cannot be fufpedicd of pirtislii)'. t Callillo, c. 2ti, Gomara, c. 7. De Solis, lib. i. c. 1 1. they T H E H 1 S T O R Y O I' A M E R I C A. fi.? ^they were fubjeds only to the king of Spain -, that tliey knew no commander hut CITAf*. IV. Cortez, and were determined to defend his authority with tlie laft: drop of their /["q^T,* blood. He informed Verdugo of the rcfolution of his troops j and hinted, that as he had already found it difficult to reftrain them within the bounds of obedi- ence, he could not anfwer for the confcquences, fhould that magiftrate proceed to execute his inftructions. As Verdugo was a man of difcernment and candour, he was fenfible of the injuftice of the governor's orders -, of the merit of the general ; of the danger that would attend any attempt to fuperfede him, and the detriment that the public fervice muft fuftain from the divilions which would neceflarily enfue : he therefore told Cortez, that he would not only fufpend the execution of his inftrudtions, but ufe his utinofi: endeavours to difluade Velafquez from his rafh purpofe. In this conciliatory plan he was joined by all the gentle- Jnen of the town and fleet, who had any influence with Velafquez ; and Cortez accompanied their remonflrances with a letter from hiinfelf, complaining in the gentleft terms of the governor's diftruft, of the confidence repofed in his enemies, and the facility with which calumnies injurious to his reputation were liflened . to *. Having taken thefe fteps, which he judged necefiary to his own fecurity, and fufficient to quiet thejealoufy of Velafquez, Cortez fet fail for Havana. Dur- ing this Ihort voyage, he was feparated from the fleet in a ftorm, and in great danger of being fhipwrecked -, an accident which had almofl: proved fatal to his authority. All the other fliips arriving fafe at the place of rendezvous, but no accounts being heard of the admiral for the fpace of a week, the adventurers were divided in their opinion of his fate, as well as how to aft : fome regarded him as loft, others advifcd that veflcls might be fent in fearch of him, and a few propofed that a commander fliould be appointed in his abfence. Of the laft opinion was Diego de Ordaz ; who, as the friend and confidant of Velafquez, thought he would afluredly be confirmed in the command, if once nominated by the foldiers. In this fcheme, however, he was difappointed by the fudden appear- ance of Cortez, who was received by the troops with joyful acclamations, and immediately let up his ftandard in the city, where he was joined by feveral gen- tlemen of rank, valour, and experience. He fent tiie artillery on fliore, to be cleaned and proved ; gave an order for a great number of cotton quilts, in the form of large jackets, which were found to be a fufllcient defence againft the weapons of the Indians, and were lighter than the Spanifli armour : he exercifed his fol- diers in the ufe of their fire-arms, at that time but imperfeftly underftood, and taught them the feveral evolutions necefiary in aftion. Every preparation was at lafl: completed, and the day was fixed for the departure of the fleer, when pofi- -tive injunctions arrived from Velafquez to Pedro Barba, governor of Havana, in- ftantly to arreft Cortez, and fend him prifonerto St. Jago, under a ftrong guard f. Thefe orders had been iflTued by Velafquez not from any new caufe of jealouly, but from a conviftion that he ought no longer to rely on a man of whom he had • Ut fjpra. t Ds Solis, lib. i. c. iz. 4. S {9 66 THEHISTORYOF AMERICA. fo openly difcovercd his diftrufl ; lie therefore refolved to make one attempt more, in order to wrert the power out of fuch dangerous hands. But Velafquez was no better obeyed on this, than on the former occafion. Be- fore the arrival of the meflenger, Cortez had notice of his danger, and therefore was prepared to meet it. Violently incenfed at this new attack upon his honour, as well as on his liberty and authority, he began lefs fcrupuiouny to think of providing for his own fafety, and the fucccfs of the armament under his command, in which liis friends and the public in general were fo deeply interefted. Wlieh lie refiefted on the indignities he had fuftained, he blamed his own patience, and was inclined to believe, that the virtue of obedience may be carried to a cri- minal excefs, and degenerate into mere pufillanimity. Thefe confidcrations determined him to come to an open rupture with Velafquez, from whom he had now nothing to fear, as he was certain of the affedtion of his troops. His firfl ftep was to remove from Havana Diego deOrdaz, an officer of great merit, but whofe fidelity he had reafon to fufpeft, both on account of that attempt which he had made to fupplant him in the command and his known attachment to Velafquez. He gave him the care of a veflcl deftined to take on board fome pro- rifions in a fmall harbour beyond Cape Antonio. Having thus made fure of the abfence of the only man he had occafion to fear, without feeming to diftrufl: him, Cortez (hewed himfclf to the troops, and acquainted them with the new perfecu- tion to which he was expofed by the malice of his enemies. As officers and fol- diers were equally impatient to fet out on an enterprife, in preparing for which moft of them had expended all their fortune, they exprefled their aftonirtiment and indignadon at that illiberal jealoufy to which Velafquez feemed deter- mined to facrifice not only the honour of their general, but all their fanguinc hopes of wealth and glory : they repeated their declarations to Cortez, of eternal at- tachment to his perfon and fortune, entreating him not to abandon the important flation to which he had fo good a title j and they became fo tumultuous, that it was with difficulty he could prevent them from flying to arms. Nor were all his arguments fufficient to quiet their clamorous and intemperate zeal, till Pedro Barba publicly declared, that he would delay the execution of his or- ders, being unwilling to be the inftrument of fo flagrant an adt of injuftice and oppreffion. This declaration was received with tranfports of military applaufe : the menaces of the foldiers were converted into joyful acclamations •, and Barba Ihewed the finccrity of his intentions, by excufing himfclf to Velafquez for not interpofing in an affair of fo much delicacy and confequence, remonftrating on the impropriety of any attempt againft an officer fo beloved by his troops, and reprefenting in the ftrongeft terms the commotions excited among the foldiers by the report of the injury intended their commander. He concluded with pathetic folicitations, that Velafq^uez would endeavour to regain Cortez by ads of friend- Ihip and generofity, and rely on his gratitude for what could be accompliflied n«ither by thfeats, force, nor perfuafion*. • De Soil's, lib. i, c. 1 2^. Xhis TH£ HISTORY OF A M E R IC A\. ^ This difficulty being furmounted, Cortez prepared with all expedition for his CHAP. IV. departure : but the armament which he conduced, though the united effort of the ""^"''^^ Spanifli power in Cuba, and though deftined for the conqu'cft of a populous and ' ' > ' extenfive country, by report a great and powerful empire, was fo inconfiderable as muft aftonifh the prefent age. The fleet confifted of eleven veflels, the largefl. of which, called the Capitana or Admiral, did not exceed an hundred tons. On board of thefe were embarked fix hundred and kventeen men ; of whom five hundred and eight belonged to the land fervice, the reft being fiilors or artificers : and as the ufe of fire-arms, even among the nations of Europe, was at that time confined to a few battalions of regularly difciplined infantry, only thirteen fol- diers were armed with mufkets. They had no more than fixteen horfes, ten fmall field-pieces, and four falconets *. Cortez divided the foldiers into eleven companies, according to the number of the fhips, to every one of which he appointed a captain : and to each of thefe captains, when on fhore, was committed the command of that company, which had been on board the veiTel he commanded, while at fea, Their names were, Juan Velafquez de Leon, Alonfo Hernandez Portocarrero, Francifco de Mon- tejo, Chriftoval de Olid, Juan de Efcalante, Francifco de Morla, Pedro de Alvarado, Francifco de Saucedo, Alonfo Davila, Gines de Nortes. Cortez himfelf commanded the Capitana. The artillery was under the direftion of Francifco de Orozco, an officer formed in the wars of Italy. The experienced Alaminos afted as chief pilot. Thefe appointments being made, and proper orders drawn up, in cafe of any «nexpe(Eled contingency, Cortez and his followers quitted Havana, animated by Feb. lo, religious enthufiafm, the love of glory, and the thirft of gold. No lefs ea^er ^' ^' "5^9' to plunder the opulent country whither they were bound, than zealous to propa- gate the Chriftian faith among its inhabitants, they fet fail with that confidence, {lender as their armament was, which arifes from iecurity of fuccefs, rather than with the folicitude natural to men going upon dangerous fervice. Ferfuaded of the divine protedtion, a large crofs was difplayed in their ftandards, with this in- scription : " Let us follow the cross, for under this fign we fhall be vidtorious-f." The ifland of Cozumel was the place appointed for the rendezvous of the fket, in cafe of feparatbn. There Pedro de Alvarado firft arrived. He had been difpatched towards the north coaft of Cuba, in fearch of Diego de Ordaz ; but miffing his courle, he ftcered for Cozumel, and landed near a fmall town, which he remembered finee the voyage he had performed with Grijalva. Find- ing the place deferted, and believing inadion in a foidier to be a crime, Al- varado marched with a party of his men to furvey the country, and came to another town, which was likewife abandoned by the inhabitants. This laft ■place he pillaged, feizing upon all the provifions iie could find, and whatever eife appeared to be valuable. Nothing efcaped his zeal or his rapacity. He de- ftroyed the idols in a temple, and defpoiled it of all its gold orna!nents,. widi- * Callilio, c. 19. Herrexa, dec. II. lib. ii. c. 3. f Id. ibid, OUS- .(ri T H E H I S T O R Y O F A M E R I C A. HOOK 1. out rrfleiJling that he was injuring the fcrvice, by giving the Indians bad impref- aTd. ^i;io, -^0"^ <^f ^^^ Spaniards. "When A Ivarado returned to his (liip with this booty, and a few prifoners, he was joined by Cortc? and the fleet ; and on giving an account of his condud, he was publicly cenl'ured by the general, and tlie prifoaers were fet at liberty ; being informed, before their departure, by means of the Indian interpreter Melichor, ■whom I have already had occafion to mention, how difagreeable the injuries done them were to Cortez, and how contrary to the general intention of the expedi- tion, which was to cultivate friendfhip and form alliances with all the Indian -nations. The booty taken by Alvarado's foldiers was likewife reftored, and fomc .prefents were made ro the captives, in hopes that, from their favourable report, an intercourfe with the natives might be eftablillied, and all apprehenfions of vio- -lence removed. Cortez now encamped for three days on the coaft, left by advancing farther .into the country, he fhould give frefh alarm to the inhabitants, before tjie in- iormatjons of the captives had quieted their fears. This interval he employed in muftering his army, and in letting before them the importance of the expedition in which they were engaged -, nor did he conceal from them the toils and perils which they, muft expcft to encounter, in order to render it fuccefsful. " I have no defign," feid he, " to diminifh the danger of our undertaking. We muft expecft obftinate engagements, incredible fatigues, and fuch multitudes of ene- mies, as will require the full exertion of all our valour : but the glory of conqueft • w ill be the greater. You have been accuftomed to fight and to endure hardfliips, in thofe iflands which Spain has already fubdued. 1 he objecb of our prefent ex- .pedition is more important: we muft therefore purfue it with fuperior vigour, proportioning our courage to the greatnefs and the difficulty of our enterprife. We are few in number ; but union multiplies armies : in our agreement will confift our ftrength. We muft all, my companions, be of one mind to refolve, and as one hand to execute. Our interefts are the fame, and the wealth and the glory of conqueft fliall be equally iTiared by the deferving*.'' Before Cortez had finifhed his harangue, notice was brought that the Indians began to appear at a diftance, in fmall parties. He immediately put himfelf in a pofture of defence, in order to guard againft the poffibility of furprife ; ranc-- ing the foldiers, however, behind the lines, that they might not difcoura^e the na- tives by their hoftile appearance. In confequence of this precaution, fome of the more refolute Indians ventured into the camp -, where they were fo kindly received that they called to their companions to follow their example, on which oreat numbers came, and mingled with the Spaniards without fear, furveying every thing with figns of wonder and amazement. Next day Cortez was honoured with a vifit from the cazique, accompanied with a prelcnt ; both which he re- • De Solif, lib. i. c. 14. In the introduflion to this fpecch, as fcund in the suthor here quoted, Cortez makes ufe of an argument h'ghly chirafleriftic of the times. " We imy reiy fays he, on the aid of Heaven ; for God in f.gh;in£ our batiles, will £gh: his own !" 5 cei\e^ THEHISTORYOFAMERICA. 6^^ ccived with profound acknowledgments, and proteftations of his fincere defire to cultivate a perpetual friendfliip wrth fo refpedable a prince. In anfwer to thefe proft-fllons the Indian chief replied, that he accepted the friendlliip offered, and would preferve it as a man who underftood the value of the gift. It was during this vifit thac Coricz accidentally got intelligence of certain Spaniards, who were detained prifoners on the neighbouring condnenr. He overheard one of the Indians in the cazique's retinue repeat the word Caftilla-; and on ordering the interpreter to inquire into the Indian's meaning, was told thac his men very much refembled certain prifoners kept in Yucatan, who faid they were natives of a country of that name. On farther inquiry he found, that the captive Spaniards were in the hands of Indians of the firft quality, who refided two days journey within the province. He inftantly exprefled his refolution of fetting them at liberty, and was advifed by the cazique to attempt it in the way of ranfom, left their mafters fhould be induced to maffacre them, from fear or refentment, if recourfe was had to force ; a caution which gave Cortez an high opinion of the good fenfe and found policy of the Indian prince. Diego de Ordaz, who had now joined the fleer, was accordingly ordered with his veflel to the coaft of Yucatan, charged with a letter from Cortez to the prifoners, and with prefents for their ranfom. Thefe fome Indians undertook to deliver, and to bring back an anfwer in eight days ; but as they were not able to perform ic ■fo foon, Ordaz returned without executing his commiflion, imagining that he had "been artfully cheated of the prefents -, and that either no Spaniards were detained in Yucatan, or that no attempt had been made to procure their releafe. This difappointment was the fource of real concern to Cortez; who, befides the pleafure of fetting countrymen and. fellow Ciiriftians at liberty, enter- tained great hopes from the fervices of the captives as interpreters, as it was pro- bable they mull have acquired the language of the country. Happily, however, ■before he quitted Cozumel, he was joined by the Indian meflcngers ; who, though retarded by accidents, had very honourably difcharged their engagements, and brought back with them the prifoner, whofe name was Jerome de Aguilar. This msn, according to his own account, had been eight years a priibner among the Indians. Having been fhipwrecked in his paflage from Darien to Hifpaniola, he cfcaped with twenty others in the long-boat, which was driven on the coaft of Yucatan. All his companions except one, who married an Indian woman of rank, and conformed to the cuftom.s of the natives, among whom he chofe to remain, had either perifhed from the hardlhips to which they were expoled, or been facrificed to the gods of the countrv, and afterwards devoured by the In- dians, he being fpared by reafon of his meagre appearance •, and having acquired the Yucatan language, certain fortunate circumftanccs raifed him, by degrees, to rank and confideration in the province *. - While the Indian meflrngers were employed in treating for the releafe of Aguilar, Cortez was not idle. He marched with his whole army to take a view. * Heriera, dec. IT. lib. i;. e 3. 4« r of JO T H E H I S T O R Y O F A iM E R I C A. eOOK I. of the iflanci, though with no hoflile intention. On the contrary, he diiTuaded ^pTT'''^"!"' Jiis men from offering violence by the nioft elTcdual of all arguments, by repre- ' ^ ' fenting to them the poverty of the people ; which, as he very juftly obferved, could furnidi no temptation to break through the regulations of diicipline and the laws of holpitality. He told them, that there they were to ftamp that ini- preirion of their charadlers, on whicli mull depend, in a great meafure, the fnccefs of all tfieir future undertakings, as the reputation they acquired in Cozumel would loon be diffufcd over the continent ; and he concluded with remarkins:. that the fame of their integrity, humanity, and generofity, would promote their intereft, and extend their conqucfts more powerfully than the fword. He fuf- fered them, however, to barter trinkets with the natives for gold and provifions ; by which means the army was amply fupplied with all the neceffaries that the country afforded *. From Cozumel Cortez, doubling Cape Cotoche, proceeded with his whole 4. flggj. J.Q j]^g j.\vev of Tabalco, in hopes of a reception as friendly as Grijalva had met with there, and of obtaining gold in the fame abundance. He intended, however, only to make a fliort ftay, his thoughts being wholly bent on proceed- ing to the capital of Mexico ; the defcription of which, as given by Aguilar and the Indians, excited both his curiofity and ambition. Skirmifhes in the remote provinces, he was fenfible, could only i'erve to diminilh the number of his troops, and weaken the force of that army which ought to be referved entire for the grand cnterprife. But as the foldiers were very earneft in their felicitations to go on fliore, he refolved to gratify them at all events ; and accordingly made an attempt to land, when a multitude of canoes, filled with men completely armed, and giving tokens of hoftile intentions, were obferved to line both fides of the river. Cortez advanced in clofe order in his boats, forbidding any of his men to fire till commanded. As foon as they came within^an audible ciiftance, Jerome de Aguilar found that he underftood the language of the Indians, and acquainted the general, that their cries were menaces and declarations of war, unlefs lie returned to the ihips. Aguilar was now difpatched in one of the boats, with an offer of friend- Ihip ; but he foon returned with intelligence, that the natives were obftinate in their refolution to defend the mouth of the river, and even refufed to liften to his propofals -f-, Cortez was ftill averfe to war, for the reafons already afligncd; but as he was afraid he might be lowered in the opinion of his foldiers, if hefuffered the info- lence of theTabafcans to pafs unpuniflied, he made the neceflary preparations for forcing his way. Willing, however, to accommodate matters, he fent Aguilar a fecond time with affurances, that he had nothing in view but mutual advantage. This declaration was anfwered by a fignal to attack. Cortez had drawn up his fleet of boats in the form of a creicent, towards which • De Soils, lib. i. c. 15. f This hoftile difpolition is faid to have been occafloned by a dread that the Spaniards, now more numerous than fgrmerl/, were returned to fettle in the country. Herrera, dec. II. lib. ii. c. 4. S the THE HISTORY OF AMERICA. 71 the Tabafcans advanced with the force of the current ; and when within a pro- CHAP. IV. per diftance, they dii'charged fuch a flight of arrows as greatly embarrafied the A^D^'iTig' Spaniards to ward off: but having fultained the firft fhofck, they returned it with a vigour which the Tabafcans were unable to refift. Broken and aftonifhed, they precipitately retired with their canoes, leaving a free pafTage for the boats. Many of them were fo ftruck with terror by the fmoke, fire, and explofion of the iTiufketry, and the fudden death of their companions, that they threw themfelves into the water, imagining the heavens were falling *. In confequence of this advantage the boats put to fhore, arid the Spaniards began to land ; but at a place fo inconvenient, that the Tabafcans recovered their fpirits, and renewed the attack. The fituation of Cortez was now very critical : at laft, however, his valour and condu(ft triumphed over every obftacle. He animated his men alike by his exhortations and example, and without ceafing to maintain his fire, drew up one line, which fupported the charge until others were formed, and in a condition to cover the debarkation of the whole army f. As foon as tire landing was completed, he difpatched one of his officers with an hun- dred men, in order to reduce the town of Tabafco, while he himfelf fell upon the incredible multitude of his enemies, with fuch impetuofity and conduft, that they yielded to the fhock, and fled towards the city, on which they perceived the Spaniards had defigns. Cortez purfued them ; and with fuch celerity, that he ar- rived at Tabafco as foon as the detachment, and inftantly gave orders for an aflault. *' Let us follow the viftory," cried he, " before thefe barbarians forget that we have taught them to fly, or our delay allow them leifure to colled; their fcattered fpirits and reaflimble their forces." In uttering thefe words, he drew his fword, and led the .attack. The town was fortified with long fl:akes, fixed deep in the ground, in the manner of palilades, and fo joined, that the Tabafcans had room to difcharge their arrows at certain openings. It had no outworks •, but at the joining of the circle, the extremity of one line covered the opening in the other, and compofed a narrow ferpentine flreet, refembling a fpiral line, defended by little wooden towers at the entrances. This was an extremely commodious defence againft fuch arms as were ufed by the Americans ; and though not proof againft artil- lery, and the improvements in the military art made by the European nations, it greatly embarrafl"ed the Spaniards. But nothing could refifl: the ardour of Cortez : he gained the foot of the palifades under a cloud of arrows that darkened the fky, and the muflceteers kept up fo perpetual a fire through the openings, that the Tabafcans, deferting their polls, gave the Spaniards an op« portunity of cutting a paflage in the wooden ramparts, and of forcing their • way to the very heart of the town. There the combat was renewed ; but, after a fhort refiftance, the Tabafcans were defeated and difperfed, and their capi- tal was yielded as the reward of the conquerors :j;. In this adion fourteen Spa- niards were wounded, but none flain. The flaughter of the natives was confi- derable, and the number of their wounded very great. Cortez, however, found t Dt Solis, iib. i, c. 17. f Id. ibid. X ^^ Solis, lib, i. c. iS. n© THE HISTORY OF AMERICA. no booty in Tabafco, except provifions for his troops, the inhabitants having removed their families and moft valuable ^ffcfts before the commencement of the aflault. The day being now far advanced, the Spaniards took up their quarters during the night in three temples, fituated near that part of the town where they had laft engaged ; and Cortez kept up as ftridl a watch as if the Tabafcans had been experienced veterans, commanded by an able general, who could take advantage of the flighteft opportunity. Next morning the country feemed entirely defcrted': not a human figure was to be fcen. The woods were fearched, and found to be equally folitary ; yet Cortez, apprehenfive of fome ftratagem, continued his former caution. The very filence, that reigned fo univerfally, fcrved to roufe his fufpicions V which were further confirmed by the defertion of Melichor, the Indian, whom he had carried with him to fcrve as an interpreter. In order to relieve himfelf from this uncertainty, he detached two of his officers, with an hundred men each, to examine the country more narrowly. Before they had made much progrefs, they were furrounded by a multitude of the natives, and with difficulty made their way back to tlie main body. On examining fome pri- loners taken upon this occafion, it was difcovered that the Tabafcans foundc"d their obftinacy upon the afiurances of the deferter Melichor, that the Spaniards were but a handful ; that they were not immortal ; and that their fire-arms, fo terrible in appearance, were lefs deftrudive than might be imagined. The cap- tives alfo related, that the caziques of the adjacent provinces were fummoned. to the affiftance of the lord of Tabafco, and that next day a very powerful army, compofed of their united forces, was to take the field *. On receiving this intelligence Cortez called a council of his principal officers-, and laid before them the difficulties in which they were engaged, the prepara- tions of the Indians to deftroy them, and the inequality of their own numbers. He next expatiated on the glory of overcoming fuch a multitude of enemies ; the experience and valour of the Spaniards •, the timidity and fimplicity of the Tabafcans : but he more efpecially infifted upon the bad confequences which would refult from difcovering any fymptoms of fear on the prefent occafion, as the report of their difgrace, and the triumph of the barbarians, might reach Mex- ico, which they muft hope to conquer, more by the reputation o\ invincible va- lour, than by force of arms. In his opinion, therefore, they ought either to a- bandon all thoughts of the enterprife againft New Spain, or proceed no farther till they had humbled the Tabafcans. Thefe, however, he obferved, were only his own fcntimcnts, which he would willingly fubmit to tiie judgment of the council. The refolution of the council of war was entirely conformable to the general's opinion -, and Cortez, thus fupported in his mcafures, made preparations for facing the enemy next morning. The wounded were ordered on board, the horfes landed, the artillery got in readinefs, and fuch fpirits were infufed into t!x' • Ibid. lib. i. c. 19. troops. THE HISTORY OF AMERICA. 7i troops, as prefaged a fortunate ifllie to the expeded engagement. Committing BOOK I. the infantry to the care of Diego dt; Ordaz, Cortez marched, as ibon as it was )~'7?' ""* light, with his few cavah-y in the front, accompanied by the artillery, to which they ferved as a guard : and in this order he advanced to tiie place where, ac- cording to the information of the prifoners, the enemy's forces \vere to aflfemble. Not perceiving there a fingle human figure, he proceeded a mile farther, to a place called Cinthla *, whence he difcovered, advancing towards him, the moil numerous army he had ever beheld, and ftretching {o far from right to left, to ufe the pompous language of the Spanifli hiftorians, that the eye could not take in both extremities. But without any hyperbole, the number of the Indians was incredibly great, not lefs than forty thoufand ; nor were they lb contemptibly armed, as to free the Spaniards from thofe difquieting apprehenfions which are naturally excited by the appearance of fuperior force *. Their weapons were bows and arrows ; the bowftrings made of the tendons of beafts or twiftcd thongs of deer-fkin, and their arrows armed with bones ground Iharp, or pointed fiOi bones, the Americans being all unacquainted with the ufe of iron. They ufed alio long darts, which they managed according to the occafion, either as pikes or javelins. Their fwords, made of wood, and edged with flint, were fo Jong and heavy, that they were wielded by both hands. Some of them had large clubs armed with flint, and great numbers ufed flings, which they managed with much dexterity, throwing flones with amazing ftrength and fkill. Perlbns of diftindion wore quilted cotton armour, and brea{l-plates and ihields of wood or tortoile fhell, adorned with plates of gold or copper. The troops of every pro- vince were led by their proper cazique ; but although there was a kind of fub- ordination eltablifhed, it was generally laid afide in battle, every man relying for fuccefs upon the ftrengtii of his own arm, his own valour and addrefs. Such was the army that rufhed, like an inundation, upon the Spaniards, and • Dr. Robertfon has omitted the particulars of almoft all the engagements between the Spani- ards and Americans, fiom a perfuafion that there was " no equality of danger," and confe- quently thst " no po.ver of words could render the reci'al interefting." But if we conOder the difproportionate number of the Spaniards, and the inconfiderabk few that were armed with muf- kets ; that thiily-two only had crofs bows, and the reft merely fwords and fpears, we fhall find rea- fon to believe, that the leaned hiilorian took his idea of the inequality of danger, raiher f.om the inequality of the numbers killed, as he feems to intimate, than from a camparifon of the weapons of the two parties. This, however, is known to be a very unfair method of computing danger ; the principal flanghter, before the regular ufe of li:e-arms, beipg always committed in the purfuit, and the Spaniards were generally here viftorious. By the fame way of judging the doflor might luppofe the danger fo unequal as to render the particulars of the battle of Crc/I'y uninterefting, be- caufe twelve hundred French knighis, and fourteen hundred gentlemen we.e killed in it, .ind only one Engl ifh efquire, and three knights ; a lofe more difproportionate, (houtd we even take in the com- parative numbers of the common men flain, than that of the Spaniards in their famous battle with the Tabafcans, to the particulars of which this note h a prelude. An example cf a like kind oc- curs in the hillory of Scotland. Edward Baliol, with two thoufand five hundred Englifhmen, de- feated an army of ne?r forty thoufand Scots, and killed between tweUe and thirteen thoufand of them, with the lofj cf only thirty lives. But he would be accounted a madman, who (hould hence -conclude, that the danger of Baliol and his party was not fufficient to create anxiety. 4. U feemed 74 TFlElilSTORYOFAMERICA. ROOK J. feemed to cover the whole face of the country. The attack began upon the ^^■■'C'''~7|^ foot, while Cortcz was taking poft on an eminence, whence his fifteen horfe and the artillery could do mod execution. The Tabafcans firft (hot their arrows, and then clofed in with fo much impetuofity, that the Spaniards not bei.ng able to annoy them with their fire-arms and crofs bows, iiad recourfe to their iworcfs and fpears ; while the cannon,, from the higher ground, made drtadful flaughter of the enemy, deltroying whole companies as they heedlefly pufhcd on in crowds. Yet were they fo obitinate, that, inftead of retreating, they threw handfulsof dull into the air to conceal their flain, and advanced with redoubled fury ; infomuch that Diego de Ordaz, who commanded the infantry, and behaved with great gallantry, muft have yielded to the infinite fuperiority of numbers, had not Cor- tez feafonably fallen upon the rear of the Tabalcans with his cavalry, breaking through the thickefl: ranks, flafliing with his fword, and trampling under the feet of his horfes thofe half naked v/retches, who were feized vv:i!i a fuJden panic on the firft appearance of fo extraordinary an animal. Obfcrving the diforder and terror of the enemy, Ordaz coUedted all his ftrength, and prefTed on with fo much vigour, that this vafl: multitude fluftuated, like the rolling of the fea, from the van to the rear, and at laft broke and difperled, leaving eight hundred flain upon the field, and many wounded,, whom they had not leifure to carry off. Cortez had two foldiers killed, and feventy wounded. He could have taken more prifoners than he thought proper to feize ; being content with a few to fee on foot a negociation of peace, and demonftrate to the Tabafcans, that the Spaniards harboured no hoftile defigns againft them *. The defeat of fuch a vaft army, by an handful of men, juftly raifed the reputation of Cortez, and appeared fo wonderful to the Spanifli writers of thofe days, that they thought a miracle necefTary to gain it belief-, and therefore relate that St. James, the guardian of Spain, fought at the head of their countrymen, and by his prowefs gave a fortunate turn to the battle -f. The day after this viftory Cortcz ordered the prifoners, among whom were fonie perions of diftintSlion, to be brought before him. They difcovered in their faces fymptoms of the ftrongeft fear, imagining they were to be facrificed to the gods of the ftrangers, agreeably to the inhuman praftice of their own country : how great then was their lurprife to find themfelves treated with tlic utmoft re- fped, and fet at liberty with prefents, as if they had performed fome fignal fer- vice ! — Cortez told them, that he knew how to forgive as well as to conquer: and • De Soils, lib. i. c. 1 9. f Gomara is the firft who mcntiors this app.-vrition of S'. Jame.", which B. Diaz del Caftillo tre.its with that ludicrous contempt i: deferves. " It may be," fays that lefpeSable veteran, (who was ptefent in the engagement, and fcems uriwillirg 10 be robbed of his fcare of the hontjur by St. James) " that the perfon whom Gomara mentions as having appear- ed cn a dapp'ed grey horfe, was the glorioL's apcftle Signor St. Jigo, or Signor St. Pedro; and ihat I, as being a finner, was not worthy to fee him. This Mvnow, that I faw Francifco de PJutl.i on fuch a horfe, btt as an unworthy tranfgrefTor did not defervs to fee any of the holy apolllcf. It may have been the will of God, that it was {0 as Gomara relates ; but until 1 road h-s chro- nicle, I never heard among any of the conquerors that fuch a thing had happened." Veid. Hill. c. 3.). "2 hli THEHISTORYOFAMERICA. 75 his gcnerofity on this occafion was foon perceived to be true policy. A few hours CHAP. IV. after the prilbners had been releafed, crowds of Indians came to the Spanifli a"^*^^"""^ quarters, laden with provifions of all kinds -, and next morning an embafly, from the cazique of Tabafco, Arrived with propofals of peace. But Cortcz refufed to give the deputies audience, being informed by Aguilar that they were perfons of ini'erior condition ; whereas it was cuftomary with the Indians to intruft'men of eminence with fuch commifiions : he therefore bid the interpreter acquaint them, that if their cazique was defirous of his friendfhip he muft folicit it with more relped: and decency. It appeared in the fequel that Cortez was right in his judgment : ftrangers- commonly eftimate men in proportion to the value which they let on them- felves: tlie cazique apologized for his error, and repaired it by fending thirty peribns of better quality, richly atdred, and followed by a numer- ous train, bearing prefents of various kinds, who Iblicited an audience with great formality. Their requei'l was granted, and Cortez, attended by his prin- cipal ofticers, received them with much ftate and folemnity. The ambafladors advanced with profound fubmiflion •, and liaving perfumed the Spaniards with incenfe of gum anime, delivered their inllrudions : they exprelfed their concern for the late hoftilities, and the cazique's warm regard tor Cortez, entreating that peace might be granted upon fuch terms as the Spanifh general fhould think pro- per. After reprefenting to them the imprudence of the cazique's conduct, the vanity of all attempts to oppofe the Spaniards by force of arms, and the mutual benefit that would refult from a friendly intercourfe, Cortez difmifled the em,- bafly with affurances of his fincere defire to cultivate the eftecm of the Tabaf- cans, and fome prefents of European toys^ with which the ambafladors were high- ly pleafed. The day following the cazique in perfon, attended by a numerous train, honoured the Spaniards with a viflt. On his entrance, he made Cortez a prefent of leveral pieces of fine cotton cloth, many beautifully variegated plumes, and fome plates of gold. Reciprocal compliments, and proteftations of friendfhip were exchanged, by means of the interpreter Aguilar j and the Indian prince, on taking leave, gave Cortez a ftriking proof of his fincerity, by, ordering all his fubjeds to return with their families to Tabafco, and ufe their utmoft endeavours to prove ll-rviceablc to the ftrangers. As a farther mark of his regard, he lent Cortez a prei'ent of twenty female flaves, f!ore compliant, requefting Cortez not to move from his prefent quarters, till the return of a courier from the emperor *. During this interview fome painters, in the train of the Mexican chiefs, were diligently employed in delineating upon white cotton cloths, prepared for the purpofe, reprefentatioris of the iTiips, foldiers, arms, artillery, and whatever elfe attracted their notice, as fingular. Teutile had ordered thele paintings to be executed for the emperor's better information. To render them more intelligi- ble, and to point out particulars, certain marks were placed over certain figures, to explain their meaning ; whence it may be inferred, that, though the Mexi- cans could not convey all their ideas without the images of material things, yet they were not wholly unacquainted with the ufe of arbitrary fymbo'.s -f-. When Cortez obferved the Mexican artifts at work, and was informed that their labours were intended for the ufe of Montezuma, he refolved to exhibit fuch a fpedtacle, as would afford them an opportunity of rendering the pidtures flill more animated and interefting, and imprefs both them and their fovereign with awful ideas of the prowefs and arms of the Spaniards. For this purpofe, he mounted his horfe along with his officers -, the trumpets founded the alarm ; the troops, in a moment, formed in order of battle, and difplaycd, in a variety of martial exercifes, the ef^ed of tiieir different weapons, their own addrefs, and the ftrength and agility of the horfcs. The Mexicans beheld, with equal pleafure and furprife, the regular evolutions of the infantry, and the rapid and impetuous movements of the cavalry •, they could even ttand the difcharge of the fmall arms, though not without evident figns of trepidation •, but at the explofion of the cannon many fled with rapidity, fome fell to the ground with fear and aftonifh- ment, and all were fo much alarmed and amazed, that Cortez found it difficult to recompofe their fpirits. The painters had now frefli fubjedts on which to cxercife their genius, and fell again lo work, inventing new figures and charac- ters to reprefent the extraordinary things they had feen, and fupply what was wanting in their former delcriptions j;. * De Solis, lib. ii. c. i . f This fubjeft fhall be raore fully explained, when we come 10 confider the arts of the ancient Mexicans. % Caftillo is extremely minute in his dcfcription of thefe hiftorical paintings. He affirms, but is accufed of exa2gera;iQa by De Solis, that all the different objefts in the Spanilh camp were liiftin^uilhed in Iandfc?pes in- genioully difpofed, and that all the portraits of the pinicipai officers lirikingly refemble^ the ori- ginals ; that the horfes were painted with great exaflnefs and ftrength of colouring ; that ihe artil- Jeiy was reprefented by frc and fmoke, and even (omc idea of ihe explofion conve)ed by ihe fimi- liiude of lightning, ar.d the undulating tremulous appearance of the furrcundirg otjifls. Verd. Hift. c. 39. Th?fe THEHfSTORYOFAMERICA. 79 Tiiefe painted advices, containing not only a reprefentation of whatever was CHAP. IV. fingular in the Spanifii camp, but an account of every thing that had paffed a''q^ ^ lince the arrival of the Grangers, were immediately tranfmitted to IVIontezuma, together with fome European curiofities from Cortez, which though of no great value, he thought might be acceptable by reafon of their novelty : and though the capital, where the emperor refided, was upwards of one hundred and eighty miles from St. Juan de Ulua, and though the Mexicans had no domeftic ani- mals to accelerate the fpeed of man, Cortez's prelents were delivered, and an anfwer to his requefl received ia feven days. This extraordinary difpatch was acconipliflied by means of a refinement in police, unknown at that time in Europe. The Mexican emperors, in order to obtain early information from all the corners of their extenfive empire, had couriers pofted at proper ftations along the principal roads ; and as thefe were trained to agility by a regular education, and relieved each other at moderate diftances, they conveyed intel- ligence with furprifing celerity *. But though this regulation fufficiently accounts for the quick, return of Montezuma's anfwer, we are ftill at a lofs how to reconcile to probability the arrival of a magnificent prefent at the fame time, faid to have been conveyed with equal fpeed, and which Pilpatoe and Teutile delivered to Cortez, before they ventured to make known the determination of their mafter. It was carried on the flioLildcrs of an hundred Indians, (who may be fuppofed to have been re- lieved, as the couriers were, at certain diftances) and confifted of various kinds of cotton cloth, fo finely manufactured as to rival filk in the delicacy of its tex- ture ; piftures of animals, plants, and other natural objeds, formed with fea- thers of different colours, difpofed and mingled with fo much tafte and fkill, as to emulate the works of the pencil in truth and beauty of imitation, wirhout .the aid of artificial tints; bows, arrows, targets, and other military weapons of curious materials and workmanfhip ; two large plates of a circular form, the one of malFive gold, curioully embofied, reprefenting the fun, the other of filver, an emblem of the moon ; bracelets, collars, rings, and other ornaments of gold ; boxes filled with pearls and precious ftones, and grains of virgin gold, as found in the mines or rivers +. Thefe rich materials were placed upon mats fprcad on tlie ground, in fuch order as to be feen to the greatelt advantage, and far exceeded any idea that the Spaniards had hitherto formed of the wealth of the Mexican empire j;. Wlicn Pilpatoe and • De Solis, lib. ii. c. z. t Herrera, dec. I!, lib. iii. c. 2. Cjftillo, c. 39. De Solis, lib. li. c. 2. t In order to avoid the appaieut impiobability, that this prefent was conveyed with the fame celerity that the couriers, who carried Montezama's anU'er, performed their journey, Dr. Robertfon fjppcfes, that it " had been prepared forGrijatva, when he touched at the fame place fome months before." But unfortunately tor the Doaor, (who on this occafion abandons his two chief guides, Caftillo and ilerrera, to follow a conjeaure of Gomara) he doss not give us the fmalleft hint in the former part of his narration, that Grijalva landed on the condnent at S:. Juan deUlua; nor dies any Spanilli writer rep.-efent his appearance en that coall as alarming to the inhabitants, with whom he trafiicked in an amicable manner : it is i therefore 5o THEHISTORYOFAMERICA. and Teutile obferved the fatisfaftion of Cortez and his coinpanions, they in- formed the general, That the great emperor Montezuma icnt iiini thole things in return for his prefent, and as exprelTions of his friendfliip for the monarch of the EaPc ; but that he did not think it proper, nor was it indeed pofTible at that time, fuch was the pofture of atfairs, to grant his reqiieft of palling to the court of Mexico. This refulal the Mexican officers endeavoured to pal- liate by many fpecious arguments ; founded on the badnefs of the roads, tlie favagc nations that would take up arms and obftrudt his joui'ney, and the didrafted Hate of the empire, which made it inconvenient for the emperor to receive him. But Cortez, who was not to be diverted from his purpofe by fuch evafions, after exprefTing his fenfe of the munificence of Montezuma, and his unwillingnel's to offend him, replied in a tone more rcfolute than formerly. That he could not, without difhonour, return to his mafer, until he had been admitted into the prefence of the prince whom he was appointed to vifit in his name ; and therefore mud infift on his firfl demand, with that earneftnefs due to the repura- tion of a crown jealous of its honour, and revered by the greateft fovcreigns in the world. Aftonifhed at feeing any man dare to oppofe diat will, which thev had been accuftomcd to confider as fupreme and irrefiflible, yet afraid of precipitat- ing their country into an open war with fuch formidable enemies, Pilpatoe and Teutile offered to confult Montezuma a fecond time, and Cortez difmiffed them with another prefent of European manufactures more confiderable than the former ; acquainting them, at the fame time, that he would expedl the em- peror's anfwer without ftirring from his prelent ftation, and ffiould be forry if any unneceflary delay obliged him to remove nearer the capital, for tiie greater conveniency of foliciting his requeft *. After the Mexican officers retired, the Spaniards found leifure to examine Montezuma's prefent with more deliberation and accuracy : all admired its magnificence, but the inferences drawn from it, in regard to their future con- dudV, were very different. Some of them, eftimating the power of Montezuma, by this proof of his wealth, drew unfavourable conclufions concerning the event of the expedition, affirming that it would be an aft of the wildefl frenzy to at- therefore lefs improbable to fuppofe, that an hundred chofen men, alternately relieving each other, or being relieved by a frcfli company, (liould b? ab!e to tiavel with a light burden, at the com- mand of a defpotic monarch, thiee I'.urdred and fixty miles in feven days, than that a prefent of fuch magnificence as exceeded even the romantic ideas of the Spaniards concerning the wealth of the Mexican empire, fnould be fent by Montezuma to a roving adveniurer on his coalls, who had never recognized his dignity, or feemed formidable to his power. According to Caftillo, the filver pktc reprcfenting the moon, was alone equal in value to twenty thoufand pcfos, near five thoufand pounds flerling Verd. Hill. c. 39. The gold emblem of the fun was double the weight of this ; and therefore mull have been inimenfely valuable, inde. pendent of the workmanfhip. Herrera, dec. II. lib. iii. c. 2. — The author of this work has hitherto uniformly, he thinks, ufed the wotd pe/o in fpeaking of the fums acquired by the Spa- niards in the New World ; but the reader is defired to obferve, left any other term lhou!d have cfcaped him, or may afterwards occur, that the Spanilh coins, pejh, cajltllano, ind piece of eight, are each of the fame value ; namely, about 4s. 6d. of our money. * Caftillo, c. 39. Herrera, dec. 11. lib. iii. c. 2, De Solis, lib. ii. c. 2. tack THE HISTORY OF AMERICA. bi tack/o great a monarch with a handful of men, in want of provifions, iinfup- CHAP. JV. ported by any ally, and already enfeebled by the difeafes of a fultry climate ; '\'^ ~' while others, of a more ardent difpofition, defpifing danger or hardihips, wiien fo great a prize was in view, anticipated in imagination the immenfe riclies which they fliould acquire by the conqueft of a country, whofe treafures ap- peared to be inexhauftible, and the pillage of a capital where foch prodigious wealth centered. Cortez fecretly applauded the advocates for bold meaiures, but without declaring his own opinion, though his refolution was already formed ; and in order to divert the attention of his foldicrs from too minute an inquiry into his condudl, he determined to keep them fully employed. For this purpofe he difpatched Francifco de Montejo with two veflels, and fome of the moft turbu- lent fpirits, to run along the coaft, with which he was acquainted, in fearch of a more commodious harbour for the fleet, and a better ftation for the camp ; the fliips being greatly expofed to the north winds, and the vigour of the loldiers wafted by the intenfe heat of the fun-beams, reflefted in a fandy and gravelly foil. The reft of the army he kept conftantly occupied, either in military excr- cifes, or in preparing fuch materials as he imagined might prove ufeful in faci- litating the progrefs of his defigas *. ' Meanwhile the court of Mexico was throvm into the utmoft confufion and per- plexity by the repeated folicitationsof the Spanilh general, and the finnnefs with which he infifted on an interview with the emperor. This iirmnefs fliould naturally have brought the negociation between Cortez and Montezuma to a fpeedy con^ clufion : the Mexican monarch fliould either have received him with the confi- dence of a friend, or have oppofed him openly, and refolutely as an eneni)', He had no other choice. But feveral circumftances confpired to ftagger the refolu- tion of Montezuma, and incline him, on this occafion, to temporize, and deli- berate, when he ought to have afted or decided. The account which the painted difpatches gave of the fire-arms, artillery, and horfes of the Spaniards, filled that prince with aftonifliment and terror. All his minifters and courtiers were fummoned to attend in folemn confultation, and public facrinces were offered in the temples, in order to avert the impending danger. Tiie peopkr caught the alarm, and univerfal confternation rapidly fpread through the whole empire. Ignorant men labouring under the apprehenficns of fear confider every unufual appearance in the heavens, in the air,^ or on the earth, as fo many prefages of their ruin. In every country the minifters of fuperftition have taken advantage of thefe imaginary horrors-, and on this bafis they have fometimes ereft- ed a power, to which every other was fubordinate. The Mexicans were equally ignorant and fuperftitious, and conftrued iato frightful omens certain natural phenomena, which are faid to have appeared about this time, and occafioncd a general defpondency. One of thefe was a comet of extraordinary luftre, in the fliape of a pyramid, which began to be viflble about midnight, and advancing flowly towards the fouth, vaniflied at the approach of morning ; another was a. * Caftillo, c. .^o. Herrera, dec. 11. lib. Hi, c. 3. De Soli:, lib. ii. c. z. 5. X kind. ^2 THE HISTORY OF AMERICA. BOO Is. I. Kind of meteor or exhalation, which rofc in the weft at noon, and being con- 'T^" ""* verted into the figure of a fiery ferpcnt with three heads, ran rapidly towards the eaft, until it was loft in the clouds. One of the Mexican temples caught fire, by what means could never be difcovered, and was entirely confomed, in fplte of every attempt to extinguifh the flame. The very ftones were fuppofed to burn, and liquify in a manner deemed altogether fupernatural. The great lake of Mexico overflowed its banks without any vifible caufe, with a kind of bub- bling refembling boiling water-, yet no uncommon heat was perceived. Many perlbns afiirmed, that they heard lamentable voices in the air, predidling the over- throw of the monarchy ; and the priefts cheriflied the fuperftitious fear of the people, by making the idols utter fuch oracles as beft fuited their purpofes *. Thele pretended predidlions and extraordinary appearances, which at moft only happened accidentally to coincide with the landing of Cortez, were fup- pofed to be connefted with that event in the nature and order of things -, and tiie imaginations of the Mexicans being ftrongly afleded by the firft fight of a new race of men, their credulity and fuperftition inftantly reprefented the Spaniards, as the inftrumencs deftined to bring about that fatal revolution fuggefted by their fears. The Mexican council therefore, on the arrival of the fecond mefllige from Cortez, gave up all for loft, and regarded the empire, though the moft powerful in America, as already on the verge of ruin. Montezuma however, though Jabouring under the fame apprehenfions, ftill retained fonie degree of courage, and in a traniport of rage natural to a haughty prince, unaccuftomed to meet with any oppofition to his will, threatened to facrifice thofe prefumptuous ftrangers to his gods. But, on cooler reflefVion, his courage funk ; and inftead of carrying his menaces into execution, he again aflinibled his minifters, to con- fult and deliberate on the moft prudent and effcclual meafures for expelling fuch troublefome intruders. They deliberated, debated, and confulted, but always broke up with divided fentiments. Some of them were for oppofing the Spaniards by force of arms, interpreting the omens as lb many warnings to roufe them to a vigorous defence, and avert the threatening danger ; while others, more timid, infifted on tlie valour of the ftrangers, the force of their weapons, the irrefiftible ftrcngth of their furious animals, and the terror of their lightning, of which the Tabafcans had fatal experience. Montezuma, on mature deliberation, determined to fteer a middle courfe be- tween the tv/o opinions, being unwilling either to proceed to hoftilities againft the Spaniards, or to manifcft his own perturbation, by admitting their general to his prclence. He theretbre fcnt Cortez another prcfent, and at the lame time commanded him immediately to quit his dominions, hoping by tiiefc means • All th'fe fupporcd prodigies and prophecies, are uniformly nfcribed, by the Spanish hillorians, tJ the inierpotr.ion of H;avfn in favour of their countrymen. Even o'e SjIIj gives into this flattering error. " Horrible and wonderful porttats," fays he, " which Gcd either commsndrd, decreed, or permitted, in crdcr to crufli the fpirit of that fierce people, and render their overihiow lefs difficult io the Sp«n:a;ds." Hill, de las Conq. de Mfxico, lib. ii. tiihcr THE HISTORY OF AMERICA. either to bribe or terrify bim into obedience -, but refolving, if neither threats nor prefents had the defired effedl, to rail'e a powerful army, and chafe the ob- ftinate invaders to their (hips, or overwhehri them by means of numbers *. Nor would it have been pofTible for the Spaniards, notwithftanding their fuperior arms and difcipline, to have withftood tlie forces that JVIontezuma could fuddenly have aflembled, had he attacked chem while encamped on the barren and un* healthy coaft of St. Juan de Ulua, deftitute of provifions, and unfupported bv any ally. They muft either have taken refuge in their fhips, and abandoned the enterpriie, or have perifhed in I'uch an unequal conteft. The Mexican empire was, at this period, in the zenith of its glory ; and though, according to tradition, it had iubfiftcd only one hundred and thirty years, it extended in length, from eaft to well, above five hundred leagues, and near ..two hundred in breadth, from north to fouth,- comprehending under its domi- nion fome of the moft populous and wealthy provinces in the New World. The people were warlike and enterprifing : the authority of the fovereign was unlimited ; his revenues were confiderable -, and the prince upon the throne was one of the moft martial and politic who had ever fwayed tlie Mexican fceptre. He was alio more haughty, more violent, and more impatient of controul, than any of his predeceflbrs : his fubjefts looked up to him with awe, and his enemies with terror ; both being imprelTed with the moft affeding ideas of his power and capacity j. But though the talents of Montezuma might have proved fuf- ficient to maintain that defpotic dominion which he had eftablilhed, they were in- adequate to the critical fituationin which he now found himfelf. He was not po- litician enough to conceive it pofllble for any perfon uniformly to profefs friend- fliip and intend war •, and being defirous to get rid of his new guefts, yet afraid to ufe violence againft a people lo formidable, he afforded the Spanilh general leifure to perfefb his fchemes, and all his own fubjeds and tributaries, many of whom were fecretly difaffecled, an opportunity of obferving his timidity, in his profufe generofity to the ftrangers. While Cortez was endeavouring to acquire fome knowledge of the charac- ter of this prince, and of the ftate of his empire, and to infpire the Spa- niards with the fame great hopes of which his own heart affured him, Montejo' returned from his coafting voyage, having difcovered a town called QiiiabiOan, about thirty-fix miles to the northward, fituated in a fertile foil, with a good harbour, and every other conveniency wanted for the fleet or army. Thither Cortez was propofing to remove : but before he had come to any refolution, Teudle arrived with Montezuma's anfwer, or rather his command to quit the Pvlexican dominions. It was delivered in terms fo harfli and difagreeable, that not the valuable prefent which accompanied it vv'as lufficient to prevent the Cafti- lian pride from being hurti and when Cortez, inftead of complying, renewed his requert of an audience, Teutile fi-arted up haftily, and told him with much emotion, That hitherto the great Montezuma, having confidered Iiim as a * De SoHf, l:b. ii. c. 4. t De SoHs, Hb ii. c. 3. gueft, THE HISTORY OF 4 M E R I C A. gueft, lud flievvn him all the civiiitles required by the facred laws of hofpitality, but that he muft lay the fault upon his own obllinacy, if he found himfclf henceforth treated as an enemy. This fpeech being finifiied, the Mexicao turned his back abruptly, and left the Spanifli camp with looks and geltures ftrongly exprefllve of his refentment and furprife *. Cortez, though fomevvhat uneaiy at thefc fymptoms of more vigorous mea- fures, or more violent councils, had fufficient prefcnce of mind to turn round to his officers with a fmile, and fay, " Vv''e fliall fee where this challenge will end. Threats are commonly the cfiects of fear. We have already had a fpecimen of the Mexican prowefs." And while they were colleifling the different articles of Montezuma's prefent,. lie added, " Thefe riches may be regarded as proofs, ra- ther of the emperor's weaknefs, than of his generofity ; but it is our bufinefs to guard againft all contingencies." He accordingly ordered the guards to be dou- bled that night, and kept himfelf till morning in a pofture of defence -f-. / As foon as day began to appear, it was perceived, that all the Mexicans^Iiad withdrawn thenifelves. Even thofe employed in fupplying the camp with pro- .vifions kept away : not a man was to be feen in all the furrounding country. While Cortez was ruminating on this alarming profpe<5l of want and approach- ing hoftiiities, five Indians were introduced to him by Bernal Diaz del Caftillo j who, while ftanding centinel with another foldier, obferved them advancing to- wards one of the avenues of the camp, and thinking their number too fmall to give any difquieting apprehenfions to the army, fufFered them to draw near. On their approach, they gave him to underftand by figns, that they came with a friendly meflage to the general, to whom they were immediately conduftcd. Cortez received them with much civility; and learned by his interpreters, though with fome difficulty, by reafon of the variation of their dialeft from the Mexican, that they were fent by tlie lord of Zempoalla, a confiderable town at no great diftance, to requeft the alliance of thofe brave men, whofe gallant adlions in the province of Tabafco had reached his eai's JT. The Spanifh general accepted the proffered alliance with pleafure, confidering it as a particular mark of divine favour, that this embafly fhould arrive at the very time when the Mexicans had withdrawn themfelves, and when he was at a lofs what courfe to take. His fatisfaction was increafed when he underftood, that Zempoalla lay in the road to that commodious ftation which Montejo had difi:o- vered on the coaft, and whither he now propofed to remove his quarters. But how great was his joy, when he difcovered, in confeqtience of the qucftions which * De Solis, lib. ii. c. 5. f Id. ibid. J The Zem. poalian ambaJadors are here introdliced on the authority of Herrera, who is rigidly exa£l in the chronolf'gical arrangement of events. De Solis introduces them later, and Dr. Robertfon later ftill ; and both reafon iagenioufly on their appearance. But the author of this work is of ©pinion, that the naiural order of every incident immediately connefled with the main flory, if its confequcnccs are properly deduced, is preferable to any mechanical difpofition ; which is more Ajited to the hiHoric/aiie, where ioJtreft and probability are the only objeds, than to the detail of !iiIlofical/«i,7j. 5 ^^ T H E H I S T O R y O F A M E R I C A. 8^- he put CO the ambafladors, that the cazique of Zempoalla, though fjbjecH: CMAP. IV. - to the Mexican empire, and feveral other tributary princes in his neighbour- ^"^' hood^ were impatient of the yoke, and defired nothing To much as an opportu- nity of cementing a powerful league againll Montezuma, whofe tyranny was become altogether infupportable ! — A ray o.- light and hope broke m upon the mind of Cortez, and he difcerned al one glance all the advantages of his fitu- ation. Senfible that the ftrength of a ftate depends upon union, and the power of a ibvereign on the love of his people, he conjedured, that it could be no difficult matter to overturn the throne of a tyrant by the arms of his own ful>- jedls. Full of this great idea, which time and other fortunate circumftances enabled him to mature, he difmifled the Zempoallan ambaffadors with warm exprtffions of friendfhip, and aflurances that iie would foon vifit their mafter in pcrfon, and yield him what affiftance he might require*. But all the lofty fchemes of Cortez were in danger of being overturned in a moment, by the difaffeiftion of his followers. No fooner was his re- folution of removing to Quiabiflan known, which was confidered as a cer- tain indication of his dcfign of fettling in the country, than the adherents of Ve- Jafquez murmured loudly, and at length openly exclaimed againft fuch a mea- fure ; infilling on the neceffity of returning to Cuba, in order to refit the fleet, and augment the army, before any fettlement was attempted, or any thought entertained of achieving the conqueft of Mexico. Cortez was too well acquainted with the fentiments of his troops to believe that this inclination would be general. He therefore fufFered himfelf to be addref- Jed by the malcontents. Diego de Ordaz, whofe difaffedion had long been known, fpoke in the name of the reft, and told the general, with a military free- dom,. That the-foldiers were much dilTatisfied, and on the point of laying afide all obedience, having been informed that he-defigned to profectite the enterprife, in the prefent feeble ftate of the armament, when neither the number of men, the condition of the fhips, nor the referve of provifions or warlike llores, bore any proportion to the difficulty of the undertaking : that they could not be blamed, as no man had lo little value for his own life as to throw it prodigal- ly away, in order to pleafe the caprice of another; and that it was now full time to think of returning to Cuba, that Velafquez might take the neceflary mea- fures for accomplifhing the purpofe of the expedition, to which their flender, fickly, and ill-provided army was altogether inadequate. Cortez liftened to this fpeech without any appearance of emotion, and replied with a compofed voice and countenance, I'hat he was obliged to thofe who had taken the trouble to infonn him of the dilcontent of the foldiers, as he had every reafon to believe they were well fatisfied, and dcfirous to proceed ; that as yet none could complain of fortune, except thofe who were weary of be- ing happy. A voyage favoured by the winds and feas, without one untoward accident, and fuccelles fuch as their hearts could wifli : the remarkable interpofition ■ • Caflilio, c. ^1. Herrera, dec. IL lib, ili. c. 2, Ds Solis, lib. ii. c- 6, 5, Z et". S6 THE HIS TOR Y OF AMERICA." of Ilcavct; .11: Cozumel, in furnifliirg them with an interpreter', a glorious, and shiioll bloodiefs vi-Jtory at Tabalco, and fuch a profufion ot riches in the coun- try where they now refided! — were not, he coolly remarked, prefages that ought to difcourage needy adventurers. Nor would it be for their honour to give up the undertaking in which they were at prefcnt engaged, before they had f.en the fliadow of danger; eipecially when it was confidered, that difficulties always appear greatelt at a diftance, and vanifh, like the other phantoms of ima- gination, as we approach them. But if the foldiers were already fo dejefted, he artfully added, as not to be rouled by the fplendid profped: of riches and glory which lay before them, it would be folly to rely on their fervices : he fhould therefore deliberate, without lofs of time, on returning to Cuba, as had been pro- polcd ; declaring that the backwardnefs of the private foldiers did not make fuch an imprefTion upon him, as the furprife of finding their refolution to abandon the enterprife accompanied by the advice of his friends *. Cortez carried his diflimulation yet farther. As foon as the malcontents re- tiitd, at once pleafed and dilTatisfied with their reception, he gave diredions for publifliing his return to Cuba-, ordering the captains immediately to embark, with their refpedive companies, on board the veflels under their command, and be in readinefs to fail early next morning. No fooner was this feigned refolu- tion knovvn, than the difappointed adventurers exclaimed loudly againft it : the emilTaries of Cortez mingled with them, and inflamed their refentment : the cla- mour became general ; the whole camp feeming to be in mutiny, and eagerly demanding dieir general, whom they accufed of deceiving them. Cortez was not long in making his appearance-, when, with one voice, they exprefled their allonifhment and indignation at the orders which they had received. It was un- worthy, they faid, of the Caftilian courage to be daunted at the firft afpect of dan- ger, and infamous to turn their backs before they had drawn their fwords ; de- claring that, for their parts, they were determined not to abandon an enterprife which had hitherto proved fo fuccefsful, and which tended fo vifibly to fpread the knowledge of true religion, and to advance the glory and the intercll of Spain ; that they were ready, under his command, to encounter every difficulty, in queft of thofe treafures and eftablifhments with which he had fo long flattered them ; but if he was ferioufly refolved to return to Cuba, and tamely relinquilh all his hopes of wealth and fame to an envious rival, they would chufe another general to conduft them in the path of their wifhes, while he, and fuch as were of the fame pufillanimous opinion, might enjoy their eafe, and fuffer that con- tempt which they merited, for deferting lb illuftrious a projeft. Delighted with this ardour, Cortez took no ofitnce at the boldnefs with which the remonftnince was delivered. Tlie fentiments were fuch as he himfelf had iofpired, and the warmth of exprelTion convinced him they were felt. Afteding however to be furprifed at what he had heard, he declared that his orders to prepare for returning to Cuba, had been iflTued from a perfuafion that his troops • Hetrera, dec. II. lib. Jii. De Solis, lib. ii. c. 5, were T H E H I S T O R Y O F A M E R I C A. 87 were fo difpofed ; tliat nothing could be more oppofite to his own inclination -, and deference to what he had been told (by thofe who were principally interefted in the fuccefs of the expedition) was the general wifh of his foldiers, only could - have broueht him to fuch a refolution : that he was now fenfible he had been mif- informed-, and as he perceived they were animated by that heroic fpirit which informed the bread of every true Spaniard, he would ftay with pleafure, and re- fume with frefli ardour his original plan of conqueft and colonization, not doubt- ing but he ihould condutt them, in the career of victory, to acquifitions worthy of dieir valour. But he at the fame time intimated, that he would have no foldiers againft their inclinations, the fervices of war fuidng ill with reluftance, and that tranfports fliould immediately be got ready for fuch as were unwilling to follow his fortune. This declaration was no fooner made than the air rung with fhouts of univerfal applaufe. Many exprefled their joy, becaufe they really approved of the mea- fure ; others, who fccretly condemned it, were obliged to join in the acclamations, partly to conceal their dilaffeifion from the general, and partly to avoid the imputation of cowardice from their fellow foldiers j none being fo hardy as to oppofe making a fettlement in Mexico, or fo daftardly as to think of de- ferting their companions, on account of the danger or difficulty of the undertak- ing. Without allowing the one party leifure to refleft, or tlie ardour of the other time to cool, Cortez fet about carrying into execution that defign which he had long formed. As an introduftory Itep to the fettling of a colony, he fum- moned a council of Iiis principal officers, and by their fuffrage eleded a council and magiftrates, in whom the government was to be vefted, af:er the manner of a Spanifh corporation. Alonzo Hernandez Porto Carrero, and Francifco de Mon- ttjo, were appointed alcades ; Alonzo Davila, Pedro and Alonlb de Alvarado, and Gonzalo de Sandoval, v/ere conftituted regidores, and Juan de Efcalante ,and Francifco Alvarez Chico, were raifed to the dignities of chief alguazils and pro- curator? general.. All thefe gentlemen, and alfo the inferior magiftrates, were firmly attached to Cortez, and the inftrument of their eledlion was framed in the king's name, without any mention of their dependance on Velafquez. After taking the accuftomed oath, to obferve reafon and juftice, according to their duty, for the greater fervice of God and the king, they began to exercile their feveral employments with the ulual folemnity, calling their intended fettlement Villa Rica de la Vera O iiz., " the Rich Town of the True Crofs ;" a name feemingly didated by the two principles, religion and avarice, which chiefly prompted the Spaniards to all their attacks on the New World. The firft meeting of thefe magiftrates was diftinguiffied bv a meafure of great importance ; the carrying of which into adtion appears to have been Cortez's prin- cipal modve for ordering their eledtion, before he removed to tlie place where the fettlement was to be eftabliffied. As foon as the new council afltmbled, he defired leave to enter, and approaching, as a private perfon in civil affairs, with many • marks of profound refpcifl, which added dignity to the tribunal, and fet an ex- ample of reverence for its authority, he fpoke to the foUowing efiecl, and in terms highly flattering to perfons juft entering on thei-- authority : '• Since, by the mc- 5 cy 88 T M E H I S T O R Y O F A M E R I C A. cy of God, we have in thrs council tlie perfon of the king rcprc-fciueci, I come- in:o your prefence, as if I appeared before him, without any othr-r view than that of the public fervice -, in which kinJ of ambition you will allow me the merit of not being your inferior. You are now deliberating on the means of eftabiifhing this infant colony, happy already in depending upon your guardian- fhip ; and it will not, I hope, be deemed foreign to the purpole, for me to in- form you of my thoughts and refolutions, that you may not have occafion to de- liberate afrefh, and take new meafures, by proceeding upon ill founded fuppo- fitions. The corporation which to-day begins to take a form, under your go- vernment, is founded in a country but imperfectly known, full of people, and where we have already feen figns of refiftance fufficient to convince us thit we are engaged in an undertaking which will require the urmolt exertion of our men- tal and perfonal abilities. This is not a time to depend upon peaceful maxims, or unarmed councils : your firft care muft therefore be to preferve the army, which ferves you as a rampart; and it is my duty to inform you, that it is not at prefent in fuch a condition as is requifitefor our hopes and ourfecurity. You all know, that I command this army without any other commilTion than that which I received from Diego Velafquez, and which v.-as recalled foon after ic was given me. I fet afide the injury which he did me by his diftruft-, but I cannot fail to be fenfible, and 1 am bound to mention it, that the military pow- er, which we fo much ftand in need of, is lodged at prefent in mv perfon, con- trary to the inclinations of the man who beftowed it. It is founded on a title that cannot conceal the weaknefs of its origin. The foldier.5 are not ignorant of this defeft ; and I am too fully acquainted with it to defire to command them by fuch authority, at a time when the moft perfeft obedience is necefiary, in order to render the enterprife in which we are engaged fucceisful. " It belongs to you, gentlemen, to apply a remedy to this inconveniencv. The council, which here reprefents the king, may, in his royal name, provide for the government of his troops, by appointing to the command, and inveftino- with proper authority, fome perfon capable of conduding the future operations of the army. Several perfons lb qualified may be found : and that you may proceed without deky to fuch eledion, and deliberate with all imaginable free- dom, I refign, from this moment, all right that can accrue to me from pof- fefTion, and furrender into your hands the title by which 1 have held it. As my fole ambition is to promote the public fervice, I can, be afTured, without offer- ing the Icall violence to myfelf, take up a pike with the fame hand that lays down the truncheon, and a6l with equal alacrity in the humble (lation of a pri- vate foldier, as in the exalted chara(5ter of a general ■, for if, in war, m.en learn to command by obeying, there are alfo cafes, in which the duty of obedience is taught by commanding " Having finilhed his fpeech, Cortcz threw upon the table his commifilon from Velafquez, kifll'd the truncheon, and delivering it into the hands of the alcades, retired to his rent. As he had already concerted meafures with liis con- fklants, he was under little anxiety about the event -, and the refolution of ^e council foon relieved him from any degree of fufpence. They admitted his re- THE K r S T O R Y OF AMERICA. % rt- ilgnation •, but, as lie had' given the nioft fatisfymg pcoofs of Ihs abilities, foe CHAP. IV^ command,, they unarumoufly dedled liira chief juftice of the colony,, and captain;- ^Td^'T^. general of tJie forces, ordering his couiniifllon to be made out in the king's name,. with the moft ample pawers, which were to continue in force until the royal will fliould be known. In order to llamp thus act with general approbation, and fdence every cavil againft its legality, th.e council immediately called togetiicr the troops, who were prepared for the occafion, and acquainted them with what had been refolved. The army with loud huzzas ratili;d die choice of the council ; and the magiftrates inftantly waited upon Cortez, accompanied by a large body of the foldiers, now the only citizens, and prefented him with his new comminion, which he received with many profefiions of refpeCt and gratitude *. Cortez having thus brougiit his intrigues to the dcfired ifl'ue, and fliaken ofi' his mo4-tifying dependance on the governor of Cuba, began to cxtrcife more ex- tenfive powers. He had formerly felt him'elf the deputy of a fubjtcl, who had revoked liis fub-delegated juritdiction, but to whom he was ifill accountable for his condud: : he now ailed as the reprcfentative of his fovereign, and afllimed a proportional degree o-f authority. He had no occafion henceforth to temporize, and court thofe whom he had a right to command. His refolucions becanie more firm, and his manner more ftately. The adherents of Vclafquez, obferving this change in his behaviour, and aware of its caufe, could no longer continue filent fpeftators of his aclions. They declaimiCd openly againft the proceedings of the council as illegal, and thofe of the army as mutinous. Cortez, at firft, did all that lay in his power, in order to remedy this evil, without proceeding to extremities ; but finding that gentle meafures had not the defired efFcft, he ordered Diego de Ordaz, Pedro Efcivdero, and Juan Velafquez de Leon, the chief pro- pagators of thefefeditious principles, to be feized, ' loaded with chains, and car- ried on board the fleet. Aftoniihed, and overawed, by this well timed aft of feverity, their afibciates remained quiet -, and Cortez, more defirous to reclaim than to punifh his prifoners, fought their friendfhip with fo much afTiduity and addrefs, while he threatened them with the lofs of their heads, that a perfect re- conciliation was brought about, without any mean compliance on the one fide, or any fervile advance on the other. Nay, what is truly remarkable, and equally for the honour of both parties, thefe very men became the firmed friends, and moft favoured officers of Cortez -, and on the moft trying occafions, neither their connexion with the governor of Cuba, nor the remembrance of the indig- nity which they had fuffered,, tempted theni to fwerve from an inviolable attach- ment to his intercft, nor did he ever betray the leaft jealoufy or diffidence of their condu6l-f-. Having now eftablifhed his authority on the moft folid bafis of which circum- ftances would admit, Cortez began to take meafures for removing the fleet and army to the place where the fettlement was to be founded. For this purpofc it was neceflary to fend a party in fearch of provifions, which grew extremely fcarce in the camp. Pedro de Alvarado was accordingly difpatched witii an hundred • De Solis, lib. ii. c. 7. Herrera, d:c. If. lib. iii. c. 3. f Id. ibid. 5- A a Uien, THE HISTORY OF AMERICA. men, to range the neighbouring country, which he found entirely deferted, and returned in a fhort time with a plentiful fupply of Indian wheat, fowls, and othtr neceflaries. Every thing was now difpolVd for quitting St. Juan de Ulua. The fleet ki fail for the bay of Quiabiflan, and Cortez proceeded with the army by land, taking the road of Zempoalla, and lending out fcouts to examine the coun- try. On his arrival on the frontiers of this province, he found all the houfes and villages abandoned by die inhabitants, and even without any furniture or pro- vifions ; a circumftance v.hich created fufpicion, that the cazique's overtures of friendfhip were inllncere. The temples only were left in their former fuuation. There the Spaniards found feveral idols, inftruments for facrificing, made of flint, the fragments of fonie human victims, and certain books, fuppofed to con- tain the principles of the Mexican religion, made of long fkin or varnirticd cloth, fo folded that every doubling made a leaf, and written or painted with that kind of imagery, fymbol?, or hieroglyphics, ufcd in the difpatches lent by Teudle to Montezuma. The army took up their quarters the nrft night in fome of the bell houfes, and continued their march next morning through the fame fufpicious lolitude, expedt- ins every moment to be attacked, till they entered fome delightful meadows, or favannas, where they met twelve Indians laden with provifions, as a prdent to Cortez from the cazique of Zempoalla, and a feccnd invitation to come to his town, where he flioulJ be more plentitully entertained. This gave Cortez fome encouragement to proceed, though it did not entirely efface the doubts which he rntenaincd concerning the cazique's fidelity ; he therefore retained fix of the In- dians as guides, that he might have an opportunity of afking them queftions. When Cortez approached the city of Zempoalla, the capital of the province of the fame name, he was accofted by twelve noble Indians, who complimented him in their cazique's name, and apologized tor their mafter not doing himlcif the honour of paying his refpecls in perlon. The town was large, and fituatcd between two rivers, which defcending from fome mountains at a fmall dillance, fertilized tiie country, and added to the beauty of the profpcft. The buildinss were ot (lone, covered or adorned with a fort of Jime, white and fhining, which made one of the fcouts return exclaiming, that the walls were of filver-, a mil- take which occafioned much merriment in the army, and was afterwards made a jeif of by many who probably believed it at the time. The iquares and ftreets were tilled with vaft crowds of people, aflembled to b:liold the entry of the Spaniards; but without any arms that could give the leal! (ufpicion, or any noife except what ufualiy proceeds from ;.n admiring multitude. The cazique came out to the gate of his palace, fupportcd by fosne of his nobles, to \shom he fecmed to owe all his motion, being exceedingly fat and onwieldly. His habit was a mantie of fine cotton thrown over his naked body, enriched with various jewels and pendant?, whicli he alfo wore in his ears and lips, and altogether made a mod luilicrous appearance. Cortez found it neceffary to check the rifibility of his loldiers -, and as he had occafion to put fome rellraint upon himfelf, the order was given with a forced fevcrity. l]ut as foon as the cazique began to fpeak, re- receivinir & T H E H I S T O R Y O F A M E R r C A. 91' ceiving the general wicli his arms, and welcoming the reft of the officers, his CHAI'. IV. good fenfe was confpicuoLis, and gained the reipeft of the underftandmg. His A^'uTiTTg' difcourfe was Hiort, and to the purpofe, dcfiring Cortez to retire to reft after hia journey, and quarter his troops in the apartments provided for them -, adding, that he would take an opportunity to vifit him next morning, when they could talk more at Icifure concerning tlicir common interefts. As an introduction to this vifit, the cazique lent Cortez a prefent of jewels and gold, to the value of about two thouiand pcfos. He came foon after himfelf, with a fplendid retinue, carried on men's fhoulders, in a kind of litter or palan- quin. Cortez went out to receive him, attended by his principal officers ; and, after the firft compliments were over, retired iri.to a private apartment, accom- panied by the cazique and his interpreters, judging it prudent to talk to him with- out other witncllcs. Having made tJie ufual fpeech relative to the grandeur o£ the king his mafter, the purpofe of his coming, and the errors of idolatry, Cortez. proceeded to tell the cazique. That one of tiie chief objc £ts of his embafly was to redrefs wrongs, punifti violence, and take part with jullice and reafon ; touch- ing on this point with a view of leading him, by degrees, to complain of Montezuma, and to difcover what advantages might be drawn.from his diflike of that monarch. The change of his countenance loon difcovt red that the proper ftring had been touched. Before he attempted any anfwcr, he began to figh, and at laft broke out into bitter lamentations of his unhappy condition ; telling Cortez, that all the caziqucs of the neighbouring provinces were under a milerable and fliamcful ilavery, groaning beneath the opprefllons and tyrannies of Montezuma, without fufficient force to free themfclves, or even courage to think of a remedy. He intimated a wi(h, that the gallant ftrangers might affift in recovering the li- berties of the Mexicans ; but faid it was not his defign, by any trifling prefents which he had the power of bellowing, to engage the general in fo difficult an un- dertaking, nor would it be confiftent with tiie laws of friendffiip to fell his infig- nificant fcrvices at fo high a price. Cortez difcovered a mixture of art and rrenerofity in this difcourfe, which he anUvered by giving the cazique the higheft opinion of the Spanilh valour and juf- tiv:e. He little regarded Montezuma's power, he laid, having Heaven on his fide,. and a natural predominancy over tyrants ; but he was under an indifpenfable neccffity, he added, of pafTing on to Oiiiabiflan, v/hcre the oppreffed and in- jured might apply for his protedion, and all who, having juftice on their fide, ftoo-'i in need of his arms. This information he dcfired the cazique to commu- nicate to his friends, and aflfure them, that Montezuma would ceafc to tyrannize, or fail in the attempt, while he undertook their defence *. Immediately after tb.is interview Cortez. prepared for ills departure, extremely well fatisfied with his reception at Zempoalla, and the dilpofition in v;hich he had found the cazique, whence he drew prefages favourable to his great defion : and other eircumftances confpired to convince him of the cazique's fincerity. Whetv- »'De Solij, lib. ii. c. 8. K«nera, d«c. II. lib. iii. c. 3. ft THE HISTORY OF AMERICA. B O O K I. he was ready to march, that prince fent him, as a particular mark of his friendihip,, ^^[^'T^. ^ present of twenty maidens, all of them the daughters of principal men, for die ufe of himklf and bis officers ; and alio fuppUcd the army widi a number of thofe Indians called 7'<2/«.;m-.f> whole office was to pen'orm all iervilc labour, in order to carry the baggage and provifions. Thefe men were a great relief to the •Spanifh foldiers, who had hitherto not on-ly been obliged to carry their own ba^- sage, but alio to drag; along tlie artiilerv. Cortez, on his arrival at Qiiiabifian found the town,^ though naturally drone, entirely deferted ; nor could he mxetwidi anyperlbn togivc bim the lead intelii»ence of the caufe of fuch defolation, till corr.ing to a fquare, w hert: fome temples ftooJ, fourteen or fifteen priefts came out pompoufly drelled, and accolicd him in a molt refpectful manner, ufing ever)- argument in their power to deprecate his difplea- fure. He encouraged them bv cartlTcs and prefents -, when recovering from their fright, which they liad afFciTted to conceal, rhey gave him to underftand, that their cazique had withdrawn himfelf in order to avoid engaging in a war with fuch terrible enemies, or endangering his peri'on, by trulling to the genero- fity of ftrangers, and that it was impoliible to prevent the inhabitants from fol- lowing his example; but as foon as they fhould be made acquainted \s ith the oood- nefs of fuch honourable guefts, they woiild immediately return to their houfes, and account it a particular happinefs to ferve and obey them.. Cortez gave the priefts frefh aflurarices of his friendly intentions j and by their perluaHon feveral families returned to the town that night, ana next day it was full of inhabitants. /\mong others the cazique returned, bringing with him the chief of Zem- poalla, who undertook: to apologize for the diffidence which his neighbour had fhewn of the Spaniards. This matter being fettled, they both voluntarily in- troduced their complaints of Montezuma, and teftified their Hncerity by the tears which they (hed, and the keen expreffions of their refentment. They patheti- cally reprefented the mit'ery of the people, and the difhonour of the nobility ;. and the cazique of Zempoalla added, by way of climax, " This tyrant, alike rapacious and cruel, befides impoverifhing us by his exactions, and raifing his wealth out of our calamities, demands our fons to be offered as victims on the altars of his gods, while his officers forcibly tear from us our wives and dauoh- ters, in order to facrifice them to purpoles more dilhonourabie *. Cortez endeavoured to comfort the difconfolate chiefs, by afiuring them of his protection, and was inquiring into their ftrcngth, and the number of tribes that would take arms, in order to refcue thcmfclves from fuch an ignominous Qavery, when two or threelndians entered, with all the marks of horror and furprile in their looks, and whiipered Ibmsthing to the caziques, which made them quit the apart- ment in great confufion, without the ceremony of taking leave. The caufe of this alarm was prefently known. Six of Montezuma's royal commillaries, fuel* as ufually went through the empire to levy his tributes, had entered the town, and were then palling before the Spanilh quarters. Cortez went our, accom.panied ' £t Soli.', lib. ii. c. 9. Heriera, dte. 11. lib. iii. c. 4. by THEHISTORYOFAMERICA. 93 fey his captains, to fee the procedion, which was afpeftacle altogether new to the CHAP. W. Spaniards. The commiflaries were carried in litters on men's fhoulders attended ^ d.'TTi^. by a great number of fervants and inferior officers, who with large fans, made ot • -beaiuiful feathers, cooled their mafters, or iTiaded them from the fun, as occa- fion required. Their drels was magnificent, confifting of fine cotton mantles adorned with gold and precious ftoncs, rich plumes on their heads, and jewels in their ears, nofes, and lips. They pafled Cortez, in much ftate, without deign- ing to pay him the leall mark of rcfpeft. On the contrary, thsy leemed to eye him with a look of indignation and contempt ; which fo irritated the Spanifli foldiers, that they would havechaftifed the haughty Mexicans, had they not been reftrained by the general, who refi:ed facisfied, at the time, with fending Donna Marina, attended by a fufficient guard, in order to gather an account of their proceedings. By her means he learned, that, having feated themfelves in the town-houfe, they fummoned the caziques to appear before them ; and after reprimanding them feverely, for daring to hold any intercourle with thofe ftrangers whom the emperor had commanded to quit his dominions, they demanded, as an expiation for that guilt, twenty human viftims, to be facrificed to the gods of the great Montezuma. As foon as Cortez was informed of this horrid demand, he fent for the caziques in the moft private manner. On their appearance, he told them, that being able to penetrate into their molt fecret thoughts, he found they were difpofed to yield obedience to the cruel command of the Mexican officers ; and while they ftood ■amazed at this feeming myftery, he charged them, under pain of his difpleafure, not to countenance fuch abominations, or any longer comply with the fliockino- impofition of tributes in human blood ; but, on the contrary, to affemble their people, to feize the commiflaries, and leave him to maintain what was done by his advice. The boldnefs of this order terrified the caziques, who dreaded the anger of Montezuma, and were grown fo pufillanimous by the habit of fufFerino- that they even refpefted the rod of tyranny : at firft they pofitively refufed to exe- cute it ; but when Cortez repeated his charge, in a refolute tone, they colledled their retainers, and feized the officers, to the great joy of the populace, who were delighted with this fpirited exertion, and enjoyed in idea the punifhment which they hoped to fee inflidled on thofe inftruments of tyranny and barbarity. The caziques propofed to execute their prifoners in the moft ignominious man- ner ; but finding Cortez averfe to fuch a meafure, they defired permiiTion at leaft to facrifice them to their gods, as if this had been a kind of lenity, their fuperftition being no lefs barbarous than that of the Mexicans, Willing in the meantime, to prevent bloodfhed, Cortez put the commiflaries under a SpaniJli guard i and as he did not entirely approve, on mature deliberation, oj- com.- mencing hoftilities againft Montezuma, without fome better reafon, nor thought it advifable to hazard the difpleafure of that party which was forming among the malcontents, he refolved to fteer a middle courfe ; to fufpend the effefts of the refentment fhewn by the caziques, and, without difgufUng his new allies, to make a merit with the emperor of having faved his officers from the intended 5- B b punifh' 94 THE HISTORY OF AMERICA. BOOK I. piinifhment. In confequence of this refokuion, he ordered two of the prilbners 't^''" ' to be brought ro him with the utmoft fecrecy at midnight ; and after receivino; 'A lyicto '^ o' o them courtecufly, he told them, that he had fent tor them in order to fee them at liberty -, that they owed this favour folely to his friendfiiip, and might afllire Montezuma, that he would endeavour to procure the releaie of the oth.er prifoners, as v.el! as to convince the caziques of their fault, in refufing obedience to the lacred orders of their fovereign. For his own part, he laid, he was defirous of peace, and hoped to deferve, by his exemplary conduct, all the refpcifl and gra- titude »iue to the ambafliidor of a great and generous prince. Tiic Mexican officers exprefied in the warmell manner their fenfe of the obli- gation conferred, but intimated their fear of being again feized, on which Cortez ordered them be be conveyed in a boat beyond the limits of Zeinpoalla. Nor did his finefle end here. Next morning when the caziques acquainted him, in the utmoft terror and confufion, that two of the prifoners had made their efcape, he affected to be much furprifed and incenied, blaming feverely their want of vigi- lance ; and under this pretence, he ordered the remaining prifoners to be carried on board the fleet, laying, that he would take upon himfelf the care of their im- prifonment : an artifice by which he not only fecured the confidence of the two caziques, but opened a road to favour with Montezuma, by charging his officers to treat the prifoners with all poffible kindnefs. Thus did Cortez purfue his fchemes with the moll refined policy, the good effects of which were foon evident. The fame of the valour, juftice, and benig- nity of the Spaniards, quickly fpread through the neighbouring provinces ; and the caziques of Quiabiflan and Zempoalla acquainted all their friends and allies of the happinefs they enjoyed under the protection of the ftrangers ; being freed from opprefilon, and fecured in their liberties, by an invincible people, who knew the very thoughts of men, and fcemed of a fuperior nature. It was even rumour- ed, that the gods had come down to QuiabiQan, dardng lightning at Montezuma for his impiety ; and this report gained fo much credit, as produced a venera- tion, that greatly facilitated the defigns of the Spaniards. Above thirty caziques, lords of a fierce and warlike people, called Totonaques, who inhabited the mountainous part of the country, and were inveterate enemies of Montezuma, came and paid their refpcdts to Cortez, offered their troops to alTift him in any enterprife, and furrendered themfelves wholly to his obedience, folemnly fwear- ing fidelity and vaffalage to the king of Spain *. This confederacy being formed, the mind of Cortez was more at eafe, and he refolved to found the town of Villa Rica, which had hitherto cxifted only in name, as the next grand ftep to the fuccefs of his undertaking. For that pur- pofe the plain between Quiabiflan and the fea was pitched upon, becaufe of its fertility and conveniency, abounding in wood and water, and being contiguous to a good harbour. The workmen were diftributed according to their feveral profeflions •, and the Indians of Zempoalla and Quiabiflan afllfting, with equal * Herrera, dec. II. lib. iii. c. 4. De Solis, lib. ii. c. 10. fkiU THE HISTORY OF AMERICA;* flciil and indiiftrv, the houfes, or rather huts, began to rile incredibly fad, and the compals of the town was marked out by a mud wail, ot ilifficient ftrcngch to refifl: the afiaults of an Indian army. The principal SpaniOi ofiicers laboured with as much diligence as the meaneit foldier, Cortez himlelf fetting them an example of aiftivity and perfeverance in toil. Not iatisfied with that fcanty induftrv, which is thought kifScicnc in a luperior to encourage others, lie applied both his hands and his Ihoulders to the work ; roufing perfons of all ranks to a generous emulation, by convincing them, that every tiling is honourable and praife-worthy that contributes to the public good ^. While the Spaniards were thus occupied in fecuring themfelves a retreat, by the efforts of their united induftry, the councils of Montezuma were diftracbed by contradiclory refolutions. When informed of the reception given to the ob- noxious Grangers, by the chiefs of Zempoalla and Qiiiabiflin, he was fo highly enraged, that he commanded a numerous army to be aflcmbed, at the head of whif h he propofed to march in perfon, in order to punifh the perfidious caziques, threatening to feize the Spaniards alive, and facrifice them to his gods. But on the arrival of the ofiicers whom Cortez had releafed, a new reiolution was formed. They dwelt on the valour, generofitv, and courtefy of the captain of the if rangers, whofe views were wholly pacific, and whofe refpeft for the great Montezuma was as profound as that of the moft faithful of his fubjects. The anger of the haughty monarch was appealed, and he determined to try once more the efFed of a negocia- tion recommended by prefents. In order to give more weight to his fuit, he ap- pointed two of his nephews, afTifted by five aged caziques, as counfellors, and at- tended by a magnificent retinue, to wait upon Cortez. This embafTy arrived when the new city was almoft finidied. After deliverino- the prefent, together with the emperor's thanks for the civilities fhewn to his officers, the ambafladors complained of the didoyalty and prefumotion of the caziques ; remarking that, though Montezuma could entirely rely on the leader of the ftrangers for the rekafe of the reft of his officers, he could not help ex- preffing his furprife, thai fo wife and gallant a people fhould chufe to refide amono- rebels : and they concluded with the emperor's requeft that the Spaniards fhould immediately kave that country, that he might have an opportunity of puniihino- the traitors without breach of friendfhip ; admonifhing Cortez, at the fame time, to lay afide all thoughts of advancing to the court of Mexico, as the dangers and difficulties of the journey were inexpreffibly great. On this lad point they en- larged with a myfterious tedioufnefs, it being the principal article in their inftruc- tions. Cortez received the Mexican ambafladors with great refpe>5l ; and, in order to conciliate their good will, before he returned his anhvcr, nc commanded the four imprifoned officers to be brought from on board the fleet, and delivering them up, faid. That he hoped the error committed by the caziques was amended by the refti- * Id. ibid. tution 5$ ■ TIIEHISTORYOFAMERICA. tiition now made; that the comminaries, by their cruel and extravagant demands, had in fome meafure drawn upon tlieir.felvcs the infuh of that imprilbninent-, and that he had rcafon to refcnt their kverity, as it was occafioned by the civilities gcnerouQy fliewn to him and his companions, wlien abandoned by Pilpatoe and Tciuile, contrary to the laws of hofpitality and of nations : but having nothing in view but peace, he was unwilling, he remarked, to dwell upon grievances; and that Montezuma might refb alTured, that no attempt fnould be made to the prejudice of the royal authority by the caziques of Zcmpoalla and Quiabiflan, nor by thofe of the mountains, who were entiiely at the devotion of their new guefts. As to what regarded himfelf, he added, that he would explain the purpofe of his embaffy, when he had the honour of being admitted into the emperor's prefence; in bar of which, fo neceffary vifit, dangers and difficulties would be difregarded, the Spaniards being inured to hardfliips, and acculfomed to feek glory amid the greattlf perils. This Ipeecli Cortez delivered in a tone fo firm, that the Mexican ambafiadors did not daie to reply, though it was evident they were dilTatisfied. He difmilTed them with many marks of refpcdl, and a prefent of European trinkets ; in full confidence that, notwithftanding their difappointment with refpeft to the princi- pal objeft of their deputation, their report would prove favourable to the cliarac- ter of the Spaniards. Nor was this the only advantage which Cortez derived from this cmbalTy. It exalted him in the opinion of the Indians. 1 hey con- ceived that he mufl: be fome deity, and none of the leaft powerful, who, with fo fmall a force, durft prefume to oppofe a mighty monarch, and whofe friend- fhip Montezuma, too proud to kneel even to his gods, lolicited with prefents, which they confidered as facrifices *. Cortez had occafion for all his policy and difcernment ; talents, in his fitua- tion, no lefs necelTary than valour. He was obliged to guard againlt the felfilh, and fecret defigns of his friends, as well as to oppofe the open attacks of his enemies. A remarkable inftance of the former now occurred. The cazique of Zempoalla being the inveterate enemy of the chief of the neighbouring province of Zempazingo, and thinking this a proper opportunity to take vengeance, and enrich himfelf with plunder, told Cortez, that a body of Mexicans were quar- tered in the capital of that diftrift, and wafted his fields, and delblated his territory, on account of his attachment to the ftrangers. Cortez be- lieved the feigned 'relation ; and thinking it neceffary to fupport the reputa- tion of his arms, as well as that charafter of deliverer, which he had alTumed marched with four hundred Spaniards, and two thoufand Zempoallans, to attack the town of Zempazingo ; but to his aflonilTiment, he found the place entirely deferted. The deceit was difcovered by means of fome pricfls, who had ventured to remain in the temples : the Zempoallan captains, whofe people were already loaded with booty, were feverely reprimanded, and threatened, for attempting to make their protcdtor the inftrument of their private revenge ; and the cazique of Zempazingo, charmed with the generofity * Dc Soils, lib. ii. c. lo. 4 of THE HISTORY OF AMERICA. of Cortez, who had ordered all the plunder to be reftored, fubmitted himfelf vo- Juntarily to the crown of Spain *. When Cortez returned to Zempoalla, he found the cazjque waiting for him, at fome little diftance from the town, with great ftore of provifions to refrefli the army, and much afliamed and troubled, that his deceit was difcovered. He at- tempted an excufe, but the general svould not hear it ; telling him that he had laid afide his difpleafure, and defired an amendment in future, which was the only atonement for pardoned crimes. Happy to be fo readily forgiven, the cazique prepared another prefent of eight beautiful virgins of high condition. One of them was his niece, whom he intended for the general, defiring that he would take her as a wife, and diftribute the reft among his officers. But Cortez, after expreffing his fenfe of the honour intended him, replied, that it was not lawful for the Spaniards to take wives of a different religion -, and therefore de- clined receiving the damfels, in that character, till fuch time as they fhould be- come Chriflians. The intemperate zeal of Cortez, roufed by this adl of felf-denial, had almofl: proved fatal to his whole enterprife. While attempting in vain to perfuade the cazique to embrace Chriftianity, fome of his fanatical foldiers entered, and cried, they could no longer bear the impieties which thofe hardened idolaters daily prac- tifed in their fight ; and that, before they entered upon any other undertakino-, they ought to vindicate the honour of God, which was the chief motive of their coming thither, and for which they were ready to lay down their lives. Cortez commended their pious refolution ; and forgetting at once all the diftates of de- cency and found policy, accompanied them to the principal temple, where, in a tranfport of enthufiatic fury, he ordered all the idols to be thrown down and broken, and a crucifix and an image of the Virgin Mary to be erected in their flead f. The people beheld this outrage with aftonifliment and horror, takino- Heaven to witnefs that they had no hand in it : the priefts excited them to arms ; but fo great was the afcendehcy of Cortez, who ordered the cazique and fome of the chief nobility to be fecured, that the tumult was appeafed without blood- fiied ; and the Indian maids being now baptized and given away, concord was perfedly re-eltabliflied, and the ties of triendfhip ftrengthened by thofe of blood J. Cortez having thus renewed his alliance with the Zempoallans, marched immediately for his new fettlement of Villa Rica ; and when he arrived there, • Herrera, dec. II. lib. iii. e- 4. De Solis, lib. ii. c. II. f The arguments made ufe cf by Cortez, in order to convert the Zempoallans, as found in Herrera, are very plau- fjble, though I'o.iiewhat laughable. After telling them, that the God of the Chri.lians was the giver of life, health, and pler.:ifu' harvells, he informed them, that this Divinity had loved mankind to fcch a degree, as to come into the vorld for our falvaiion, and take flefh in iha virgin womb cf a lady, whofe image (to tthich he pointed) was honoured by all the catholic church, and through whofe interceUion they ni'ght expeft greater bieflings than from their idols. Hift. Gen. dec. II. lib. iii. c. 4. 1 Herrera, dec. IJ. iib. iii. c. 4. 6. C C he THE HISTORY OF AMERICA. he found a fmall veffcl jiift come into the harbour, commanded by Francifco de Salcedo, accompanied by captain Luis Marin, and ten men, who had left Cuba in order to attach themfelves to his fortune. They brought with them one horfe and a mare *. But the pleafure which this fupply gave to the general, though confiderable in his prefcnt circumftances, was much allayed by the intelligence which he received, that Vclafqucz, whofe enmity againft Cortez was rtill una- bated, had purfued his refentment with unrelenting rigou.*", .and obtained a commiffion from the king, appointing him adelantado not only of the ifland of Cuba, but fob direftor of all the difcoveries v/hich iTiould be made on the con- tinent by his means, with power to beftow employments and equip expeditions, in whatever manner he fhould think proper f. The Spaniards had now been above three months in the Mexican dominions, every moment of which had been dillinguilhed by the moll important tranfac- tions, though not of the military kind, and the fettlement being almoll completed, it was refolved to march up the country ; but this new intelligence made it necef- fary for Cortez, in the firft place, to vindicate his condudl to the court, and efface any bad imprcflions, which might be cccafioned by the mifreprefenta- tions of the governor of Cuba. He likewife thought it eflential to his fecurity to have his commifHon immediately from the king, and wholly independent of Velafquez ; for which purpofe he determined to fend difpatches to Spain, with an account of his proceedings. He accordingly laid his intentions before the magiftrates of the new colony, and obtained from them a letter to Charles V. containing an account of the fuccefs of the expedition, with a pompous defcrip- tion of the provinces already brought under the obedience of his Catholic Ma- jefty, and a view of the fchemes which they had formed, and the hopes which they entertained, of fubjeding to his dominion the whole empire of Mexico, the riches of which were beyond credibility : and they concluded with a minute detail of the motives which had induced them to renounce all connexion with Velaf- quez, to fettle a colony dependant on the crown alone, and to veil the fu- preme power, both civil and military, in Cortez ; humbly entreating his ma- jelly to ratify what they had done by his royal authority. This letter was accom- panied by another from the general himfelf, in which he entered more particularly into his juftification, and gave llrong affurances of his well grounded expetfla- tions of annexing New Spain to the crown ot Caflile J. Cortez, however, did not reft the fuccefs of his negociatlon merely upon thefe reprefentations. Senfible that the SpanilTi court, accullomed to ex^gerated ac- counts of every new country by itsdifcoverer, would pay little regard to the mofl Iplendid defcriptions of the Mexican expire, unlefs they were I'upported by a cor- rcfponding fpecimcn of its wealth, he folicited his ofiicers and foldiers to relin- • The manner in which Herrera mentions this circumfiance is highly expreflive of the fituation of the Spaniards, and the importance of which horfes were to thtm. " This ftiip," fays hr, " brought captain Louis Marin with a mare, and ten foldiers, and Salcedo had a good horfe." Dec. II. lib. iii. c. 4. f Dr. Robertfon entirely omits all thefe parlicu'ais, ard even the arrival of the vefTel, X Herreraj dec II. lib. iii. c. 4. De Solif, lib. ii. c [5. quilh THE HISTORY OF AMERICA. quifh what th.ey might claim, as their fhare of the treafure coUedled, that the whole, inftead of the fifth, might be fent to the king : and fo great was the afcendanc wliich he had acquired over their minds, and fuch their own romantic ideas of future wealth, that an army of indigent and rapacious adventurers, on the firll intimation of this defign, voluntarily offered, as a prefent to their fovereign, the entire fruits of their dangers and toils, that their general might be continued in command. Portocarrero and Montejo, the chief magiftrates of the colony, were appointed to carry this prefent to Spain. The beft fhip in the fleet was given to them, with Alaminos as their pilot, and exprefs orders to fail through the chan- nel of Bahama, in order to avoid falling into the hands of the governor of Cuba *. While preparations were making for this voyage, fome fokliers and Tailors, fe- cretly attached to Velafquez, formed the defign of feizing one of the brigantines, and making their efcape to Cuba, in order to give the governor fuch intellio-ence as might enable him to intercept the fhip which was to carry the treafure and dif- patches to Spain. Fortunately, however, when they had got pofTeflion of the vefiel, and were ready to embark, their defign was betrayed by one of their affociates, and they were immediately fecured. Two of the ringleaders were punifhed with death, and two whipped. The reft were all pardoned, except the pilot, who was condemned to lofe one foot -\-. This confpiracy, though fo feafonably cietefted, filled the mind of Cortez with the mofi: difquieling apprehenfions, and prompted him to carry into execution a defign which had long engaged his thoughts. It made him fenfible, that fome fparks of fedition ftill lurked among his troops, which the firft appearance of adverfe fortune would be apt to blow into a flame, as long as there was any pof- fibility of retreat left : he therefore determined to reduce his followers to the necefilty of adopting the fame heroic refolution which he had himfelf formed,, either to conquer New Spain or perifh in the attempt. For this purpofe he- determined to deftroy his fleet : but as he durft not venture to execute fuch a- bold meafure by his fingle authority, he communicated it to his friends ; pointing out to them the defirable acceffion of flrength which they would derive from the junftion of an hundred men, now unprofitably employed as failors, and urgino- the propriety of fixing their eyes and wifhes folely on the great objed:s before them, without once thinking of a retreat. He next referred his defign to the council, who immediately flamped it v/ith their approbation ; and the whole, afi^air was conduded with fo much addrefs, that the very failors fupported the. propriety of the refolution, declaring that the flnps had been fo long at fea, and were fo much damaged by accidents, as to be altogether unfit for fervice. They: were therefore funk, with univerfal confenr, after bringing alhore their fails, rigging, iron-work, and whatever elfe might be of ufe j;. Immediately after this effort of magnanimity, to which, all circumflrances con- fidered, there is nothing equal in the hiftory of mankind, Cortez muftered his- 99 CHAP. IV. A. D. 1519. * Id. ibid. Solis, lib. ii. c. 13. •J- Ut fupra. t Herrera, dec. II. lib. iii. c. 4. De. loo THE HISTORY OF AMERICA. BOOK I. army, and began his march towards Mexico, with five hundred men, fifteen ^"/T^PCa^ horfe, and fix field pieces ; the reft of the troops, confilling chiefly of fuch as A. D. 1519.' from age or infirmity were lefs fit for aftive fervice, being left as a garrifon in Villa Rica, under Juan de Elcalante, the chief alguazil, an officer of merit, and firmly attached to the general's intereft. The cazique of Zempoalla fur- nifhed him with provifions, and with two hundred Tamemes, to carry the bag- gage, and drag the artillery. This prince, and his allies, alio offered a confi- derable body of troops ; but Cortez was fatisfied with four hundred of the moll robuft, among whom he took care to chufe feveral perfons of fuch diftinftion as might ferve as hoftagcs for the fidelity of their countrymen. Nothing remark- able occurred till the army reached Zocothlan, the capital of a province of die fame name. Cortez gave the cazique notice of his arrival and defigns. The anfwer was favourable, and quarters were provided for the troops. But the civilities of this chief, whofe name was Olinteth, were far from being cordial, nor was the accommodation or entertainment of the Spaniards by any means to their wifh ; though the general took care to reprefs the anger of his foldicrs, in order to pre- ferve the appearance of friendly intentions. In an interview with Olinteth, who was a man of capacity, and lord of many towns, Cortez aflced the ufual queftion, whether he was a fubjecb of the emperor of Mexico ; to which the cazique inftantly replied, " Who is not a vafial or a fiave to Montezuma .'"' Cortez endeavoured to convince him of his miftake j faying that the fovereign, whom he ferved, had fubjedls greater than Montezuma. The cazique fmiled at the bold aflertion, and without entering into any compari- fon, went on extolling Montezuma's grandeur ; the immenfity of his riches, the ftrength of his armies, and above all, ihe unhappinefs of fuch as attempted to refift his power, for they were condemned to perifh on the altars of his gods. Cortez perceived thedefign of this difcourfe, and remarked, with a compofed air, that he had no occafion to be troubled at the power of Montezuma, with which he was not unacquainted, as his views were altogether friendly ; but, though he defired peace, that he was not afraid of war. " I will not," laid he, " draw the fword without juft provocation : but, once drawn, every thing will yield to my difpleafure, and univerfal carnage enfue. Nature will airift me with her prodi- gies, and Heaven with its lightnings ; for it is the caufe of Heaven which I come to vindicate, by banifliing your vices, and the errors of your religion, even thole facrifices of human blood, which render your fovereign fo terrible *." With thefe words Cortez broke off his vifit, and turning to his attendants, faid, " This, my friends, is what we leek -, great dangers and great riches : by the one we acquire fame, by the other fortune." A well timed oblervation, by which he entirely effaced from the minds of his foldiers all bad imprefiions that might have been produced by the pompous fpeech of Olinteth •, and in confe- quence of his refolute reply to that chief, the army was better accommodated, and more plentifully fupplied with provifions, thegreateft refped being fiiewn to the meanefl Spaniard -f-. • De Solis, lib. ii. c. ij. f Id. ibid. Herrera, dec. 11. lib iv. c. i. When THE HISTORY OF AMERICA. ioj When Cortez propofa.! to leave ZocothLn, where he had continued five days, CHAP. iV. in order to rcfrefh his men after their fatiguing march, a difficulty arofe concern- aTd^'TTiq ing the route which he fhould purfue. The cazique recommended that of Cho- lula ; becauft; the country was fertile, and the inhabitants being more inclined to commerce than war, would grant a fecure and commodious paflage to the troops : and he warmly remonflrated againft the road of Tlafcala, as the people of that diftrid: were of a warLke and fanguinary difpofition. But the Zempoallan cap- tains privately told Cortez that he muft not rely on this advice •, tiiat Cholula was- a large and populous city, the inhabitants of which were infidious and treacher- ous, and that Montezuma commonly there quartered a body of his troops ; that the Tlafcalans were indeed a warlike race, but from them he had nothing to fear, as they were the friends and confederates of the Totonaques and Zempo:il- lans, and waged continual war with Montezuma -, and that the Spaniards, being in company with the ancient allies of this people, would not be confidered as Gran- gers, but entertained as affociates. Cortez approved of their realbning, and com- manded his troops to march towards the province of Tlafcala ; on the frontiers of which he foon arrrived, as it bordered on that of Zocothlan. Tlafcala was at that time a confiderable ftate, abounding with warlike and ia- duftrious bhabitants, and above fifty leagues in extent. Though not fofar ad- vanced in the arts of civil life as the fubjeds of Montezuma, the Tlafcalans had attained to a degree of improvement much beyond their rude neighbours. Their country, though not remarkable for fertiiity, being mountainous and uneven, was well cultivated ; a ftriking proof that they had made confiderable procrrc-fs in agriculture. They dwelt in large towns, whofe ftrudlure wa* rather durable than handfome, being chiefly built on eminences with a view to defence : and they had baths and pleafure gardens. Their government was at firft monarchical, but the independent fpirit of the people not brooking fubjecftion to an individual whom they had found too frequently inclined toabufe his power, they threw off the yoke ■, and after living for fome time in a llate of anarchy, fornied themfelves into a regular commonwealth. They divided their country into different di(lrii5ts^ over which certain magiflrates prefided, wPia levied taxes, and adminiftered jultice within their feveral jurifdidions; but it was neceffary that their laws and edids Ihould have the fanftion of the fenate of Tlafcala, in which the fupreme authority refided. This body was compofed of citizens chofen out of each diftriit by an. aOembly of the people. The republic was now in the zenith of its power and glory ; having for a feries of years foiled all the efforts of Pvlontezuma, and efta- lalilhed its independency on the mofl Iblid bafis, in coniVquence of alliances with all the free tribes, who had felt, or dreaded the violences of Montezuma. Among thefe was theOtomies, a brave but barbarous people, fierce in war, and cruel in conquelt *. Cortez, informed of thefe particulars, determined to fend an embafi"y to the fenate of Tlafcala, in order to demand a free pafTage for his troops through the * Herrcr.1, dec. II. lib. iv. c. 5. De Solis, Lb. h c 15. 6. Dd terntones. ,02 T H E H I S T O R Y O F A M E R I C A. BOOK I. territories of the republic ■, and for this fcrvice he ciiofe the four Zempoallan cap- " — VT"^'" ' tains, who ha the Eaft as to come from the coeleftial regions, which we confukr as the birth-place of the fun I — The fire-arms and great embarkations, which you call feapalaces, may be the efFedls of human induftry," and only admired for their novelty ; or perhaps they may be the illufions of fome enchantment, like that deception of the fight which we call cunning, or flight in our diviners. Was what they did in Tabafco any more, than breaking an army uiperior to themfclves in number .-' and fliall this be thought miraculous in Tlafcaia, where greater aiflions are daily performed by natural means .'' May not the benignity, which they have exercifed towards the ZempoaHans, be an artifice, more readily to gain the people ? At leaft I fliall deem it fuch -, a delicious fweetnefs which is offisred to the palate, in order to conceal their poifonous defigns: for we know too much of their info- Icnce, ambition, and avarice, to believe them capable of benevolent intentions. Thefe men, if diey be not rather monfters flung by the fea upon our coafts, rob our natives, live at difcretion, guided by no other law than that of their own will, thirfl^ing after gold and filver, and given up to the delights of fenfuality. They dcfpile our civil infl:itutions, and endeavour to introduce innovations, equal- ly dangerous to religion and government. They deflroy our temples, (as appears from their condud: at Zempoalla and other places) pull in pieces our altars, and blafpheme our gods; and is this the race you call coelellial ? and can any one doubt, whether we fhould refift ? and can we lilten without fcandal to the name of peace? If the Zempoallans andTotonaques have admitted tlicm into their friend- lliip, it was without confulting our republic; confequently we are under no lics. by 'S'9' THEHISTORYOFAMERICA. lOi by the law of nations. They advanced under no better protedlion than the want CHAP of thought, which deferves to be puniflied in them as prefumption, and indif- cretron in thole that fupport them. The frightful appearances fo magnified by Magifcatzin, being the conllant harbingers of calamities and misfortunes, fhould rather incline us to treat the ftrangers as enemies, than as benefaftors ; for Heaven, by its prodigies, does not give us notice of thoie things for which we wifh, but which we ought to fear. Our felicities never come accompanied with terrors : nor does Heaven light up comets to lull us afleep, but to awaken us to a fenfe of our danger. My opinion therefore is, that we affemble our forces, and crulh thofe haughty ftrangers at one blow : for they come into our power pointed out by figns in the heavens, in order that we may confider them as the oppreflbrs of our country, and the revilers of our gods ; and that, eftablifli- ing the reputation of our arms on their punifhment, the world may perceive that it is not the fame thing to be immortal in Tabafco, and invincible in Tlafcala." Thefe arguments being more agreeable to the. genius of a people bred up irt arms, and breathing nothing but war, than thofe of Magifcatzin, foon effaced from the minds of the audience every trace left of his more cautious advice, and the fpeech of Xicotencal was echoed with fhouts of applaufe. But on re- examining the matter, it was thought, by the more experienced part of the fenate, an adt of the higlieft imprudence, and moft inconfiderate rafhnels, and contrary to all the maxims of found policy, to rilk the fate of the republic on the event of a fingle battle. Temilotecal, another of the heads of the common- wealth, endeavoured therefore to ftiike a medium between the two extremes. He was of opinion, he faid. That meffengers fliould be difpatched to the com- mander of the ftrangers with intelligence that he Ihould be well received in that city ; and, in the meantime, as they had troops in readinefs, that Xicotencal fhould advance towards him with the Otomies, and try what thofe men were whom fome called gods. " If they are vanquillied," added he, " Tiafcala will gain eternal honour: if not, the blame may be laid on the Otomies, as a bar- barous and rafti people, and room will ftill be left for the republic to treat of peace." This counfel being generally approved of, was ordered to be put in execution ; after which the Zempoallans were called in, and told, that it was refolved to receive the ftrangers in a friendly manner. A pretext was, however, made for detaining the ambafladors, in a kind of underhand imprifonment, in order to gain time for Xicotencal to march againft Cortez, and for the fenate to return their anfwer according to tlie event *. Cortez, having remained eight days encamped on the frontiers of Tiafcala,' in anxious expectation of the return of the ambafladors, refolved, v,-ith the advice of his officers and the Zempoallan chiefs, to advance towards the capital, in order to learn the intentions of the republic. In confequcnce of this" determination, he marched with his army in good order, omitting no pi-ecaution • Herrera, dec. II. lib. iv, c. i. De Soils, lib. ii. c. i6. ^. E e iKCQffmy fo6 THEHISTORYOF AMERICA. B O O K I. necefiary to be obferved by thofe who fet foot, for the firft time, in the country *'—^' "^ of an unknown enemy ; and taking a road between two mountains, whole flvirts '^ formed a delightful valley, he came to a great wall, which ran from the one mountain to the other, entirely fhucting up the pafiage. It was twenty feet thick, and a fathom and an half high; and on the top was a parapet, after the manner of European fortitications. The entrance was narrow and winding •, the wall in that part dividing, and making two walls, v/hich circularly crofled each other, for tlie extent of ten paces. Cortez was informed by the Indians of Zocothlan, that this was the boundary of the province of Tlalcala, built by the inhabitants in former ages, as a bulwark againft tiie invafions of their enemies -, and it was fortunate for the Spanilh general, that they had not poirefll-d themfelves of it, in order to oppofe liis march. Tliis negleft may be accounted for two ways ; either becaul'e the llafcalans did not lo ibon expe(5t the arrival of the Spaniards, Of becaufe they chofe to engage them in the open field, that their forces might have more room to aft to advantage, by furrounding the inferior number of the enemy. Having pafTed the wall without any obftrudion, Cortez again formed liis army, and continued his march flowly, and in good order, till coming into a more fpacious country, the fcouts difcovered a party of twenty or thirty Tlafcalans, whofe plumes (only worn by foldiers in adlual fervice) denoted their hoftile intentions. The general ordered them to be called by fignals of peace, ■which they difregarded, running till they incorporated with another party, then turned about, and put themfelves in a pofture of defence. They were attacked by the Spanifh cavalry ; and made fuch a gallant refiftance that, regardlefs of their own lofs, they wounded two men and five horfes, before they offered to give ground. As foon as they began to yield, a body of five thoufand Tlafcalans ruflied out from the thickets, where they had concealed themfelves, to the alTift- ance of their countrymen. At this inftant the Spanifli infantry happily came up to fupport their flender body of cavalry. The enemy attacked with incredible fury, but they were fo warmly received, and fo much difconcerted by tlie firft difcharge of the fire-arms, that they retired in confufion, and afforded the Spani- ards an opportunity of purfuing them with great flaughter : an advantage which Cortez declined, as the day was far advanced, from a fufpicion that this fo eafy viftory might be a ftratagem to draw him into an ambufcade. The Spaniards fpent the night unmoleftcd, and advanced next morning in order of battle, to an eminence, v/hence they defcried the whole Tlafcalan army, compofed of near forty thoufand men of different nations, drawn up on the plain, under the command of Xicotencal, general of the republic *. The experience which • It v.as in their march this morning that the Spaniards, for want of better provifions, fed upon Tunas, a fruit which the country fpontaneouily produces. This Dr. Roberifon confiders as a proof of the uncultivated ftate of Tlafcala ; and thence draws a conclufion, that ibe armies of the republic could not be fo numerous as generally reprefented. But the fime necelTity might happen to an holUle army, no larger than that of Cortsz, in the extreme pans of the beft culiiia- ted THE HISTORY OF AMERICA. 107 which the Spaniards had gained in Tabafco preventing them from being dif- CHAP. IV, coiiraged at the vaft fuperiority of the enemy, they marched down the hill with ^""^^ ~' perfeft compofure ■, formed themfelves on the plain ; brought down the artillery . without hurry or confufion ; and difpofed every thing for attacking the Tlafca"- lans with the ftrongeft afiurance of viftory, though they found fome difficulty in bringing their confederates to be of the iame opinion. Xicotencal, however, fhewed his generallhip, by difpofing his troops in fuch a manner as to furround the Spaniards. This manoeuvre was no fooner effefted, than he contrafled the circle with incredible diligence; fhowering fuch quantities of darts, ftones, and arrows, as almoft covered the little army of Cortez. But being made fenfible, by the (laughter of his troops, of the inferiority of the Tlafcalan weapons to the fire- arms of the Spaniards, he clofed with them, in order to try the effedt of his pikes and fwords. In this refped the Tlafcalans were little more upon an equality with their enemies, though they fought with aftonilhing obltinacy and impetuo- fity : they fell in heaps, either by the Spaniflifpears, or the vollies difcharged among them from the artillery, every ffiot doing execution. It was the praftice of the Tlafcalans, from motives of tendernefs or miftaken policy, to carry off their wounded and flain, even in the heat of the engage- ment ; by which means their union was often broken, and the force of the im- prelTion which they might have made by a joint effort diminifhed. But Cortez* notwithftanding this pious folicitude, was fenfible of the decreafe of their num- bers : their fury abated ; and they fell back to a greater diftance, though they ftilL continued the battle. The Spaniards, who had hitherto fought in the form of a . fquare, prefenting a front on every fide, now formed into a column by the com-, mand of the general, and pufhing on with irrefiftible fury, entirely broke and routed the enemy, after an obftinate difpute. In the pvirfuit one Nicron, a Spanifh horfeman, engaging himfelf too far, was- furrounded, and taken prifoner by the enemy, after they had killed the animal oa which he rode, and cut off its head. This accident encouraged the Tlafcalans to rally and renew the charge, which they began with redoubled fury ; and terrible mull: have been the flaughteron both fides, had it continued : but fortunately for the Spaniards, who were now almoft worn out with fatigue, Xicotencal ordered a . retreat to be founded, on difcOvering that moft of his officers were fiain, appre- henfive that hefhould not be able to govern fuch a multitude of foldiers by his- fingle authority. The Spaniards, therefore, remained mafters of the field,' though the Tlafcalans alio exulted, claiming the vidlory becaufe they had not ted country in Europe; or even in the interior parts, if care was taken to carry off and deftroy the provifions. The Spaniards experienced no want in Tiafcala, after they entered into an alliance with the republic ; nor even during the war, vihen they had advanced farther into the country. The Tlafcalan general ordered them to be plentifully fupplied with provifions, that it might net . be faid he vanquithed an army perifhing of hunger ; a circumftance which favours fo Itrongly of the fpirit of chivalry, that we might fuppofg it to be fuggeiled by the romantic imaginations of- the Spanifli hiftorians, were not writers the moft oppofite in feaiiments, united in attefting it as a . fait. br£n . io3 T HE H I S T O R Y OF A M E R I C A: BOOK 1. been completely defeated ; and the bead of the Spanifli horfe, the only mark oT ^■"JJ""']"^ thuir triumph, the rider having been refcued by his companions, was carried by Xicotencal before the army on the point of a fpear, preicnted to the fenate, and afterwards folemnly facrifked to their gods. The lofs of the Tlafcalans was very confiderablc, though it could not be exadly afcertained, by reafon of the pradice already mentioned. Of the Spaniards nine were wounded, befides feveral Zem- poallans, but none {lain *. Cortez having now Icifure for obfervation, difcovered a village feated on an eminence whicli commanded the country. Of this poll he poflcfled himfelf with- out oppoution, the inhabitants having retired on the defeat of the Tlalcalan army, leaving behind them abundance of provifions, which proved a very feafonable refrefimienc to his troops. Here Cortez fortified a camp, and kept watch in per- fon the greater part oi the night, with one third of liis army ; a precaution which might have fcemed unneceiTary, had he known, that it was a maxim among tlie Tlafcalans never to fight after the going down of the fun. He fpent next day in ftrengthening his entrenchments •, and as he was neither fo vain as to think the republic wotild be fo much humbled by their lofs as to give up the contell, nor fo confident as not to be fenfible of the danger of encountering a force fo much fuperior, he was difpofed, notwithftanding his pad fuccefs, to renew his de- clarations of friendfhip, but could find no way to introduce the negociation. This dilemma was occafioned by the return of the Zempoallan envoys, who had broke, as they faid, from their confinement, and narrowly efcaped being facrificed, in order to appeafe the god of war. Certain it is, that the Tlafcalans were, much affeded by the death of fo many brave officers and men of rank ; and this concern might perhaps pufh the fenare to wild expedients, as it divided them by a variety of counfels. Some, dignifyino- the Spaniards with the name of immortal, declaimed loudly in favour of peace ; but ftill the majority were for trying the fortune of Tlafcala in another engage- ment. Xicotencal flood his ground, notwithftanding the clamours of Magifcatzin, and animated riiem by difplayiiig the trophy of the horfe's head : he defired a reinforcement, concealed his lof?, and promifed fuccefs with fo much confidence, that the fenate was ready to enter into a nieafure difbated by his revenge, when an auxiliary cazique arrived with a body of ten thoufand men. This fup- ply being unexpeded, was looked upon as fuccour from the gods : the courage of •the republic revived with frelh ardour ; and it was unanimoufly refolved to aug- ment the army, and profecute the war at all hazards. Meaiiwhile Cortez was not idle. After having put his camp in a proper pofture for defience, he advanced with a party towards the capital, and plundered feveral villages, carrying off a great quantity of pix)vifions, and fome prifoners. I'rom them he had intelligence, that Xicotencal was encamped at the diftance of two leagues, and diligent in recruiting his forces, which would in a few days be far more numerous than in the former engagement. Scnfible that, if viilory * Herrera, dec. II. lib. iv. De Soli;, lib. ii- c. 17. I depended THE HISTORY OF AMERICA. lO) ■depended upon numbers, the Spaniards wo\ild have no chance with the Thfca- CHAP. W. lans, Cortez releafed all his prifoners, faying, he would augment Xicotencal's army ^^'^^~*^ to Ihew the republic how licrle he tcured her utmofl ftrength ; an acft which gave ^ the enemy the moft extravagant ideas of his valour and generofity, and contributed not a little to liis future fLKrcefs. By the moft intelligent of thefc prifoners he {sin a meflage toXicotencal, the fubftance of which was, that the lofs which the repub- lic had fuftained gave him much concern, but that the fenate had only tliemiclves to blame, having ungeneroufly treated in an hoftile manner thofe who came with pacific intentions ; that notwithftanding this juft caufe of difpleafure, he was flill •willing to enter upon a negociation, as if nothing had pafled ; but he threatened, if Xicotencal did not immediately difarm, to deftroy the republic utterly, and make the name and misfortunes of Tlafcala a terror to the neighbouring nations *, This bold meffiige, it was hoped, would intimidate the Tlafcalan general -, but it had the very oppofite effeft, roufing his refentment to fuch a degree, that he fent the prifoners back mangled for their prefumption, and with an anfwer equally vain-glorious. He defired diem to tell the general of the ftrangers, That he fliould fee him in the field at the firft rifing of the fun, it being his intention to carry him and all his people alive to the altars of the gods, and there to facri. ficethem in the name of the republic, that their blood might appeafe the guardi- ans of Tlafcala, and fecure to it the blelTings of peace ; that he gave him this in- formation that he might have time to prepare himfelf, the Tlafcalans not beincr accuftomed to leflen the glory of their vidories by thefccurity of their enemies. Vv'^hile the two generals thus irritated each other by their mutual defiances, both were making the moft vigorous preparations for carrying their threats into execu- tion, and putting an end to the war by a decifive battle. Cortez kept ftridt v/atch during the night, and advanced, as foon as day began to appear, about half a league, to an advantageous poll, where he determined to wait for the enemy, in that difpofition which the experience of the former engagement dic- tated to be neceflary, and which the information of Xicotencal encouraged him to make with care, from an affurance that it would not be made in vain. He fecured his flanks by the artillery, iffuing orders in regard to the times and diftances at which the cannon could be difcharged to moft advantage : every con- tingency was forefeen •, and the general liimfelf took his poft at the head of the cavalry, that he might fuperintend the whole, fuccour thofe who were hard prefled, and move with more facility and celerity to the different parts of his army as occafion might require. In a fnort time the enemy's van guard appeared, and the fcouts returned with advice that an army was in motion which covered the v^hole face of the country. It confifted of at leaft fifty thoufand men, being the entire ftrength of the republic united to that of her allies. The golden eagle of Tlafcala, a ftandard only brought forth on the moft extraordinary occafions, was difplayed aloft in the middle of the multitude, and every thing declared that the combat would be bloody and decifive, the fate of the commonwealth depend- * De Solis, lib. ii. c. iS. 6. F f ing no THE HISTORY OF AMERICA. BOOK I- ing on the iflue of the battle. When the Tlafcalan forces came within a pi'oper ^r"^ ^ diftance, the artillery poured fuch deftruftion among them, that their more ad- A. D. • '■ •" ' o » !5'9- vanced parties reeled back upon the main body, and that vaft army fccnied for a while divided between the different pafTions of fear, fhame, and refentment -, but the latter at length prevailing, they advanced in a tumultuous manner, and were faluted with fuch vollies from the mufquetry and crofs-bows, as put them a fecond time in fufpence, whether they ought not to leave the field to the enemy. Xico- tencal, however, roufed their drooping courage by his eloquence, and animated them to fuch a degree by his example, that, ruihingon like a torrent, in one col- lefted effort, they broke the Spaniards and Zempoallans •, and it required all the abilities of Cortez, the valour of his foldiers, and the experience of his officers, to form his line again, or withftand fo furious a charge, without being entirely defeated. Nor is it certain that the Spaniards would have been able to keep the field, had it not been for fuch another accident as that which faved them in the former engagement. . .The Tlafcalans were of a fudden obferved to be in the utmoft confufion, their troops moving to different parts, and dividing and bearing upon each other, un- til the rear-guard retired in a tumultuous manner, and thofe engaged in the fronc were left to find their fafety in flight. Cortez fufpedled fome ftratagem, and there- fore purfued with caution •, but he foon learned from his prifoners, that the proud and pafTionate Xicotencal had affronted one of the moft powerful of the confederate chiefs, who, refenting the injury, drew off his forces, and with them the bulk of the auxiliary troops : fo that Xicotencal was obliged to leave the field, and a complete vidory to the Spaniards. The lofs of the Tlafcalans was very confiderable -, though the exadl number could not be afcertained by reafon of that pradice, already mentioned, of carrying off dieir killed and wounded. The Spaniards had only one man killed, and twenty wounded : yet were the fol- diers diffatisfied, taking fbame, to ufe the language of the Spanifh hiftorians, that they fhould have been broken and put into diforder by barbarians, and returned to their quarters melancholy, and difpir'.ted, like men who had been vanquiHied. This dejedlion led to diffcntion and mutiny, the foldiers blaming each other, and many charging the whole fault upon the general •, declaring that they would not facrifice themfelves to gratify his rafli humour, but repair to Villa Rica, and leave him to obey the diftatcs of his ambitious temerity *. Cortez was immediately informed of thefe difcontents ; but as he was fenfible tJiat fear is a violent paffion, which, in its firft motions, reafon cannot fubdue, he retired to his tent, without attempting to reduce his loldiers to obedience, t.ll they fhould be recovered from their fright. The malcontents, h.owever, continuing to murmur ; and neither the authority of the officers, nor the arguments of their • De Solis, lib. ii. c. 19. Herrera, dec. H. lib. rv. c. 2. The murirors cf the Spani(}i fol- diers on this cccafion may be deemed an incoQiedible proot that they did not thick their vi£)o,-y decilive, and weie afraid to hazird another batcie with the Tlafcalans. Belore the ergagerrent Lcgari, X crtcncal fent them a pler.tiful fupplycf previCons, that it might Boi be faid he tock id- vabtage of their ncceilties. Herreis, ut fup. c. 4. 3 well^ THE HI STOR Y OF AMERICA. iir well-affti.T:ed companions being fufficient to appeafe them, Cortez found it necef- CHAP. IV. fary to fliew himlirlf, and endeavour to bring them back to theirduty. For this pur- A''^7r\~' pole, he ordered all the Spaniards to aflemble, under pretence of confuking them on the prefent ftate of affairs, and placing near his perfon the mod turbulent, " It admits," faid he, " of little doubt what nieafures we are to purfue, confidering the prefent pofture of affairs, having gained three vicftories in a fliort time, in which your valour and the weaknefs of your opponents were equally confpicuous. Overcoming an enemy, indeed, is not the termination of a war : a vi(5tory mufl be improved as well as gained ; and the dangers attending fuccefs are to be guarded againft, no lefs than thofe that obftruifl it. But this, my friends, is not what gives. me concern : I ftand in need of your advice on a more important point. Some. of the foldiers, I underftand, are again defirous, and ftir up others to propofe, that. we Ihould abandon our undertaking. I am willing to believe, diey found their opinion upon fubftancial reafons, but a mcalure of fo much importance fhould not be treated of in fecret cabals. Tell me therefore your opinion freely, that we may all reafon on what is moft eligible for all ; let us confider coolly our prefent condition, and then refolve upon fomething that may not afterwards be con- tradifted. " This march was begun with your approbation, I may fay with your ap- plaufe. Our refolution was to pafs on to the court of Mexico. We all devoted ourfelves to the undertaking from zeal for our religion and the fervice of our king, as well as from our hopes of fame and fortune Our fuccefs has been an- fwerable to our moft fanguine wifhes. The Indians of Tlafcala, who have en- deavoured to oppofe our defigns, with all the ftrength of their republic and her allies, are now humbled, by repeated defeats. It is impofTible they can long, delay to requeft peace, or to grant us a paffage. When this happens, how greatly will it add to our reputation ! What will thefe barbarians conceive of us, who already rank us widi their gods ? — Montezuma, who feared our approach, as is evident by his anfwers a-nd repeated embaffies, will behold us with redoubled terror, after having vanquifhed the Tlafcalans, the moft valiant people in New Spain, and who have by force of arms maintained their liberties againft him. It is highly probable that he will make us very advantageous offers, left we fhould )pin with his enemies : and it is poflible that this fame difficulty, which we now encounter, may be the means that God makes ufe of to facilitate our defigns, by making 'trial of our conftancy : for he will not work miracles for us, till he has proved both our hearts and Lands. But fliould we turn our backs, all our labours will be loft, and our fplendid views will at once vanifti. What can we then hope for ? — and what have we not to fear ? — This very vanquiflied people, now appalled and fugitive, v/ill colleft frePa courage ; and knowing all the fliort. cuts, and difficult paffes in the country, will purfue and harrafs us in our retreat.. Our Indian friends, who at prefent ftand by us, contented and courageous, will immediately defert us, and return home, publifhing every where our difgracc ; and the Zcmpoallans and Totonaques, our confederates, and our only hope in misfortune, lofing their opinion of our power, will be apt to confpire againft us,. I rC' 112 THE HISTORY OF AMERICA. E O O K I. I repeat it again, let every thing be duly confideredi what we have to hope from ^^■^'^''''^^ advancing, and to fear from retreating, that we may be able to determine which is mod eligible : for I leave you at full liberty to reafon and relolve, having laid the inconveniencies of a retreat before you, rather to free myfelf from blame, thari to influence your opinion." Scarcely had Cortcz finiflied this fpeech, when ore of the di/Tatisfied foldiers, convinced by his arguments, faid to his companions aloud, " Our general in- ftrufts us how to adt, while he feems only to afk our advice : we cannot now retire without facrificing our hopes, our glory, and our lives." The reft of the mal- contents acquicfced, confeffing their error; the well difpofed party rejoiced at thi:j change of opinion ; and a reiolucion to profecutc the enterpiife was announced by univerfal acclamations. Matters went on very differently at Tlafcala. Nothing was there to be fcen but confufion, diforder, and difmay. The feeond defeat of the army fpread general confternation. The common people cried out for peace ; and the nobi- lity, had they been unanimous, were unalsle to carry on the war without them. It was the opinion of the more timid, that they ought to retire widi their families to the mountains : of the more fuperftitious, that the Spaniards were deities, and ought as fuch to be worfliipped ; of the more reiblute, that another engagement fhould be hazarded •, and of the more moderate and prudent, that peace fliould be folicited, and the Spaniai"ds gained by kindnels, fince they could neither be conquered by numbers nor valour. Confultations were held in the fenate on this fubjed, the refult of which were, that they did not think the ftrangers really divinities, but that their aiftions were lb extraordinary as to require the afTiftance of magical powers : it was therefore refolved to confult the magicians of the re- public, that the force of one enchantment might be removed by that of another. Thefe fages were accordingly called in ; and pretending that they had already difcovered by their myfterious art the doubt that was to be propounded to them, and confidered the cafe, they delivered the following refponfe, in which they pre- tended to unfold the caufe of thofe fupernatural aiSts of valour perfonned by the Spaniards : That the ftrangers were the offspring of the fun, procreated by his aftive energy in the mother-earth of the oriental regions ; that by day, v/hile cherifhed by his parental beams, they were fuperior to human force ; but when he retired to the weft, and withdrew his animating heat, that their vigour declined and faded, like the herbs of the field, and they dwindled down into mortal men. It was therefore necefTary, they urged, to attack this wonderful race by night, and deftroy them before the rifing fun rendered them invincible*. In confequence of this oraculous advice, and profound dilcovery, the truth of which it would have been held impious to difpute, the fenate of Tiafcala refolved, contrary to one of their moft eftablifhed maxims in war, to attack the Spaniards after the going down of the fun. Orders to this purpofe were immediately dif- patched to Xicocencal ; and that general, whatever credit he might think due to • De Solis, lib. ii. c. 19. the THE HISTORY OFAMERIC A. 113 the opinion of the magicians, chearfuUy received his inftrudions, being happy to CHAP. IV. have tlie fenate's authority for fighting, that he might wipe off his former dif- ^^"^^''^77^ grace. He accordingly advanced towards the Spanifh entrenchments, under cover of the night, v/ith a body of ten thoufand men, felefted from the flower of his army. Cortez however, as ufual, was upon his guard : the centinek on the out-pofts brought advice, that the enemy were in motion, and eveiy thing was tlifpcfed for their reception without noife or confufion. Tiie Tlafcalans were fuffered to afcend the wall drawn round the camp, before any intimation was given that their defign was difcovered •, and then fuch a Ihower of bullets were poured from the cannon, fmall arms, and crofs bows, as made dreadful havock, and convinced Xicotencal of the miftake of the magicians. But this difcovery ferved only to roufe his courage, and pufli him on to defperate efforts. The afiault was made in three different parts at once, the whole body of the Tlafca- lans rufhing upon the Spanifh works ; and their exertions of valour were truly aftonifliing, confidering their unacquaincance with the art of forcing entrench- ments. They climbed upon each other's (houlders, in order to gain the wall, and paid no regard to the death of thofe who went before, but prelTed on, till they tlicmfelves met with the fame fate. For feveral hours the battle raged with un- paralleled fury. At length Xicotencal convinced, by the flaughter of his troopsj tJiat perfeverance would avail him nothing, ordered a fignal to be made for re- treating. This was no fooner perceived by Cortez, in the flackening of the attack, than he fent out a party of foot, and all his horfe, to harrals the enemy's rear ; and the Tlafcalans, (truck with terror at the found of certain bells, fixed, by defign in the breaft plates of the Spanifh detachment, fled precipitantly, without at- tempting the fmalleft refillance. In the purfuit great numbers of the enemy were flain, and many of their dead, which they had not been able to carry off, were found in the neighbourhood of the camp. Cortez's lofs was incredibly fmall, con- fidering the; vaft quantity of darts, arrows, and ftones, found within the entrench- ments ; only one Zcmpoallan being killed, and three Spaniards wounded *. Convinced by melancholy experience that their magicians had deceived them, and that the ftrangers were alike invincible during the darknefs of night, and when the fun was in his meridian, the Tlafcalans funk into defpondency. The commonalty grew more clamorous for peace; the nobility were diflatisfied and divided, and the fenators afhamed and filent. The magicians were imme- diately punifhed, as the authors of the late difgrace ; two or three of them beiflg facrificed on the altars, in order to appeafe the fuppofed indignation of the gods, who afHifted the republic with fuch heavy calamities, and the reft were feverely re- primanded, and delivered over to contempt. The majority of the fenate now in- clined to peace, and applauded the prudence and forefight of Magifcatzin, who had prcdifted all that was come to pafs : even the mofl incredulous declared, that the Spaniards were certainly the ccEleftial race mentioned in their prophecies. Orders were accordingly difpatched to Xicotencal to fufpend hoftilities, and keep on * Id. ibid. 6. G g the THE HISTORY OF AMERICA. the defcnfive, till he was made farther acquainted with the refolutions of tlie fenntp,, and the fucccfs of the negociation of peace which they propolbd to fee on toot. Xicotcncal, however, refufed obedience to this command, arrogantly anl'wcr- ing, that he and his foldiers were the I'cnate, and would I'upport the honour of the repybhc, fince it was abandoned by thole who were called Fathers of their country. Rendered defperate by repeated defeats^ he determined to attack the ftrangers a fecond time by night ; not that he paid any regard to the opinion of the magicians, but that he might be enabled to put in execution a llratagem which he had formed for the deftruclion of his enemies. Obfcrving that the neighbouring peafants carried provifions to the Spanifh camp, which they ex- changed for European toys, he detached forty foldiers, in whom he could con- fide, clothed after the manner of thofe ruitics, loaded with fruir, fowls, and bread made of Indian corn , defiring them to obferve particularly the nature and ftrength of the works, and where they might be forced with leaft difficulty. But the curiofity of thefe fpies exciting fufpicion, they were feized and put to the torture, when the whole fcheme was difcovered. From their confeffions it appeared, that an affault was to have been made that very night, by twenty thoufand Tlafcalans, at different quarters of the camp, agreeable to the report which they fhould deliver, after infpeiling the fortifications. Cortez, though at this time indifpoled, gave the necefiary orders for refifling the enemy, and then deliberated on the punirtiment of the delinquents, ordering fourteen of tlie mofl obftinate to be puniHied with the lofs of their hands or ringers, and difmiffed them in that contiition, with a meffage to Xicotencal, thaf the general of the ftrangers fent back thefe men to acquaint him with the ftate of the entrenchments, and was wal;ing impatiently for the alTault. The Tlafcalan army, then in full march, was ftruck with terror at the bloody fpeiftacle, and Xicotencal experienced the moil exquifite diftrefs at thedifcovery of a ftratagem, on which he refted his laft hopes. He perfuaded himfelf that the fecrct thoughts of his people, of whofe fidelity he was confident, mufl have been obtained by the affiftance of fome divinity. While he was deliberating how to a6t in fuch cir- cumftances, meflengers appeared from the fenate, with orders to deprive him of the command of the army, on account of his infolence and difobedience, and prohibiting all his oflicers, under the penalty of being declared traitors, any longer to obey his inftruftions : and this mandate arriving immediately after the impreffion made on the troops by the difmembering of the ipies, and on the general by the difcovery of his deep laid fcheme, no man was lb bold as to op- pofe the decree of the lenate. The confederates immediately withdrew their forces, and the Tlafcalan troops marched towards the city, leaving Xicotencal to anfwer for his condudt at the tribunal of the republic *. The Spaniards now remained in the utmoft I'ufpence and doubt whe- ther they were to expedl the enemy. The whole night they continued in arms, without venturing to take any repofe, or next day, until their fcouts in- * De Solis, lib, ii. c- zo. formed •5'9- THE HISTORY OF AMERICA; 115 formed them, that theTlafcalan camp was removed to a greater diftance. At CHAP. IV. length the joyful news arrived, that the hoftile army was diflblved : and this in- a"^ telligence was loon confirmed by the appearance of ambafladors from the fenate of Tlafcala, with terms of pacification. " If you are a cruel god," faid they to Cortez, " we prefent you with five flaves, that you may devour their flefh and drink their blood : if you are a benevolent deity, accept an offering of incenfe and variegated plumes : and if you are a man, here are fowls, and bread, and fruit for you-and your companions to eat *." They apologized for the conduft of the republic, laying the whole blame of the war upon the Otomies and Chontales, their confederates, tl>e firfl: fallies of whofe fiercenefs the authority of the fenate had proved infufficient to reftrain ; but that they were now difarmed, and the commonwealth very defirous of peace : that they did not only bring with them the voice of the fenate, but alfo of the nobles, and commonalty, to requeft that: he would march with all his followers to the city, where he and they might flay as long as it was agreeable in perfeft fecurity, and be honoured and ferved as the brethren of the gods -f. Cortez, though fcnfibleof the falfity of this excufe, fupprefled his refentment, and defired the ambafladors to acquaint the fenate. That the peace which they propofed was agreeable to his inclinations ; but that they fought it after too un- juft and obfrinate a war to obtain it readily, and might confider it as no flight proof of his goodntfs, that he did not purfue the dictates of revenge, and impofe laws upon them as a conqueror : that he mufl: fee how they perfevered in their refolu- tion to merit his friendfhip, before he laid himlelf under any obligations, and would employ the intermediate time in endeavouring to appeafe the indignation of his captains : in a word, that he would fufpend the punifhment with an up- lifted arm, and leave it to the difcretion of the ienate, either to procure pardon, by a thorough amendment, or fuftain the blow, which mufl: put an end to the txiftence of the republic of Tlafcala j;. By this afiefted fcverity Cortez meant to check the pride of the fenate, and more particularly that of the friends of Xicotencal, who might poffibly grow in- iblent, on a prefumption that the Spaniards muft be greatly weakened, fhould they grant peace immediately. He was likewife defirous that the fame of his viftories fhould have time to fpread over Mexico, in order to be allured what effcft it produced on the councils of Montezuma, that he might be enabled, in confequenee of fuch information, to condud his negociaticn with the republic to more advantage •, a degree of forecafl: which does the greateft: honour to his poli- tical talents. Every thing fell out as he could have wiflied. Montezuma, who had regular accounts of every tranfaftion in Tlafcala, was fo much ftruck with the wonders reported of the Spanifli general, that he determined to fend him an embafly, in order to compliment him on his conqueits over the republic. The ambafladors were alfo inftrudted to throw every pofllblc obftrudlion in the way of a pacification, fliould fuch a thing be talked of, and to endeavour, by frefh pre- • Herrera, dec. II. lib. iv. c. 2, f De Soils, lib. ii. c. zo. J Id. ibid. lenrs ii€ T H E H I S T O R Y O F A M K R I C A. fents and civilities, to engage Cortez not to approach nearer to the c:pital of the empire. Five Mexicans ot' the firft ranlc were appointed to execute this commil- fion, and arrived in the camp foon after the departure of the Tlalcalan ambaffa- " caufe he held him m the utmoft veneration, believing him to be the offspring of the fun, or at leaft the lord of thofe happy regions where light has its origin : but that two conditions were neceflary, previous to this agreement. The firft of thefe was. That, no peace lliould be concluded with the Tkfcalans ; and the fecond. That Cortez fliould lay afide all thouglits of marching to Mexico, as the fovereign, by the laws of the empire, could not fuffer himfelf to be ap- proached by ftrangers. They concluded with an inveftive againfl: the Tlafca- lans, declaiming loudly on their perfidy ; the danger into which the general was plunging headlong, through his own obftinate credulity ; and the little reafon he would have to complain of the moft fatal confequences, fhould he continue to difregard the moft falutary admonitions *. The fear of Montezuma, rather than his efteem or veneration for the Spaniards, t> was evident through the v/hole of this difcourfe. Cortez perceived it, and de- ferred his anlV/er ; only faying to the ambafiadors, tiiat it was neceflary they fhould take fome reft after lb long and fatiguing a journey. He was willing they fhould be witnelTes to the conclufion of the peace with Tlafcala ; and he alfo thought it of importance, that they fliould be prevented from returning before that event was placed on the moft folid bafis, left Montezuma, enraged at the pror- jefted alliance, fhould begin to put himfelf in a pofture of defence. Hitherto he knew no preparations had been made, the court of Mexico relying wholly upon the force of prelents, and the exaggerated reprefentations of the imperial power; and.it was his bufinefs to keep up this infatuated negligence and fccurity, which had taken pofliflion of the emperor and his council. But thefe delays, though necelTary to Cortez, proved extremely irkfome to the Tlafcalans, who came to a refolution, as the lart proof of their fin- eerity, that the whole fenate in a body fhould wait upon the general at his quarters, in order to condud: him to their city, determining not to return till they had convinced him of their pacific intentions, and broke off the negociation with Montezuma ; a jealoufy and anxiety which Cortez knew well how to improve to his own advantage. The appearance of the fenate was folemn, and tiie proceflion numerous, all adorned with white plumes, and other emblems of peace. Thefe heads of the republic were conveyed in litters, or palanquins, fupported by the fhoulders of inferior officers ; Magifcatzin, that venerable chief, who had always favoured the Spaniards, occupying the moft ho- nourable place. Next to him was carried the father of Xicotencal, blind with age, but vigorous in his intellects, and much refpefled on account of his judgment and experience. A little before they arrived at the general's quarters, they alighted ; and fo great was the csricfity of old Xicotencal, that he advanced before his companions, and de fired thofe who led him, to bring him near the captain of the ftrangers. When introduced to Cortez, he embraced him witil marks of extraordinary fatisfadtion ; then touched him all over, as if defirous to * licrrera, dec. II.' lilr. iv. c. 4. De Soli's, lib. iii, c. z. become THE HISTORY OF AMERICA.' iv^.. become perfonally acquainted with him, and fupply by feeling the want of CKAP. VT, fight. As foon as they were feated, the blind fage, at the requeft of Magifcatzin, a'^^^''""'^' ■whofe privilege it was to open the embalTy, fpoke to the following purport, ^ ' *' Now, valiant captain, v.'hether of mortal or immortal race, you hold in your power the fenate of Tlafcala, the utmofl: proof of our fubmiffion. We come not to exciife the errors of our republic, but to. take them upon ourfelves,, depending upon your generofity for our forgivenefs. We are the men who re- folved upon the war ; but we are likewiie the men who defired peace. The firft aft was hafty, the fecond flow : and refolutions well confidered are not ufually the worft. On the contrary, it requires great pains to efface what hath been imprefled upon the mind with difficulty ; and you may refl aflured, that the very delay hath afforded us a fuller knowledge of your valour, and laid a- deeper foundation for our conftancy. We are not ignorant that Montezuma- endeavours to divert you from our alliance : harken to him as to our enemy -, but, at the fame time, beware of his poifonous arts. We do not defire your afliftance againft him, our own forces being fufficient for our defence, provided you do not take part with the tyrant : we are only lorry to obferve, that you feem to rely upon his promifes, becaufe we are acquainted with his perfidy and fubtilty. You have already ofTered us peace : if Montezuma does not hinder you from granting it, what does ? — Why are you deaf to our earned folicita- tions ? Why do you forbear to honour our city with your prefence ? — We arr come in a body, refolved at orrce to gain your good-will and friend (hip, or to furrender our liberties into your hands, as a conqueror j chufe, therefore, which of the two is moft defirable, to be our mafler or our ally. As to ourfelves, we have no choice: we muft either be your friends^or your flaves." Cortez could not refift this invitation. Charmed with the good fenfe, candour, and fincerity of the venerable orator, he anfwered the fenate with much refped j made prefents to each of the members, and aiTured them, that as foon as he could procure^ from the neighbouring villages, a fufficient number of people to conduift his artillery, he would fet out for Tlafcala -, admonifhing them to re- turn in the mean time, and even exerting his authority to that purpofe, as he could not lodge them with the conveniency due to their rank, quality, and kind intentions. With this promife they departed, well fatisfied with their reception >. and next morning, as loon as the fun began to appear, the Spaniards found at their quarters five thoufand Tamemes, or Indians of burden, fo zealous to do them fervice, that they difputed who fhould carry the greatefl loads *. This was a new and flattering inftar.ce of tlie attention of the fenate, and did' not efcape the notice of Cortez, who began his march, as foon as the necefTary preparations couW be made •, but with all that order and caution conllantly ob- lerved by his little army, to which exact difcipline he owed great part of his fiaccefs. On every fide the fields were crowded with fpeftators, and the air was filled with Giouts of joy, and burfts of admiration. The fenate came a coafider- • De.Solis, lib. iii. c. 2» abk 5zt» THE HISTORY OF AMERICA." able wly out of the city to receive the Spaniards, with all the pomp db- ferved on public folemnities ; and having paid their compliments, lurroundtd the perlbn of the general, and conduced him to Tlafcala. When they entered the town, the rejoicings became louder and more tumultuous, human voices being .mixed with tlie harfh founds of the Indian fluted, horns, and drums; and the crowd was fo great, that the officers of the fenate found the utmoft difficulty in • clearing a pafiage for theproceffion. The women ftrewed flowers in the ftreeis from .tlie windows ; and fome of greater refolution and lefs referved, prelfcd through the multitude, and put garlands into the hands of the foldiers ; while the priefls, in their facerdotal robes, offered incenfe, and a variety of perfumes to their nolbils. All fliewed In their countenances the fincerity of their hearts, though variouQy expreffcd ; the fatisfadtion of many being loll in wonder, and the joy of others in veneration. The quarters affigned were extremely commodious -, the whole Spanifh army being lodged in adjoining and Ipacious appartments, in contigu- ous fquarcs. Cortez had carried with him the ambaffadors of Montezuma, .though altogether with their will, and kept them under his immediate protec- tion, as they were afraid of fome violence from the Tlafcalans *. Tlafcala was at this time a very populous city, founded upon four eminences, and naturally fortified by rocks, precipices, and fteep afcents. Thefe four hills formed four wards, each governed by a cazique, under the authority of the fenate, in which the fupreme legiflative and executive power was lodged. They were -united, and a communication between them was opened, by feveral itreets, lined with thick walls, which ferved as a defence to the town, where the fituation •was not thought fufficiently ftrong by nature. The houfcs were low, confiding only of one floor; the roofs flat, and decorated with galleries. The ftreets were narrow and crooked ; and the whole was evidently contrived more for external Security, than internal conveniency or elegance, the laft care of republics. The inhabitants were plentifully fupplied with proviflons from the neighbouring country, which abounded fo much in Indian corn, as to obtain to the province the name of the Land of Bread. It aUb produced in fruit and game, but yielded no ■fait 1 and fo great was the hatred of the Tlafcalans againfl: Montezuma, that they held it lefs inconvenient to eat their viduals without this necelTary feafonino-, .than to have any commerce with the Mexicans, by whom only they could be lupplied -f . Thefe marks of the power and auftere charader of the Tlafcalans made Cortez fomewhat anxious in regard to his fituation, though he ftrove to difl'emble his concern. He continued the guards, however, at his quarters ; and when he went abroad, hetook part of his men with him, not forgetting their fire-arms. The foldiers alfo, by his order, went together in companies, provided in the fame inanner. But the Tlafcalans, who fincerely defired the fri.^ndfhip of tlie .Spaniards, without any artifice or affedation, were hurt at this military appear- .ance, which feemed to indicate a fufpicion of the faith of the republic ; a point * Id. ibid. f De Solis, lib. iii. -c. 3. which THE HISTORY OF AMERICA. i2S which fo nearly concerned the honour of the ftate, was debated in the fenate ; and Magifcatzin was fent to notify their opinion to Cortez, and reprefent to him, How unfuitable thofe warlike precautions were with a people fubjeft, obedient, and delu-ous to pleafe ; that the great vigilance, with which he lived in his quarters, fliewed how little he thought hiaifelf fecure ; and that the foldiers, who pafTed through the ftreets with their lightning always on their fliouldcrs, though they offered no violence, offended more by that diftruft, than if they really opprefied them. Arms, he added, ought to be confidered as an ufclefs load, where they were not necefiary, and looked ill among thofe who were finccre friends, and themfclves difarmed : and he concluded with entreating the general, in the name of the fenate, and of all the citizens, that he would com- mand thofe precautions and difagree^ble appearances to ceafe, as they feemed to preferve figns of an unfinifhed war ; and were, at befl:, indications of a fcrupu- lous friendfliip. Cortez replied, that he was well fatisfied of the good faith of the fenate, and the good- will of the citizens of Tlafcala; nor did he entertain the leaft fufpicion that any thing would happen in breach of .that peace which they had fo much defired: that the guards ufed, and vigilance obferved in his quarters, were con- formable to the cuftom of his country, where foldiers lived always after a mili- tary manner, and enured themfclves in times of peace to the fatigues of war; by which means they learned obedience, and were accuftomed to vigilance : that their arms v^ere alfo a part of their drefs, and worn by way of ornamenr, and as a badge of their profeflion. He therefore defired them to remain afTu- red of his friendfhip, and not to think thofe things which were befitting the foldiery, inconfiftent with the peace that he had concluded with the republic. With this ingenious apology was Cortez able to fatisfy the Tlafcalans, who even exprefled their admiration of his rigid difcipline, and to conciliate their confidence without abating any part of his former caution. Every day broucrht fome frefh proof of their confidence: and he obtained from them, in his different conferences, information of every particular relative to the ftate of the Mexican empire, or the qualities of its fovereign, that could be required in regulatino- his future conduft, v/hether he fhould have occafion to aft as a friend or an enemy. But all the fruits of this information, as well as the advantages to be derived from fuch powerful and warm confederates, were in danger of being facrificed to a tranfport of intemperate zeal. The Spaniards had converted the largeft apartment in their quarters into a chapel, where mafs was every day celebrated, in prefence of the principal Tlaf- calans, who, in filent admiration, remarked all that pafTed on fuch occafions- Prompted by a natural curiofity, and inflamed by this circumftance, Magifcatzin one day afked Cortez whether he was mortal ■, becaufe his aftions, and thofe of his people, feemed more than human, and contained that fort of goodnefs and greatnefs, which they venerated in their gods. But he did not underftand thofe ceremonies, he faid, by which the Spaniards feemed to acknowledge a fu- perlor deity ; for although they made preparations for a facrifice, he did not 7- I i per- 122 THEHISTORYOFAMERICA. B O K T. perceive any vidtim or offering in order to appeafe the gods. Cortez eagerly ^jT^^ "* Seized this opportunity to enter upon topics, both religious and political, which always lay near his heart; the grandeur of the crown of Spain, and the glory of God in the catholic church. He ingenuofly confefTed that his condition, and that of his people, was mor- tal; not daring, as his countrymen obferve, to make ule of deceit, where the eternal falvation of fouls was concerned. But he added, that as the Spaniards were born in a better climate, they had more underftanding, and greater /frength than the reft of men : and thus, though he renounced the attribute of immorta- lity, he retained the reputation of being invincible. He alfo told them, that he not only acknowledged a fuperior in heaven, adoring there the only Lord of the Univerfe, but that he and his men were, befides fubjedts and vaftals to the greatell: prince upon earth, under whofe dominion the Tlafcalans, as brothers to the Spaniards, alfo were, and would furcly yield the fame obedience. From politics he (hifted to religion, and fpoke fervently againft idolatry, the multiplicity of the gods of the natives, and the abomination and horror of their human facrifices ; but when he came to touch on the myfteries of the catholic faith, he thought they defcrved a better expofitor, and therefore called in to his- afliftance father Banolome de Olmcdo, chaplain to the expedition. Olmedo endeavoured to bring the Tlafcalans by degrees to the knowledge of the Chriftian dodlrines, explaining the principal points after fuch a manner as feemed beft adapted to their uncultivated underfbandings. But, after all the arguments of the good monk, Magifcatzin, and thofe who attended him, gave fmall hopes of their converfion. The God whom the Spaniards adored, they feid, was doubtlefs very potent, and mull be greater than any of their Tcules ; but that each of thefe was powerful in his own province, it being impoffibic for one to fuperintend every thing, and that they had Teules, or gods, for all the neceffities of human life. They admitted, with lefs difficulty, the propofi- tion of their temporal fubjeiftionj immediately acknowledging themfelves vailals of the king of Spain ; but they entreated, with humility and earneftnefs, that Cortez would no longer oblige them to lillen to any propofal for the change of their religion, left their gods fhould come to the knowledge of it, and call down the tempcfts, and other inftruments of divine vengeance to deftroy them- They confented, however, to abolifti human facrifices, as contrary to the law of nature; and a great number of miferable captives, the vidfims of future feftivals, confined in prifons and cages, were let at liberty. But this concefTion was not fufficient to fatisfy the ardent zeal of Cortez. Aftoniflicd and enraged at the obftinacy of the Tlafcalans, he propofcd to cx- ^•cute by force, what he could not accomplilh by perfuafion, and was going to ■overturn their altars, and break in pieces their idols, with the tame violence which he had exercifed at Zempoalla, when father Olmedo, more cool and confiderate, checked his pious ralTincfs. This prudent and political prieft, re- prcfented the danger of fuch an attempt in a large city newly reconciled, and filled THE HISTORY OF AMERICA. i2j filled with people no lei's fuperftitious than warlike : he declared, that he was CHAP. IV. not without lome Icruple concerning the proceedings at Zempoalla ; that a fin-ii- lar conduft might overthrow the akars of the Tlafcalans, but would leave the idols in their hearts : to which he added, that the converfion of thofe infidels was only to be cfFeded by patient inftruftion and gentle ufage, and that vio- lence could ferve no other purpole but to make them diflike the truth; that be- fore they attempted to introduce God, they ought to banifh the Devil, a war- fare of another kind, and where different arms were required *. Convinced by thefe realons, Cortez moderated his zeal: the TJaicalans were left in pofTcfTion of their gods ; and from that time forward, not a fingle offence paflcd on either fide, during the ftay of the Spaniards inTlafcala-, where a firm alliance was cemented between the two nadons, of fo much confequence to the future con- queft, that the natives of this province continue to enjoy a variety of privileges and immunities, in reward of their ancient friendfhip and fidelity, and wliich are fome i'mall compenfation for the lofs of their liberty. After Cortez had refided fome time in Tlafcala, and was fully fatisfied of the attachment of his new allies, he began to think of diimifTing the Mexican am- bafladors. His anfwer was fhort and artful. He defired them to inform Montezuma of what they had heard, and what had paffed in their prefence ; the humility and earncltnefs with which the T lafcalans had folicited peace, and by which ;hey had deferved it, together with the affedion and kind offices by which they maintained it : that now they were fo much at his difpofal, and he had gained fucli an afcendency over them, that he hoped to be able to reduce them to the obedience of Montezuma ; and that this being one of the important con- fcquences which would attend the embafTy, among others of greater moment, he was under the necefllty of foliciting the emperor's permiffion to condnue his journey, that he might afterwards deferve the acknowledgments of fo mag- nanimous a prince. With this anfwer, and the neceflary guard, the Mexican ambafladors de- parted ; and Cortez was only prevented from following them, in the fame jour- * De SoHs, lib. iii. c. 3. The aduce of father Olmedo on this occafion, deferves great prai/e, \vhether we confider it in a poluical or religious light ; though it feems to aiford little foundaiion for the extravagant and tautolgical compliment of Dr. RoberiTon, who expreffes himfsif thus on the fubjedl : " At a time when the rights of confcience were little underllood in the Chriftian world, and the idea of toleration unknown, one is aftonilhed to find a Spanilh monk of the fix- teenth century among the firll advocates againft perfecution, and in behaif of religious liberty." Olmedo's merit however, in the prefent inftance, after all this aftonifhnient, appears 10 have been nothing more .han a decert (hare of good fcnfe joined to moderation of temper ; by the en- joyment of which he was enabled to >onfider coolly the political firuation cf -.he Spaniards, and to offer fuch arguments as were moft likely to influence the conduct of Cortez, whofs unJerftanding was hurried away by a torrent f f pious enthufiafm : and, to reduce the caufe of this aftonilhment yet lower, the Doftor, as a Tervant of the mylteries, (hou)d have known, that the fpeftators are al- ways more affefled by the dancing of the puppet, than thofe who touch the wire, rr he that ccn- ftrufted the machinery. Hence priefts of all religions, in all nations and ages, have been Jefs under the dominion of fanaticifm then any other clafs of men in and on inquiry, being made into its caufe, they objedled againft ^^ admitting into their city enemies to their nation, and rebels againft the imperial power. Cortez was fomewhat uneafy at this demand, which, though perfecftly realbnable, was not altogether confiftent with his fecurity; and he would have been fartlier embarraflcd in complying with it, had not the Tla^calans volun- tarily offered to take up tl>eir quarters without the city. The people of Choluk were immediately made acquainted with this propofal^ to which they readilv agreed, both nations remaining not only fiitisfied, but with fome deoree of vanity reiulting from thei-r mutual jealouiy and oppofition : the one partv, be- caufe they perfuaded themfelves they had gained die fuperiority, by leavino- their enemies diibontented and ill accommodated ; the other party, becaufc they con- fidered the refufal to admit them within the city, as a manifeft acknowledgment that their antagonifts ftood in fear of their arms. Thus, as De Solis very juftly oblerves, does the imagination of man vary the'nature and appearances of thino-s -, which are generally valued as they are taken, and taken as we would have them *• The entry of the Spaniards into Cholula, like that into Tlafcala, was made amid a vaft concourfe of people, who rent the fkies with their fliouts, ftrewed the ground with flowers, and gave every poffible demonftration of the moft hearty recepdon ; which, joined to the fplendour and opulence of the place, removed all the appre- henfions of the Spaniards. This city was delightfully fituated in a plain, and fuppofed to contain twenty thoufand inhabitants within the walls, and an equal number in the fuburbs. It was much frequented by ftrangers ; partly as the great fanftuary of the Mexican gods, and partly as the chief emporium of com- merce. The ftreets were wide, and well laid out ; the buildings larger, and of better architedlure than thofe of Tlafcala ; and the prodigious number of temples gave it a magnificent appearance. Tiie quarters provided for Cortez and his army v.'ere three or four fpaeious houfes, contiguous to each other, which contained the Spaniards and Zempoallans, and where they could fortify themfelves, if oc- cafipn requirtd. The firft three or four days, all was civility and quietnefs : the caziques were pun6tual in paying their refpects to the general, and endeavoured to form an intimacy with his officers : provificns were liberally fupplied ; and every thing wore fo favourable an afpect, that the moft fufpicious were difpofed to believe they had been impofed upon by falfe and malicious infinuations : — fo readily is the mind difpofed, upon all occafions, to make itfelf eafy. But it was not long before the Spaniards were roufed from their premature fecurity, and the intimations of the Tlafcalans appeared to deferve all tiie credit due to the fincerity with which they were offered. Montezuma's ambafladors, who had accompanied Cortez, were obferved to hold frequent conferences with the priefts ; a fufpicious joy was obfervable in the faces of the people ; and all things gave figus of fome deep, but ill-difguifed defign. The general took * Hilt, de las Conq. de Mexico, lib, iii. c. 5. 4 every 12% THE HISTORY OF AMERICA. .^OOK T. -every poiTible means to be informed of what was in agitation ; and an accident ^^■"^ brought to light the important fecret. Donna Marina having obtained the triend- ' '^'^* fhip, and the confidence of a Cholulan woman of rank, was adviled by her to forfake thofe abominable ftrangers, and come to her hoiife, where Ihe fhould find entertainment and prote6lion. This created Uifpicion in the brealt of Marina, who with feeming gratitude accepted the oiTer ; on which the Cholulan Jady, believing her fincere, difcovered her whole heart ; telling her. That it was -abfolutely neceflary fhe fliould immediately leave the Spanifti quarters, as the time appointed for die deftru6lion of tlie ftrangers was near, and it would be a ■pity that-fo valuable a woman fliould perilh with them. Montezuma, fhe laid, had provided twenty thoufand chofen men, in order to make fure of the defign ; that fix thoufand of thofe men had already been privately introduced, in fmaU parties, into the city, and that the reft were polled at a fliortdiftance -, that arms had been plentifully diftributed among the inhabitants, great quantities of ftones •carried up to the tops of the houfes, and deep trendies cut acrofs the tlreets, with ■fharp ftakes fixed in the bottom, covered over at the top with earth, on flight Supporters, that the horfes mi^ht fall in and be wounded. The emperor, fhe added, 'had given direftions, that all the ftrangers fhould be put to the fword, except a few, whom he defired might be fent alive to Mexico, in order to gratify his ■curiofity, and afterwards be offered in folemn facrifice to his gods ; and that he had prefented the citizens with a gold drum, curioufly embofTed, to excite them ^\ ith more ardour to the enterprifc. This was intelligence of the utmoft importance, and Marina loft no time in communicating it to Cortcz. Under pretence of carrying off" her jewels and •=other valuable efFefls, fhe went immediately to the general's quarters ; laid the whole before him ; and returned foon enough to have her informer and patronefs :fecured without the fmalleft difturbance, or the moft diftant fulpicion that the confpiracy was deteifted. On examination, after a few threats, the Cholulan •lady not only confirmed the information of Marina, but added many other par- . ticulars. Thefe were corroborated by the arrival of two Tlafcalan foldiers, who "had entered tiie city in difguife, and told Cortez from their commanders. That he muft take care of himfelf, as they had obferved the inhabitants carrying off their women and goods by night to the neighbouring villages ; an infallible figa that fome plot was hatching : that they likewile underftood, that a facrifice of •cen children had been offered that morning in the great temple of Cholula; a rite never ufed, except on the eve of fome hoftlle undertaking. Cortez was now fully fatisfied of the ftratagem laid by theCholulans for his ■ruin, and refolved upon fignal vengeance -, but in order to juftify his proceedings •to the Mexican ambafTadors, he wiflied to make it evident by more confider- able witnefTes. For this purpofe, he ordered the chief priefts to be called, and -examined them feparately -, not as one who doubted their friendfhip, but who -was fully informed of their perfidy. Unacquainted with the means by which he acquired his information, they imagined they were talking to fome deity, who ^penetrated the fecrets of men's hearts, and immediately confeifed the confpiracy, with T H E H I S T O R Y O F A M E R I C A. tz^ ■wkh ail i:s ciicumftances •, blaming Montezuma, by whofe commands, they CHAP. TV. alr.rnied, every tiling was difpofed and provided. Cortez ordered them to be prir A'^'TTia! vatcly confined, and aflemblcd his oJncers, to deliberate on the mealures nccef- fary to be purfued in fiich a crincal fitiiaticn. They referred every thing to his prudence, and he was not long in refolving what courfe he ihould purlue. He;; lent for the city caziques, and publifning his march for next day, demanded a" fupply of provifions, Tamenies to carry his baggage, and a certain number of armed men, after the example of the Zempoallans and Tlafcalans -, ail which were readily granted. He gave the Tlafcaian' officers notice of thefe parti- culars, with inilrudions hov/ to proceed ; that at the firll appearance of morn- ing, they fliould draw near to the city with their troops, as if moving to follow the march, and on the firft difcharge of the fire-arms, break into the town, in order to join the army. He aifo took care, thac the Spaniards and Zempoallans fhould hold themfelves in readinefs, and be informed of tlie bufinefs in which tliey ■were to be employed. Thefe fteps being taken, and the quarters fecured,, as foon as it was night, by fuch guards as an occafion io alarming rendered neceflary, Cortez lent tor the Mexican ambafladors, and under an appearance of friendfaip and confidence, told them. That he had difcovered a dangerous confpiracy, formed againft him- felf and his followers, by the citizens of Cholula; informing them of the particu- lars, and reprefenting in the ftrongeft terms, how much thefe people were wanting to the laws of hofpitality, the peace eftabliilied, and the word of their ibvereign : and he added, That he had not only come to the knowledge of this confpiracyi. by his own fpeculation and vigilance, but the principal confpirators had even con-, fefled it, excufing their treachery, by a greater crime ; that they had the bold- nefs to fay, they had received their orders from Montezuma, though he could not believe fo great a prince capable of a thought lb mean and bale ; for which reaibn he had refolved to inflid: punifliment for the offence with the utmoft rigour of his arms : that he communicated this intelligence to them, that they might be apprifcd of his motives, and underftand that he was not fo much ofrended at the Cholulans for the crime committed againft himfelf, as for the colouring they made ufe of, in fheltering their treachery under the emperor's name. The am- baffadors pretended, that they knew nothing of any fuch confpiracy, and endea- voured to fave the credit of their Ibvereign by following the path which Cortez had purpofcly chalked out for them, in order to leflen the force of his com- plaint. It was not thought prudent at that time publicly to accufe Montezuma, and make a powerful prince, who feemed inclined to diflemble, an open enemv. For •which reafon it was refolved to defeat his defigns, without making him fenfible that they were difcovered, by punifhing his perfidy in the perfons of tliofe he employed : and Cortez fecretly efteemed this confpiracy a fortunate occurrence, notwithftanding the danger with which it was accompanied, as it would afford him an opportunity of raifing the reputation of his arms among the Mexicans, and of flriking terror into Montezuma and his court, by the feverity of his revenge. 7. -L 1 Early THE HISTORY OF AMERICA. Early next morning the Cholukn fupplies arrived •, when it was inftantly ob- ferved that the Tamemes were fewer, and the armed men greater in number than had been defired. By introducing thefe concealed enemies, amounting to near three thoul'and, among the Spaniards, theCholulans hoped to carry their perfidious purpofe moreefFedUially into execution ; and Cortez accepted them, as he wanted to divide tiie enemy, and to have in his power a part of the traitors whom he defigned to chaftife. They were divided into fmall parties, under pretence of being incorporated with the Spaniards, and atterwards confined, in different I'quares, under a guard. Having made thefe difpofitions, and iffbed out the proper inftruftions, Cortez mounted his horfe, and ordering the city caziques to be brought before him, told them, tliat now their bale defigns were difcovered, and their punifhmenc fixed. 7'heir confufion fufficiently declared their guilt; and the Spaniards, as its reward, inftantly fell upon the Cholulans confined in the fquares, putting them all to the fword, except fuch as elcaped by getting over the walls. At the fame time the Tlafcalans entered the city, agreeable to the fignai, and made dreadful flaughter. Nor were the Cholulans idle. Perceiving that they were now engaged in open hoftilities, they called in to their afTifbance the remainder of tiie Mexican troops ; and forming a junftion in a great fquare, in which flood three or four large temples, they filled the towers and porches with armed men, and threatened a refiftance which could only be furmounted by fetting fire to the buildings, and playing off the artillery upon them. This Was effected by the Spaniards with admirable addrefs, while the Tlafcalans furioufly attacked the rear of the enemy. The fame method vv^as pradlifed at other temples, to which the people fled, as the ftrongeft defences. The general afterwards went through the whole city ; and flew or drove out both the Mexicans and inha- bitants, till he gained entire poiTefTiOn of the place, and blood ceafed to flow for want of enemies. More than fix thoufand dead bodies were found in the ftreets and temples ; the confpiracy was entirely defeated -, the Cholulans were fcverely punifhed for their treacherous projeft ; the valour of the Spaniards was fully cftablifhed among the Mexicans ; and the Tlafcalans were not only pleafed with the deftrudion of their enemies, but enriched with plunder: efpecially in fait, to them the moft ineflimable booty, and which they immediately lent home in great quantities *♦ Notwithftanding thefe beneficial confequences, which juflify the Spanifli general in the eye of politicians, his condud on this occafion has been dcfervedly blamed by the friends of humanity. The chaflifement inf^ifted on the Cholulans was certainly fevere beyor.d the meafure of the offence, and is therefore reprehenfible : but the fituation of Cortez made feverity neceflary -, and his clemency, after the confpiracy was defeated, vindicates him iufficicntly from the imputation of wanton cruelty. He ordered the prilbners, both Mexicans and Cholulans, to be brought bctcre him, in prefcnce of tlie chief 4 * De Soijf, ;ib. iii. c. 7. pricfts. THE HISTORY OF AMERICA. priefts, now releafed from their confinemrnt, the Cholulan lady, nnd the am- bafiadois of Monrezun:a •, v.hen, apologizing for the rigour ot the punifhment, by enlarging on the atrocity of the crime, and the danger to which he was ex- pofed, he affured them that he had laid afidc his dilpleafure •, publiflied a general pardon ; releafed all the prifoners ; and made it his requeil, that the caz;ques would invite the natives to return to their former habitations, as if nothing extra- ordinary had happened. He likewifc obliged the Tlafcalans to reftore all the booty they had taken, except the fak u and this behaviour gained fo much credit to his profeffions, that the city was in a fhort time filled with people -, theCholulans returning with their families, opening their fhops, and exercifing tlieir feveral employments, in perfcdl: confidence and lecuricy, amid thole very men, w!io had a few hours before deftroyed the habitations of their gods, malTacred their rela- tions and fellow citizens, and whofe hands were yet red with bbod *! The day after this adlion, ^^.icotencal arrived with an army of twenty thoufand men ; which, upon the fiill notice of hollilities, the republic of Tlaicala had fent to the aiTiflance of the Spaniards. Th.ey halted without the city, and were there vifited and entertained b\ Cortez, who thanked them in the vvarmell: manner for their zeal, but declined their fervices ; telling Xicocencal, that now their aid was not necelTary for the redu(5tion of Cholula, and having refolved to march in a few days towards Mexico, it v/ould be imprudent to awaken the jealoufy of Montezuma, by bringing into his dominions fo large a body of Tlafcalans, the declared enemies of that prince. Xicotencal and his officers readily admitted the juftice of thefe reafons ; and, before their departure, Cortez endeavoured to reconcile the Tlafcalans and Cholulans. By his addrefs he fubdued the ancient: animofity fubfiiling between the two nations, and fer on foot a treaty of peace> which was acceded to by both parties ■, the a6t of confederacy and alliance being celebrated in prefence of the magiftrates of both cities, with the ceremonies and folemnicies ufually obferved on luch occafions by the natives of New Spain -f-» This method of uniting the afteutions of the nations he had conquered, and en- gaging them all-in his own intereft, was one of die nneft flrokes of the policy of Cortez. By the prefent mediation he opened the way for fupplies from Tlafcala, and likewife fecured a retreat, fhould circumftances turn out to his difad- vantage. Having completed this negociation, and concerted the plan of his future operations, Cortez gave leave to fome Zempoallans, v/ho defired it, to return home •, fending by them letters to Juan de Efcalante, governor of Villa Rica^ with an account of the progrefs of the army, and advifing him to ftrengthen the town by new fortifications. He likevvfife fent a prefenc to the cazique of Zcm- poalla, recommending to his attention the Spaniards left in that neighbourhood ; and thinking every thing lecure behind him, in confequence of thefe precautions^ he was making preparations for continuing his march, when another em- bafly arrived from Moncezuma. That prince was defirous to efface from the * Id. ibid. Herrera, dec. 11. lib. v. c. i. -f Ut fupra. minds THE H I S T O !l y OF AMERICA. minds of ihe Spaniards every ful'picion of liis having any concern in the con- fpiracy at Chokila. The ambaiTadors accordingly thanked Cortez for having chaftifed that treacherous people as they deferved ; enlarging on the emperor's indignation at their perfidy, and folcnirly protefting his ignorance of fuch dcfign, every word of which the Spaniards knew to be falfe, though they pru- dently concealed tiicir fcntiments. This mefTage was acjcompanicd with a magnificent prefent, intended to lull Correz into fecurity, and dravv him into another ambufcade, of which he had notice on his march. The cazique of Guacocingo, in whofe jurlfdiftion the Spaniards took up tiieir quarters the firft night, informed the general, that on the other fide of the mountain of Chalco, over which he muft pafs with his army, tht Mexicans had placed a great number of men in ambufh ; had flopped up the roynl road, which leads from the fummit of the mountain to tlie province of the fame name, with great ftoncs and trees ; and had opened and fmoothed, at the top of the height, another road, which would lead the Spaniards into an impradlicable pafs, v-fhere both horfc and foot would be entangled in fnares, and attacked when they were in no con^iltion to defend therafelves. From this chief Cortez alfo learned, that the heart of the empire was no better aflefted to Montezuma than the extreme provinces ; a difcovery which confirmed all his former hopes, and infpired him with the moft fanguine expeftations of fubvert- Jng a government, whofe vital parts were diftempered, and whofe ftrengt'i was impaired and divided. Next day the Spaniards continued their march with ardour ; and when they came to the place where the two roads feparated, after a fatiguing journey up the fteep afcent, Cortez afked the Mexican ambafladors, who were near his perfon, what thefe two roads meant. They anfwered, that t!:t: btft was levelled for the conveniency of his troops ; the other being fhopped op, as more craggy and difiicult. " You are but little acquainted with my people," replied Cortez, without hefitation or change of countenance :~ " they will march in this way which you have blocked up, for no other reafon than its difficulty •, for the Spaniards, whenever they have it in their choice, always incline to that which is attended with moft toil and danger." Having uttered tliefe words, he ordered his Indian guides to march foremoft, and remove the obllacles to his pafi'age; leaving the ambafiadors in admiration of his fagacity, and over- awed at his gallantry, which they, not fufpeding the ftratagem of their mafter was difcovered, believed to be guided by fome divinity *. The Mexicans in ambufcade, on the other hand, no fooner pcrcieved tiie Spaniards purfuing the royal road, tlian they took it for granted that their de- fign was betrayed, and began to retire in as much conftcrnation and difordcr, as if they had been overcome in battle. Cortez therefore continued Iiis march, without further interruption-, and in defcending the mountain, the vaft plain of Mexico gradually opened to the view of the army, and prefented them v/ith • De Soils, lib, iii. c. 8. ,! one THE HISTORY OF AMERICA. one of the moft ftriking and beautiful profpefts on the face of the earth. When they fiifl beheld this land of promife, whicii they flattered themfelves would yield an ample recompence for all their fervices and fuffcrings ; when they obferved fer- tile and cultivated fields, ftretching farther than the eye could reach ; when they faw a lake refembling the (ea in extent, encompafled with large towns, and dif- covered the capital city rifing on an idand in the middle, adorned with its temples and turrets ! the fcene fo far exceeded their imagination, that fome be- lieved the fanciful defcriptions of romance realized, and that its enchanted palaces and gilded domes were prefented to their fight, v/hile others could hardly perfuade themfelves that this wonderful fpedtacle was any thing more than a gay vifion *. Meanwhile the haughty fpirit of Montezuma, broke by repeated .difappoint- ments, fluduated between contending opinions and paffions, and at length de- livered him up to a cruel devotion, which lacrificed hecatombs of human vidims at the altars of his gods, in order to appeafe their fuppofed refentment. The contradidory oracles uttered by his idols entirely dilbrdered his imagination ; fome admonilhing him to open his gates to the ftrangers, that he might thereby have them all tor a facrifice, while others advifed him to keep them at a diftance, and endeavour to deftroy them without endangering his perfon. To the latter advice he moft inclined i and the failure of his laft ambulh, undertaken in con- fequence of it, almoft drove him to madnefs, and filenced at once his oracles and counfellors. in this extremity, he had recourfe to the magicians and forcerers, a. ■ fet of men in the higheft eftimation at Mexico. He affembled them in a body, ordered them to take the field, and either put the Spaniards to flight, or ftupify them by the force of their enchantments, fo that they might become an eafy conqueft. If they fucceeded, they were to be rewarded with uncommon bounty ; but if they failed, he threatned to punifli them with death, as impof- tors. The magicians, afraid to difcover the cheat with which they had fo long deluded the public, kt out in troops, in order to amufe their fovereign ; and after many myfterious, but harmlefs rites, returned with a ftory evidently contrived to fcreen themfelves from punifhment and difgrace. They affirmed, that a frightful form had appeared to them, and declared that their conjurations were now of no avail, Mexico being forfaken by the gods. Montezuma re- mained for a time fpeechlefs, as if loft in deep thought, then turning his eyes on the magicians, and fuch of his courtiers as were prefent, " What can we do,'* faid he, " if our gods forfake us ? — Let the ftrangers come, and the heavens fall upon us : to hide our heads, or turn our backs upon misfortune, would be dif- honourable. I only lament the old men, women, and children,, who cannot defend themfelves :"— a refledion which fliews the natural elevation of his mind, and that his cruel heart ftill retained fome fentiments of humanity f. From this • Caftillo, c. 86. The words employed in this defciption are nearly thofe of Dr. Robertfon, who has tranflated Caftillo almoft literally, but with much elegance and happinefs of ex- pre£ion. t Id. ibid. y. Mm moment »33 THE HISTORY OF AMERICA. moment the emperor and his whole court began to make preparations for enter- taining the Spaniards, believing them to be thole eaftern people mentioned in their traditioiiS ; and in confequence of fuch a mode of thinking, another em- balTy, more iplendid than any of the former, was difpatched to Cortcz, headed by prince CacLimatzin, nephew to Montezuma, and prince of Tezeuco. By this time the Spaniards had defcended from the mountain of Chalco, and advanced as far as Amemeca, through a dcligiitful country, filled with groves and gardens, vfhich bcfpoke alike the bounty of nature and the force of culture- Here the general halted, at a village built on a creek of the great lake, and Received the compliments of the adjacent caziques, who appeared exceedingly reierved before the Mexican ambafladors, but in private freely declared their deteftation of the royal tyrant, whom they taxed with cruelty and oppreffion j adding with tears, that they were forced to furrender their women as a tribute to his lull, and that of his minifters, who chofe and rejected them at pleafure : nor were the arms of a mother any fecurity to a daughter, or the nuptial bed a pro- tedlion to a wife. At this place the army was encamped, when prince Cacumatzin arrived, attended by four of the firft grandees of Mexico, and carried in a chair or pavillion of ftate, covered v;ith plumage of the mod beautiful colours in- geniouQy difpofed, and fupported by the fhoulders of fome officers of his family. When he alighted, a crowd of attendants ran before him to clear and fweep the way, and Cortez received him at the door of his apartment, having adorned himfelf as ufual on fuch occafions. After the proper compliments were over, the prince took his feat with an eafy majeftic air, and jpoke with the compofure of a man, who could contemplate novelty without furprife. He becran his difcourfe with welcoming Cortez and the Spani/h officers to the Mexican dominions, acquainting them of the amicable difpoGtion in which the emperor expefted their vifit, and how much he defired to eftablifli a firm and laftin» friendfhip v,ith the powerful eaftern prince whom they acknowledged as their mailer, and v/hofe power Montezuma was obliged to confefs, for certain reafons which they fliould learn from his own lips : and he concluded with apo- looies for the difficulties which Cortcz muft encounter in his way to Mexico on account of the fcarcity of provifions, the people being in great want by reafoa of that year's barrennefa, reprefenting in the ftrongefl terms the concern which this circumftance gave Montezuma -, in a word, he fpoke in fuch a manner as if he would difluade the Spaniards from the journey, at the fame time that he invited them. Cortez, whoeafiiy penetrated the dcfign of this fpeech, replied in that refolute and myftcrious manner which he had conflantly maintained on fuch occafions. That the king his mafter, the greatell monarch in the other world, where the fun rifes, had likewife fome reafons of high import for offering his friendfhip to Montezuma •,■ that the Spaniards defpifcd iiunger and every other inconveniency, when apromife, came Montezuma to vifit the general, witli the fame pomp and fo- lemnity as at their firft interview. Cortez went out to receive him in the principal fquare of the palace, with all the refpefb due to fuch a favour, accompanying him as far as the door of his apartment, where he made the emperor a profound obeifance. Montezuma pafled him, and took his feat with an air of negligence and majefty, commanding a chair to be brought for Cortez, and making a fignal for his attendants to retire to a diftance. The general did the fame in regard to his officers, and was going to open his embaffy, when Montezuma fignified, that he had fomewhat to offer before he gave him audience, and is faid to havefpoke to ■the following effeft. ■*' lUuftrious captain, and gallant flranger, before you deliver the embafly of the great prince who fent you, both you and I mud pafs by, and bury in obli- vion, what fame hath reported of our perlbns and conduft, abuling oiir ears ■with idle rumors, which prepoflefs us againft truth, and render lier obfcure by the difguifes of flattery and flander. By fome you have no doubt been told, that I am one of the immortal gods, extolling my power and my perfon to the heavens ; by others, that tlie bufinefs of fortune is to enrich me, that the walls and the coverings ^of my palace are gold, and that the earth groans beneath the weight of my treafures : you have heard that I am a tyrant, cruel and proud, abhorring juftice, and a flranger to mercy ; but both accounts are equally falfe. This arm," uncovering a fear, " will make you fenfible that I am mortal, and that you talk to a being of the fame fpecies with other men. My riches, I own, are great, but not what tliey are reprefented by my vaffals. The houfe wherein you now lodge is one of my palaces : behold the walls made of flone and lime ! ordinary materials, which owe their value to art. From thefe reprefentations, therefore, imagine how likely it is that my tyrannies have been exaggerated in the fame manner, or at leaft fufpend your judgment till you enter into my rea- fons ; and lay no ftrefs on the accufations brought againfl me by my rebellious fubjedfs, before you have informed yourfelf, whether what they call tyranny be not chaflifement, and if any one can complain of my feverity, without having deferved it. " After the fame manner have we received information concerning your nature .and aftions. Some have told us you are gods ; that the wild beafts obey you j that jou grafp the thunder, and conimand xhe elements ; otliers have reported .that . Uo THEHISTORYOFAMERICA. BOOK I. that you are malicious, revengeful, proud, flaves to your paffions, and tran- A d'T-To 'ported with on infatiable thirft of tiie gold which our eouncry produces •, but now I perceive you are of the fame compofnion and form with tlie reft of man- kind, though diftinguifned from us by fome accidents, which the difference of country occafions. Thofe creatures fo alarming, and of which fame has re- ported ilich wonders, are no more I find than large deer that you have taught to obey you, and inftruded in fuch imperfeft knowledge as is confiftent with ani- mal inftindl. Your arms, which counterfeit lightning, I conceive to be produced by human ingenuity, or by that myfterious art known amongft us under the name of magjc, and to be lefs deftrudive than they feera. As to what regards yourfelves, I am informed by my ambafTadors and fervan's, that you are courte- ous and devout ; tiiat your refcntments are founded on reafon ; that you bear hardfliips chearfully ; and among your other virtue?, they dilcover liberality, which rarely accompanies avarice. We muft therefore, on both fides, fororet all pafl: mifreprefentations, and be thankful to our eyes for correcting our opini- ons. Taking this for granted, we would have you to underftand, before you begin your difcourfe, that we are not ignorant, nor (land in need of your perfua- fions to believe, that the great prince whom you obey, is ddcended from our an- cellor Quezalcoal, lord of the feven caves of the Navatkques, and lawful kint» of thofe feven nations, which gave a beginning to the Mexican empire. By. a tradition for many ages prelerved in our annals, and reverenced as facred, we know that he departed thefe regions to conquer new countries in the Eaft ; leav- ing a promife, that, in procefs of time, his defcendants fliould return to model our laws, and reform our government. This tradition is fupported by pro- phecies, long regarded as infallible, and which are confirmed by your appear- ance; and as you not only carry the marks foretold in thefe prophecies, but the prince of the Eafl, who fends you, manifefts in your aftions the greatnefs of fb illuflrious a progenitor, we have already determined, that all things fhali be done for his honour, to the utmoft of our ability. This I have, thought Ht to notify, that you may declare what you have to propole, without any con- ftraint, and attribute my condefcenfion to fo noble a caule*.'' This artful fpeech was delivered with an air of majefty, and Cortez anfwered it with equal dignity and addrefs. He endeavoured to maintain the opinion of the extraordinary valour of the Spaniards without departing from truth. He acknowledged that the fire-arms, v/hich the Mexicans miflook for lightning and thunder, were the invention of human genius j but left Montezuma, from this very circumftance, to judge of the fuperiority of the Spaniards in contriv- ance and underftanding : he told him that the horfes were not deer, as he ima- gined, but animals of a more generous nature, bold, furious, and ambitious of emulating the glory of t.heir matters 5 and in order to give greater weigjit to his embafly, he politically endeavoured to confirm that idea which Montezuma had fornied concerning the origin of the Spaniards, and the authority of the Catholic * DeSolI>, lib. iii. c. 11. HeriCTa, dec. II> lib. v. c. 2. 4 king J THE HISTORY OF AMERICA, . ,41 king; execrating t!ie impious religion of the Mexicans, and giving a fhort n5lion ; but be- fore he proceeded to extremities, he fent meflengers to the Mexican general, re- quelling him, in a friendly manner, to fufpend hoftilities, until he received freih advices from the emperor; as it was not poffible that Montezuma fiiould au- thorife injuries againft the allies of a monarch, whofe ambaffadors he honoured with fo cordial a reception at court. To this meflage Qtialpopocal replied, that he was equally able to comprehend and execute the orders of his prince; and fliould any one attempt to divert him from the chaftifement of thole rebels, he was likewife able to defend in the field the meafures he had taken *. Efcalante confidered this anfwer as a challenge, which he could not refufe, without finking in the opinion of his Indian allies: he therefore aflrmbled a body of two thoufand Totanaques, and drev/ from the garrifon a detachment of forty Spani:irds, with which he marched againft the enemy. The Mexicans, confifting of about four thoufand men, were defeated, after an obftinate engage- ment ; but the Spaniards bought the viftory dear, the governor and feven pri- • vate foldiers being mortally wounded. Among thefe was Juan de Arguillo, a man of extraordinary ftature, and very great ftrength, who fell gallantly fighting; at a time when he could not be fuccoured -f. * Hefrera, dec. il. lib. vi. c. i. Ds So!is, lib. iii. c. iS. f Id. ibid. 8. Q^ q Of TBE HISTORY OF AMERICA. Of this unpropitious viclory, with all its circumftances, the council of Villa; Rica tranfmicted an aiccunt to Coriez. The general immediately communicated the whole affair to his principal officers, defiring them to deliberate on the mea- furcs necefTary to be purfued in inch a delicate conjundlure, and conceal their knowledge of the difafter from the loUhers, who could not fafely be trulfed with a fecret of fo much importance. VVithou£ delivering his own opinion^ he retired to his chamber; and after ruminating long on the inconveniences naturally rellilting from fuch a misfortune, and the expedients by which they might be remedied, he fent privatc-ly for ibme of ihe moft iniclligent and beft affefted of his Indian allies, and inquired, V/hethcr they liadobierved any fuipicious circumftances in the con- dudf of the Mexicans. Their aniv. er was. That the common people were entirely occupied by the reifivals given by Montezuma in honour of the Spaniards, but the nobility appeared pcnfive and myftcrious, and had frequent conferences, the refult of which was kept kcret : and they added, that they had overheard fome cxprelTions whi^h admitted of afinifter interpretation ; fuch as the poffibility of breaking down tlie bridges on the caufevvays, and other words to the fame effeft. Some ot them had alfo heard ic whifpered, that, a few days before, the head of a Spaniard was privately brought as a prefent to Montezuma ; and that he received it with ailonifhment on account of its great fize, the ftrength of the features, and the fiercenefs of the afpedl, marks which feemed to point it out as belonging to the unfortunate prifoner, Juan de Arguillo *. This intelligence inoeafed the uneafinefs of Cortez, who thence concluded that ■ Montezuma muft be privy to the proceedings of his general, and formed one of the boldeft relolutions that ever entered the human heart. He determined to feize the emperor in the midft of his palace, and carry him prifoner to the Spanifh quarters. But before he communicated this refolution to his officers, he was willing to hear their ieveral opinions, that he might endeavour to bring over by argument thofe who fhould happen to be of a different way of thinking, in order to prevent their being ftartled at fo daring a propofal. For this purpofe he alTemblcd his officers, and fome principal loldicrs, who, on account of their merit or experience, were wont to be confulted on fuch occafions, and laid before them the information he had received, earneftly requeifing their advice how to aift. They were very much divided in their fentiments : Ibme advifing, that a pafTport from Montezuma fliould be folicited, that they might march to the relief of the colony: others declared, without pointing out any meafure, that this would be a refledion on the charadter of the Spaniards, and an acknowledgment of their own weaknefs : a third party thought, as the relief of the colony was efTentiaily neceffary, that it would be beft to march off privately with all the riches they had . acquired -, and a fourth party gave it as their opinion, which was moft general, that the only honourable courle to be purfued was, to remain in Mexico till fome fafe method of retreat could> be contrived, without feeming to have any knov/- ledge of what had pafTcd at Villa Rica. • Ut fupra. As THE HISTORY OF AMERICA. 151 As none of thefe opinions entirely coincided wich the refolucion of Cortez, CH.--?. V. he began his fpeech with objtdling to the pafiporc, as unworthy of foldiers who a^'q^^T^. had opened their way, by dint of arms, to the capital of the empire. The notion of retreating privately he faid, would prove equally injurious to their honour, and be lefs conducive to their latety ; for the moment their flight fhould be known, it would be eafy for the emperor to give notice to his armies on ■ h^ frontiers to intercept them, while he rufhed himidf, from the capital, like a torrent, on their rear. They would find themfelves befet, and hemmed in on every fide, without one foot of ground on which they could tread with fecurity. He thereforejoined in opinion with thofc, who were for remaining in their prefent fituation, but differed with rtfpe6l to the manner. Some great action, he urged, mufh be performed ; fome blow (Iruck that wuold excite the aftonifhment of the iM-X'ians, in order to recover their eltcem and veneration, funk by the late unfortunate accident. " To this end," added he, " I hold it abfolutely necef- fary to ftize the perfon of Montezuma, and carry him prifoner to our quarters. An ;'.(5t:on which will at once ibike them with terror, and afford us an oppor- tunity of negociating, both with the emperor and his vaffals, after fuch a man- ner as may be u.oic for the honour of the crown of Spain, as well as our own- perfonal fecuriiy. I am very fenfible of the perils and difficulties attending fuch ail enterprize : but great adtions owe their birth to great dangers." A refolution fo flatteringly heroic was foon embraced by the majority of the council. The hour when it was ufual for Cortez to pay his compliments to Montezuma, was chofen for carrying it into execution, that no alarm might be given by an unfeafonable vifit. All the Spaniards were commanded to be under arms in theirljuarters, and to hold themlelves in readinefs, without noifeor dif- turbance, until they received farther orders. The avenues to the palace were fecured by fmall parties of foldiers dropped in proper places as if by accident ; and the general, accompanied by Alvarado, Sandoval, Velafquez de Leon, Lugo, and Davila, five of his principal officers, and followed by thirty chofen iOidiers, advanced to the palace, where they were admitted without fufpicion, it bei,ng cuftomary for them to appear armed in the royal prefence, Montezuma, w ith his wonted complaifance, came to the door of hiis apartment to receive them : they took their feats ; and the emperor's attendants, as ufual, retired out of re- fped:. Cortez now began his complaint : he painted in the ftrongefi: language every circumftance of the condudl of Qualpopoca, the death of feveral Spaniards, and the excufe made to the colony that every thing had been tranfaded by exprefs orders from the emperor -, an accufation, however, which he pretended to dif- believe, declaring that he had too much regard for the royal perfon to credit any thing fo unworthy of his imperial majefty, as an attempt to deltroy in tiie pro- viaces the friends and relations of thofe, whom he was entertaining at court. Confounded at this unexpected accufation, Montezuma changed colour, and warmly aflerted his own innocence, ftrenuoufly denying that he had ever given fuch orders. Cortez replied, that he was fully fatisfied his majefty could have no concern in an adion fo bafe, but that the Spaniards would never be convinced . 2 . he ■ THE HISTORY OF AMERICA. he did not harbour hoftile intentions againfl: them, nor would his own vafTals be undea-ivcd in regard to this matter, unlefs by fome extraordinary mark of attach- ment and confidence he fliould efface I'uch a calumny ; that he was therefore come to entreat him to go immediately to the Spanifh quarters, without noife or diihirbance, as if of his own free choice, with a refolution there to remain, till fucli time as his innocence fliould be fully proved, to the fatistaclion of all parties. By this generous confidence, the general added, Montezuma would not CT.Iy np pcafe the juft indignation of die great monarch whofe fervant he was, and the jealoufy of his followers, but would reftore the Uiftre of his own honour, at prefent tarnidied by the baneful breath of malignity ; and he gave his word as a gentleman, a foldier, and the minifter of the greatell prince in the univerfe, that he fhould be treated among the Spaniards witii all the refpect due to his royal dignity, as they only defired to be affured of his good will, that they might henceforJi more cordially honour and obey him. A propofal lb extraordinary bereaved Montezuma of fpeech, and almoft of motion ; and Cortez took this opportunity to obfcrve, by wav of palliating the matter, that the quarters which his imperial majefty had afilgned the Spaniards, was a royal palace, where he fometimcs choie to pafs a few days, and therefore it would not fccm ftrange to his lubjedts ihould he change his refidcnce in order to remove the prefent com- })lainr, which was properly fpeaking that of one fovereign againfl another ; that jf his general only Ihould appear to be in fault, the injury might be redrelTed, without puOiing matters to that extremity, in whicii the quarrels of fovereigns tOmmonly terminate. Impatient of a language, which had never before faluted his ears, Montezuma colkded his fpirits, and haughtily replied. That perfons of his rank were not accuftomed to dejivcr themlelvcs up to imprifonment -, nor would his fub- jeds permit luch an affront to be offered to their fovereign, fhould he even for- get his own dignity ib far as to ftoop to fo mean a compliance. This anfwer obliged Cortez to deliver himfclf with more firmnefs : he little valued, he faid, the oppofition of the Mexicans, provided his majefty was willing to remove, and free him from the neceffity of violating their mutual amity. A warm alterca- tion here enfued, in the courfe of which Cortez endeavoured alternately to foothe and to intimidate the emperor-, and Montezuma, fcnfible of his danger, made feveral offers which he hoped would yield ihe defired fatisfaftion. Among others, he propofed to fend immediately for Qualpopoca and all his officers, p,nd give them up to Cortez to be punilhed as he fnould think proper ; and he offered ta furiender, in the mean time, two of his fons, as hoftages for the performance of his }-roniifei adding with acliagrin bordering on weaknefs, that he was not a perfon wJio could hide himfclf, or flee to the mountains. Cortez rejedcd ail thefc expedients ; and as Montezuma ftill rcfufed to fur- render himiclf, the Spanilh officers grew uncafy, fuipcding that danger might cnlue from the delay. This confideration induced Valafqiiez de l.con, a vio- lent young man, to exclaim, " \Yhy waRe more time in talking ?— Let us either feize or kill him !"— Words which were uttered with fb much vehemence, and THE HISTORY OF A M ERICA. if5.3. ajid accompanied by fucli threatening gc^ftures, as ftruck Montezuma widi terror. Jj^^^_^- He inquired their meaning of Donna Marina, who was always preient on luch ^ q_ ,.,^^ occafions, r.nd who replied with admirable preience of mind, as if flie defired not to be overheard by the Spaniards : " My Lord, you run a great hazard by refufing to comply with the requeft of thofe people, who are equally relblute and powerful. I am your own loyal flave : my thoughts are continually employed to fcrve you : I am likewife one of their confidants, and well acquainted with their moil lecret intentions. If you go with them, you will be treated with all the refpea due to io great a prince ; but if you longer refift, the confequences may be iatal." This well-timed fp^ech, delivered wuh an air of fincerity, and' folicitude for his fafety» determined Montezuma to comply. Without entering into any further diipute, he inilantly rofe from Ids feat, and addrelling himfelf to the Spaniards, faid, " Let us go to your quarters ; for lb the gods will have it. Into your hands I commit mylclf." Prefently after, he called his atten- dants, ordered them to get ready his cliair and equipage, and told his minifheri-. That, for certain realbns of ftate, lie had refolved to fpend fome days with the Arrangers ; defiring them to publifh to all his fubjed', that he went voluntarily, and for the intereft of the crown, and the advantage of the ftate. At the fame time he commanded one of the captains of his guards to bring Qiialpopoca, and his principal officers, prifoners to Mexico ■, delivering to him, as his authority^ the royal fignet, which he conftantly carried tied to his right arm. - All thefe orders were given publicly, and explained by Marina to Cortez and his officers, in order to prevent them from harbouring difagreeable fufpicions on hearing the emperor talk to his people, or committing any unfeafonable aft of violence ; and Montezuma, accompanied by his ufual attendants, quitted his pa- lace, the Spaniards marching on foot clofe by his chair, for tiie greater fecurity, but under pretence of doing him honour. A report quickly fpread through the city, that the emperor was carried off by the ftrangers, and the ftreets were in a moment crowded with people. Every face wore marks of forrow and furprife, but no perfon attempted to refcue the unhappy prince •, fo great was their awe of the Spaniards ! though fome bewailed his condidon with tears, and others made loud howlings, while many threw themfelves upon the ground, like men in defpair. Montezuma, willing to appeafe an infurreftion from which he faw no relief was to be expefted, commanded the populace toceafe their cries; and at the firft mo- tion of his hand, a profound filence enfued. He then told them, with an air of gaiety and compofure. That he v/as under no conftraint, but was going volun- tarily to pafs a few days with his new friends. Accuftomed to revere their fovereign's will, the multitude infcantly difperfed ; and Montezuma, in order to ingratiate himfelf with the Spaniards, ilTued a proclamation, letting forth, that all perfons guilty of any rk)t, or public difturbance, Ihould be punifhed with death *. * De Solis, lib. iii. c. 18, 19. Herrera, dec. II. lib. vi. c. 1. S. R r Thuj 154 THE HISTORY OF AMERICA. BOOK I. Thus was a warlike and powerful prince fcized, at noon day, in the heart of his A. D. i: capital, and in his own palace, lurrounded by a multitude of guards, and car- ried priibner by fix ftrangers, to be difpofed of at their pleafure ! - The annals of hiltory afford nothing parallel cither to the deliberate boldnefs or the mild fuccefs of this aftion -, which exceeds fo far the ftandard of human events, as to want even that degree of probability whicli fable requires, and would appear altogether incredible, were it not authenticated by the moft undeniable tcftimo- nies, and confirmed by circumftances *. When Montezuma arrived in the Spanilli quarters, he made choice of apart- ments feparate from diofe of the army, which were immediately furnifiied by his own fervants with the belt moveables from the royal palace •, and Cortez placed a flrong guard of Spaniards at the different avenues, and doubled the centinels round the quarters, left any attempt fhould be made to refcue the cap- tive monarch. Orders were ifiued to the foldiers to admit all the gentlemen of Montezuma's retinue, and alfo the nobility and minifters, in the fame m.anner as if he were under no reftraint ; yet with this caution, that a certain number only fhould be allowed to entcT at a time, under pretence of keeping the emperor from being crowded. Cortez defired leave to vifit him the fame evening, with as much ceremony as formerly ; and a fimilar refpe6l was fhewn to him by all the Spanifh officers and foldiers. In confequence of this mild treatment Montezuma refumed his wonted chear- fulnefs ; dillributed prefents among the Spaniards, and careflcd them with tlie fame cordiality as if they had done him no injury. He never difcovered the leafb weaknefs under his confinement, nor once made it known to his fervants or minifters ; a rare inftance of magnanimity under adverfity ! — He was too proud to have it thought that he could exift in fuch a fituation, though he could hope for relief by no other means ; and his fubjeds had fo high an opinion of iiis fpirit, that they generally adopted the defired idea, regarding his retirement as the effccl of his own voluntary refolution. In this idea they were confirmed by the manner in which the afi^airs of government were conduced. Montezuma difcharged all the funftions of a fovereign, while in prifon, with the fame regu- larity as if he had been at his own palace : he gave audience at the accuftomed hour •, heard the advice and reprefentations of his minifters -, and applied himfelf to all bufinefs, whether of a civil or military nature. When difengaged from thefe weighty cares, he fpent his time entirely with the Spaniards, and ufcd to declare that he was not himfelf without them. He became fo entirely recon- ciled to his fate, that he feemed to have no inclination to change his condi- tion f . In the midft of this fcene of amity, Qualpopoca, his fon, and five of his principal officers, who had been concerned in the death of the Spaniards in the neighbourhood of Villa Rica, were brought prifoners to Mexico, in confequence • For this obfervation the author is indebted to De Solis, not to Dr. Roberifon, who has bor- rowed it, without acknowledging his obligation. f De Sclis, lib. iii. c. 19, zo. 4 of THE HI STOR Y OF AME R IC A. 155 of the orders ifllied by Montezuma. The emperor immediately ft-nc thcni to CHAP. V. Cortez, that he miaht inquire into the nature of their crime, and inflii]: uuon )^~~^' ' them fuch punifliment as they fiiould icem to celerve. During the courlt- of their examination, they confciTcd the whole charge laid againft them, without once mentioning any authority from the emperoi for Inch proceedings •, bur when they were afterwards urged to a more complete dilcovery, and perceived the danger to which they were expofcd, they declared that they had adl^d in obedience to the itfiperial command. This confeffion, however, Cortez treated as a treafonable fubierfuge, in order to fcreen themfelves from punifhment. He therefore ordered them to be tried by a court-martial compofed of Spanilli officers •, by which they were adjudged to deferve death, and condemned to be "burnt alive before the royal palace, as criminals who had not only viohited the facred laws of nations, but incurred the penalty of high treafon, by prefuniing to involve their fovereign in their own guik This was a cruel and fcvere fentence, diflated wholly by motives of policy. If Qualpopoca aded by authority, as the Spaniards feem to have believed, he could not poffibly be guilty : at any rate, he only performed what he confidered to be the duty of his pffice ; and Cortez, who appeared in tlie character of an am- balTador, had furely no right to aflbme that of a fupreme judge. But his arro- gance and cruelty did not ftop here. Before he ventured to execute the fentence palfed on the Mexican officers, he determined to take fuch meafures as iTiould deter both the people and the fovereign from thinking of revenge, and fiiew them what an aweful thing it was to (bed the blood of a Spaniard. For this purpofe he waited on Montezuma, and exprefTcd his uneafinefs at the quantity of ilores laid up in the royal magazine, as an indicadon of fome hoftilc attempt intended againfl him and his people. The emperor replied, that it had always been his curtom to keep fuch a fupply of arms, as he had many enemies, and his domini- ons were fubject to frequent invafions. Cortez, as ufual, feemed fatisfied with the truth of this declaration, but folicitous to have the caufe of his difquiet re- moved ; and Having obtained a kind of tacit confent from Montezuma, ordered ail the weapons, colledled for the public defence, to be brought from the maga- zine, and after being broken, to be formed into a pile for the punifliment of Qiialpopoca and his alTociates by fire. When thefe unhappy men were ready to be led forth to execution, Cortez, at- tended by four of his officers, and a foldier carrying a pair of fetters, entered the apartment of Montezuma ; and approaching the captive monarch with his ufual refpeft, but with a more than common feverity of countenance, told him in an elevated voice. That his officers now condem.ned to fuffer death, had con- fefTed their crime, and been found cicferving of the fenteni^c ; but that this was not enough : they had accufed him, affirming that they had adlcd folely by his orders -, and that it was therefore necefTary, he fliould expiate thofe ilrong pre- fumptions by Ibme perlbnal mortification. Having uttered thei^? words, he com- manded the Ibldier to clap the fetters on Montezuma's legs, anci without wait- ing for a reply, turned his back abruptly, and retired to his own apartment ; giving 156 THE HISTORY OF AMERICA. BOOK I. giving frefli orders to his guards, that, for the prefent, they lligulu not fii&cr ^T'n' , "' the cir.pcrcr to have any coiTimunication with his minifters. So great was the aftonifhment of Montezuma, trained up with an idea that hjs pcrfon was facred and inviolable, to find himfelf treated with fuch indignity, that at firll he wanted force to refitr, and afterwards fpeech to connplain. He re- mained for fonie time in a ftateof filence and feeming inlenfibility j liis attendants, bathrd in tears, throwing thcmlelves at his feet, and bearing up tlie weight of his. fetters with their hands, without prefuming to fpeak, and thruiVing fine cloths, through the links of the chains, that they might not touch his fielli. He re- covered by degrees from his confufion and amazement, and began to break out into loud lamentations, conficlering this profanation as a prelude to his death ; but I'uddenly rccolIe£ling his illuilrious charafter, he threw afide fear, and ex- pected his fate with the fortitude of a hero*. Coitez loft no time in completing his bold, but atrocious defign. His fitua- tion would now admit neither of delay nor hefitation : matters were come to a crifis ; and nothing but the fame undaunted refolution which had dictated the ineafure, could enl'ure it liiccefs. The pretended criminals were carritd to tlie place appointed for their fate ; and the fentence of the Spanifli court-mardal was literally "executed in prcfence of an innumerable multitude of Mexicans, who be- held in filent aftonifliment, without the leafl: attempt at violence or oppofition, the double infult offered to the majefty of their empire, in the punifliment of iome of their braveft warriors, for attempting to rid them of a fet of rapacious Ifrangers, and in the deftrudion of the arms provided for the public defence, by the forcfight of their anceftors ! employed by thofe flrangers, as the means of that punilhment, and confumed before their eyes in one general blaze! — They were imprefled with terror, intermingled with refpecl and admiration, wondering at the authority which theftrangers afTumed, without daring, even in thought, to call in queftion their jurifdiftion, as it was fandified by die approbation of dieir fovereign -f. Immediately after the execution, Cortez repaired to the royal apartment, and addrcffing himfelf to Montezuma with a chearful countenance, " My Lord," faid he, " the traitors, who were fo bold as to blemilh your charafter, have re- ceived the punifliment due to their crimes -, and you have fufficicni'y refuted the infamous calumny, by fubmitting to this fliort mortification in the interminionof perfonal liberty." He then fell upon his knees, and with his own hands took off the fetters ; endeavouring by this exccflive complaifance to efface all memory of the injury, while the terror of the punifhment fhould remain. Montezuma re- ceived his releafe with a tumultuous joy, which (hewed how deeply the indignity of bondage had afie(.T;ed him. He embraced Cortez with tranfport, and feemed to forget in his deliverer the author of his d^fgrace. They fat down together ; when entering amicably into convention, Cuj tez ordered the guards to withdraw, and told the emperor, that he was now at liberty to return to his own palace, the ^ Hericra, 4ec. II. lib. vi. c. i. De Solis, lit>. lii. c. zo. f Id. ibid. caufe THE HISTORY OF AMERICA, raufe of his -detention being removed. This offer Montezuma declined, for rcj- J'ons with which Cortez was well acquainted, and which he had taken care to enforce before be ventured to make if, having often heard him declare his fenti- ments on that fubjedt : he was afraid of finking in the opinion of his vaflals, ihould it be known he had been detained by force, and owed his liberty to favour; but, he gave another turn to his reply. He had taken a refolution, he faid, to ftay where he was, out of regard to the Spaniards, while they continued at his court ; being fenfible that, as foon as he returned to his palace, his nobility and minifters would prefs him to take up arms, in order to revenge on the ftrangers the indignity which he had fuffered. Cortez praifed his generous defign, and made him the vsarmefl: acknowledgments, as if he had fincerely believed the emperor was content to remain in prilbn for the greater fecurity of the Spaniards, and to protect them with his authority *. From this day forward, every thing was contrived in fuch a manner as to per- fuade the royal prifoner and his fubjeds, that he was at perfedl liberty, and only a vifitor by inclination to the Spaniards ; and he returned the feeming obligation with fo much affability and liberality, as really engaged the affedions of thefe rapacious and unfeeling invaders. Hitherto the virtues of Montezuma had .lain concealed, even from his own domeftics. His generofity, fincerity, magnanimity, and warmth of friendlhip, were obfcured by the neceffary affeftation of dignity, referve, and aufterity. After he had, by his gentlenefs and moderation, fully gained and merited the confidence of Cortez, he one day an in all refpcds, the chief counfellor, friend,^ miniller, and favourite of the fovereign *• Cortez, however, during this flattering tranquillity, never loft frght of his danger ; but v/as equally attentive to the precautions necefTary to his prefent fecurity, and thofe requifite to forward his high defigns, though as yet he could not fay in what they were likely to terminate. He had already recovered all th& reputation which the Spaniards lofl: in the late unfortunate adventure at Villi Rica, by the awful punifliment inflidtcd on the general, and the humiliation to which the emperor had been fubjtdfed ; but the affairs of that colony were not immediately rcftored to fuch order as might be widied. On the death of Efcalsnte, he appointed. Sandoval to fucceed him as governor ; and as he could not, at that; time, fpare fo valuable an officer, Alonfo de Grado, a man of experience and abi- lities, but of doubtful fidelity, was fent in quality of his lieutenant. For this flep Cortez is blamed ; and jultly, if we may ji-idge by circumflanccs, in entrufting a place of fuch importance, and the only retreat whicJi he had left, in cafe of a failuie at Mexico, into the hands of a man whole attachment was fufptifled, and who was befides of a turbulent dilpofition. But Grado's own arrogance and rapacioufnefs- remedied an error, which might have proved fatal to the colony, as well as to the authority of the general. He no iboner reached Villa Rica, than he behaved in- fuch a haughty manner as entirely difgufled the garrifon, while he enraged the neighbouring caziques, by the exorbitant prcfents which he demanded. He likewife propoled to fome of his friends, to deliver up the place to Velaliijuez, fhould any armament arrive from Cuba. Thefe beginnings of treachery and mal-adminiftration, of which Cortez had intelligence, determined him to difpatch. Sandoval to his government ; and the lieutenant was fecured and fent prifcner to Mexico -f . * De Solis, lib. iv. c. I. Thcremaik of Dr Rcbertfon, on this fuljeift, is truly worthy cfat- teniion. " The arts of pcliflicd rationf," fays he, " in fubjcdling fuch as are lefs improved, ha* bctn nearly the dme in every pericd. The fyllem of fciecnirg a foreign ufurpaiion, ur.der tho ferftiOn of r.uihorily derived from the rulers of a country ; the device of employing the nugif- tia.es and forms alrf?dy eftablifhed as irflrumenis to inticduce a new dcir.inicn, of »\h'ch «t are apt to bcailas fubliine refinements iii policy peculi.ir to the prefent age,, were inventions tf a mora early period, ard had been tried with fuccefs in the Well, iOng.bsfpre they were praflifcd in the .tall." Hift, Ameiit*, beck v. ■\ liuncra, dec. 11. lib. \i. c 2. Dc SoJis, lib, ir.^ c. i. la THE HISTORY OF A M E R I C'.^ 159 In the courfe of thofe journies to and from Villa Rica, Cortez took meafures CHAP. V. far carrying more cffedually into execution a defign which he had long medi- ^T^^^'^yt^.- rated, and which was ftill nectflary to complete his fecurity. He sviflied to have luch command of the lake as might infure him a retreat, fliould the Mexicans be induced, by levity or difguft, to break down the bridges or deftroy the caufe- ways. He accordrngly made ufc of die opportunities mentioned, to facilitate the conveyance of fome cordage, fails, nails, and other fpoils of the fhips to Mexico, in order that veflcls might be conftructed of a fufficient fize and force to effect the defired end : and the manner in \vhic+i he accomplifhed it, witho'Jt giving; fufpicion to the court or the emperor, that he was not fully fatisfied of his fccurity, was artful and fagacious, in no common degree. He nrft inflamed the curiofuy of Montezuma, by entertaining him with defcriptions of the European navigation, and of thofe floating palaces, as the Mexicans termed the Spanilh Klips, which moved with fuch velocity on the water without oars, all the natives of New Spain being ignorant of the ufe of fails ; and when he found that the emperor was extremely defirous of feeing this novelty, he gave him to under- ftand, that nothing was wanting to gratify his curiofity, except a few things from Villa Rica, as he had workmen in his army capable of building fuch vefTels. Happy to contribute every thing in his power towards an undertaking, from' v/hich he expeded fo much pleafure, Montezuma gave immediate orders that all' his people fnould aflift Cortez in whatever he fhould direft concerning the Ihip- ping. The naval ftores arrived from Villa Rica; v/ood was cut down and pre- pared -, and in a fhort time two brigantiaes were got ready, completely rigged and equipped, and the emperor was invited on board to make the firfl: tri.d of their failing. The experiment fucceeded to the admiration of Montezuma, and to- the aftonilhment of his whole court, who were afiembled on that occafion, and accompanied him on the water in canoes and pleafure boats of various kinds. Some of the Mexicans were ftruck with the management of the rudder,- others with_ the fails, believing that by thefe means the Spaniards com- manded the winds and the waters. Thofe of more difcernment regarded the ■whole as a curious invention, which fhewed the genius and good fenfe of the ftran- gers ; and the vulgar were fully perfuaded, that the Spaniards muft-be fuperna- ■ rural beings, thus to obtain dominion over the elements *. On the whole, we' cannot lufficiently applaud the prudent forefight and addrefs of Cortez, who united in this manner his own fecurity, intereft, and reputation, with theamufe- ment of the fovereign and the wonder of the people, in whofe opinion it was- neceflliry to ftand high, in order to fucceed in his defigns. Nor was this the only advantage which Cortez derived from that afcendanoy ■which he had acquired over the mind of Montezuma. lie introduced fo oppor- tunely into his difccurfe the praifes of the Catholic king, extolling his power, - clemency, and juftice, that the emperor and his whole court eagerly defired the- proffered alliance, and an eQablifhed commerce between the tv.o ftatts, as what • De Soil!, lib. iv. c. i. n:uft i^ THE HISTORY OF AMERICA. mufl: prove mutually beneficial. He alfo made fome important difcoverles ii; the way of convcrfation, ftarted partly to gratify an inquifitive humour -, for he had lb won the afFedions of the emperor, that he concealed nothing from him. All fufpicion touching his ambitious defigns were vanifhed, and he w^s now con- iidered as the friend and ally of Montezuma. In confcquence of this familiarity and confidence, he obtained very circumftantial information of the ftrengch and extent of the Mexican empire -, of its provinces, produce, mountains, rivers, and principal mines ; of the diftance between the South and North Seas, their harbours, and other particulars : and Montezuma had fo little fufpicion that the inquiries of Cortez were dictated by any thing but a laudable curioiity, which he was willing to gratify, that he ordered his painters, with the afTiftance of men il\il]ed in the topography of Mexico, to draw out all his dominions on a piece of ■cotton, in iuch a manner as to give an exad reprelentation of every particular meriting regard. He even permitted fome Spaniards to take a view of the richelt mines in the empire, and of all the ports and bays capable of receiving fliipping. This Cortez propofed to him, under pretext of carrying an exadl relation to his prince of every thing remarkable •, and Montezuma was fo far from oppofing it, that he commanded fome of his Ibldiers to accompany the Spaniards, and difpatched orders that they fhould have free admittance, and be inftrudcd in whatever they defired to know *. Such was the promifing fituation of Cortez and his companions, when a new tranfport of enthufiafm had almoll: blalted all their hopes, and deftroyed the confidence gained with fo much addrefs. Nothing could be more imprudent, at this junfture, than to attempt a revolution in religion, a point on which the Mexicans had always difcovered the greateft jealoufy, and on which Montezuma was inflexible : yet fuch, we are told, on the mod unqueftionable authority, was the refolution of the Spaniards. For this purpofe Cortez, fo cool and deliberate in political matters, fallied forth one day, like a maniac, at the head of a party of wild fanatics, determined to overthrow the idols, and convert the great tem- ple into a church. This fudden frenzy threw the whole city into confufion, and Montezuma into the utmoft diftrefs. The priefts took up arms in defence of their gods, and the populace efpoufed their caufe. The refpeft which they en- tertained for the Spaniards gave place to the fervours of devotion •, and had not the idols been fufi^ered to remain in tlieir place, the confequence mud have proved fatal to tlie reformers. Cortez defifted from his radi attempt, after dil- lodging the idols from one of the flirines, and ereding in their ftead a crucifix and an image of the Virgin Mary f. • Herrera, dec. II. lib. vi. c. 3. De Solis, lib. iv. c. 2. Caftillo, c. 100. t Herrera, dec. II. lib. vi. c. z. AH the Span] (h hiftorians, except De iioli?, defcribe this outrage ae a mingled tranfport of heroic ardour and holy zeal. " Cortez," fays Herrera, " put on his bed gaiments, (bed many teats of joy and devotion, and was the ftrft who lineeling down wor(hipped the crucifix, faying. Infinite praife be given to thee, the true God, for ever and ever; inafmuch as thou hail b:en pleafed, that, after fo many years as the Devil, fi'.ting on his throne, exerciff d his tyranny over fo many nations, he fhould, by means of our weak and unworthy hands, be bani.lied tc the Loitomlefs pit !" Ut fupra. From 5 THE H i S T O R V OF AMERICA. 1 6i ■ From this moment the Mexicans began to meditate hew they might expel or C-iJAl*. V, dedroy the Spaniarcis ; and if Montezuma appeared determined to lupport them, ^"'^'','77^ a confpiracy v.'as formed to bring about a revolution in the government, and place another prince upon the throne. At the head of this confpiracy was Cacu* mazin, nephew to the emperor, an enterpriGng, high-fpirited young man, who grew quite impatient at feeing his kinfman, his fovereign, and the Vi'hole empire* governed at pleafure by a ft-ranger, unfupported by power, and whole fole in- fluence was founded on his own addrefs, the credulity of the monarch, and the pufillanimity of the people. He was king of Tezeuco, which he held as a fief of the crown, and firft eleJlor in the empire ; and, though reprefented by the Spanifh writers as an ambitious, inconfiderate, hot-headed youth, he appears to have been only a warm and fincere patriot. He painted the conduft of Cortez and his companions in the darkeft colours, charging them with having violently con- fined a prince who was loading them with benefits, and with laying the founda- tion of a defpotifm, the mott cruel and flavifh of any, becaufe built upon ignorance, fuperftition, and hypocrify. Thefe fubjefts he feized every oppor- tunity of introducing before the caziques and nobility j and when he found he had fufficiently prepared their minds, he held a fecret council of his friends and confederates, at his palace in Tezeuco, where were prefent the kings of Cuyocan, Iztacpalapa, Tacuba, and Matalcingo, all of them princes of the em- pire, with other perfons of diftindion, who had the command of numerous bo- Tdies of fighting men. After touching, in general terms, on the purpofe for which they were aflem- bled, Cacumazin threw out his fentiments, with refped to their future proceed- ings, in a bold and fpirited harangue. " What is it we wait for, friends and countr)'men," faid he, " that we open not our eyes, to behold the reproach of bur nation ? — Shall we, who are born to bear arms, and who place our higheft honour in the terror with which we infpire our enemies — fhall we bend our necks to the difgraceful yoke of a few wandering ftrangers ? — What are all their daring and prefumptuous adions, but fo many reproaches of our effeminacy, and ex- preffions of that contempt in which they hold us ? — Let us but ferioully confidd" what they have achieved in a few days, and we Ihall be fenfible firft df our own ihame, and next of the obligation we lie under to wipe-it o&. They have entered triumphantly into the city of Mexico, in defpite of our fovereign, and contrary to the inclination of the nobility and the people : they have introduced rebels, and our profelled enemies, and kept them in arms before our eyes ; thereby exalting the vanity of the Tlafcalans, and trampling under foot the glory of the ■Mexicans : they have taken away the life of a general of the empire, by a public and barbarous execution i audacioufly exercifing thejurifdidlion of magiftrates, and the authority of legidators, in dominions wherein they are aliens: they have in- Vaded our temples, and ventured with facrilegious hands to dillodge our gods, placing their own idols on our altars : and, to complete their enormities, they have prefumed to feize, and continue to hold in confinement, the facred perfoh ol our fovereign, which they have dared to load with ignominious fetters I. 9. T t « That i6z THE HISTORY GF AMERICA"." B O O K I. " Tliat thefe things are Co, we are all too well convinced ; but who is Co loft to V n^" ' honour as to believe his fcnles ? — Our gods are intuited, and our Ibvereign is de- graded, while we remair»' patient and unarmed fpeftators. That appearance of li» berty, which the great Montezuma now enjoys, is only a deceitful tranfiticn to a more difgraceful bondage : tiie ftrangers have extended their tyranny over his heart, and made tliemfelves maftcrs of his will. They are the men who govern and command us ; for by them all the refolutions of our fovereign, now their priloner, are direded : to them are facrinced our religion and laws, .and our lives and pofleirions, we may afluredly expect will foon become tlieir prey. What then remains but to unite our forces, and endeavour to prevent the ruin of t!ie Mexican empire ; accomplifli the deftruftion of thefe arrogant llrangers ; and let our fovereign at liberty * !" This fpeech had the defired effcft. Nothing was to be heard through the ■whole aflembly but menaces againft the Spaniards, when tlie cazique of Matal- cingo obferved. That it would be neceffary to acquaint Montezuma of their in- tentions ; and before they took any violent ftep, to have his permilTion, It would be dangerous, he faid, to the royal perlon, to attack the Spanilh quar- ters, without firft putting him in a place of fecurity, or at lead giving him fuch information as might enable him to provide for his own fafety ; nor would it, in his opinion, exalt their reputation to ufe violence againft ftrangers, under t!ie protection of their fovereign, until they- had given fome juft provocation, or exhibited ftronger proofs of their finifter defigns. It was obvious to the whole aflembly, that thefe fcruples were thrown in the way of their refolutions from perfonal jcaloufy of Cacumazin, who retorted on his arrival with fome warmth of expredion. Montezuma, he laid, would be fenfible of the propriety of the remedy, when delivered from the evil : if otherwife, Mexico had men whofe temples would very well fit a crown -, and he would not be the firft of theic kings, who for not knowing how to reign, or by reigning negligently, had let the fccptre drop out of his hands. The opinion of tlie king, of Tezeuco was unanimoufly embraced -f. Cortez and Montezuma had both notice of this confpiracy almoft at the fame time ; the empei-or from the cazique of Matalcingo, and the general by means of his fpies : and when Cortez was going to the royal apartmertt to communicate his intelligence, he met Montezuma coming on the fame errand, who had the good fortune to fpeak firft, clearing himfelf by that means from all fufpicion of being privy to the defigns of his nephew. He expreflcd great indignation againft the whole faction, and propofed chaftifing them with the utmoft rigour. In anfwer to this motion Cortez replied, after letting the emperor underftand he was acquainted with the whole afiair, that he was forry to have been the caufe of any difturbance among his vafTals, and for that reafon found himfelf obliged to take upon him the remedy ; that he was therefore come to afk his majefty's per- milTion to march immediately with his followers to Tezeuco, in order to crufti in • Herrera, dsc. II. lib. vi. c. 3. De Solis, lib. iv. c. :. -f Id. ibid. 3 embryo THEHISTORYOF AMERICA. iS^ en-.bryo a ccnfpiracy that might be attended with confequences fatal to the royal CHAP. V. authority, unlcfs lupprefled in time. It would be ncceflary, he faid, to. feize .^""jq^TTT"' upon Cacuniazin before he could join his confederates, and by that means pre- vent the effufion of blood. Montezuma admired the undaunted refolution of the Spanlfli general, but- declined his propofal ; faying, it would be a diminution of his power and au- thority to make ufe of foreign arms in the chaftifement of his own lubjedts. He therefore entreated Cortez to diffcmble his private refentment, and gave it as his folemn opinion, that any hoftile attempt from the Spaniards would only ferve co increafe the hatred of the people, and ftrengthen the Ivxnds of the confpirators^ who would foon find another leader, ftiould Cacumazin even be made prifoner. But there was ftrll, he obferved, a province in which the general might be inftru- mcntal to die reftoration of public peace, that of couniellor, and of mediator, fhould circumftances require any interpofition. Gortez acquiefced in his reafons ; and Montezuma, by difcovering his knowledge of the plot, but pretending to treat the dcfign of his nephew as the effedt ot' youthful levity, threw the co.i.- fpirators off their guard. Cacuniazin was privately feized in his own palace at Tczeuco ; and a boat being ready on the lake, was brought, without noife or difturbance, to the Spaniih quarters. Montezuma now difcovered all his difTembled rage, or what he was willing fliould be confidered as fuch, and without permitting Cacumazin to appear be- fore him, commanded that unhappy prince to be confined in the clofeft prifon of the nobles ^treating him as a criminal who had committed a capital offence, and was to fuffer punifhment. But Cortez feized this opportunity of rendering him,' felt popular among the Mexicans, by relaxing the rigour of the fentence* There was at that time in Mexico a brother of Cacumazin, a young man of great merit, and univerfally eftcemed, but pcrfecuted by the king of Tezeuco^ on account of fome family jealoufies. On him the general caft his eyes, as a proper inftrument for his purpole, and propofed to the emperor to give him the invefliture of Tezcuco, fince his brother had rendered hiralelf incapable of re- luming the government, by confpiring againfl. his fovereign ; adding, that it would not be fafc to punifh a delinquent of lb much intereft as Cacumazin with the lofs of life, at a time when the minds of the nobles were in fuch commo- tion ; that depriving him of his dominions would confign him to a kind of po- litical death, lefs noify, yet fjfficientlv fevcre, to ftrike terror into his accom- plices ; and that this young prince (whom he hoped to rule) was in all refpeiSs more worthy of the dignity of firfc ekdlor of the empire. Montezuma was fo highly pleafed with this thought, that he immediately propofed it to jiis council, who applauded the motion as merciful and equitable ; and the minifters framed a royal decree, by which Cacumazin was deprived, according to the cuftom of the country, of aU his honours and digni-. ties, and his brother appointed his fuccefibr. The emperor now ordered the mw king inro. his prcfence, and during the time of the inveftiture, which' had 'its ceremonies and Iblemnities, told him, that he owed all his good fortune to thfe mediation . i^4 THE HI STORY" OF AMERICA. <•» mediation of the flrangers ; g;ving the nobility to unckrftand, tliat the lenity of the punifl'.mt-nt inflifted on Caciunrzin proceeded from the lame caufe. Every one applauded a modniuion, fo contrary to theuilial leverity fhewn by Montezuma on fuch occafions : the fuperior judgment of the Spaniards %vas acknowledged; and the very novelty of punifning rebellion without bloodfhed produced fuch ex- traordinary etttfts, that all the troops in arms for Cacumazin inftantly difperfed, and the confederate caziques fubmitied themfelves without hefitation to the royal clemency. They received pardon, through the interpofition of Cortez, who now found himfelf not only delivered from a ftorm that tlireatened to ovcrv/lielm him, but fupported by a new ftock of friends and coiifequence *. Montezuma was indebted to him for the tranquillity of his realm, the firift prince in the em- pire for his dignity, and a great body of the nobility for their lives. Th'is confpiracy, notwithftanding tlie fortunate circumftances that accom- panied its extinftion, left imprefTions on the mind of Montezuma by no means favourable to the defigns of Cortez. -He was too well acquainted with the mo- tives of his nephew's condufl:, not to feel uneafmefs at his fate; and with the genuine patriotifm -which warmed the breall of that young prince, though his condition obliged him to conceal his fentiments, and to treat an attempt to free Mexico from the ufurpation of the Spaniards, as rebellion againfl: tiie fovcreign. On examining coolly into the behaviour of Cortez he found fomething myfterious in his long refidence in his dominions, and in that authority which he afTumed, fo incompatible with the character of an ambaflador. He began to be afhamed of the general refledtions on his want of fpirit and refolution, in fufFering himfelf to be confined and wholly governed by the ftrangers. Thefe were fome of the ar- guments urged by Cacumazin for taking up arms : Montezuma himfelf was kn- iible there was but too much occafion for murmuring ; and as the fame reafofts ftill fubfifted, he v/as apprehenfive of frefh difturbances, which might terminate in the exaltation of another prince to the throne. The applaufe beftowed on the late fentence might be intended to cover fartiier defigns, and to lull the govern- ment into fecurity : at any rate there was danger from the hidden fparks of a fire lately extinguilhed, of which even the Spaniards themfelves might take advantao-e in order to enlarge their power, and extend tlieir influence over the Mexicans • a purpofe which could not be effeded without a diminution of the royal preroga- tive -f. Thefe confiderations made Montezuma refolve to get rid as foon as pofllble of the Spaniards ; and to intimate to Cortez, that he was ready to execute every thing relative to the objeft of his embalTy. It was fome time before the emperor could prevail on himfelf to make this propofa), or could meet with a proper op- portunity of introducing the fubjeft. One day, however, when the general came to vifit him, having overcome his irrefolution, he introduced a difcourfe concern- ing the Catholic king, and liiid he had been thinking of making a voluntary ac- • Herrera, dec. II. lib. vi. 5. 3, De Solis, lib. iv. c. 2. •{■ Herrera, dec. U. lib. iv. c. 3. De Soli;, lib. iv. c. 3. know- T H E H I S T O R Y O F A M E R 1 C A. .^5 knowledgment of that vaflalage which was due to ths monarch of the Eafl-, as fucceflbrof Quezalcoal, and proprietary-lord of his dominions i for which pur- pofe he intended to aficmble the princes and nobles of, the realm, and to make this acknowledgment in their prefence, that they might all after his example pay obedience, and eftablifh the vaflalage by fome contribuuon to. the new fovereign. He had already, he added, provided abundance of gold and jeweli of ineftimable value, in order to difcharge the obligation on his own part ; and he was perfuaded that his people would contribute, on theirs, fuch a prefent as would be worthy of the great Eaftern prince, as the firfl; tribute of the Mexican empire *. By this artful propcfal Montezuma entirely concealed his defign from Cortez -, and a»flualiy perfuaded that profound politician, that he had no other motive for this extraordinary refolution, than a fuperfcitious compliance with the intention of the ancient prophecies, which he nov/ regarded as fulfilled. The general re- turned his moft grateful thanks, highly pleafed with having obtained more than he thought prafticable in his prefent circumflances ; little imagining that this was a fnare laid by the emperor, in order to oblige him to declare iiis ultimate defigns, in tlie fulled manner, or to quit the Mexican dominions. On the con- trary, he hoped, that this extraordinary condefcenfion would enable him to fecurc his refidenc€ in the capital, till further orders vyere received from Spain, and fuch a reinforcement as v.'O.uld be fufficient for the adkial conqueft of the empire, ftiould it be neceflary to have recourfe to violence. But Montezuma, \yho had very different views, immediately iffued convocatory orders to the caziques and chief men of his empire, as was cuftomary when any affair of m.ore than ordinary importance was to be difcuffed, omitting to cite fuch as lived at a great diftance, that no time might be loft in a matter that required difpatch. They arrived in a few days ; and being affembled in the emperor's apartment, together with the nobles and minifters that refided in Mexico, Conez and his principal officers alfo being prefent, in their richeft apparel, Montezuma afcended his throne, and making a fign with his hand to enjoin filencc, began a premeditated fpjech, in which he endeavoured by the moft foothing expreffiojis to conciliate the favour of the caziques. He reminded them of the many proofs he had given them of his affedtion, and that they held their dignities from his bounty ; thence inferring the improbability of his making any propofal to them incompatible with their in- tereft, or the honour and dignity of his crown. He next introduced a fhort account of the origin of the Mexican empire •, the-cxpedition of the Navatlaques; the extraordinary achievements of Quezalcoal •, the prophecy which he left, when he departed for the conqueft of the Eaft, foretelling, by the impulfe of Heaven, that his defcendants fhould return to govern the kingdoms of the Weft. He re- prefented it as a point indifputable, that the king of Spain, who ruled in thofe Eaftern regions, was the lawful fucceffor of Qtiezalcoal : whence he concluded, that they ought, in his perfon, unanimoufly to acknowledge the right of blood, * De SoUs, lib. iv. c. 3. 9' U u the x66 THE HISTORY OF AMERICA. the crown being only difpofed of by election, thofe many years, for want of fuch fight : and, for his own part, he was fo great a lover of juftice, that had this monarch come in peribn, whereas he had only fent his ambafTador, he would have been willing to ftrip himfelf of his dignity, and lay the crown at the feet ci' the rightful heir, to be difpofed of at his pleafure. But as it was otherwife, he was happy in at leaft knowing to whom his homage was dire, and was refolved to be the firftto exprefs his fatisfaflion at the completion of the ancient prophecy, by yielding a ready obedience. For this purpofe, he added, he had fclecfled his moll valuable treafures, to be delivered as a proof of his vaflalage ; and hoped that his nobles would follow his example, not only in making the fame acknowledgment of fealty, but in accompanying it with a proportional prefent, that their firbmiffion might appear with more luftre in the eyes of the defcendant of Qiiezalcoal. This fpeech, though only defigncd toferve a temporary purpofe, abounded with fo many humiliating cxprcfljons, and required a demeanour I'o repugnant to the nature of IMontezuma, that he fometinaes paufed, as if at a lofs for utterance, and at others the tears trickled down his cheeks. The Mexicans, fenfible of the caufe of his perturbation, were affedled with the keeneft forrow ; and when he concluded his difcourfe, a deep lilence enfued. The whole afiembly was Itruclc dumb with grief, indignation, and furprife. Thefe emotions began to vent themfelves in a hollow murmur of rage, not without fome fymptoms of violence, when Cortez fcafonably interpofed, by faying. That it was not the intention of the king his mafter to deprive Montezuma of the royal dignity, or to alter the govern- ment or laws of the Mexican empire ; his fole purpofe being, that the right of fuc- cefTion, which he might perhaps never claim, fhould be fettled on his defcendants. This affbrance fomewhat quieted the minds of the Mexicans, but the propofal by which it was followed filled them with aftonifiiment. They looked on each other, without daring cither to contradiff, or to give any fign of confent ; being afraid that, by doing either, they fhould but confirm the emperor the more in his ftrange determination. This hefitation lafted till the prime minifccr, who was perfeftly acquainted with the will of the prince, took upon him to fpeak for the reft. All the nobles, who compofed that afiembly, refpedled Montezuma, he faid, as their lord and natural fovereign, and were ready to obey what he h;ul been pleafed to propofe, and to follow any example he (hould think fit to fet them j not doubting but he had well weighed the confequences of his refolution, and confulted the gods on an affair of fo much moment. A fuUen fubmifTion was now obtained, and a public inftrument framed, with all the neceflary formalities, in which Charles V. was acknowledged lawful and hereditary lord of the Mexican empire *. Montezuma * Herrera, dec. II. lib. vi. c. 3. De Solis, lib. iv. c. J. This tranfaflion is fomewhat dif- ferently related by Dr. Roberifon, who reprefcnts the propofal cf fubmiflion as made by Cortez, and rcluftantly agreed to by Moriesuma ; in pioof of which he calls in Montezuma's tears : but why may not piincet be able to counierfeit teats, when neceflary, as well as parfons ard players ? Montezuma THE HISTORY OF AMERICA. Montezuma loft no time in bringing his defigns to the defiretl crifis. He im- mediately delivered the prefenc which he had prepared as the firft acknowledgmerrt to his new fuperior, and tranfmitted to Cortez che-contributions of the nobles, as foon as they arrived. A receiver and treafurer were appointed to take an exa6t account of every article ; and in a few days fuch a quantity of gold, independent of other valuable materials, was amaffcd, that, befides many pieces of curious workinanfhip in that metal, which were preferved, they melted down in bars as much as amounted to fix hundred thoufand pefos. The foldiers were impatient to have it diftributed, and the general complied with their requeft. Out of the whole one fifth was fet a part for the king; and a fecond fifth was allotted to Cortez, as commander in chief. The general likewife fet apart the fum for which he ftood accountable to Velafquez, and that which himfclf and his friends had advanced towards fitting out the armament. The remainder was divided among the officers and foldiers, including thofe at Villa Rica ; and the fh are of a private man, after all thefe deduflions, was fo inconfiderable, that fome rejedled it with difdain,as no equivalent for their numberlefs dangers and toils, while others Montezuma, however, had no pccaGon to counterfeit. Though he propofed, for the reafons afligncd in the narration, to fubmit to an a& of feahy, the performance of it, in prefence of his principal nobility, was fuffic'ently humiliating to excite emotion ; efpecialJy while he was uncer- tain, if it would anAver he delirtd end. In acki:o-.vIedging hiinfelf the tributary of the king of Spain, though oniy to ferve a tempory purpofe, it was natural that he fliould feel fome of thofe pang3 wlich pierce the hearts of independent fovereigns,in fubmilting to a ftate of vaffalage ; hence his utterance was interrupted, and his wounded pride difJiarged itfelf in tsars, whether prompted or involunta-y is a matter of little confequence. But the firongeft proof of the political purpofe of Montezuma in performing th'S aft of fubiniflion, is the ufe which he inftantly made of it, in haft.'ni-^^g the departure of the Spaniards. He not only required Cortez to quit his dominions, in a tone which he had never before affunied, but had an army ready to enforce his commands, in cafe of refufal ; a meafure which could not have been fj fudde.-)!/ adopted, had Montezuma fubmit- ted to acknowledge himfeif the vaffal of Chailes V. merely to gratify the avarice and ambition of the Spaniard?, in order to get over this diSculty, Dr. Robenfon tranfpcfes the order of events, re- prefenting Montezima's ccm.iiand to Cortez as the effect of the aflault upon the Mexican temples : but here he is contradiflcd by the authority of Her^era, De Solis, and all the moft refpedable Span^fh hiftorians, who are uniform in placing that outrage before the confpiracy of Cacumazio, and which they aflign as its csufe, in -he fame manner as they affign the punilliment of the king of Tezeuco as the caufe of Montezumi's propofal of fubmiffion; from a dread that the Spaniards would acquire fuch an tfcerdency in ihe empire as would entirely annihilate bis power, or that his own fjbjefts, roufed by his fecm^ng piifillanimity, might again cabal, and place another prince upon the throne. One cbfervation more is ner.cffiry. Cortez, in his difpatches, reprefents the prrpofal of fubmillicn as nis-Jeby himi'elf ; but his tcftimony, in a matter where his own credit was concerned, cLghc net to weigh shove o;her evidence corroboreted by CMcumftances, Grant- ing however, what is very improbab'e, that he did make the propgfal, Montezuma was at leaft ready to receive it, and certaii.'y turned it to his o^vn advantage; the confequences of the aft of ftalty being entirely dift'erciit ffora thofe 'ihich Cortez expefted, and which he arrogantly pro- mifed hir. fc f. The cj-ftion tl-e erore refij, even after :\:'S conceflion, on the fame foundation as if the profclal had come from Mo'.;-zima ; whofe al'; ities D'. Robeilf:n has reprefented as inadequate to fuch a ilroke of policy, v/;:iicut reflei.ir.g ha; occafions make men, and that no man is fo ftupid as not to difcover penetration when bis honour and fortune are at flake. 3 exprefTed i6€ ^HEHISTORYOFAMERICA. BOOK I. exprefled their difappointment in feditious murmurs*. Cortez, however, foon A. D. I5ZO. reconciled them all by liberal prei'ents and proniifes, and was flattering himielf with the hope of being able to continue in his prefent fituation, until he could receive fuch reinforcements as would enable him to effect the actual fubjedlion of the Mexican empire, when an unexpected meflage arrived from Montezuma. Somewhat furprifed a£ this meflage, and underftanding that the emperor •hadiof late held frequent conferences witii his nobility and chief priefts, Cortez took along with him twelve Spaniards, of different ranks, and endeavoured to fupprefs that anxiety with which he was agitated. As foon as he entered the royal apartments, he found frefh caufe of uncafinefs. Montezuma received him with an unufual air of importance and folemnity ; and as foon as they had feated themfelves, told him. That having now on his own part, and on that of his no- bles, complied with the acknowledgement of lubmiflion offered in the aiTcmbly of the ftates, it was proper that Cortez fliould begin to think of his departure, tlie purpofe of his embaffy being fully accomplilhed. " The gods," added he, >' are angry with me, for the favour I have fl:ievvn to their enemies, and have denied me rain : they threaten to deftroy the fruits of my harvefts, and to fend a peftilence among my people. Afl< what you will have more, and 1 will freely grant it -, for I love you, in defpite of all that I have fuftcred : but you muft de- part. Religion and the voice of my people require this facrifice ; and know, not- withftanding his prefent condition, (of which, for your fake_and my own, I fliall fay but little j Montezuma has yet courage to command, and power to enforce obedience, to what he thus requefts -f." Convinced from the determined tone in which this fpeech was uttered, that it was the refult of fome deep-laid fcheme between Montezuma and his fubjeifts, Cortez privately difpatched one of his officers to order the Spaniards underarms, before he made his reply. He now fully difcovered the meaning of the vaffalage and prefents offered to the Catholic king, and the firfl: emotion of anger would have impelled him to a refolute defiance •, bur, on farther refleftion, he thought it better to diflcmble, and feem to acquiefce in tlie emperor's refglution, than * Herrei-a, dec. II. lib. vi. c. 3. De Solis, lib. Iv. c. 4. Thofe murmurs were partly occa- £oned by the liberty wliich Cortce lock of rewarding his fuldiers according to merit or favour ; and even the officers weie dilpleafnd at the king's filih being dedufted, beiides the expsnce of the aimament: bat making allowance for all theie, and oiher irregularities, the whole fum amaSled fell much (hort of general expedalioD, and ftems co bear r.o proportion to the pompous defcrip- tions left us of the ancient fplendour of Mcxxo, or to the immenfe tieafures poured fiom iis min?s in modern times. £ut this apparent contrauiflion is eaiily reconciled. The Mexicans had no circulating money ; nor were geld and f.tver, among them, the ftandaids by which the worth of commodities was cAimated. Dcllitu;e cl this commercial value, the demand for the precious metals was fm3ll, and the induftry and ingenuity of the people in procuring them, was of ccurfe proportionabl)- feeble and imperfeft. They found enough for the purpofes of ornament in a pure metallic llate in the beds of rivers, or at the mouths of mines; and they fought no farther : but what could be fo collcLled was not fufficient to fatisfy European avarice ; the bowels of the earth mull be torn, and thafe hidden treafurcs, of which the natives were happily ignorant, be purchafcd at the expence of their blood. •{■ Herrera, dec. II. lib. vi. c. 3. De Solis, >Jib, iv. c. 4. attempt I^IO. THE HISTORY OF AMERICA. 169 attempt either to oppofe or change it. He therefore anfwered. That he had al- CHAP. V, ready begun to make preparations tor returning to his own country -, but t!iat a"^ "^ ibme time was requifue for building vefiels fit for fo tedious a voyage, thofe in which he arrived being ruined beyond the pofTibility of repair. This reply was highly pleafing to Montezuma, who dreaded above all things a rupture with the Spaniards ; though it is faid he had provided a great army, in order to lupport his determination, if it had been difputcd. He embraced Cortez with particular marks of afFeftion, on finding that every thing flowed in the channel which he dcfired, aiid told him in the moft obliging manner. That it was not his intention to haften liis departure, without furnifhing him with the necefl"ary means ; that he fhould give orders immediately for preparing every thing requi- fite for building the veflcls according to the general's inftrudtions ; and that, in the meantime, he might remain in his prefent fituation : it being fufficient to appeafe the anger of the gods, and quiet the clamours of his fubjedts, that Cortez had Ihevvn fuch readinefs to obey the commands of the one, and comply with the demands of the other. Orders were accordingly ifTued for building the veffels -, the departure of the Spaniard! was publifhed ; and Montezuma made proclamation, that all the car- penters of the neighbouring country fhould repair to Villa Rica, affignino- the places where they were to cut wood, and tlie towns which were to furnilh Indians of burden for carrying it to the dock. Cortez, on his part, afFeded an outward fhew of complaifance : he inftantly difpatched the mailers and workmen, who had been employed in building the brigantines, and were now well known amono- the Mexicans. He difcourfed publicly with them of the fize and quality of the veflels neceflary to be conftrufted, defiring them to make ufe of the iron work, rigging, and fails of thofe which were funk ; every thing was difpofed as if the voyage had been finally refolved on. By thefe means Cortez lulled the Mexicans afleep ; quelled their rifing mur- murs ; and reinflated himfelf in the confidence of Montezuma, without once lofing fight of that great object towards which all his fchemes were diredled. When the builders kt out for Villa Rica, he gave private inftrudlions to Martin Lopez, to whom the chief diredion was intrufted. That he fhould endeavour to prolono- the work as much as pofTible -, but ftill with fuch artful management, that he might not be fufpefted of delay. The general hoped thus to preferve his ftation in the capital, till fuch time as he fliould receive reinforcements from Spain -, and in cafe the laft necefljty fhould force him to leave Mexico, he defigned to wait for the anfwer of his dilpatches at Villa Rica, and maintain himfelf there under the proteflion of that fortrefs, and by the arms of his Indian allies, againft the power of Montezuma *. Nor were Cortez's expedations of fupplies without foundation. Almoft nine months had elapfed fince his commifiaries, Portocarrero and Montejo, failed for Spain ; and the rich prefent with which he had accompanied his dilpatches, left • Id. ibid. a. X X him 170 THE HISTORY OF AMERICA. BOOK- I. him Tittle room to doubt of their favourable reception at court; that his au- V^''^ "^ rhority would be confirmed, and a body of troops lent to his afTirtance, fufficient to enable him to complete the fubjeftion of the Mexican empire. But his condi- tion, in the mcrm time, was infecure and precarious : the jealoufy of the Mexicans was roufed ; and too long a delay, or any fufpicion of his farther defigns, would blow it at once into a flame. His army was too imall to permit him to think of maintaining his ftation in the capital by force •, and fhould he retire to the coaff, he muft: expofe himfelf to new dangers. He cTilld not apply for recruits to the Spanifh fcttlcments in the iilands, before he received the king's commifTion ; and fhould the governor of Cuba hear of hisdiftrefs, he might be doomed, after all the great adions he had performed, to bear the name and lufFer the punifliment of a traitor. While he' remained in this cruel ftate of fufpenfe, anxious about the paft, and uncertain in regard to the future, another unexpeded event difcon- ccrted all his meafures, and fummoned his courage and prudence to a new trial. A Mexican courier arrived with advice, that a fleet of eighteen fail had been feen off the coaft of St. John'de Ulua •, and from the painted difpatches, fent by the officers who commanded in that part of the country, they appeared to be Spaniards. "Whatever alarming apprehehfions this intelligence might raile in the mind of Montezuma, he prudently hid his difquiet-, and fending for Cortez, laid the difpatches before him, faying with an air of compofure, That now the provifion he was making for his voyage would be unnecefTary, as fome fliips of his nation were arrived on the coaft in which he might take his pafi'age. Cortez viewed the paintings with more attention than farprife ; and though he did not un^' derftand the charad:ers which defcribed them, lie perceived enough to convince him that the fquadron was Spanifli. Nor did he doubt that it was come to his alTiftance ; imagination, which powerfully influences opinion, being eafvly car- ried towards that which the heart defires. He concealed his joy, however, from Montezuma, replying coolly, and in general terms. That he would depart im- mediately, if thole fhips were bound for any part of the king of Spain's dominions ; that he fhould fbon have intelligence from his countrymen at Zem- poalla o' the dcftination of this fleet ; and then he fhould be able to judge, whe- ther it would be neceffary to proceed in building the veffels. Montezuma feemed fatisfied with this anfwer ; and Cortez, thinking the com- pletion of all his hopes and wifhes at iiand, hallened to his companions, in order to communicate to them the glad tidings, which were received with tranlports of mutual congratulation. But theirjoy was of fhort continuance. In a few days letters arrived from .Sandoval, governor of Villa Rica, with certain information,, that the fleet was fitted out by Velalquez, the general's old enemy, and inftead of bringing them the aid they expedcd, was deffined for their delLru(ftion. This in- telligence Cortez received in the prefence of Montezuma, and it required his ut- moft fortitude to conceal the ftroke he fultained by fo unexpefteda turn of for- tune. His fituation was now truly defperate, being on every fide hemmed round by enemies, cither fecrct or avowed. He bravely refolved, however, not to fink under T H E H I S T O R Y OF AMERICA. i; i under his misfofwnes, but to exert Tiis abilitles'td the laft, in ofder to bfirig all to C HAP. V. a happy iflue. He concealed his uneafi fiefs from Montezuma ; foftened the ^~^ accounts he had received to the Spaniards ; and -retired to deliberate on the meafures ncceflary to be purfued in circuinffances that llemeci almoft to exclutle hope *. • It has been already obferved, that Velafquez not- only profecuted his enmity againft Cortez with unrelenting rigour, but was furniflied with a power oi ren- dering it more effcdlual, being appointed the king's lieutenant of the' ifland of Cuba, and of all the countries difcovered by his means, confequentIy;of New Spain. This high commiflion elated his pride ■: all his wrongs appeai'ed before him in a more confpicuous point of view ; and as he was fully informed of the proceedings of Cortez, grief, fhame, and indignation at once took, hold of his heart, and excited him to vindicate his authority by force of arms, and take vengeance on the man who had fo grcrfsly over-reached him, and fo cruelly be- trayed his confidence. The ardour of Velafquez in completing his armament was fuch|as might have been expefted from the violence of the pafTions with which he was agitated. He bought fhips, enlifted foldiers, and went in perfon over the whole ifland, vifiting the dwellings of the Spaniards, and encouraging them to the undertaking, by reprefenting the immenfe riches that would accrue from the projected conqueft, befides the pleafure of punifhing a rebel and a traitor. By thefe means he afiembled, in a Ihort time, fuch a fleet and army, as in that age,, and in that part of the world, might be deemed formidable. The fieet confifted of eleven flrout vefTels, feven of them being larger than brigantines. It had on board fourfcore' horfemen, eight hundred foot foldiers, of which eighty were mufle Solis, lib. iv. c. 14. Hcrrers, dec. II. lib. viij. 2. whither, 4 T H E H I S T O R Y O F A M E R I C A. 197 wli'uher, as if the divine vengeance had been purfuing them for the awful crime they had committed *. Cortez, wlio was exceedingly troubled at the accident that had befallen the emperor, inftancly ordered him to be carried to liis apartment ; and finding he had now no enemies to oppol'e, repaired in peribn to vifit that unfortunate prince. But Montezuma, who foon after recovered his fenfes, not only refufed all coniolation, but perceiving iiow low he was funk, tiie natural haughtinefs of his fpirit returned, and in a tjanfport of rage, he tore the bandages from his wounds, venting his indignation in furious threats, which ended in fighs and lamentations. The wound in his head was at firft confidered as dangerous, and his inward agitations quickly made it mortal ■, nor was it pof- fible to apply the neceffary remedies, till he was become fo weak that he had not force to re-fifl-. He obftinately rejeded all nouri(hmenr, difdaining to protradl an ignominious life. Cortez and father Olmedo perceiving his danger, interpofed their endeavours, in order to induce him to embrace the Chriftian faith ; but he would never condefcend to liften to them fo far as to return a direA anfwer : one while he exclaimed againft the infult he had received ; at another he breathed nothing but vengeance ; anon he would fall into fits of deipair, conjuring Cortez to revenge his injuries upon the traitors. In this conflidt of mind he continued three days, and then expired, lefs the vidlim of the violence, than of the contempt of his fubjeds -J-. CHAP. VI. Tie PrccnJitgs of Cortez anii his Folimvin centinutj, frun tht Dtath of Montezuma to the Reduaion tf Mexico. TH E death of Montezurna was a fevere blow to the ambition of Cortez. On the voluntary fubjedlion of that prince he had founded the greater part of his dcfigns. This prolpe apd cut .off all commuoitatioD with the road that leads to Tlafcala f. * De Solii, lib. iv. c, i-> t Ce Soils, lib. iv, c. iS. This THE HISTORY OF AMERICA. 401 This intelligence gave Cortez much concern. The neceiHty and danger of a retreat were now become equally obvious : the only point therefore to be deter- mined was, how it could be accompliflied with the lead inconveniency. For this purpofe a council of war was aflembled. The firft and grand point debated was, Whether they fliould marcli out openly in the face of day, when they could difcern every danger, and Re how to regulate their own motions, as well as how to refift the aflauks of the enemy ; or whether they fliould endeavour to retire fecretly, by night. The latter opinion was preferred partly from a hope that the national fupeilfition of the Mexicans would keep them quiet in the night, and partly from a fond belief in the predidtions of one Botello, a private foldier, \vho paffed for an aftrologer among the troops, and who confidently ailured the general of fucctfs, if he made his retreat during the feafon of darknefs, but that not a man would be favtd, if he marched out by day * : and it was farther re- folved to retreat that very night, before the enemy, whofe labours only ceafed with the ietting-fun, fliould have Iciiure to complete the works intended to obftruft their paflage f. Cortez, whofe mind was as provident as his heart was intrepid, had ordered a bridge of beams and planks to be made, which was now finifhed, and might be carried on the flioulders of forty men. It was intended to belaid over the breaches in the caufeway, to be carried from one opening to another, and was fo con- itrufled as to be capable of fupporting the weight of all the horfe and artillery. In order to conceal his defign, Cortez thought it necelfary to keep up the appear- ance of renewing the negociation. With this view he had fent into the city one of the chief priefts, who was his prifoner, and he now difpatched another Mexican of rank, to demand an anfwer to his laft propofals, with power of making certain alterations if required. The intermediate time he employed in difpofing every thing for his march. Inftrudions were given to the officers, and great circumfpeftion ufed to provide againft all contingencies. The van-guard was compofed of two hundred Spanifh foot, fupported by a choice body of Tlafcalans, and twenty horfe, under the condu6l of Sandoval, and other officers of reputation. The rear-guard, alfo confifting of a juft mixture of horfe and foot, and a greater number of both, was entrufted to Alvarado and Juan Velafquez de Leon. In the centre were placed the prifoners, (among whom were three fons of Montezuma, together with feveral Mexican nobles) the artillery, the baggage, and the reft of the army, except a choice body of one hundred men, under the command of the general, intended to be employed as necefllty fliouId require J. Thefe difpofitions being made, Cortez addreflTed the army in an eloquent ipeech ; fetting before them, in the ftrongeft light, the difficulties and dangers which they muft expedt to encounter, left they fhould fink into fecurity by fup- pofing that the Mexicans would not engage by night. He next ordered all the * Herrera, dec. II. lib. viii. c. 3. f De Solis, lib. iv. c. 17. t Herrera^ dec. II. lib. viii. c. 3. De Solis, lib. iv, c. 18. II. . . 3 F gold 262- THE HISTORY OF AMERICA. BOOK I. gold and jewels to be brought into his apartment, and after fcparating a fifth for A rj"'" the king, out of thofe things which were moft valuabl;^, and leiiH bulky, lie determined to leave the remainder, valued at upwards of fevcn hundred thou- fand pefos, a prey to the enemy -, faying. That it would be a fhame to emplo-y thofe hands in the gratihcation of avance, which ought to be left free for tiie defence of life and reputation : but finding the foldi£.rs difiatisfied ar the thoucrhts of abandoning fo much wealth, he added. That they were not to confider it as ioft, as his intention was fpeedily to renew the enterprife, in fuch manner as would infallibly fecure fuccefs, and redeem the treafure with double intereft. He save them however to underftand, that he would not be offended at their carryipor off as much gold as they conveniently could, provided they did not incommode themfclves -, a permiflion which was attended with the moft fatal confequences, many loading themfelves in fuch a manner as to be altogether unfit for fervice *. About midnight the Spaniards left their quarters, and marched, in the order already mentioned, obferving profound filence, along the caufcway that led to Tacuba; becaufe it was {hotter than any of the reft, had fewer bridges, and lying moft remote from the road towards Tlafcala and the fea-coaft, had been left more entire by the enemy. They reached the firft breach in it v.'ithout mo- leftation, and hoped that their retreat was undifcovered : but the Mexicans, unperceived, had not only watched all their motions with attention, but had made proper difpofitions for a moft formidable attack. Favoured by the dark- nefs of the night, they had filled with armed men, and drawn together an in- credible number of canoes, which covered the whole length of the lake on both fides of the caufeway ; and while the Spaniards were employed in placino- their bridge in the breach, and in condufling their horfes and artillery along it, they were fuddenly alarmed with the tremeridous found of warlike inftruments, and a general fliout from the innumerable multitude of their enemies. The Mexicans rufhed forward to the charge with fearlefs impetuofity, as if they hoped in that moment to be avenged for all their wrongs -, and the Spaniards felt the fharpnefs of their arrows, almoft at the fame time that they heard the noife of their enemies. Unfortunately, in this moment of danger, the courage of Cortez and his army was put to a new trial : the wooden bridge, by the weight of the horfes and artillery, was wedged fo faft in the ftones and mud, that it was found im- pofTible to remove it. Difmaycd at this accident, the Spaniards advanced with precipitation towards the fecond breach ; and in defpite of their valour, difci- pline, and the fuperiority of their arms, (from which, by reafon of their con.- fined fituation, and the obfcurity of the night, they derived little advantage) they muft have fallen a facrifice to the refentment of their enemies, had the Mexicans continued the engagement with the fame regularity and order obferved in the firft attack. But thcfe yielding to their natural fury and impetuofity, tliey • De Sofis, ut fupra. 3 pfefled THE HISTORY OF AMERICA. prelTcd on tumukuoufly : the canoes crowded upon each other, and were dafhed in pieces againft the caufeway •, and little more remained for the Spaniards than to mafTacre the naked and diforderly multitude. Even this exhaufted their ftrength and ipirits ; they were fatigued with the inceflant exercife of their fwords and fpears, when a frefh attack, in front, required a farther exertion of their valour. Numbers of the Mexicans, whofe canoes could not get forward to engage, impatient of the delav, had thrown themfelves into the water, and Icrambling up the caufeway, where the Spaniards were to pafs, formed them.- felves in tolerable order, and obliged Cortez to prefent a double front, and re- new the engagement. Actuated by dclpair, and animated by the example of ■ their general, the Spaniards now tought with fuch fearlefs intrepidity, that the Mexicans, in front, unable to fuftain the fliock, inftantly gave way, and were purfued witli incredible (laughter to the fecond breach, where thoufands threw themfelves into the water, and were trampled to death by the cavalry. The carnage was lb great, that th.e chalm in the caufeway was filled up with dead bodies, over which, by the affiftance of a beam left entire by the enemy, Cortez and part of his army pafled, and profecuted their march to the laft breach, wiiliout miceting with any farther obflrudion. Fortunately the Mexi- cans had neglcifled to occupy this pafs •, and the water being fhallower, by rea- ibn of the vicinity of the lliore, the Spaniards were able to wade to the other fide. Cortez formed his troops, as foon as he reached the main land, and imme- diately returned, accompanied by Sandoval, Olid, Davila, and other officers, together with a party of hoife, and fuch foot foldiers as were yet capable of fcrvice, in order to affift the remainder of the army in their retreat, and en- courage them by his prefence and example to perfevere in the efforts neceflltry to effcft it. He was met by a party of his foldiers, who had broke through the enemy; but he found many more overwhelmed by the multitude of the aflailants, who preffed on with irrefiftible violence. All Mexico was now in arms-, and as fredi v/arriors inftantly fupplied the place of fuch as fell, the Spaniards were unable to fuftain the weight of the tori'ent that poured in upon them, from every fide. Nothing but confufion, terror, and difmay reigned in that part of the army which was next the city. Horfe and foot, officers and foldiers, friends and eneniies, were mingled together, and many fell without knowing from what hand the blow came. The general returned as far as the fecond breach, at v/hich the conflidt was terrible. In vain did Alvarado endeavour to animate his men by the moft warm exhortations, and the moft heroic ads of valour : they were unable to repel the enemy, or to retreat without confufion; the number of the Mexicans in- creafing, as did their fury, fhouts, and rage. Nothing was to be heard, amid the darknefs of the night, but the Spaniards crying, " Here ! here ! help ! help !"- or breathing their laft in petitions to heaven ; while the Mexicans roared, " Kill ! kill !" — All was diforder and dread ; exultation on one fide, and death, anguifh, and groans on the other. In this extremity, Cortez charged with. 204 THEHISTORYOFAMERICA. BOOK I. wlih five horfe the thickcft of the enemy, and opened a path for iiis troops; ^■"jT^'Tr"^ while Alvarado, who was on the oppofite fide of the breacli, and in the mod * ' imminent danger, faved his life by an aftonilhing feat of agility. Poifing him- fclf on the fhaft of his fpear, he entirely cleared the pal's, which to this day is diilinguilhed by the name oi Aivarado's Leap. Many endeavoured to follow his example, but not one reached the'o'.hcr fide; the greater part of the rear-guard being either drowned, killed, or taken prilbners*. Cortez halted in the neighbourhood of Tacuba, in order to afford time for thofe who could efcape from the battle, to join the army. Nor was this pre- caution unneceffary, as feveral Spaniards and Tlafcalans were by that means faved. But fi:ill the lofs was fo great, that when morning appeared, and difcovered to the general the fhattered remains of his forces, now reduced to lefs than half their number-, the furvivors dcjeded, and m.ofl of them covered with wounds ; the thoughts of what he had fuffercd, and the remembrance of fo many faithful friends and gallant followers, who had fallen in that niglit of for- row, filled his foul with fuch anguifli, that while muftering his troops, and endeavouring to comfort them under their misfortunes, the tears v/ere obferved trickling from his eyes -f- ! — and his foldiers remarked with particular fatisfaclion, that while attentive to the duties of a commander, he was not infenfible to the feelings of a man J. Among the officers of didindtion, who periflied in this fatal retreat, was Juan \''elafquez de Leon, who had forfaken the party of his kinfman, the governor of Cuba, to follow the fortune of Cortez, and who was on that ac- count as well as for his military merit, confidered as the feccnd perfon in the army. All the artillery, ammunition, and baggage were loft ; the greater part of the horfes, and above two thoufand Tlafcalans, were killed, and only a very fmall portion of the treafure was faved ||. Many of the foldiers, in confequence of the imprudent permiffion of Cortez, had fo overloaded themfelves with bars of gold, as not only to be unfit for adlion, but incapable of flying, and ignomi- nioufiy fell the viftims of their own avarice. But amid all thefe difafters, it was no fmall confolation to Cortez and the whole army to find that Marina and Aguilar, whofe office as interpreters was of fo much importance, had made their efcape. Nor was it lefs fortunate that the Mexicans gave over the purfuit, and allowed the Spaniards time to breathe aftfer their fatigue. This paufe proceeded from an accident which was not underftood at the time. The fons of Montezuma, together with all the Mexican prilbners, had periflied in the undiftinguifhed flaughter ; and in the morning when the enemy, allured by the fpoils of the dead, beheld pierced with their own arrows, the • Heriera, dec. II. lib. viii. c. 3. De Solis, lib. iv. c. 18. f De Solis, lib. iv. c. 19. I Robertfon, Hift. America, book v. (| Herrera, dec. II. lib. viii. c. 3. The Spanilh hiftorians differ remarkably with refpeft to the lofs of their countrymen on this occafion. Cortez himfelf Hates the number at 1 50, De Solis at ico, I Herrera at 280, Gomara at 450, and Caftillo at S70. Gomara, from the fubfequent muflers, ap- I pears to be ncarett the truth. Dr. Robertfon, who has taken much paiRS on this fubjeil, com- ' putes the lofs of the Spaniards at full 6oo. bodies T II E H I S T O R Y OF AMERICA. 205 bodies of thofe unhappy princes, they flood amazed and confounded at the CHAP. \'I. fliocking fpecbacle. Thofe who firft faw it drew back, that others might ap- aTd^'TTm. proach, and all contemplateci with filent horror, the children of their fovcrcign murdered by the fame hands that had wrought the death of the father. When the melancholy news fpread among the troops, they were feized with fear and rcmorfe, not doubting but the indignation of the gods would fellow this repeti- tion of their facrilege. A panic (truck them, and vengeance was fufpended. Their rtfcntment againft the Spaniards was abforbed in forrow for their own guiit, and pity for the timelefs fate of the innocent princes. An account of this mournful event was fent by the Mexican chiefs to the new emperor ; and he, under the neceffity of afFcfting a fhare in tlie general defpondency, ordered the «rmy to halt, till the priefts, followed by a numerous train from the city, cagie to receive the royal codes, in order to convey them to the burial place of their anceftors *, Meanwhile Cortez, having refted and foi-med his troops, proceeded on his march with all pofTible fpeed. But before the army had gained any place of fhelter, he obferved the whole multitude of the Mexicans advancing upon his rear with rapidity, while he was harraiTed on -every fide by the inhabitants of the adjacent country. Exhaufted with fatigue, and dejected by misfortunes, the Spaniards were ready to fink under their calamities, when Cortez obferved a tower upon an eminence, of which he refolved to pofTefs himfelf, as a dcfenfiblc poft. But the execution of this defign was attended with almofl infuperable difficulties : he was obliged to keep a front to the enemy, and continue fio-htin^^ while he afcended the hill. At length, however, he arrived at the tower, took pofiefTion of it without refiftance, and found in it not only all the fhelter for which he wifhed, but fome provifions to refrefh his men. The enemy did not intermit their attacks through the remainder of the day, but were with little trouble prevented from making any impreffion; and when evening began to ap- proach, they all retired, and purfued the road towards Mexico. After providing againft the pofTibility of a furprife, and ordering the guards and centinels to be fooner relie\ ed than ufuaj, that all might have their fhare of reft Cortez aflembled his of^cers to deliberate concerning the route which they fhould hold in their retreat. They were now on the weft fide of the lake : Tlafcaia the only place where they could hope for a friendly reception, lay about fixtv-fcur miles to the eafl: of Mexico-, fo that they were obliged to go round the' north end of the lake, before they could fall into the road which led thither. A Tlafcalan foldier undertook to be their guide ; and it was unanimoufly refolved, tliat they fhould march the fpace of two or three leagues that very night, in or- der to gain ground of the enemy, in cafe they fhould be difpofed to continue the purfuit. They accordingly began to move about midnight, and profecuted their march till morning, amid perpetual alarms from the neighbouring peafants, whom they miflook for the advanced parties of tiie Mexican afmy. The dawa * De Solis, lib. iv, c. 19. *'• 3 G liifpelled 2o6 THE HISTORY OF AMERICA. BOOK I. difpelled their apprehenfions •, and in a flioit time, tiiey dii'covered a village, iT^'TTzo ^dvantageoufly fituated, and as they had reafon to think, well peopled. Of this place Cortez determined to take poffeffion at all hazards ; but force was un- neceffiiry : the village was entirely abandoned by the inhabitants -, and the Spaniards found in it, what was no lefs welcome than fo feafonable a refting- place, or Icfs neceflary for recruiting their cxhaufted ftrength, a confiderable quantity of provifions. Here the army continued two days, being unable fooner to proceed on account of the diftrefied condition of the wounded. They made two marches more through a rough, barren, and rocky country ; always keeping at a diftance from the great road, and perfcvcring in their journey under the united calamities of fatigue, thirll, and hunger, feeding upon herbs, roots, and the flcfh of one of the horfes that died ; without any covering under which to pafs the night, and continually perfecuted by flying bodies of the enemy *. The laft of thefe two laborious and diftrcfTing marches, which the Spaniards were encouraged toaccomplifli by the unfhaken fortitude, and cheering example of their general, terminated at a little village, where the army was received with a fufpicious civility. The inhabitants not only gave up freely all their own pro- vifions, but procured large quantities from the neighbouring hamlets •, infomuch that the halffamilhed foldiers began to forget all their paft fufferings in the pre- fent enjoyment, without once reflecting on the danger of fuch fecurity. This was a ftratagem of the Mexicans, in order to lull the vigilance of Cortez ; but they wanted policy to complete the deceit, betraying their defign by their own eagernefs and fimplicity. Early next morning the Spanifli army, recruited by reft and fuftenance, began to afcend the mountain which, on the other fide, declines into the valley of Otumba, through which they muft neccflarily pafs, in order to tal?ere cut in pieces. Recovering however' from their furprife, they rallied in a manner very •nufual among barbarians, and renewed the battle with great obftinacy* They J 1.. 3_ I fuftered. « f4 T H E H I S T O R Y O F A M E R 1 C A. fviffl-red afecond defeat; after which both the Mexicans and Tepeacans, in ivnv- abandoned the country, leaving tlie whole province entirely at the mercy of the conquerors. The inhabitants of Tepeaca were fo much terrified at the difcom- fiture and retreat of the army, that they immediately fent deputies with their lubminion to Cortcz ; requefting, that he would not wreak his vengeance on an innocent people, mifguided and forced into hoftilities againft the Spaniards by their leaders, who were entirely in the intereft and at the difpofal of the emperor of Mexico. On tliis reprefentation Cortez marched to the capital ; received tho homage of the people in the name of his Catholic majefty, whom he or- dered to be proclaimed -, pardoned their tranfgrcfTion ; took them under his proteftion •, and by his well-timed lenity, gained their friendfliip and confi- dence. As the principal objcft of this expedition was, to fecure a free communication between Villa Rica and Mexico, Cortez no fooner found himfelf malter of Tepeaca, than he ordered a trench, fortified with pallil'ades, to be drawn round the city ; and not only raifed works for the defence of thofe quarters leaft forti- fied by nature, but erefted a kind of citadel, in order to fecure the town againft the alTaults of the Mexicans. In this fortrefs he left a garrifon, calling the place Segura de la FrenUra, " the Security of the Frontier," which was the fecond Spanifh fettlement in the Mexican empire *, But while we admire the prudence and courage of Cortez in bringing this enterprife to io defirable a conclufion, we muft blame his cruel fcverity, in ordering the prifoners of war to be fold as flaves, while he extended his pardon towards the citizens. A few days after die Spaniards had taken up their quarters in Tepeaca, Xico- tencal arrived with the main body of the Tlafcalan army. The prcfence of fuch a multitude of enemies, computed at fifty thoufand, greatly alarmed and diftrefled the Tepeacans ; a circumftancc which determined Cortez to find em- ployment for his troops. He accordingly divided the Tlafcalans into feveral bodies, which he detached againft certain ftrong holds in the province of Tepeaca that had not yet furrendered, and whicli were garrifoned by Mexicans. Each battalion was attended by about thirty Spaniards, who had inftrudions to ufe force, if perfuafion fhould not anfwer tlie purpole of bringing the enemy to fub- miffion. The orders were pundually executed ; and though the enemy every v*here made a ftiew of refiftence, all the places were reduced, with very inconfi. derable lofs. An incredible number of prifoners were taken, befides much booty; with which, and the fale of the captives, the ofiicers employed in this fervice were enriched -f-. Augu&, i^ut while the Spaniards were thus pufhing their conquefts, a fevoUnion hap- A. D. 1520, pened in Mexico by no means favourable to the hopes of Cortez. This was the death of the emperor Quetlavaca*, who though an inveterate enemy to the Spaniards, was a prince of no great abilities. His fucceflbr was a perfon of • Herrera, dec. II. lib. vjii. c. 4. De Solis, lib. v. c. 3. t .De SoIi.«, lib. V. c. 4. a THE HISTORY OF AMERICA. 215 S very fuperior chara(5ter. The Mexicans immediately cafl. their eyes on CHAP. Vr. Guatimozin, nephew and ton in-law of Montezuma, on whom they with one voice conferred the imperial enfigns. His high reputation for valour and talents had pointed him out to the choice of his countrymen in this dangerous crifis, and he was no fooner feated on the throne than he (hewed himfelf worthy of the fupreme command. Though only twenty- five years old, he devoted himlelf en- tirely to the cares of government, and difcoveved an equal knowledge of civil and military affairs. He was perfeflly acquainted with the tranfaftions of Cortez in the provinces, and thence conje6tured his ultimate defigns : he faw the florm that v/as gathering, and he began his reign with providing againft it. He fortified the city of Mexico in the beft manner of which his fubjefts were capable -, he laid up in his magazines great ftore of arms and provilions -, and he intimated to the inhabitants of every province of his empire, hov/ much it concerned tliem to unite, in order to deliver themfelves from the tyranny of the f}:rangers. He encouraged the foldiers by rewards and honours, and he gained the affcfwer to the dilpatches lent to Spain, by Monttjo and Portocarrero, he thought it neceflary to enforce his folicitations m a letter to Charles V. containing a faithful recital of all his adventures, profperous and adverfe, from the time he firft quitted Zempoalla, till his retreat from Mexico, together with an account of his prefent condition and dcfigns, and an earneft re- queft for fuccours, as well as for fpeedy juftice againfl the governors of Jamaica and Cuba. This letter was accompanied with a fecond prefent of gold and jewels, to which the foldiers voluntarily contributed. A fhip was equipped with all expedition to carry the dilpatches to Europe ; and that nothing might be omitted which could promote his defigns, the general applied alio for fuccours to the royal audience of St. Domingo, as that tribunal had always favoured his ex- pedition, and ufed its utmoft endeavours to defeat the attempts of Velafquez f. Nothing places the fortitude of Cortez in fo ftrong a light as that uncertainty •under which he laboured in regard to the refolutions of the court of Spain. Nor -would the knowledge of the fate of his difpatches have afforded him confolation. Portocarrero and iVIontejo, feconded by Martin Cortez, the general's father, had paid long and fruitlefs attendance on the Spanifli minidry. The intricate and unfettled flate of the kingdom, and the time of their arrival, turned the whole attention of the court upon matters more immediately interefling ; while the ftrong faftion formed by the friends of Velafquez, at the head of which was Fonfeca, bifhop of Burgos, threw almoft infurmountable obftrudions in the way of the negociation. Though the deputies, by dint of perfeverance, had obtained the honour of an audience of the emperor, who informed himfelf exadlly of the ■tranfadtions in New Spain, and thence conceived a very favourable idea of the charader and capacity of the general, the variety of bufinefs in which Charles ■was then engaged prevented him from entering into the merits of the difpute be- itween Cortez and Velafquez ; and as the emperor departed for the Netherlands ifoon after this audience, the pretenfions of the general were referred to cardinal • DeSolij, lib. iv. c. 17. Herrera, dec. II. lib. viii. c. 5, f Herrera, dec. U. Jib. viii. -€..5. X)c Solis, lib, v. c. 6. 4 Adriano, THE HISTORY OF AMERICA. Ai'rian.o, governor of Spain during his majefty's abfence. The carJinil was fincerely defirons to do jiillice to the merit of Cortez -, but as all the information by v/hich he was to regulate himfclf in judging of the matter recommended to his examination muft pafs through the council of tlie Indies, of which the bifhop of Burgos was prefident, he found himlelf embarraffcd hov/ to proceed. The difturbances of the ftate conrpired to divert the attention of Adriar.o ; lb that Martin Cortez and the deputies, tired out with fruidefs folcitations, at iail withdrew from court, and retired to Meddlin, with a reiblution to let the ftcrm blow over, and wait the return of the emptror *, who did not vifit Spain till long after the arrival of the fecond difpatches. But Cortez, though ftill uncertain whether he fhould be condemned as a traitor, or rewarded as the faithful i'ervant of his king, prepared to renew his enterpriftr againft Mexico with as miuch ardour, as if he had been encotrraged by the highell affurances of royal favour. With this view he alTembled a council of war, ia which it was refolved to march dire6lly to Tezeuco, and at all events to gain^ pofieffion of that city, as the moil proper ftaticu for launching the brigancines,, as well as for making his approaches to the capital. There it was determined to eftablilh the head quarters ; to wait for reinforcements ; to examine the enemy's- ilrength, and confider more at leifure the means of accomplifhing the principal^ tindertakino:. The day after this refolution Cortez muflered his Spanifh troops, and found- that they amounted to five hundred and forty foot, fbur-fcore of which were armed with muikets or crofs-bows, forty horfe, and a train of nine field-pieces,, brought from on board the fleet. This mufler was performed in -the manner of a general review with much pomp and fhew, in the fight of an innumerable multi- tude of people, who exprefTed their admiration of the Spanifli difcipline by re- peated acclamations. Xicotencal, general of the republic, muftered his troops ia. tiie fame manner. Firft palTed the drums and trumpets, and the reft of the war- like inftruments ufed by the Tlafcalans ; then the captains in files, gaily adorned with large plumes of various colours, and jewels hanging at their ears and lips : they carried their Macanas, or two-handed fwords, under the left arm, with their points upward, and every one had a page bearing his fhield, on which were portray- ed different figures, expreffing their own exploits, and the defeat of their enemies. After their manner, they complimented the two generals, and the troops marched by in different bodies, diffinguifhed by the colour of their plumes,, and by their enfigns. The whole army confifled of ten thoufand chofen men, the reft of the forces of the republic being left to alTift in conduclino- the brigantines ; a fervice of the utmoft importance, and with which th? fenate was proud to be entruffcd f . After publifhing certain regulations for the better prefervation of order and difcipline among the troops, and making a Ihorn fpeech to the army, Cortez be- gan his march, and took up his quarters that night at a place called Tezmelucaj * De Solis, lib. iii. c. i> and lib, v. c. 7, f De Solis, lib. r- c 5. about 2ro THE HISTORY OF AMERICA. about fix leagues from Tlafcala. It was a confiderable town fituated on the Mexican confines, and in the jurifdidion of Guaxocingo, the cazique of whici; province made ample provifion for the troops. Next day Cortez continued hi? march, in the enemy's country, with all necefiary precaution, and received ad- vice towards evening that the Mexican army was alfembled on the other fide of a mountain, whofe woods and rocks rendered the pafiTage to the road of Tezeuco very difficult : he therefore refolved to halt till morning, before he attempted to afccnd the eminence -, and day difcovered the prudence of this precaution. Tlie enemy had blocked up all the paffes of the mountain with t.'-ees cut down and laid acrofs, and fiiarp ftakes fixed in the ground, to wound and incommode the cavalry. Undaunted at thefe obftruftions, the general ordered two thoufand Tlalcalans to join the vanguard, in order to clear the road-, a fervice which they executed with lo much expedition, that the rear of the army fcarce feemed to halt. From the brow of this mountain the Spaniards could difcovcr the great lake of Mexico, the capital, and all the attendant cities ; and Cortez took occafion to remind his foldiers of the profperity and riches which they had enjoyed, as well as of the calamities they had fuffered in that neighbourhood, endeavouring to roufe them, at once by motives of avarice and revenge. They likewife difcovered, in more diftant towns, fome fires, which they confidered as fignais of their approach, and in the intermediate plain, the vaft multitude of the Mexican army, Jeemingly refolved to difpute their march. The Spanilh foldiers rejoiced at the opportunity of coming fo loon to aflion, and the eagernefs of the Tlalcalans for the fight was fo great, that Cortez was with difficulty able to reftrain their ardour within the bounds of difcipline. But on the nearer approach of the Spaniards, the Mexicans, feeing them attended by fo llrong a force, abandoned their refolution of difputing the paflage of the valley, and betook thcmfelves to a precipitate "flight, while Cortez purfued his march towards Tezeuco, at which he arrived v.ithout fartiier oblb-uftion *. Before Cortez reached this city, he was met by meflengers from the king, or cazique, with propofals of confederacy, and intelligence that quarters were pro- vided for his troops. Who the prince was that made this propofition, the origi- nal hiflorians do not diftinclly inform us •, though there is reafon to believe that Cazumazin, who had formerly confpired the dcllruiflion of the Spaniards, and who was depofed by Montezuma, through the influence of Cortez, Iiad now re- covered the throne of Tezeuco, and was countenanced by the reigning emperor. However this may have been, Cortez certainly fufpeded the finccrity of the of- fer-, for wliich reafon, though he returned a civil anfwer, he took up his quarters in a neighbouring village, keeping ftridl watch for fear of being furprifed. Next morning he entered the city, which he found entirely open, and dcfencelefs; the king, whofe defigns were actually treacherous, having fled to the Mexican army on learning that the Spaniards were fupported by fo great a body of Tlalcalans. * De Soli?, lib. v. c. lo. The THE HISTORY OF AMERICA. 221 The firfl- care of Cortez was to conciliate the good-will of the people, which CHAP. VI, he did fo effeftually that the nobility foon dcfired permifllon to make an offer of ^^""^"^'TcTT' their friendfhip and obedience. Their requeft was readily granted ; and they came in foiemn proce/Tion, headed by a youth of genteel mien, who Ipoke for the reft, and told the general, that he prefented to him this troop of foldiers, willing to ferve in his army, and defirous to merit by their actions a fhelter under the fhade of his enfigns. Cortez heard him with admiration, and with much faiisfa<5lion learned, that he was the lawful heir of the principality, the prefent king having firfl afcended the throne by the murder of his elder brother. Immediately perceiving the advantage which might be derived from this cir- cumftance, elpecially as Cacumazin was become odious to his fubjeits, he called together the nobles, and placing the young prince by his fide, add refled them to Jan. 4. the following purport : " You have before you, my friends, the lawful fon of your lawful king. The unjuft mafter, to whofe ill-acquired power you pay a forced obedience, feized the fceptre of Tezeuco with a hand dyed in the blood of his elder bro- ther ; and, as the art of prelcrving dominion is unknown to an ufurper, he has governed by the fame violence by which he made his way to the throne, little caring how much he deferved the hatred of his fubjeds, provided he made them fear him, and treating thofe as (laves who bore with his crimes. But at length, by bafely abandoning you in time of danger, and negledling your defence, he hath at once fliewn his own want of courage, and put it in your power to efcape from his tyranny. I might, if I were fo inclined, take advantage of your de- fencelefs condition, and ufe the rights of war, by fubjeding this city, which I hold as you fee, at the mercy of my fword ; but the laft neceffity only can make the Spaniards puniOi with rigour ; and as he who intended us the injury was not really your king, you ought not to fuffer as his vr.flals, nor for his offence, nor ought this prince to remain without the kingdom to which his birth entitles him. Receive then, from my hand, the king whom you before received from Heaven. Pay to him, for my fake, that obedience which you owe him, as the rightful fuccellbr of his father, and place him on the throne of his anceftors -, for as'I lefs regard my own conveniency, than I do equity and juftice, I defire his friendfhip more than his kingdom, and your latisfadtion rather than your fub- jedion." This propofal was received by the nobles with univcrfal applaufe, and next day was appointed for the coronation of the prince. Cortez aflifted at- the fblemnity, delivering the fceptre into tlie hands of the young king, and placing the crown upon his head ; a mafter-ftroke of policy, by which he at once fecured the affcdlions of the people, and gained a more abiblute fway over them, than if he had adlually conquered them. The nobles declared themfelves his friends^ and vowed enmity againft the Mexicans : the city was foon repeopled, by the return of fuch families as had flisd.pn the , approach of the Spaniards -, and the king himfelf feemed at a lofs how to expreis his gratitude, appearing in the i2. 3 L general's 222 T H E H I S T O R Y O F A M E R I C A. A.D. BOOK I. general's prefcnce with all the obfequioufnefs of a fubjcfl;, and taking no rcfolu- tion without conlulting him *. Cortez, having thus lettled every thing in Tezeuco perfcdly to his fatisfadlion, employed part ot his troops in widening and dc-epening the canal which conveyed the waters of the lake to that city, in or(k-r to facilitate the launching of the bri- gantines, while with the reft he endeavoured to circumfcribe iIk- Mvjcican power. With this view he marched at the head of three hundred Spaniards, and ten thou- f^ind 7 lafcalans, to attack the city of Iztacpalapa, already dtftribed, which af- forded Hieiter to a number of canoes that daily annoyed his workmen. On his ap- proach, he difcovered a body of eight thoufand armed men at a little diftance from the wails, who c<'.me gallantly out into the open field, and ftood an en- gagement, though inferior in number, with fo much courage as enabled them to retreat gradually towards the city. Cortez fufpevffed a flratagem, by feeing the gates left open : he tlierefore purfued with all imaginable caution ; and finding the city entirely delcrted on the fide towards the land, made difpofitions for maintaining himfcif tliere during the enfiiing night. But no fooner did darknefs draw on, than the Spaniards perceived the canals begin to overflow their banks, the waters rufhing impetuoufly into the lov/er grounds ; a circumflance which led them to conjedlure, that the enemy had opened their fluices with an intention to drown that part of the city. The danger was imminent -, and Cortez inftanily gave orders for retreating with all expedition, not a little mortified at being out- witted by a people whom he confidered as barbarous. The ftratagem of the Mexicans was indeed laid with admirable judgment: they not only fallied out to provoke the Spaniards, feigned a retreat to draw them into danger, after maintaining for a while the unequal combat with obflinacy, but abandoned their houfcs, whicli they endeavoured to lay under water, i»i or- der to deftroy the enemy, and had provided a great army to prevent the poflibi- lity of a retreat, and complete the ruin of tlieir invaders. By this army, which he had eluded in the evening by his precipitate retreat, Cortez found himfcif furrounded next morning when his troops were very unfit for battle, having pafTed the night in a wet and difagreeable condition. Animated, however by a fpirit of vengeance, tlie Spaniards charged with irrefiftible fury, nor were the Tlafcalans wanting in their duty : the Mexicans were broken, and obliged to leave the field with confiderable lofs ; but they again rallied, and harrafled the confederates in their march, till they arrived in the neighbourhood of Tezeuco -f-. I'his retreat was deemed inglorious by the Spaniards, who had now long been accuftomed to fuccefs, without a fingle failure in any attack. But they had foon an opportunity of vindicating the reputation of their arms. Mofl: of the cities adjacent to Mexico were originally the capitals of fmall independent dates, and fome of them having been but lately annexed to the Mexican empire, ftjll retained the remembrance of their ancient liberty, and bore with impatience the * De SoHs, lib. v. c. ii, 12. Hcrrera, dec. II. lib. ix. c. i. f De Solis, ]ib. V. G. 12. Hcrieca, dec. II. lib. ix. c. 1. 3 rigorous THE HISTORY OF A M E R I C A. rigorous yoke of their new mafters. Gortez had early oblerved lymptoms of CHAP. M> this difafftftion ; and by confidently offering to deliver them from the odious dominion of the Mexicans, with liberal promifes of more indulgent treatment, if they would join him againft their oppreffors, he prevailed on the people of feveral reighbouring didricls to acknowledge the king of Caftile as their fovereign. Among thefe were the provinces of Clialco and Otuniba, from which Cortez re- ccived meffergers the day aft- r his return from the unfortunate attempt on Iztacpalapa. They informed him, that a powerful army of Mexicans was arrived on their frontiers, with a defign to chaftife and deftroy them for having joined the Spaniards, and defired ibme affiftance to enable them to withftand the enemy. This rcqueft appeared not only reafonable but ncceffary to be granted, as it was of the utmolt importance to prevent the Mexicans from eftablifhing them- fclves in a country where they could cut off the communication with I'lafcala. Cortez therefore inftantly difpatched Gonzalo de Sandoval and Francifco de Lugo with two hundred Spanifh foot, fifteen horfe, and a large body of Tlafca- lans to the affiftance of his new allies. The Mexicans had affembled all the troops of the neighbouring provinces to chaftife the rebels of Chalco and Otumba, and hearing that the Spaniards were coming to their relief, had folicited a rein- forcement from the troops quartered about the lake. Thus provided with a formidable army, they feized an advantageous poft, in the road which the Spaniards mufl pafs before they could join their allies. Sandoval and Lugo, advertifed of their defign, marched in order of battle, without altering their pace, and received the charge of the enemy with calm intrepidity ; the horfe were then ordered to advance, under a difcharge from the fire-anns and crofs-bows ; the Tlafcalans and Spanilh foot fupported the fmall body of cavalry, and broke the Mexicans with great flaughter. The rout foon became general ; and the people of Chalco and Otumba, who had fallied out of the adjacent towns on hearing the found of the fire-arms, coming up at the fame nme, the purfuit was fo bloody that the Mexican army was almoft entirely cut off, and the confederate provinces relieved, with little or no lofs. The Spaniards paffed that night in the city of Chalco, where their viftory was celebrated with the moft extravagant rejoicings. The inhabitants of this pro- vince, as fubjects of the Mexican emperor, were declared enemies to the Tlafca- lans, and had befides perpetual difputcs with them about the boundaries of their territory ; but all differences were now accommodated. The people of Chalco owned the obligation they were under to the Tlafcalans for coming to their re- lief: they were alio fenfible, that the only means of preferving the protei5lion of Cortez was to maintain a ftritft friendfhip with his allies : the Spaniards aded as mediators -, and the chiefs of both nations being affembled, peace was con- eluded with all the neceffary forms, and the folemnities ufual on fuch occafions, Sandoval and Lugo undertaking to get it confirmed by Cortez, and the Tlafca- lans to procure its ratification on the part of the republic. This 224 T H E H I S T O R Y O F A M E R I C A. Tki? expedition being finiflied with fo much glory and celerity, Sandoval and Lugo marched back to the army at Tezeuco, carrying along with them ei^ht Mexican nobles who had been taken prilbners in the late engagement. Cortez received the two captains with particular marks of approbation, not foro-ettino- the leaders of the Tlal'calans. When the Mexican prilbners were brouoht before him, full of fear and confufion, he ordered them to be unbound ; and defirous to make ufe of this opportunity, in order to juftify to his allies the war which he had undertaken, by making farther advances towards a peace, and at the fame time to convince his enemies of his generofity, he fpoke to them, by the help of his interpreters, to the following effcdt : " I might, according to the cuftom eftablifbed in your nation, and that kind of juftice upon which the laws of war are founded, take vengeance on your offences with fire and fword, treating you with the fame inhumanity with which you treat your prilbners. But the Spaniards do not think that being taken in the fervice of one's king is a crime that deferves punifhment, knowing how to diftin- guifli between the culpable and unfortunate ; and that you may be fenfible of the difference of our clemency and your cruelty, I give you at the fame time both life and liberty. Repair immediately to the ftandard of your prince, and tell him from me, that I am come to demand fatisfaftion for the unjull war which he made on me, at the time of my retreat from Mexico, perfidioudy breaking the treaty by which I obliged myfelt to leave the city, and in confequence ot which hoftilities were ful'pended -, but that I come more efpecially to revenge the death of Montezuma, the chief caufe of my anger. Tell him that I have an army re- inforced not only by a number of invincible Spaniards, but by a variety of na- tions who abhor the Mexican tyranny •, — tell him that, in a little time, I intend to feek Iiim in the midll of his palace, furroun.ded by his court, bringing in my train all the horrors' of war, and refolved never ;tO' lay afide myjuft indignation, until I have reduced all the cities in his dominions to afhes, and walhed away the memory of his name with the -blood of lii.s fubjedts., - " But," added he, " if Guatimozin, in order to avoid the impending ruin, is defirous of liftening to terms of accoinmodation, I am ready to grant them, not- withftanding the injuries I h;i\'e'fufl:ained ; for the arms of my king, like the lightning of heaven, fall only where they find rtfii^ance, and are always more ready to obey the dictates of humanity than the impulfts of revenge."— With this mefFage Cortez difmiflred the prilbners under an eilort, filled with gratitude, and promifing to acquaint their prince with his overtures ; but they never returned with an anfwer. Nor did the general expert any : he was too well acquainted with rhc haughty fpirit of Guarimozin to think that he would accept the terms he propofcd, and his own purpofe was fully anfwered by making the propofal in prefence of- his allies *." •^'-- The brigafitines were now the only preparation wanting to enable.Cortez to lay clofe fi^gc to MexicOj^nd about this time, to his u nipcitkf^bje faLi|Sif4 who had adhered to Cortez when he was dcferted by their aflbciates ; and now, a on nearer view of what they had to encounter, in attempting to reduce Mexico itfelf, their fears entirely predominated, and they begun to deliberate Jiow they might provide for their own fafety, as their commander feemed rafhly deter- mined to facrifice their lives to a blind ambition. Antonio Villafana, a private foldier, artfully fomented this growing fpirit of difaffedlion, to which fear h.id originally given birth. His quarters became the rendezvous of the malcontents; where, after various conlultacions, in which they could find no probable means of checking the career of Cortez, or of efcaping from an enterprile which they deemed pregnant with ruin, ic was re- folved, at the inftigation of Villafana, to alTaflinate the general and his principal officers, and to confer the command upon fome perfon who would rtlinquifh his wild plans, and adopt meafures more confiftent with their common iccurity. Defpair infpired them with courage ; and the manner of perpetrating the crime was immediately fettled, after all prefent had fet their names to a writing, where- by they obliged thcmfelvcs to fupport Villafana in his attempt upon the life of Cortez. They agreed to feign a pacquet from Villa Rica, with letters from Spain, and to give it to the general when at table with his friends, the confpira- tors all rufhing in together, under pretence of hearing the news-, and while Cortez "Was employed in opening the pacquet, that they lliould make ufe of thC:, opportunity afforded by, that moment of anxious fufpenfe to murder him and his favourite ofiicers with their poniards. The princii)al pedbns marked out for < deltrudtion befides tli§ general, were Sandoval, Olid, andAlvcrado; and they _. intended to chufe for. their, commander Francifco Verdugo,, brother irj law to i^, Velafiquez, as the'y thought he would be moll: eafily brouglit over, and the mod • proper perfon to give credit|to their party. But as they knew him to be a man of honour, ihey durft not acquaint him with their defign till the crime fliould be' committed, when they concluded he would be induced to accept of the com- j mand, in order to prevent greater evils. , . . 'Such Was the fcheme concerted for the deftrudlion of Cortez and thofe who , flood higheft in his confidence ; and the very day, and even the hour for putting it in execution was fixed. But many men may be brought to confcnt to fuch atrocious deeds, whole nature flirinks from the perpetration of them. One of Cortez's ancient followers had been drawn into the confpiracy ; but ruminating on his own treachery, and ftruck with horror at the thought of being indrumental in fliedding the blood of a man whom he had fo long been accuftonied to honour and revCh',, he went privately to the general, and after begging his life, revealed all tliat he knew. The occafion admitted of no dcliy, and very little deliberation ; and happily Cortez at once difcerned what condu61: was proper in a fuuation fo critical. He immediately went to fecure Villafana, attended by the two alcades, and fome other officers whom he could truft, and found liim in his 3 quarters, THE HISTORY OF AMERICA. 233 quarters, with three or four of his accomplices. The aftonifliment and con- fufion of the traitor at this unexpefted vidt fufficiently betrayed his guilt. After he was feized and put into irons, Cortez ordered every one to retire, under pre- tence of examining him in private ; when, taking advantage of the information he had received, he fnarched from hrs bofom the paper containing the aflbciation figned by the confpirators. Impatient to know how far the defedion ex- tended, he read it, and found there the names of fome perfons whofe infide- lity filled him with fonovv' and furprife ; but concealing this circumftance from his friends, he caufed the foldiers found with Villafana to be confined in a feparate apartment, and then withdrew, leaving inftruftions with the officers of jufiice to proceed to his trial with all poffible fpeed, without taking any notice of his accorhpliccs. As the proofs of his guilt were manifcft, Villafana confefTed his crime, v/as inftantly condemned to fufixr death, and next morning was fcen hanging at the window of his quarters. Cortez was equally afflicted and enraged at the long lift of foldiers, (faid to have amounted to three hundred,) concerned in this confpiracy ; but he had no focner leifure for refleftion than he was fenfible, that neither juftice nor refent- ment could be fatisfied at the expence of fo many lives, which were invaluable in the prefent conjuncture. He could not execute fuch a number of Spaniards, without relinquifliing his defigns upon Mexico : he therefore had recourfe to an expedient, in order to appeafejufticc, and to avoid punifliing the guilty, without feeming to connive at the crime, or to be afraid of exerting his authority. It was infinuated that Villafana had torn and fwallowed a paper fuppofed to con- tain the names of the confpirators, and that the fevereft tortures had not been able to make him difcpver one of his accomplices. As foon as this report had time to fpread, Cortez called together his troops, and explained to them the atrocious purpofe of ^'illafana, as well as the jultice of his punifhment; adding, that he was happily ignorant of all the circumftances of this dark tranfaftion, and wifhed to remain fo, the traitor having fuddenly deftroyed a paper which probably contained an account of it ; that he only defired to be inforr^iied of any complaints which his foldiers might have againft his proceedings, that he might endeavour to corrcd: his faults, and be enabled to yield general fatisfaftion. This artful declaration, and the compofed manner in which it was delivered, re- ftored tranquillity to many a breaft that was throbbing, when he began tofpeak, with confcioufnefs of guilt and dread of detedion ; and aa,a farther proof of his fincerity, he ordered the foldiers, who had been found in company with Villa- fana, to be fet at liberty, under pretence that no evidence appeared againft them. By thefe fpirited and prudent meafures Cortez fupprefled a dangerous fatSlion, reconciled the minds of his foldiers, and defeated a defign upon his own life, by facri- ficingonlythechief inftrumentand firftmoverof the confpiracy. Hehad theadvan- tage of being able to keep a watchful eye on fuch of his followers as were difaffed:- ed, while they, rejoicing that their paft guilt was undifcovered, ferved him with ex- traordinary zeal and adtivity, in order to avert thofe fufpicions which they were 12. 3 O confcious 1234 T H E H I S T O R Y O F A M E R I C A. confcioiJS they had merited. Kor were thefe the only advantages that Cortcz derived iVom the fortunate rupprtfTion of this cor.lpiracy. He made ufe of tlie opportunity which it afforded him to ftrengthen his authority, under colour of perfonal fafety, by appointing a body guard of twelve trufty foldiers, com- manded fav an officer in whom he could confide*. This diforder among the Spaniards was followed by another among the Tiafca- lans. Xicotencal, general of the republic, either from fome frefli dilgull, or be- caufe he had not yet laid afide his ancient animofity, and judged this a proper feafon to diftrefs his rival, withdrew privately from Tezeuco, with a body of men whom he had engaged in his intereft. Cortez was informed of his retreat by the Tlafcalans themlelves, few of whom approved his conduct. The defection of a commander, fo confiderable among the confederate Indians, was of the moft alarming confequence, at a crifis when the greateft unanimity was nccefiary to give fuccefs to the defigns of Cortez. Some noble Indians were difpatched after him, in order to perfuade him to return. But this expedient proved fruit- lefs. Xicotencal not only rejected their arguments, but dilinifTed them with a contemptuous anfwer ; a circumftance which fo much enraged Cortez, that he immediately fent a party of Spaniards and Chalquefe to take him prifoner, or to kill him, if^ he refifted. The latter part of the intlrudions was put in execution : Xicontencal fought obftinately, and was flain. His troops, who had followed him contrary to their ov.n inclination, made but a feeble refiflance, and re- turned with the Spaniards to the army, leaving their commander hanging on a tree f. Having thus fortunately ftruggled through two dangerous faftions, and re- moved all obftruflions to his main defign, Cortez ordered the brigantines to be -April 23, launched, in prefence of all the Spanifh troops, as well as of the auxiliary Indians, who were drawn up on the banks of the canal. Father Olmedo blelled them as they palTed, and gave each its name, according to the cuftom of mariners ; and every eye followed them, with wonder and hope, till they entered the lake, when they hoifted their fails, let fly their colours, and bore away before the wind, while the mufic played, and the guns were fired, which were anfwered from the fhore by a general ftiout of joy, and Te Deum was fung for the happy fucceis t. It was indeed a matter of no fmall aftonifhment in an ao-e fo little improved, that thirteen veflcls of fuch a fize as to deferve the name of fhips, fhould be conftrudtcd in a country which furnifhed no material for them except wood, carried fixty miles over land on men's fhoulders, and completed in fuch a manner as to anfwer all the purpofcsof navigation. Cortez now reviewed his Spanifh troops, which confifled of eighty- fix horfemen, and eight hundred and fourteen foot foldiers ; of whom near two hundred were •armed with mufkets or crofs-bows, the rcfb with fword, buckler, and lance. The train of artillery was compofed of three battering-cannon, and fifteen field-pieces. • De SoHj, lib, v, c. 19. Herrera, dec. IF. lib. ix. c. i. f De Solij, lib. iv, c. 19. J Herrera, dec. II. lib, ix. c. 2, De Solis, lib, v. c. 2c. On THE HISTORY O F A M E R I C A. 235 On board each of the brigantincs he put one of his fmall cannon, twenty-five CHAP. V. Sp;;niarcls, and twelve Indian rowers, under the coinniand of a captain. Things ^ d. 1521. bring tluis dilpolcd, he dcccrniincd to attack Mexico from three different quar- ters ; from Iztacpalaj-).! on the eafl fide of the lake, Irom Tacuba on the weft, and Cuyocan towards the fouth, thofc tos^ns being fituated on the principal caiifeways that led to the capital, and intended for its defence. He vtppointed Sandoval to command in tlie iirfi-, Alvarado in the fecond, and Olid in the thu-d ; allotting to each one- hundred and fifty Spaniards, and a large bod)' of confederate Indians. He to^k upon himfelf die condud of the brigantincs, which commanded the lake, that he might overfed every thing, and carry relief where it fiiouid be m:A wanted*. Alvarado and Olid marched in company to Tacuba, which they found entirely May 10. deferred by the inhabitants ; the greater part of whom were gone to the defence of JN'lexico, where Guatimozin had collected the chief force of his empire, and the reft had retired to the mountains of Chapulrepeque, in order to proteft the aquedue^s which came from thence, and fupplied that city with frelh water. As it was of the utmoft confequence to preferve thefe conveyances, the emperor had ordered an army for the defence of each aqueduft, as foon as he was in- formed that Cortez had refolved upon the fiege of his capital. The two Spanifh captains led their troops againft the enemy, defeated them after a warm engage- ment, and then broke down theaquedudts, fufFering the vt'ater to take its natural courfe into the lake. This was the firft ftep towards the fiege of Mexico ; and it was important, as it reduced the inhabitants to great inconveniency and diftrefs, by obliL,ing them to feek for frefh water at a diftance, in the brooks that ran from the mountains, and occupied a number of hands that might otherwife have been employed in repelling the attacks of the enemy. This fervice being performed. Olid and Alvarado took pofleffion of their re- fpeflive ftations without oppofition, and Cortez was proceeding with his fleet of brigantines to affift Sandoval in diflodging the enemy from that part of the city of Iztacpalapa which flood in the water, when he obferved a multitude of canoes coming out of Mexico, and advancing towards him. Thefe being joined by others from the neighbouring towns, to the amount, as was fuppofed of four thoufand, feemed to cover the' whole face of the lake, aud afforded a fpedacle 'both beautiful and terrible. This powerful fleet had been. provided by Ouaii- mozin, in order to attempt the deftrudtion of the brigantines, the fatal efi'eds of whofe operations he forefaw and dreaded. Cortez was. glad of an oppor- tunity of manifefting his fuperiority on the watery element, and Ihewing him- felf lord of the lake ; efpecially as he perceived, by the crowds of people who filled the windows and balconies, that the whole city of Mexico was held in anxious fufpenfe on the iilue of the difpute. He drew up his brigantines in the form of a crdcent, that he might extend his front, and engage with freedom. In this order he advanced flowly towards the enemy, that his rowers being re- De Solis, lib. v. c. 20. frelhed 236 THE HISTORYOF AMERICA. BOOK I. frefhed by lying on their oars, might break in with greater vigour upon the canoes, ^T^^ "^ when they came wirhin a proper diftance -, it being fuch a dead calm at the time that no dependance could be placed in the fails. The Mexicans advanced boldly' to the charge ; and fortunately for Cortez, when they drew near, a breeze fprung up : in a moment the fails were fpread, and the brigantines bore down with fuch impetuofity, that they broke and overturned every thing before them, while the artillery, fire-arms, and crofs-bows, made dreadful flaughter of the enemy. The nobles of Mexico, who commanded five hundred flout canoes, flill made fome refiftance, but the reft was all diforder and coniufion ; the canoes runnincr foul of and overfetting one another, in order to avoid being fhattered by the brigantines, or funk by the artillery. The Mexicans in a word fufTcrcd a com- plete defeat; fome hundreds of their canoes being dcftroycd, and iVveral thou- iands of their people flain by the arm?, ordrov.ntd by the irrcfiftiblc flicck of the veflcls of the Spaniards, who thus acquired the reputation of being invincible on this new element, and the brigantines henceforth rode triumphant on the lake, infulting the city of Mexico with impunity *. The night after this vidtory Cortez pafTed at a ftation near Tezeuco, and was preparing next morning to fail for Iztacpalapa, in order to afTift Sandoval, accord- ing to his former refolution, when he dilcovered a fleet of canots making ail pofTi- ble difpatch towards Cuyocan, and thought Olid might ftand in more immediate need of fuccour. In this conjedture he was not deceived : he found that officer engaging the enemy on the caufeway, and obliged to make head againft thofe v/ho defended it, as well as to refift the canoes that attacked him on each fide. Olid was on the point of retreating when the brigantines came up to his relief; and the difficulties with which he had to ftruggle were indeed infuperable, while ex- pofcd to fo many different attacks. The Mexicans had drawn up the bridges over thofe chafms towards the city, by which the waters of the higher lake dif- charged themfelves into the lower. At each chafm they had fixed planks, in fuch a manner, that they could annoy the Spaniards under cover ; and in cafe they Ihould be forced to retreat, they had raifed farther obftructions by trenches dug behind, and filled with water, over which were laid loofe planks, that could eafily be removed, after they had retired. In this manner were the tliree caufeways fortified, and fuch were the diffi- culties that Olid was endeavouring to furmount when Cortez arrived. He had already made himfelf mafter of the firft bridge, from which he drove the enemy by his fire-arms ; then filled it up with fafcines, over which the troops paflrd, in order to attack the fccond. The fleet of canoes had put him to a ftand ; but they were foon thrown into confufion by the brigantines, which likewife played their artillery fo brifkly upon thofe who defended the trenches, that the Mexicans fled in diforder to the laft chafm towards the city. Night prevented the con- federates from taking advantage of the terror and confufion of the enemy, in order to make themfelves mafters of this pafs ; but they maintained the ground * De Soil!, lib. v. c. 20. Herrera, dec. 11. lib. ix. c. 4. which THE HISTORY OF AMERICA. y^'-hlc'li they had gained, and early next morning advanced to the attack, when they found the rampart lb ftrongly fortified,, and defencicd by fuch a multitude of people, that the attempt to force it feemed hazardous, if not imprafticable. A retreat, however, was dceined dilgraceful, as well as impolitic, unlefs in the l.;ft neceflity, after they were engaged. A brid'C fire was therefore kept up from the brigantines, while Olid was employed in filling u.p the chafm, and deftroying the fortifications on the caufeway. This Icrvice being performed, he charged the Mexicans who defended the works, making room for the auxiliary Indians under his command to advance. The enemy at the fame time were fupportcd by troops from the city, and made a vigorous refinance : but they at latl began to give •way, when Cortez, inccnfed at their obftinacy, landed at the head of thirty Spaniards, and infufcd fuch fpirics into the troops, that they drove the enemy be- fore them into the city, gained the principal ftrcet, and forced a ftrong temple, filled with armed men, without a fingle repulfe. The whole quarter in which that temple flood was immediately deferted by the enemy -, and Cortez was fo ■well fatisfied with having got footing once more in the capital, that lie had thoughts of maintaining a garrifon there, and even of advancing the quarters thi- ther from Cuyocan. But he reli.'^.quifhed this defign by the advice of his o/Eccrs who repicfented the danger to which his tioops would be expofed, from the in- cellent attacks of the Mexicans, and the difiiculty of fupplying them with previa lions ; that they ought to make their advances equally from each of the three flations, in order to divide the enemy's forces, until all had carried their ap- proaches into the city, and drawn fo near, that they could be mutually affilling to each other*. In confcquence of this advice, Cortez, with his fleet of brigantines, efcorted Olid and liis troops back to Cuyocan, in order to keep off the canoes, and thence proceeded to Iztacpalapa, where he found Sandoval reduced to the iaft extremity. This brave officer had pofiefled himfelf of the buildings on the land, and lodged his troops there, fortifying his quarters in the bell manner poiTible j but the enemy, who retired to that part of the city which flood in the water, continued to annoy him from their canoes. He made great havoc among fuch as flood his approach, and had vanquiflied three reinforcements from Mexico, that came to attack him by land. At length herefolved to make him- ielf mafler of the v.-hole city. With this view he feised a large houfe, in the quarter towards the lake, making a pafTage through the v/aterwith fafcines ; but fcarce had he gained pofieffion of it, when a fleet of canoes, which had lain in ambulh, attended by a troop of fwimmers, removed the fafcines,.and cut off his retreat, while a number of Mexican archeis plied him from the windows and terraces of the neighbouring houfes. In this fituation Cortez found him, and played the artillery of his brigantines fo fuccefsfully upon the canoes, that tf»ey "" retired in the utmofl confufion in:o the canals Jeading through the city to the lake. Many of them, were funk by the crowding in of people from the terraces, and »De Soils lib. V. c. 21. 13* a ^ "O'^- 23S THEHISTORYOF AMERICA. BOOK r. not a few were dcftroyed by the brigantine?, in endeavouring to avoid that ■A D^T^ danger. The Spaniards ir.ade fome prilbners, and found a fuificient booty to •encourage the foldiers. But Cortez perceived, notwitliftanding this advantage, that it %vou!d be impof- iible to ufe the caufeway of Iztacpalapa to advantage, until that part ot the city which afforded a retreat for the Mexican canoes was deftroyed : and this would •occafion fuch delay as might prove fatal to the other attacks ; he therefore re- folved to evacuate the po0: entirely, and fend the body of forces under Sandoval to feize upon Tapeaquilla, where there was another caufeway, lefs commodious for attacking by reafon of its narrownefs, but more advantageous to the defign whicli he had now formed of flarving the enemy into kibmiffion, if force flioulJ prove incffedual. This relblution was immediately executed : Sandoval marched by land, efcorted by the brigantines, till he arrived at his new quarters; of winch he took pofTeflion without refiftance, Tapeaquil'a being entirely deferted by the inhabitants. Cortez now failed for Tacuba, where he found Alvarado ftill in poffcflion of that city, which had been abandoned to him, but ftruggling with the fame diffi- culties that Olid had experienced in advancing along the caufeway of Cuyocan. His troops were wafted by conftant f!. 3 Q, animated. THE HISTORY OF AMERICA; animated the people in defence of their gods. It was confecrated to the Go3 of War ; and on a fignal given by Guatiniozin, its loud and doleful notes broke from the bofom of the great temple. The Mexicans, as if roufcd by a voice from heaven, no fooner heard the awakening call, than they rufiied upon their enemies with frantic rage, accompanied with frightful fliouts, and an enthufiaftic contempt of death. The Spaniards were unable to refift the immenfc multitude that prefled upon them, impelled at once by religious fury and the aflTurance of fuccefs. In vain did Cortez endeavour to give a check to the purfuit by a general difcharge of the fire arms and crofs-bows : their execmion was not perceived among the incredible numbers of the enemy ; and when he was attempting to make a {land with the cavalry, information was brought of the fatal gap, which bbftruifted his retreat. Kow was the time for a vigorous refiftance •, but fuch was the terror and confufion occafioned by this intelligence, that the general's voice was not heard : Spaniards and Tlafcalans, horfe and foot, fled with precipita- tion, and plunged promifcuoufly into the breach in the caufeway, while the Mexicans in their light canoes ruflied upon them fiercely from every fide, through Ihoals which the brigantines dufft not approach, and either killed, drowned, or took prifoners the greater part of them. Cortez, with the few Spaniards who ffill flood by him, endeavoured to keep off the enemy, and the flaugliter which lie made was terrible ; but all his efforts proved ineffedlual : his horfe was Itilled under him ; he received ftveral wounds ; was in danger of being 'taken -, cfcaped with difficulty to the brigantines •, and returned to Cuyocan dif- appointed, dfje£led, and defeated. Forty Spaniards fell alive into the hands of the Mexicans, an enemy never known to lliew mercy to a captive ; about half that number were flain, with above one thoufand Tlafcalans *. Meanwhile Sandoval and Alvarado were not more fuccefsful in their refpeftive commands : they gained bridges, filled up breaches in the caufeways, forced their way into the city, and deftroyed feveral houfes •, but they were fo vigoroully afl"aulted in their retreat, which both found necelTary, that they were obliged to have recourfe to flight. Twenty Spaniards were killed or taken, in the two at- tacks, with a proportional number of confederate Indians ; a circumltance which greatly dilcouraged the troops, efpecially as the Mexicans, in the prefent inftance, appeared to have been victorious widiout any accident in their favour. But the fbrrowful riefleftions of the Spaniards, who efcaped in this unfortunate rout, were not confined merely to their own fufferings : new feelings, no lefs painful, were excited by the barbarous triumph and horrid feftival with which the Mexicans celebrated their vidory. No fooner did night draw on, than every quarter of the city was illuminated -, and the great temple, dedicated to the God of War, fhone with fuch peculiar fplendour, that the Spaniards could plainly fee the people in motion, and the pricfts bufy in haftening the preparations for the death of the miferable captives. They fancied they difcerned their companions ^ by the whitcnefs of their fkins, as diey were Itript naked, and compelled to dance ;"' • De Soils,, lib. v. c, 22. Herreia, dec. If. lib. jx. c. 4. *'* ■- . before THE HISTORY OF AMERICA. ?35 before the image of the god to whom they were to be offered, and whofe altar was CHAP. V. afterwards fprinkled with the blood of their yet fluttering hearts. They heard )r^^ ~^ the fliriL-ks of thofe who were facrificed, and thought they could dillinguifh ' each unhappy vidtim by the well-known found of his voice. Imagination added to what tliey heard or faw, and augmented the horror of the dilipal fpedacle. The moft obdurate natures melted into tears of compafTion, and the ilouteft heart trembled at a fcene fo affeding and dreadful *. The part which Cortez had to aft on this melancholy occafion was peculiarly diftrefling, and required an extraordinary exertion of fortitude. Befides his fliare in common forrow, he was oppreffed with the additional load of anxious reiicdlions natural to a general on fuch an unexpected calamity, without being permitted to relieve his mind by giving vent to its anguifh. He was obliged to affume an air of tranquillity, in order to revive thefpirits and hopes of his followers, whofe moft vigorous efforts were neceflary to fave them from total ruin. The Mexicans, elated with their viftory, fallied out before morning, by the three cauleways, to attack the Spaniards in their quarters •, but they did not find an enemy unpre- pared. Alarmed by the found of the awful trumpet, which infpired their an- tagonifts with fomuch fury, and to whofe influence tneir leaders trufted more" than to the probability of furprife, the- Spaniards were all under arms ; and by the afTiftance of the artillery and the briganfines, the Mexicans were repulfed with great flaughter, at each of the three attacks. Guatimozin however, difregarding the failure of this attempt, ufed every efipp,t and artifice to improve his late viiftory, by weakening the enemy, and in]piring his own people with confidence. He fent the heads of the Spaniards who had been facrificed to the leading men in the adjacent provinces, that thefe tokens of his fuccefs might confirm them in their obedience, and animate them to the defence of their Ibvereign againlt the common enemy •, and he afTured them, that the God of War, appeafed by the blood of their invaders, fo.plentifully fhed on his altars, had declared with an audible voice, that in eight days the Spaniards Jhould be finally deftroyed, with all who adhered to their intereft. The efFedts of this political predidion, which gained univerfal credit among ■ that fuptrftitious race of men,.- were as great as the emperor coyld have wiflie^tl. The zeal of the provinces that had already declared againft the Spaniards vyas .augmented, and the people of feveral which had hitherto remained ina^ive, now took arms with enthufiallic ardour to execute the decrees of their fupreme god. The thrcatenings of this terrible divinity -were artfully propagated among the Indian auxiliaries who liad joined the Spaniards; and they, accullomecl to, receive ■j his oracles with the fame implicit faith as the other Mexican tribes, werp fo much ) Ifruck with the precife time limited for the period of their lives, in cafe they con- : .linued in difobedience, that in the fpace of three nights Cortez found himfelf|al- moll entirely deferted by his allies. Even the Tlafcalans, alarmed at tlie dread- ful denunciation, difbanded in diforder, and left their ftations, none remaining * DeS:)lis, lib. v. c. 23. Callillo, c. 152. RobertfoD.Hift. America, book v. 2 behind 44 THE HISTORY OF A Iv. ~ " I C A. O O K I. behind but a few ol the chiefs, who perhaps laboured under the fame apprehen- fions, but valued their lives Icfs than their honour. This unexpefted defertion, added to his other misfortunes, made Cortez almoft defpair of the fuccefs of his undertaking ; but the moment that he was informed of its caufe, a ray of hope broke in upon his mind : he determined, for his greater fecurity, to fufpend all military operations during the time marked out by the oracle, and to turn the predidlion to his own advantage, by exhibiting a ftriking demonftration of its falfity. With this view he fent mciTcngers after the fugitives, in order to temporize with their fears, while the Spanifh troops lay falely under cover of the artillery and brigantines, till the fatal term expired. The expedient fucceeded. His allies, afhamed of their credulity, returned to their fcveral ftations, animated with frefh vigour and refolution : other tribes, who had hitherto adhered to the emperor, concluding that the gods, having thus deceived the Mexicans, had finally decreed their ruin, now joined the Spaniards; and fuch was the levity of the natives in general, that, in a fliort time after this almoft total defcftion, Cortez found himfelf fupported by an army of near two hundred thoufand Indians*. The Mexicans, however, were not idle during this fufpenfion of hoftilities to which they had reduced their enemies : they made frequent and defperate fallies ; but all their efforts were not fufficient to recover one of the polls of which the Spaniards had taken poflcffion. Hence the city continued blocked up, and the famine was daily increafing. The particulars of that calamity Cortez learned from his prifoners, who gave him to underftand. That the people were obliged to drink the brackifh water of the lake, which produced a variety of difcales, of which great numbers died ; and that the inconfiderable fupply of provifions brought by fuch canoes as efcaped the brigantines, being equally divided among the nobles, became an additional fubje6t of impatience and difcontent to the populace, whofe clamours began to give fufpicion of their fidelity. This intelli- gence was of the utmoft importance, and Cortez did not fail to profit by it. He immediately aflembled a council of his officers, in order to deliberate on the mea- fures neceflary to be purfued at fuch a jundure i and in that council it was wnanimoufly refolved to renew the three attacks, and to pufh botli the iiege and the blockade. Cortez, however, faw the neceffity of adopting a new fyftem of operations. Scnfible of the impoffibility of carrying Mexico by a fingle effort, notwiihftand- ing his increafc of force, and convinced by fatal experience of tiie danger of re- treating in the face of the enemy, he determined to make his advances gradually,, and to maintain the pofts that he gained. Water, provifions, and whatever elle ■was requifite for the fubfiftence of the troops, being accordingly provided, the three captains, Sandoval, Alvarado, and Olid, marched out of their quarters at the head of their refpedlive divifions, each having his brigantines and canoes to fupport him ; Cortez, as formerly, leading the divifion under Olid. They • De Solis, lib. v. c. Jj. C.-rtez, Relat. p. 275. found T H E H I S T O R Y O F A M E III C A. 245 found the three caufeways in a pofture of defence ; the bridges drawn up, and the CHAP. Vf. chafms fortified and "uarded by an innumerable multitude of armed men : but h'TP''"""^ the biigantines played their cannon to fo much advantage, while the foldiers kept up a conllant difcharge of fire-arms and crofsbows, that all op'pofition foon gave way, and the three divifions arrived about the fame time in the city, and made good their quarters. This was all their aim for that day : they therefore lodged themfelves in the befl manner poffible ; determining next morning to proceed in their attempt to reach the great fquare of Tlatelulco, which was the centre of their feveral expeftations, and towards which they tended by different lines *. This new method of proceeding occafioned great trouble and confufion among the Mexicans, and entirely difconcerted all the meafures which tliey had taken for charging the Spaniards in their retreat. The report that the enemy had made good their quarters rapidly Ipread through the city, and every mind was employed in contriving fome refource againfl; the prefllng danger. Tlie nobles repaired in a body to the imperial palace, .and endeavoured to prevail on Guatimozin to quit the capital, and retire to a place of more fecurity ; but their utmofl entreaties could only induce him to remove to a more diftant quarter of the city, declarino- that he was fully determined to fhare the fate of his people. In conlequence of this refolution, the whole remaining force of Mexico was aflembled, with a defign of expelling the Spaniards by one decifive tSon ; but no fooner did the Mexicans, who divided themfelves into three bodies, come within reach of the artillery planted in all the .avenues to the Spanifh quarters, than their couracre failed them. The cannon made fuch dreadful Daughter in the van, that it fell back upon the centre, and threw the whole army into confufion. Several at- tempts were made to rally, but the Spaniards kept up fuch an inceffant fire^ that the Mexicans were never able to advance fo near as to employ their v/eapons ; fo that they were obliged to retire, difpirited and baffled, while the befiegers enlarged their quarters, without the lofs of a fingle man. The Spaniards, however, had -ftill many difficulties to encounter. For the fpace of four days they were in continual aftion, difputing every inch of ground : they were obliged to deflroy houfes, level works, and fill up the ditches which were dug acrofs every ftreet ; and after the toils of the day, they were under the necefllty of fortifying quarters for their fecurity during the night. But all thefe obftacles were gallantly furmounted, and all the three divifions penetrated into the great fquare, nearly at the fame time. Alvarado arrived there firft, and TuJ^ j-, ■found the Mexicans drawn up in order of battle ; but he charged them with fo much vigour that they were foon broken, and obliged to feek fiielter in the neigh- bouring Ilreets. He had juft taken pofieflion of an adjoining temple, from the top of which he made afignal to his friends of his fuccefs, when Cortez and Olid arrived with the divifion under their command, driving before them a multitude of Mexicans ; who now being cnclofed betv/een the two bodies of the confe- xlerates, were fo warmly attacked in front and rear, that tew of them efcapcd. * De Solis, lib. v. c. 23, 24. -13. <■ .9 R Sandoval \ 246 THE HISTORY OF AMERIC A. BOCK J Sandoval arrived foon after with his divifion, forcing along a crowd of the X^D^^ enemy, who were all likcwife maflacred ; and the Spaniards found themfelvcs ■' ' " ^ * m«fters of three-fourtlis of the city. No fooner was it known, diat the whole force of the Spaniards was united, than the Mexicans ran with precipitation to defend the perfon of their prince ; fo that Cortez had an opportunity to lodge his army to the bed: advantage, and to fortify his quarters for diat night, without oppofition or interruption. In the morning he drew out his troops with an intention to attack that quarter of the city into v/hich the emperor and his court had renred ; and as it was ftrongly for- tilled both by nature and art, he expedled a vigorous refiftancc. He there:ore judged it advifable, before lie began the aflault, to renew his overtures of peace, that he might not be expofed to thofe efforts that are infpired by defpair, and which fometimes change viftory into defeat. Four noble prifoners were accord- ingly chofen to carry a mefliige to Guatimozin, acquainting him, that the Spanifh general was far from defiring the deftruftion of fo fine a city, and would will- ingly avoid the further effufion of blood, provided any realbnable terms ot ac- commodation were agreed to, on the part of his imperial majefty *. Guatimozin was too proud to return any anfwer to propofuls which he confi- dertd as infidious ; but the Mexican nobility, folicitous to fave the life of a. monarch whom they adored, amufed Cortez with a pretended negociation for the fpace of four days, during which they were contriving the emperor's efcape, that he might roufe the more diftant provinces of his empire to arms, while they maintained the war, or accepted of fuch conditions as they could obtain from the conquerors. Cortez at laft lufpedled their defign, and aware of how much importance it was to defeat it, appointed Sandoval, the officer on whole vigilance he could moft perfedly rely, to take the command of the brigantines,, with ftridt injun(51:ions to watch every motion of the enemy. At the fame time he approached their fortifications by land, in order to forward the peace by the appearance of war. The Mexicans now endeavoured to amufe him, by promifino- an interview with the emperor: he liftened to them once morej and was attain deceived f . Meanwhile Sandoval had obferved many fufpicious appearances on the lake. A great number ol canoes and piraguas had been aflemblcd for feme time in a bay near that quarter of the city where the court now refided. They excited the circumfpcdlion of Sandoval ; and on the morning that Cortez was to receive his final anfwer from the Mexican deputies, that attentive and difcerning officer perceived at the d.:wn a great number of people crowding on board thele veflkls. His fufpicions were confirmed. He made towards them with his fleet of brigantines, and was alloniflied at the gallantry with which they received him ; undilmayed at the havock made by the artillery at a dillance, diey undauntedly advanccti to clofe quarters, and maintained the ftruggle with obfli- nacy. But Sandoval was not fo much occupied with the conteft for victory as to * De Soli), lib. v. c. 24. Herrera, dec. II. lib. ix. C. J. f Id. ibid. forget T 1 1 E H r S T O R Y O F A M E R I C A. 247 forget his general inftruiStions : he obferved, in the bottom of the bay, fix or CHAP. \l. {tvtn piraguas making the beft of their way, with the utmofl force of oars, and ^ p inftantly gave the fignal to chafe. Garcia Holguin, who commanded the fleeteft brigantine, foon overtook them, and was preparing to fire upon the foremoft piragua, wliich feemed to lead and govern the reft ; when the rowers, apprifcd of his dcfign, at once dropt their oars, and all on board threw down their arms, conjuring him to forbear, as the facred perfon of his imperial majefty was in that vefltl. Holguin immediately leaped into the piragua, and eagerly feized his prize. Guatimozin advanced to meet him with dignity and compofure, be- traying no figns either of fear or furprile : " I am your prifoner," faid he, and ready to go whitherfoever you think fit to condud: me. All that I have to defire of you is, that fome regard may be had to the honour of the emprefs, my confort, and to that of the women who accompany her.'' He then palTed into the brigantine, giving his hand to the emprefs to affift her ; and he poffcHed fuch perfecfl prefence of mind, that perceiving Holguin in fome anxiety about the other piraguas, " You have no occafion," added he, " to give yourfelf anv concern about thofe men : they are my followers, and will all come to die at the feet of their prince." Accordingly, on the firft fignal which he made them, they let the weapons drop out of their hands, and followed the brigantine as pri- foners, in obedience to their fovereign's command *; Sandoval was ftill hotly engaged with the fleet of canoes, and by the refiftance which he met with, had a ftriking example of the courage and fidelity of the Mexican nobles, who at the hazard of their own lives had undertaken to fecure the liberty of their prince. But no fooner had they notice that he was made captive, than their animating fhouts were converted into dolorous lamentations j and they not only furrendered with little or no oppofition, but feveral of them requefted that they might be carried on board the brigantines to ftiare the fate of their emperor. The lame thing happened on fhore, where Cortez had renewed his attacks, on finding himfelf deceived by the Mexican deputies. The defendants, who had hitherto flood their ground with iurprifing relolution, on being informed of the taking of the piraguas, inftantly retired in confufion. The occafion of that fud- den change was prefently known, and Cortez went to receive his royal prifoner, Guatimozin, when condudled to the general's quarters, entered firft, thereby intimating that he had no reluftance to his confinement. He immediately took his feat ; then fseming to recolle^ft himlelf, he fuddenly rofe up, and defired Cortez to fit down. When both had taken their feats, the emperor eyed the Spanifh general with an air of majefty, and faid, " I have done what became a fovereign : I have defended my people to the laft extremity : nothing now re- mains but to die. Take that dagger," pointing to one which Cortez wore, " plant it in this breaft, and put an end to a life which can no longer be of ufe -f." Cortez endeavoured to comfort him by expatiating on the valour and * Ce Sol'ts, lib. V. c. 25. t Herrera, dec, II. lib. ix. c. 5, i generofity 2 4S 8 T n E H 1 S 1' O R Y OF AM E R I C A. A, D, BOOK I. generofity of the Spanifli monarch, v.hofe friendniip he might hope fcr, as well as the Rcoveiy of his Uberry and the throne of his anceltors ; and he afllired the captive monarch, that, in the meantime, while waiting for their fo^'ereign's inftriidions, he fliould be refpeclcd by the Spaniards, and attended by them in iuch a manner, that he Jliould not be able to diftinguilh their fervices from thofe of his own fubje«i>ge of coi?nie^ nance, or lb much as intimating, that he had no treafures to diUovcr-, but his lellow-fufferer, overcome by the violence of the angi^illi, turntd a dejcdled eye 13. 3 S towards 2 so THE HISTORY OF AMERICA. BOOK I. towards his mafter, and fcemed to implore his permifTion to reveal all that he knew. Darting on his fubjciil a look or command mingled with contempt, that Iiigh Ipiiited prince, cliecked his weakneft by fH)ing, " Am I reclining on a- bed of roles ?" —Overawed by the heroic reproach, the unhappy favourite per- Itvertd in dutiful filence, and ftiHing every groan, expired in an aft of obedience to his fovercign. Cortcz now refumed his authority, afhamcd of a fcene fo horrid, and in a tone of indignation ordered Guaiimozin to be taken from the rack. Struck with tiie fortitude of the royal kiffcrer, the vidim of their avarice, even the foldiers ii-jelted into tears of companion, and feemed to reproach thole, , V/ho in compliance with their cla.mours, had lb egregioufly violated the rights of humanity *. The malcontents being thus appeafcd, at the expenfeof their own feelings, and their general's honour, Cortez difiiuficd the auxiliary Indians, and endeavoured to rcftore peace and tranquillity to the new conqueft. For this purpofe he efta- bliflied a form of civil government according to the Spanifh conftitution ; ap- pointing alcades, regidores, and other magiftrates. His next care was to tranf- mit an account of his fuccefles to court, befeeching his majefly to continue and contirm thefe magiftrates in their refpedlive employments, and to make grants of lands and Indians, according to the pradlice in the iflands,.to fuch- as-had de- ferved them by their fcrvices. But while Cortez was in this manner foliciting favours for others, he had not' yet received a confirmation of his own authority ; he therefore accompanied his difpatches with a valuable prefent, in order to give the king a proper idea of the importance of the country which he had conquered. The new magiftrates alfo wrote a letter to his Catholic majefty, extolling the gallantry, and prudent con-- duft of their general, to whole wife meafures and enterprifing fpirit they afcribed all their good fortune ; and Cortez himfelf fent a minute detail of all his tranfac- tions, fince his return to Mexico, requefting that fome perfon of integrity and ■ abilities might be lent out to furvey the rich and extenfive territory which had been fubjefted to the crown of Caftile, together with a fufficient number of priefts, of different denominations, to take care of the interefts of religion, and affift in the propagation of the gofpel among the natives of New Spain -f. The redudlion of the capital, as had been forefeen, decided the fate of the Mexican empire ; the fame of that event, like the motion communicated to the waters of a ftagnated pool, palTing from the centre to the extremities in circles, which multiply as they advance. The provinces lubmitted one after another to the conquerors. The very terror of their name was fufficient to procure the fubmiflion of a great number of caziques of whofe counties Cortez was entirely ignorant. Among thefe was the king of Mechoacan, into whofe territories a Spanilh foldier had been feduced by the Indians. He was there civilly treated, and difmifled with fuch prefents, as induced Cortez to fend, an embafly to that ■ monarch, whofe kingdom was reported to extend near three hundred leagues, in , * Hurera, dec. II. lib. x. c. i. f Hertera, dec. 11. lib. x, c, 5. order THE HISTORY OF AMERICA. 255 oitlcr to obtain fome account of a country, which might prove a valuable accef- CHAP. VIL fion to his former conqiiefts. v— — y- -^ in confequence of tiiis embafly, the Icing of Mechoacan was induced to vifit Cortez in perfon at Cuyocan v where he acltnowledged himlclf a vafiai of the A d. 1522. king of Spain ; made prefcnts of great value ; received :ome trinkets in return, and departed with the highcft fentiments of the generofity, genius, and valour of the ftrangers, whole arms and military excrciles he had beheld with wonder. Olid, with a hundred foot and forty horl'e, was fent to take poflcfTion of this new acquifition,, in the name of his Catholic majcfty, and to fettle a colony, there ; after which he had inftruftions to penetrate into the province of Colima, and open a way to the South Sea. Great part of the coaft of that ocean was foon difcovered ; and as Cortez imagined, according to the theory of Columbus, that it would yield a fhort and eafy palluge to the Eaft Indies, he ordered fhip- builders to repair ta Zacatula, in order to equip a fleet deftined for the Mo- lucca iflands, from the trade with which the Portuguefe at this time drew im- raenfe wealch, all which he hoped to fecure to the crown of Caftile *. ^A■ ith a view to facilitate this fcheme, by keeping open the communication be- tween the North andSouth Seas, as the chief materials for building the velTels muft be brought from Villa Rica, Cortez difpatched Sandoval with a body of troops, to reduce the inhabitants of the intermediate country. He did not know, that, during the progrefs of his victorious arms in Mexico, the very plan which he was attempting to execute, had been undertaken and accompliflied by a perfon in the lervice of his country. Ferdinand Magellan, a Portuguefe gen- tleman, who had ferved feveral years in the Eafl Indies, with diflinguifhed va- lour, under the famous Albuquerque, difgufted with his general, and flight- ed by his fovereign, renounced his allegiance to an ungrateful mafter, and fled to the court of Caftile, in hopes that his merit would there be more juftly . _. eftimated. He endeavoured to recommend himfelf by reviving Columbus's ori- ' J'7"'' ginal and favourite projedf, of difcovering a pafTage to India by a wefterly courfe, and without encroaching on that portion of the globe which was allotted to the Portuguefe by the line of demarcation. Cardinal Xim^enes, who at that time direfted the affairs of Spain, liftened with a favourable ear to Magellan's propofal ; and as that minifter was never deterred by the boldnefs of any defion,, or the expence of carrying it into execution, where he difccrned a profpeft of advantage, he recommended it to his mafler Charles V. who entering into the meafure with no lefs ardour, honoured Magellan with the habit of St. Jago and . the title of Captain General, and furnifheu him with five fhips, victualled for two years, in order to enable him to accomplifh his undertaking. With this fquadron Magellan failed from Seville on the icth of Auguft, 151Q ; and after touching at the Canaries, flood diiedtly fouth towards the equinoctial along the coaft of America, but was fo long retarded by tedious calms, and fpent fo much time in fearching every bay and inlet for that communication with ihe^ f -Herrera, dec. III. lib. ii. c. i. Soutfe i 252 THE HI S TO RY OF A M ERIC A. BOOK I. South Sea which he wifhed to difcover, that he did not reach the river dc la Plata, till the 12th of January 152c. Allured to enter by the fpacious open- ing through which that vaft body of v^ater pours itfelf into the Atlantic, he failed up it for fome days ; but concluding at lafl: from the fhallownefs of the ftream, and the freflinefs of die water, that the wifhed for ftrait was not fituated there, he returned, and continued his courfe towards the fouth. On the :(ifl: of March he arrived in port St. Julian, about forty-eight degrees fouth of the line, where he refolved to winter, that feafon coming on in thofe latitudes. Here he loft one of his fhips, and the Spaniards fuffered fo much from the exceffive rigour of the climate, that they infilled on relinquifhing the vifionary projeft, and returning to Spain. But Magellan by ordering the principal mutineer to be anaflinated, and another to be publicly executed, overawed the remainder of his followers, and continued his voyage ftill towards the fouth. In holding this courfe, he at length difcovered, near the fifty-third degree of latitude, the mouth of a fl-rait, into whicli he entered, notwithftanding the murmurs of his crew, and the remonftrances of his officers. After failing twenty days in that winding dangerous pafi'age, which ftill bears his name, and where one of his Ihips deferred him, the great Southern Ocean opened to his view, and infpired him with new hopes, while he poured out his heart te Heaven in a tranfport of joy lor the fuccels which had already attended his endeavours *. Magellan, however, was ftill at a greater diftance than he imagined from the objedl; of his wilhes. Three months and twenty days did he fail in an uniform dtreftion towards the Tiorth-weft without difcovering land ; during which voyage, the longeft that had ever been made in the unbounded ocean, his people fuffered incredible diftrefs from fcarcityof provifions, putrid water, and all their attendant maladies. One circumftance, and one only, afforded them fome confolation : they enjoytd an uninterrupted courfe of fair weather, with fuch mild winds as induced Magellan to beftow on that ocean the appellation of Pacfic. At laft they fell in with a clufter of fmall fertile iflands, which afforded them refrefhments in fuch abundance that their health was foon reftorcd. From thefe iflands, which lie called De losLadrones, he continued his voyage, and foon made a difcovery of the iflands now known by the name of the PhiUffhies. In Zebu, one of the Philip- pines, he got into an unfortunate quarrel with the natives, who attacked him with a numerous body of well-armed troops -, and while he fought gallantly at the Jiead of his men, he v/as flain, together with feveral of his officers, by thofe fierce barbarians, on the 26th of April 1522 -f. On the death of Magellan, the expedition was profecuted under Carvallo, who was chofen commodore, and afterwards under Efpinofa. They encountered many difficulties, in ranging through the fmaller iflands fcattered through the eaftern p.irc of the Indian ocean, touched at the great ifland of Borneo, and at lall landed at Tidpre, one of the Moluccas, to the aftonifhment of the Portugucfc, who could "* Henera, dtc. II. lib. ii. c. 3. iib. vii. c. 2. t Heuera, dec. JF. lib. i-x. c 3. * not f H E M [ S T a R Y OF AMERICA. ^5$ not conhpreherid how the, Spaniards, by holding a wefterly courl'e, bad arrived at CHAP. Vlf. that fequeftered feat of their moit valuable comrnerpe, which they themfclvcs had difcovered by failing in anoppofitediredion. At this and the adjacent ifles they found a people acquainted with the benefits of extenfive trade» and willing to open an intercourfe with a new nation. They took in a cargo of fpices, the diftinguifhed produce of thofe iflands, and with that, together with Ipecimens of the commodities yielded by the other rich countries they had vifited, the Viftory, which of the two remaining fliips was mod fit for a long voyage, fet. fail for Europe, under the command of Juan Sebaftian del Cano, the firft man who circumnavigated the globe. He followed the courfe of the Tortuguefe by the Cape of Good Hope ; and, after a variety of difafters, arrived at St: Lucai: on the fth of September, 1522*. . Tlie Spanifli merchants engaged eagerly in that lucrative and.allufing com- merce, which' was thus opened to them, while men of fcience were employed in dcmbriftrating that the fpice iflands were fo fituated a&to belong to the crown of Caflile, in confcquence of the partition made by Alexander VI. But the Portu- guefe,- alarmed at the intrufion of fuch formidable rivals, remonltrated and nego- ciated in Europe, at the farrie time that they obltrudled in Afia the ti-adeof the Spaniards, by force of arms ; and Charles V, unwilling to add a war with Portu- gal to thofe in which he was already engaged, made over to that crown his claim to the Moluccas for a ftiifi of nwney^in 1529 f. Before that time, fome of the veflels fitted out by Cortez had arrived in the Eaft, and vifited feveral of thefe iflands ; and though the trade with the Moluccas was then relinquifhed, the voyage of Magellan was afterwards followed by com- rnercial efftdls of very great importance to the Spaniards. The Philippine iflands were reduced to fubjeftion, and fettlements there eftablifhed ; between which and the kingdom of New Spain, a regular intercourfe is carried on, through the very channel marked out by the genius of Cortez. This obfervation brings us na- turally back to the more immediate tranfadions of that great commander, at the fame time that it forms an apology for fo long a digrefllon. While Cortez was employed in fuch extenfive fchemes for the prefent and fu- ture aggrandifement of his country, it was his fingular fate not only to be fuper- feded in the government of that rich territory which he had acquired by fuch in- credible efforts of valour and perfeverance, but to be regarded as an undutiful fubjeft, and fubjefted to a criminal profecution. Soon after the redudtion of Mexico, Chriftoval de Tapia arrived at Villa Rica, with a commiflion, obtained by the influence of the bifliop of Burgos, impowering him to ftrip the conqueror of his authority, and affume the government of New Spain ; to make a ftrift fcrutiny into his proceedings, and tranfniit the rcfult of fuch inquiries to the coun- cil of the Indies. But the bifhop had chofen a very improper inftrument to wreak his vengeance on Cortez. Tapia had neither the reputation nor talents that fuited the high cdmmand to which he was appointed. The magiftrates of Villa * Herrera, dec. II. lib. ix. c. 3. t Herrera, dec. III. lib. iv. c. 5. 13. 3 T Ric« 254 T H E H I S T R Y O F A M E R i C A. BOOK. r. Rica publicly chai^d him with incapacitv, and required him to depan ifce ^T^'^jTrt' colony, otherwife they would lend him prifoner into Spain. He accordingly re- turned to Hifpaniola, where he was blan:ed by the Royal Audience for going to New Spain contrary to their advice ; and as he had no force to I'upport his pit- tenfions, Cortez, after a variety of negociarions, in whick he exprefied the moft profound refpeft for the emperors authority, prevailed oo that weak man to abandon all thoughts of a ftation of which he was unworthy *. Happily foon after eluding this blow the general received a favourable anfwer to his former difpatches. The juncture in which his deputies reached the court was favourable. The internal commotions, already mentioned, which had dif- quieted the begirming of Charles's reign were appealed. The miniilers had leifure to turn their attention towards loreigB affairs. The account of Cortez's viaorics filled his countrytneo with admiration. The extent and value of his conquefts "became the objefi: of vail and interefting hopes. Whatever ftain he might have contraded by the irregularity of the fteps which be took in order to attain power, was fo fully effaced by rfie great a^ons which this had enabled him to perform, that every heart revolted at the thought of inSidii^ any cenfure oa the roan whofe fervices entitled him to the highcft marks of diibiMaioo. The public voice declared warmly in his favour ; and Charles, arriving in Spain about this time, adopted the fcntiments of his fubjeds with a youthful ardour. Judging that no peribn was fo capable of maiacaining the royal authontr, or etiablifhing good order both among his Spaniih and Indian fubjet^, as the com- maimer whom the former would willingiy obey, and whom the latter had Jong been accuflomed to fear and refpcCT, he appointed Conez captain-general and A. xf ** governor of New Spain, notwithftanding the claims of "\'elafquez, and the poTTial reprefentarions of the bifhc^ oi Bui^s — . Even before hb jar:fdiQ:ion received this legal fandion, Coreez ventured to e^ercife all the powers of a governor ; and by various arrangements, fome of which have "been already noticed, endeavoured tD render his ccnqueft fecune and bcntncial to his country. He cei^nnined to eflabiiib the feat of government in its ancient ftaiion, and to raile Mexico from its ruins. In confequence of this iiea, he fionr.inatrd the " itcs, acd divided die ground among the con- querors, and began to b. _ : : :apital en a plan wkich has gradually formed the liioft magnificent cinrin d»e New World. At the fame rime -he employed {kU- ful peribns to feartrh for mines in different parts of tiie country, ar,d even opened Ibme that were richer than any which the Spaniards had yet difcovered in A merica. He difpatched his principal ofScers to the remote provinces, and encouraged ihem to fettle there, not only by beftowing upon tliem large tracts of land, but by granting them die fame dominion over the Indians, and the fame right to their fer\nce, A^hich the Spaniards had afliuned in toe Weft Indies J. • Herrcra, «3ec. III. lib. L c 3. t De SoiLs Jib. r. c. i. Robc-dbe, 1114. Xaer. ixk r. * Heircra, ' exceeded T H E H I S T O R y O F A M E R 1 C A. 457 ^Receded what was confiftent with the fidelity of a fiil^jecl. Thefe judges, how- CHAP, VI r. ever, were iupported by no force to enable them to execute their Sentence -, and forne of Cbrtcz's indignant toliowers, urged him to aiTcrt his own rights againil his ungratedil country, and to fcize with a bold hand that pov.^er whicli the courtiers ineanly acciiied him of coveting : but though he beheld the approach- ing criiis of his fortune with all the violent emotions natural to a haughty mirid, conlcious of high defert, and receiving unworthy treatment, he was actuated by Juch lentiments of loyalty, as to rejeft their dangerous counfels, at a time when he could furely have eftablifned an independent fovereignty. He chofe the only courfe in which he could fecure his own dignity without departing from his duty : he refolved not to expofe himfelf to the ignominy of a trial, in a country which had been the fcene of his triumphs -, but, without waiting for his judges, to rq:)air immediately to Spain, and commit himfelf and his caufe to the juftice and generofity of his lovercign *. The arrival of Coctez at the Spanilh court, where he appeared with a fplendour worthy of the conqueror of Mexico, removed every fulpicion and fear that had been ent-ertained in regard to his intentions. Having nothing now to apprehend from his defigns, the emperor received him with the highelt marks of refpeft ; 4IS a perfon whom the confcioufnefs of his own innocence had brought into the pre- fence of his mailer, and whole eminent lervices entitled him to die moft diftin- guifhed tokens of royal favour. Charles admitted him to the fame familiar in- tercourfe v/ith himfelf that was enjoyed by noblemen of the firft rank ; and as a perpetual memorial of his heroic adtions, he beftowed upon hini the title of Mar„ quis of the Vale of Guaxaca, and the grant of a vaft territory in New Spain, with the towns and villages belonging to the fame, their jurifdidfions, rights, privileges, and immunities f. In this vifit to his native country, Cortez was accompanied by fevcral Mexicans and Tlafcalans of diftindlion, as well as by fome of the moft confiderable of his own officers, for whom he obtained a confirmation of all the grants of land ivhich he had made to them. Nor was he unmindful of his Indian allies: the republic of Tlafcala was declared free, in confideration of its faithful lervices ^. But amid fo many external proofs of regard, fymptoms of remaining diftruft ftili appeared ; and Cortez follicited in vain to be reinilated in the government of ■New Spain, Too fagacious to commit fuch an important charge to a man whom he had once fufpefted, Charles peremptorily refufed to invert him with powers which he might find it impoffible to controul. He left in his hands the military department, with the title of Captain-general ; but the fupreme direfuoh of civil afi^airs was placed in a board called The Audience of Ne-xv Spain i|. Cortez there- fore, though dignified with titles, returned to Mexico with diminilhed authority. a, D. i - ,« When the marquis of Guaxaca arrived in New Spain, the natives reforted to him in crowds, not as their conqueror but their proteflor. The judges appointed * Herrcra, dec, HI. lib. iv. c. 3. Robertfon, Hiil. Americ. b. v. f Id. ibid. X Herrere, dec. III. lib. iv. c. 5. • II Id- ibid. I4» 3 U ts ?38 *r H E H I S T O R Y O F A M E R I C A. E OOK I. to Inquire into his condud, with Niino de Guzman at their head, hungry and ^n^Tr' rapacious, and Icarce confidering the Indians as human creatures, had murdered ' '' ' 2nd opprefled them without remorfe. The Board of Audience fomewhac alleviated thefe evils ; but the divifion of the civil and military power proved the fource of perpetual diffentions, which embittered the life of Cortez, and thwarted all his meafures. He never, however, lofl fight of his allegiance, nor fuff'cred private animofity to prejudice the fervice of his country. Having now no opportunity of difplaying his aftive talents but in attempting difcoveries,. he formed various Ichemes for that purpofe, all of which bear the marks of a fuperior genius. Bcfides penetrating into the moft remote parts of the Mexiean empire, he fitted out fuccefFively feveral fquadrons from the ports of New Spain A D. 1536. on the South Sea, and at lart dilcovered the large peninfula of California. But that not being an objert lufficient to fatisfy his fanguine expeftations, and finding himklf oppol'ed, even in this unfuccefsful line, by Antonio de Mendoza, who, co his inexpreffible mortification, had been appointed viceroy over that rich territory A, D. 1540. which he had added to the crown of Caftile, he once more fought redrcfs in his native country ; where, to the eternal difgrace of an ungrateful court, he was alternately treated with infolence and negledt. His claims were difregarded ; and the conqueror of Mexico, fo long accuftomed to high command, was doomed to wafte the remainder of his years in fruitlefs applications to miniflers and judges *. B CHAP. VIII. 7/je Difccvery c/"Peru by Pizarro, and the Progre/s of the Spaniih Arms to the Capti'vily and Diatif of toe Irica, Atahualpa. E SIDES Mexico, there was another great empire in America, whofe • procrefs in arts and policy entitled it to be confidered as a civilized flare, namiely Peru. Towards this country, of whofe opulence he had received feveral intimations, Balboa was preparing to fail, when he was recalled, as already obfervcd, by the cruel jealoufy of his father-in-law, Pedrarias Davila, governor of the Spanilh fettlement of Santa Maria in Daricn, and condemned to luffcr the punifhment of a traitor. But Pedrarias wanted talents to execute hini- felf that fcheme which his ambition led him to obflrudl in another, by fuch a violent adl of injuftice. Though the removal of the fettlement to Panama, on the other fide of the ifthmus, enabled the Spaniards to acquire a more perfeft knowledge of the coafls of the South Sea, the governor was 16 much difcouraged with the unpromifing afpci5t of the country to the eaft, that he turned his arms • Herrera, dec. JII. lib. v. c. 6. dec. IV. lib. vi. c. 4. lib. viii. c. i. Robertfcn, Hift. \Amer. b. v. t9 wards 5 T H E H I S T O R Y F A M E R I C A. 25^ towards another quarter, and made himfelf mafter of Nicaragua. Ochers, to- CHAP.VlIf. whom he readily granted commiffions to profecute a project which he himfelf had ^f^yTs^* abandoned, likevvife relinquilhed it, after feveral unfuccefsful attempts ; and it became the general opinion, that the fcheme of Balboa was either impradlicable, er altogether vifionary *. But what feems chimerical or impoffible to perfons of ordinary capacity, often appears both facile, and certain to men of fuperior genius. Francifco Pizarro, who had been the companion of Balboa, and was intimately acquainted with the foundation of his hopes, refolved to revive the projetfl of that great commander, at a time when it was univerfally confidered as ideal. He had lerved fucceftfully tinder Pedrarias, and did not doubt of obtaining his permiffion ; but as his own fortune was inconfiderabie, after all the toils and dangers which he had encoun- tered, he communicated his ientiments on this fubjeft to Diego de Almagro, an officer who had alfo diftinguiflied himfelf in the fervice of Pedrarias, and who was more wealthy. Almagro readily embraced the propofal, and the fanflion of the governor was obtained. But the united fortunes of thefe two foldiers being ftill found infufficient for fuch an enterprife, they aflbciated with them Fernando de Luque, a mercenary prieft, who had acquired immenfe wealth by all the means which fuperftition rendered eaiy to his profeiTion in that age -f-. As the bafis of this aflbciation, it was agreed, that each of the confederates fhould embark his whole fortune in the projeft ; that the wealth accruing from- it fliould be equally fhared ; and that they fhould reciprocally obferve an in- violable fidelity. The parts which each of them were to take in this great un- dertaking, were diftributed as the good of the common caufe feemed to demand, Pizarro, as tlie peifon of the greatefr experience, and who had the mod perfect knowledge of the object of the expedition, agreed tx» command in perfon the armament which was to go firft upon difcovery. Alinagro offered to conduit the fupplies of provifions, military ffores, and luch reinforcements of troops as Pizarro might require ; while Luque was to remain at Panama to furnifh the- necefTary means, and I'uperintend whatever was carrying on for the general in- tereft. In order to give more force to thefe engagements, religion, which, in that age, continually mingled itfelf with the fpirit of adventure, was called in to ratify a confederacy formed by avarice and ambition. Luque faid mals, and divided a confecrated hoft into three parts ; one of which he ate himfelf, and gave the other two to his aflcciates ; all three fwearing by the blood of their god, t+iat they would not fpar*; the blood of man, in profecuting their common axlvantage :j;. The armament fitted out In confequence of this confederacy, v/as fuch as. might have been expected from three private men in a remote and flckly colony, but ver) little fuited to the grcatneis of theobje<5f, which they had in view. In. * Herrera, dec. IK. lib. iii. c. I, 2. f A'magro was a fou.ndliDg, and Pizarro the na.ural fon of a gcutkman of Ellremadura, ?shahad tegJc'Ssd his educatioa t6 fuch a decree tiat he could not even read. Zarate, lib. iv. c. 9. { Herrera dec. IJI^ lib, iii. r. I. Zjra:e, lib. i. c. i. a-der Hq T H E H I S T r y o f a M E R I c a, B o o K I. order to attempt the conqueit of one of tlie moft ex^enfive empires on the fac« Jr-^T'^T^ of the earth, Pizarro faikd from Panama with a fingk lliip, and an liundrcd and ' " ^ '^' fourteen men i and Jo ignorant were the Spaniards of the climsce of America^ Kay. J4. thac 1^ cmbarl<.ed at the very leafon when the periodical winds kx. in, diredUy advcri'c to the courfe whi*.h he propofcd to fteer. After beating abput for foiV:4 tJmc, he reached Port Pinas, and proceeded with a party up the river Bin! ; but finding the country thinly peopled, uncultivated, and uninvidng, he returned to his vcflel, wailed with faniine r.nd fatigue, and continued his voyage along chc coaft. Scarcity of provifions, however, obliged him Ibon to put into another port, v.'here he found the country no Icfs rugged and difagreeable than that which he had laft vifited ; the low grountis being converctd into fwamps by the over- flowing of rivers, the higher, covered with impervious woods, and the few in- habitants miferable favages *, From this place, which the Spaniards called La Hanihre^ the fliip was dif- patched to the Pearl Iflands for a fupply of provifions, Pizarro and iiis foldiers .being expofed irf the meannme to all the horrors of want and difeafe. During this terrible interval, twenty-feven of tliem died \ yet fo great was the fortitude of the furvivors, encouraged by the chearful perieverance of their general, that the flfip no fooner returned, than they agreed to profecute the voyage. But; Almagro, having heard of their dillrcfs, had failed from Panama with feventy men tov.'ards that pare of the coaft where he hoped to meet with them \ and landing at a place where Pizarro had lately touched, imprudently attacked an Indian town j was repulfed, after a Iharp conflicl, and loft one of his eyes by the wound of an arrow. On reimbarking, he condnucd his courfe along the coaft, June J4, and advanced as far as the river St. Juan, in the province of Popayan, where A. D. 1525' both the country and the inhabitants appeared with a more promifing afpect than any the confederates had yet vifited. This intelligence he communicated to Pizarro, whom he found on his return at Chuchama ; and that dawn of better fortune was fufRcient to animate thefe I'anguine projedors to perfevere in the pro- fecution of their fcheme, notwithftanding all the fufFerings they had endured +. It was agreed that Almagro fliould repair to Panama, in order to procure fuc- cours; but Pedrarias being at that ume preparing to march into Nicaragua againft one. of his officers, who had thrown off his authority, a fmall number of men only were permitted to be levied for this fervice. Almiagro, however, procured a plentiful fupply of provifions, and with two ftiips and eighty recruits joined Pizarro at Chuchama. After a variety of difafters and difappointments, fimilar to thofe which they had already experienced, they readied the bay of St, A. D. 1526. Matthew on the coaft of Quito, where they difcovered a country and inhabitants very different from any they had yet beheld on the Southern Ocean \ the lands being level and cultivated, the people decently cloathed, and adorned with feveral trinkets of gold and filver. • Herrera, dec. III. lib. iii. c. i. i Id. ibid. But THE HISTORY OFAMEK.IC A. ?^i But ardent as the fpirits of the confaleratcs were, they durfl; not attempt to in- ^^^J^?;^' vade a country fo populous with an handful of men worn out with fatigue, and ^^^'d^'T^. enfeebled by dileafes, Pizarro retired to the fmall ifland cf Gallo v/ith the troops, while Ahr.agro returned to Panama, in hopes of procuring fuch a rein- forcement as fnould enable them to fubdue that rich country whofe exigence Teemed now fufficiently eftabliflied. This afiurance alone, it was expedfed, would have encouraged the requifite number of adventurers to engage in the enter- prife : and m an age when the flighteft information ferved to infpire men with the •greateft confidence, and when avarice and glory were the prevailing pafTions, great efFeds misht have been expedted from fo near an approacli to perfed difcovery. But (ome of the foldiers having ftcretly conveyed to their friends at Panama an account of th.ir own miferies, and the misfortunes of the armament, Almagro met with a very ungracious reception from Pedro de los Rios, who had fucceeded Pedrarias in the government of that colony. Concluding that an expedition attended with fo great wafte of men mull be detrimental to an infant fettlemenr, he not only prohibited the raifing of new levies, but difpatched a vefTel to bring home Pizarro and his followers from the ifland of Gallo *. Deeply affcclcd by a meafure which they could not prevent, and durft i^.ot op„ pofe, Almagro and Luque found means to communicate their fentiments pri- vately to PizariO, exhorting him rather to perifh than relinquifli a fchenie on which depended all their hopes of reputation and fortune. Pizarro needed no incentive to perfill in a fcheme on which his mind was fo ftrongly benr. In- Jiexibly oblfinate in all his purpofes, he pofitively refufed to obey the governor's command, and ufed all his addrefs in order to pcrfuade his men to embrace the fame reiolution. It grieved him, he faid, that they fhould forego the reward of all their fufferings when it was within their reach. But all his eloquence had no effeft : the incredible calamities to which the foldiers had been expoled were (till fo recent in their memories, aiid the thouglits of revifiting their families and friends after a long abfcnce, ruflred with fuch joy into their minds, that when the captain fent to carry them off drew a line wich his fword upon t!ie fand, defiring fuch as wiihed to return home to pafs over it, and permitting the reft to ftay with. Pizarro, only thirteen daring veterans had refolution to remain v/ith their com- •mander in that extremity of his fortune f. ^ With this fmall but determined band Pizarro fixed his refidence in the rflsngl - of Gorgona, which being farther removed from the coaft than Gallo, he colfi- dered as a more fecure retreat. Thtre he waited with patience for thofe fuppliW which he trufted the adtivity of his afibciates would be able to procure. Mean- while Almagro and Luque were not inattentive to his fafety. I'hey exclaimed ' loudly againft the infamy of expofmg brave men engaged in the public fervice, and chargeable with no error but what flowed from an excefs of sea! to perifli like the moft odious criminals in a defert ifland; and the governor, overcome bv ^ their repeated entreaties and expoftulations> which were feconded by the voice of * Herrera, dec. III. lib. iii. c. 3. f Htrrera, dec. IJ. lib. iii, c. 3. H- 3 X the 2152 T FI E H I S T O R y O F A M ERIC A: BOOK. I. the wIioIg colony, at laft permitted a finall vefTcl to be lent to the relief of Pizarro- *a!"d?'7^ and his companions: but in onler to cikourage th.^m irom prolccuting the enter- prize, he would not perniit one landman to embark on board. This precaution, however, had not t'le cfFcfl intended. Though Pizarro and his few taithful aflbciatcs had by this time remained five months in an iiland in- famous for the moll unhealthy climate in that region of America, the veffel no fooner arrived from Panama dian all their fufFerings were forgot, and they re- lumed their fchcme with Jrcfh ardour. The captain of the fliip beino- induced to join them by the promifes of Pizarro, they prollcuted their voyage towards the toutli eail, and on the twentieth day after their departure from Gorgona they difr covered the coaft of Peru. After touching at fome lefs confiderablc places they landed ac I'unibez, about three degrees Ibuth of tlie line, diliinguifhed by its ftately temple and a palace of tlie incas or fovereigns of che country. There the Spaniards firft feafted their eyes Wiih a viev/ of the opulence and civilization of tlie Peruvian empire : they beheld feveral ftately ftruftures, fields cultivated with an appearance of regular incjuftry, and a people fo far furpading the otJier in-> habitants of the New World in improvement as to have tame animals to carry their burihens ; but what more particularly attracted their notice was the profuficn of gold and filver, not only employed as ornaments for the perfon, or in u,t» facred utenfils of the temples, but in feveral veflels for common ufe, of fuch a fize as left them no room to doubt but the i)recious metals were found in that country in an abundance equal to thcii' molt i'anguine hopes and dreams of inexr hauftible treafures *. ijut lizano, with the flender force then under his command, coul-d only view the rich territory of which he lioped hereafter to reap the fpoils. He ranged, how- ever, for lome time along the coaft, every where maintaining a peaceable inter- courfe with the natives, whofe polifhed manners filled him with aftonifbment, while their inoffenfive difpofition encouraged him with the hope of fubjefting them to. the dominion of Spain. They came chearfully on board his vefiel, fupplied him abundantly with provifions, invited him on fliore to their habitations, infifted on leaving hofliages for his fecurity, and made him feveral preients of confiderablc value. With thefe arid fome of their Llamas or tame cattle, to which the ^ Spaniards gave the nameof Sheep, fome fpecimens of their works of ingenuity, and t!5rbiyouths, whom he propofed to inftruft in theCaftilian language, that they might fcrve as interpreters in a future expedition, Pizarro arrived at Panama towards the clofe of the year 1527, after having fpent three years in a voyage,, during which he had luftcred hardlhips, or encountered dangers with a degree of pa- tience and fortitude equal, if not fuperior, to what is recorxled of any of the con- querors of the New World -f . Pizarro was received with great joy at Panama by perfons of all ranks ; but neither the incredible opulence of the country which he had difcovered, nor his bitter complaints on account of that unfealbnable recall of his forces, which had * Herrera, dec. III. lib. iii. c. 3, 4. f Id. ibid. Zarate, lib, i. c. 2. put THE HISTORY OF AM^iRlCA. 263,' put it out of his power to attempt making any fettlement, could move the gc- CHAP. Viri, vernor to aiuhoriff an expedicicn which he forefaw might prove the ruin of the A^n^^TTTc province in which he prefided, by ftimulating ic to an cfTorc beyond its ftrcngth. This obIlru(5lic;n, however, did not abate the ardor of the confederates : tiiey refolved to fohcit their fovtrcign for that permiffion which they could not procure from ills delegate. With this view they fent Pizarro as their agent into Spain, after adjufting among themfelves that he fhould claim tliC ftation of governor, Alinagro that of lieutenant-governor, and Luque the dignity of bifliop in the country which ihty purpofed to conquer ; though their fortunes were now fo much exhanfted, and their credit fo deeply mortgaged, that it was with difficulty they could boiiow fifteen hundred pefos in order to defray tlie expcnce of his voyage ■''. Pizarro arrived fafe at Seville, and immediately v/aicedon the emperor at Tok- ^ do with the unembarraffed dignity of a man confcious of cmir.cnt krvices. His fOvereign received him gracioufiy ; and he conduded his- negociations with a de-- gree of addrefs and infinuatiort that could not have been expedltd either from his education, or former ccAirfe of life. The feeling defuiption of his own fuf- -fierings, and tiie pompous account of the country, which he had difcovered, little ex- pected from a rough foldier, ccufirmed by the fpecimens of its produ<5lions whicH he exhibited, made a deep impreflion on the mind of Charles and his minifters : they not only approved of the intended expedition, but feemicd interefted in the fUccefs of its projtr£lor. Prefuming on the favourable difpofitions of the court, Pizarro paid little attention to his coiitracf with his aflfociates. He obtained for- Luque the ecciefiafiical dignity to which he afpijed, as it did not inter ere v\idi his own pretenfiens; but for Almagro he requefted only the command of the fortrefs which fliould be erefted at Tumbcz, v.'hile he fecured to liimfclf whatever his boundlefs ambitron could dcfire. He obtained leave to carry on the difcoverv and conquefl: of Peru for the fpace of two hundred leagues alono- that coaif, with the title of governor, captain general,, and adelantado of all the country which he had difcovered, and hoped tofubdue. His jurifdidion was de- clared independent of the governor of 1 anama-, to be fupreme both in civil and military affairs : he had power to nominate all the ofBcers who were to ferve un- der him, and a right to all the privileges and emoluments ufually granted to adventurers in the Nevv* World -j-. In return for thefe conceffions, Pizarro engaged to raife two hundred and fifty men, and to provide the lliips, arms, and military ftores neceffary for fubjeclino- to the crown of Spain that opulent country, over which he was appointed governor. But fo low was his fortune and credit, that he v/as only able to corn- pleat half the number. With this (lender force, accompanied by his three bro- thers, Ferdinand, Juan, and Gonzalo, he landed at Nonibre de Dios, and marched acrofs the ifth.mus to Panama. His brothers were all in the prime of life, and •Herrera, dec. III. lib, iv. c. i. ■\ Herrera,. d?c. II. lib, v. c. J. 2-64 T H E li I S T R Y O F A M E R I C A. B o o K I. men of fuch abilities and courage as enabled theoi to take a diftinguillied part Tn ^^^"^T^ his lubHrquent: tranfacftions. On his arrival at Panama, Pizarro found himfelf involved in new troubles. Almagro, exafperatcd at the manner in which the negociation had been conduced, hot only reiuled to ad any longer in concert with a nianwhofe perfidy had excluded him from that power and honour to which he had a juft claim, but laboured to form a new affociation, in order to thwart, or rival, the dilcoveries of his former confederate. A reconciliation, however, was brought about througli the interpofi- tion of Luque, who was well fatisiied with his own appointment, and the confe- deracy was renewed on its original terms •, that the projcd Ihould be carried on at the common expence of the aiibciates, and the profits accruing from it equally divided among th.em •, Pizarro promifing to relinquilh the office of adelanrado, and to concur in foliciting that title v^ith an independent government for Almaoro*. Even after this reconciliation, the confederates were only able, by the utmoft efforts of their united intereft, to fit out three fmall veflcis, on board of which were an hundred and eighty-five foldiers, thirty-fevcn of whom were horfemen. Animated hy the progrefs of his countrymen in America, and by the profpedl of the immenfe wealth which he hoped to acquire, Pizarro did not hefuate to fail with this contemptible armament to invade a mighty empire ; Almaoro btin^ J^-ft as formerly to follow him with what fupplies he fliould be able to procure. His intention was, not to touch at any port before he reached Tunibcz; but xnccting with adverfe winds and currents, he was obliged to land his troops in the bay of St. Matthew, an hundred leagues to the north of that deRination. Here a council of war was held -, in which it was refolved, that the troops fliould advance along the fhore towards the Ibuth, and the fhips keeo near the coaft, in cafe of any difafter. In this march the Spaniards encountered incredible hardfhips. The country was rough, barren, and defolate, abounding with rivers and morafics ; and as they had to pafs all the rivers near their mouth, where the body of water is greateft, they were every day obliged to make floats, with infinite labour and fatigue. Pizarro himfelf was the chief guide as well as commander, and con- duced every thing with equal prudence and vigour; animating his people alike by his exhortations and example, and bearing a principal fhare in every hazardpus and laborious taflc. So great was his patience, humility, and perleverance, that he often affifted iti carrying the fick upon his own fhoulders ! — But all this was not fufficient to prevent the new levied ibldiers from reproaching him with deceiv- ing them, and every one muft have become backward to the fervice, if in thcl'e in- hofpitable regions, they had not met with fome appearances of wealth and culti- vation that feemed to jullify the report of their leader, concerning the country to- April 14, wards which they were advancing. Having reached the province cf Coaque, A. D. 1 53 1, (j^py plundered the principal town, and feized veffels of gold and filver to the * Zarate, lib. i. c. 3. value a ^H^- 1 51 1? THEHISTORYOF AMERICA. a6 value of twenty thoufand pefos, befides many precious ftones, and other rich CHAP. Vlir, booty *, This fpoil at once diipejled the doubts of the fcldiers, and animated them with the mod fanguine expectations ; and Pizarro, whofe provident attention never let flip any occafion that could be turned to his advantage, inltantly dif- patched on? of his fhips to Panama with a large rem^ictance to Almagro, and another to Nicaragua, wiih a confiderable lum to U'lnc perfons of influence in that province, in hopes of alluring adventurers into his fervice by this early dif- play of the wealth of Peru, Meanwhile he continued his march along the coaft, and met with little or no oppofition till he attacked the ifl.ind of Puna, in the bay ot Guayquil. As that was a place of confiderable importance, by reafon of the fait works there eftablifhed, and better peopled than the country through which he had pafled, he met with an obftinate refutance, and fpcnt fix months in reduc- ing the inhabitants to fubjection f. From Puna Pizarro paffcd over to Tumbez, which he took and plundered. A. D, 1532 Here he was obliged to remain three m.onths, by reafon of the diftempers that raged among his men. He had already experienced the advantage of his priT- dcnt policy in fpreading the fame of his firft fuccefs. Two detaclinients had arrived from Nicaragua ; and though neither exceeded thirty men, they were efteemed a confiderable reinforcement, being commanded by Sebaftian Benalcazar and Plernando Soto, officers equal to any who had commanded in the New World. But thefe being (li-11 judged infufficient for the conquefl which he had in view, he difpatched the remaining vefirl to Panama, with all the treafure found in Tumbez, to be laid out by Almagro in raifing men, and procuring a fuppiy of provifions and military ftores. The next care of Pizarro was to found a colony in order to fecure his footinfy in the country ; and having difcovered, in his excurfions from Tumbez, an ad- vantageous ftation near the mouth of the river Piura, he t.'.ere cftabliflied the firft Spanifh fettkment in Peru, to which he gave the name of St. Michael. Ijurino- his flay at this place, to which he removed the greater part of his army, and where he was employed for feveral months in crcfting fuch buildings as were requifitc for defence or fhclcer, he made it his bufinefs to inquire into the characler of the Peruvians, the power of their fovereigns, and the flate of the empire at that time. Some knowledge of thefe particulars was neceliary to enable him to condu>fl his operations with propriety, and an attention to the iame ohjeds h equally necefTary to enable us to account for his future fuccefs, or the feeble oppofition which had hitherto been made to his arms. The Peruvian empire, (of whofe origin and laws a particular account fliall b: given in its proper place,) had fubfifted, according to tradition, about four hun- * Herrera, dec. IIF. lib. v. c. i. " The natives," fays this author, with his ufiially Gai- plicity, (fpeaking of the boo:)) " had t'lne enough to have fecured it ; b-Jt as :hey hsd done ri> harm to ihofe men, they thought they would not hurt them, and that thty fnou'd ail make msrry together." Ut fupia. What a reproach on the rapacity of his cpuntrytnen i t Zaratp, lib. ii. c. 3. Kerrera, dec III. lib. v. c. 1. Her/era, ut fupra. 14. 3 Y dred THE HISTORY OF AMERICA. dfed years, and extended in length almoft eighteen hundred miles along the coaflr; of the South Sea. Its breadth was kfs confiderable, in few places exceeding. fifty miles, being unifocmly bounded by the vaft ridge of the Andes, which Itretch from one end of South America to the other. This country was governed, by a race of fovcreigns who took, the name of Luas^ and were fiippoied to be the offspring of the Sun, the chief objeft of worfhip among the Peruvians. In confequence of this idea, which was propagated by Manco Capac, the founder of the monarcliy, the Incas v.'ere not only obeyed as fovcreigns, but revered as. cHvinitics. Their authority was unlimited and abfolute, in the moft extenfive- meanino; of the wortis : tiieir blood was held to be I'acrcd, and never allowed to be contaminated by intermarriages with the people : and the'royal family, thus, feparated from the reft of the nation, was farther diRinguifhed by peculiarities, in drels and ornanjcnt.s unlawful for others- to afliime *. In no corner of Aha was defpotifm ever more complete. But the obedience required by the Incas was rather filial than flavilh ; and if we may believe the accounts of their countrymen, they were lefs prompted to. extend their dominion by the rage of conqueft, than the dcfire of difi^ufing the blefiings of civilization. This benevolent charader is laid to have been uni- formly prcferved during a fucceffion of twelve monarchs, the laft of whom,. .named Huana Capac, was feated on the throne, when theSpaniards firft vifited the- coaft of Peru. He is reprefented as a prince equally diftinguiOied by the pacific, virtues peculiar to his race, and by his martial talents. Having ftibjefted to his fway the kingdom of Quito, a conqueft of fuch extent and importance as almoft doubled the power of the Peruviar^ empire, he married the daughter of the van- quin:ed monarch, notwithftanding the ancient and fundamental law of the con-- ititution againft polluting the royal blood by any foreign alliance. This princefs bore him a fon named Atahualpa, whom, on his death, which feems to have hap- pened in the year i -:29, he appointed his fuccefTor in the kingdom of Quito, leav- ing the reft of his do.minions to Huafcar, his eldeft fon, by a mother of the facred race. A deftination fo repugnant to the eftablifhed maxims of the empire concern- ing the fuccefiion was no fooner known at Cuzco, the capital, than it excited, general difguft, and encouraged Huafcar to claim the whole dominions of his father, both hereditary and acquired. He accordingly commanded his brother to furrender the government of Quito, and to acknowledge him as his fovereign ; but Atahualpa being at the head of the flower of the Peruvian forces, who . had followed his father into that province, and whom he had gained to his intereft, firfl eluded the demand of Huafcar, and next marched againft him in an hollile form. Huafcar did not decline the combat. The two armies met in, the vale of Xauxa, where an obftinate battle was fought, and vidory declared for Atahualpa. Huafcar again collefted his fhattered forces, was finally de- defeated, taken prifoner, and confined in the tower of Cuzco f . • Herrera, dec. III. lib. ix. c. i. t Henera, dec. III. lib. viii. c. i. In T H E H I S T O R Y O F A M E R I C A. 267 In confequence of this civil war, which raged in all its fury when the Spani- CHAP. VJII. ards landed in the bay of St. Matthew, Pizarro was permitted to carry on his a'^^tT"^ "~' operations uninolcfted, and to advance to the heart of the empire, before one ef- • > ' fort of its power had been exerted to flop his progrefs ; for though the two com- petitors had received early accounts of the invafion and violent proceedings of the Spaniards, they were lb intent on fupporting their rcfpedlive claims, that they paid no attention to the motions of an enemy, to whole career thty imagined it would be ea)y to give a check after they fhould be more at leifure. The iame miftaken opinion influenced the conduct of Acahualpa, even after the defeat of his brother: he thought it of more importance to fettle the affairs of his empire, than to go in queft 01 an handful of ftrangers, who might at any time be cruflied-f-. Meanwhile Pizarro, haying received perfeft information in regard to theflrug- gle between the two contending fadlions, and perceiving at once the advantao-e which might be derived from this divided flate of the empire, determined to pufli forward, without waiting for farther fupplies, in hopes of being able to ilrike fome decifive blow before the Peruvians could recover fuflicient union to oppofe him with vigour. He accordmgly ordered his troops to be muftered ; but as he was under the neceflity of leaving a proper garrifon in St. Michael, which was equally important as a place of retreat, in cafe of any difafter, and as a port for receiv- ing fuch fupplies as fhould come from Panama, the number remaining to accom- pany him was very inconfiderable. Sixty- tv;o horfemen, and an hundred and fix foot foldiers, three of whom only were armed' with muficets *, formed the ilcnder and ill accoutred train deftined to overturn the empire of the Incas. With this handful of men, Pizarro boldly advanced through an hoftile coun- try, altogether unknown to him, towards Caxamaica, wiiere Atahualpa was en- camped with a confiderable army. Before he had proceeded half way, he was met by an officer from the I nca, with a valuable preientfent by that prince, accom- panied with an offer of his alliance, and a promife of a friendly reception at Cax- amaica. Pizarro, who was not inferior in policy to any of his countrymen who had fcrved in America, artfully replied, That he accepted of the prefcnc, as com- ing from fo great a prince, and having heard that he v/as at war with a faition, which difputed his title to the throne, he was willing to afTiff him with his follow- ers ; but that his principal motive for this vifit was to deliver an embafly from his mafler, the king of Spain, a mighty monarch, who was defirous of enlight- ening the Peruvians with the knowledge of true religion t. Without waiting for an anfwer, Pizarro continued his journey acrofs the fandy defart between St. Michael and Motupe, where the moft feeble effort ot an ene- my, added to the diftreffes which he unavoidably fuffered, muft have proved fatal, to his hopes. But the Peruvians, who like tlie Mexicans, were entirely at a lofs. what idea to form of the charafter of their new guefts, continued irrefolute, till they were caug!it in the net of their policy. Alarmed at the accounts which he had received of the terrible effeds of the arms and horfes of the Spaniards at •f- UzTiera, dec. III. lib. viii. c. i. • Id. ibid. J Ut Aipra. Puna THEHUTORY OF AMERICA, Purv?, and Tumbez, Arahualpa wanted finnnefs to oprpofe tliern openly on their march, liisiiril arnbaffidor is tiipntjfcd w have been lent as a ipy, but Pizarro's declaration of his pacific intentions had 1q much influence upon a credciluusmind under the ImpreOlons of fear, that he was permitted to advance trom Motupe to- _.wards the mountains which encornpal's the low country of Peru, and topa'i, with- out oppofition, through a defile fo narrow and difficult, that a few men might have defended it againll a numerous arn-.y. Here Pizarro halted to retrelh his iToops after their fatiguing marcii, and took quiet poflclijon of the fortrefs ercd- ed for the fecurity of that important ftation f. While the Spaniards were rcfting themlelves at this place, an embaffy arrived from the Inca, in confequence of the OK/Iligt; fent by l^izarro, and as tiiey ap- proached nearer to Caxamalca, Atahualpa frequently repeated his profcfiions of friendfhip -, to all which Pizarro returned the fame ambiguous anfwer, relative to the greatnefs of the king his mafter, his benevolent and pacific intentions, accom- panied with an offer of his alutfance to humble the enemies of the Inca. In the mean time the Spaniards were divided in their I'entiments relative to the purpofe of thefeembaflies, which were all accompanied with magnificent prefents. Some afcribcd them wholly to the munificence, hofpicality, and friendly intentions of the Inca; others regarded them as a cover to his holtile defigns, while tiie more janguine fpirits thought they could difcover his fear under this extraordinary ap- pearance of courtefy. Ail however agreed, that they could not obferve too much caution in their march. The Spaniards arrived at Caxamalca towards the evening, and took poflefnon of a large court, on one fide of which was a royal palace, and on the other a temple of the Sun, the whole furrounded with a Ib-ong wall. As foon as Pi- zarro had polled his troops in this advantageous ftation, he deliberated with his officers, whether it was not requifite that he fhould fend a formal embafly to the camp of Atahualpa, which was about a league diflant from the town, to acknow- ledge the civilities received, to confirm the repeated declarations of iiis pacific difpofition, and to defire an interview with the Inca, that he might explain more Jully the object of his commiflion. The propofal was agreed to, and Ferdinand Pizarro, the general's brother, and Hernando Soto were difpatched to wait upon Atahualpa, with infbrudions to the foregoing efTccl *. Notice having been given of the arrival of the Spanifh deputies, they found the Peruvian army drawn up to receive them. As they pafled the ranks, the Peruvians gazed with aftonifhment on the horfes; and Soto leaping over a ditch, plunging, rearing, and curveting with his courfer, greatly delighted the fimple fpedlators, who could fcarcely feparate in imagination the rider from the horfe, taking both for one animal. Pizarro remained behind with the guard, while Soto and his attendants were condufted into the Inca's prefence, by an officer appoint- ed for that purpofe. The amazement on both fides was nearly equal at this interview. The Spaniards admired the riches, grandeur, and ftate of the t Herrera, dec. Ill, lib. viii. c. 2. * Ilefrera, dec. III. lib. viii. c. 3. Inca, 5 (2>w C/^my/Ze^ o/ t/u 'i/a/t^ T tl E H 1 S T O R Y O F A M E R I C A. zf^^ Inca, while that monarch and his fubjefts were furprifed at the drefs, arms, CH.AP.^iL manners, and perfonal appearance of their vifitors. Some minutes pafTcd in pro- found filence; at length the Spaniards recovering themfelves, approached the throne of gold on which Atahualpa was feated, making the moft iubmifTive obeifances as they advanced. When Soto came v.ithin a proper diftance, the Inca role up, embraced him cordially, and bid him welcome to his dominions. An elegant entertainm.ent wa* immediately ferved up by fix girls and as many boys, handfomcly drelltd. At the fame time two beautiful virgins of the royal blood advanced, holding in their hands fmall cups of gold, filled wi:h the liquor commonly ufed by the Incas-, of which they gave one to Atahualpa, and another to Soto, who drank peace and hiendfiiip to each other, according to the cuftom of Peru Thefe ceremonies being over, and Ferdinand Pizarro come up, on per- ceiving that all was pacific, the deputies delivered their commifTion, and Atahu- alpa promifcd to vifit the Spanifh general next day in his quarters *. The cordiality of this reception was fufficient to have banifhed all fufpicion of hoftile intentions from the mind of Pizarro. But he perceived the weaknefs of the prince he had to deal with, and did not wifh to fuppofe him innocent. A.ta- hualpa had told die deputies, that he hoped it would give no umbrage, if he came to Caxamalca attended by his army, as was cuftomary when the Incas travelled. They afllired him it would not-, but Pizarro, whofe infight into human nature was as deep and penetrating as his temper was unfeeling and cruel, determined to make this circumftance a pretext for carrying into execution a fcheme which he had already formed. Senfible, from his long acquaintance with American manners, of what importance it was to have the lovereign in his powTr, he had invited Atahualpa to an interview, with a refolution to feize his perfon ; and he now determined to avail himfelf of the unfufpicious fimplicity with which that monarch relied on his profefTions for the accomplifhment of this defign, no lefs perfidious than daring. While the minds of his foldiers were yet warm with ad- miration and define of the wealth of the Peruvian camp, of which the moft exag- gerated accounts had been given by thofe who beheld it, he unfolded to them his defign, under pretence of counteradting the Inca's treachery. After animating them by the powerful motives of avarice, glory, and felf-prefervation, he divided his cavalry into four imall fquadrons, under the command of his brother Ferdi- nand, Soto, Benalcazar, and Chriftopher de Mena: the mufketeers were placed in a tower of the palace, whence they might fire to advantage upon the defence- lefs multitude: fifteen chofen men with fpears were appointed to keep near his own perfon, in order to alTift him in the dangerous fervice which he had refcrved for himfelf: the artillery, confifting of two field pieces, and the crofs-bowmen, were placed oppofite to the avenue by which Atahualpa was to approach : the reft of the infantry were formed in one body, under their relpecftive officers ; all * Herrera, dec. III. lib. viii. c. 3. The Spanilh writers are highly inconfiflent, and even con- tradiftory in their accounts of this interview, and all that relates to Atahoalpa, whofe memory they have attempted to flain with peifidy, io order to apelogize for the cruelty of their countrymen. 14 3 Z being 2JO T H E H I S T O R Y O F A M E R I C A. being commanded to keep within the fquare, and not to move till the fignal for acflion wac given *. As foon as day appeared, the Peruvian cainp was perceived to be In motion : but as Atahualpa was dcfirous ot appearing vyith the greatell iplendour and mag- nificence in his firft intcrvievv with the ftrangers, the preparations for that pur- pole were fo tedious, that the morning was far fpent before he began his march ; and even then,^ the proceffion was fo folemn and flow, that the Spaniards began to be uneafy, left fome fufpicion oF their treachery miglu be the caufe of this uncommon delay. Thefe apprchenuons were increaled by the dread of lofing their booty, their avarice being whetted by the glittering appearance which the Peruvians made at a diftance. This impatience made Pizarro fend a mel- fcnger to tiie Inca, with frelli afilirances of his friendly dilpofition, and notice that he waited his arrival. At length Atahualpa approached, preceded by four hundred men in an uniform drei's, adorned with plates of gold and filver, and great abundance of precious ftones. The Inca, fitting on a throne of burnifhed gold, adorned with plumes of various colours, was carried on die ihoulders of his principal attendants. Behind came fome great officers of his court, aifo car- ried in ftate. Several bands of fingers and dancers completed the cavalcade ; and the whole plain was covered with troops, to the amount of thirty thoufand men. By way of prelude to the horrid fcene that was to follow, as foon as the Inca entered the I'quare in which the Spaniards had taken up their quarters, and where they had polled their troops, father Vincenti Valverde, chaplain to the expedi- tion, advanced with a crucifix in one hand, and a breviary in tJie other, and in a long difcourfe explained to him the dodtrine of creation, the fall of man, the in- carnation, the futferings, and refurredion of Jcfus Chrift ; the appointment of St. Peter as God's vicegerent on earth ; the tranfmiffion of his apoflolic power by fucceflion to the popes, and the donation made to the king of Caftile by pope Alexander VI. of all the lands in the New World : in confequence of which he required Atahualpa to fubmit to Charles V. as his lawful fovercign, promifing, if he would inftantly comply with that requiCtion, embrace the Chriftian faith, and acknowledge the jurifdiiSfion of the pope, that the Catholic king would pro- teft his dominions, and permit him to continue in the exercile of his royal au- thority •, but if he fhould impoufly refufe to obey this iummons, he denounced war againft him in his mafter's name, and threatened him with the moft dreadful cfFeifts of his vengeance -f. A demand fo bold, after the ftrongeft aflfurances of friendfliip, filled Atahualpa with aftonilhment and indignation, while the account of its origin excited his contempt. He replied, however, with temper. " I lliould be glad," laid he, " to be a friend to the Spanifh monarch, who has fufficiently difplayed his power by fending armies into fuch diftant countries, but I difdain to be his * Xerez, p. 194. Herrera, dec. 111. lib. viii. c. 4. f Bcnzoni, Hift. Nov. Oi.b. iib.iii. c 3. Robsrtfon, HiA. Am^iica, book vi. 3 vaffal : T H E H I S T O R Y O F A M E R T C A. aye vaflal : I owe no tribute to any mortal prince, and know none luperior to my- CHAP. ^ Iir. kU. A foreign pricfl; can have no right to difpoie of my dominions. As to ^^"q''^^ '. chjnging my rcl:gion," added he, " it would be equally foolilh and impious in me, to^ abjure tiic worftiip received by my anceftors, until you have convinced me it is falle, and that yours, which you would have me adopt in its ftead, is true. You believe in a God that died upon a tree : I adore the Sun, who never dies." In regnrd to tlie creation, the fall of man, and other pardculars in the harangue of the fanatical monk, as he had never heard of them before, and did not now underlland them, he defired to know where his inflriidlor had learned things lo extraordinary. " In this book," replied Valverde, in an arrogant tone, prefenting his breviary to him. The Inca ftized it eagerly, examined it on all fides, 2nd turning ovtr the leaves, lifted it ro his ear : — " This," faid he, " tells me nothing ;" — and threw it on the ground with a difdainful fmile. The en- raged monk inftantly ran towards his countrymen, crying out with great vehe- mence, " Vengeance, my friends, vengeance I — Chriftians, do you not fee how the gofpcl is infuked ? — Kill thofe impious dogs, who trample under foot the law of God * !" Pizarro, who had with difficulty reftrained fo long the fury of his foldiers, eager to feize the fpoils and fhed the blood of the Infidels, now gave die fignal for executing the orders he had iffued. At once the cannon and mufkets fired, to the amazement and confufion of the Peruvians, who believed themlelves in perfeft i'afety ; the drums beat, the trumpets founded, and the cavalry, lallyincr out by three feveral ways, fell with impetuofity upon the unrefifring multitude, who thought of nothing but flight; while the infantry rufhed on with their fwords, and fpears, making terrible Daughter of the fugitives. Meantime the genera-.i, at the head of his chofen band, advanced direftly towards the Inca ; and after mafTacring the body of nobles, who furrounded the perfon of their fovereign, and who preffed forward with the mod heroic loyalty to protect him from the fharpnels of the Spanifh weapons, at the expence of their own lives, Pizarro penetrated to the royal feat, feized Atahualpa by the arm, dra^oed him to the ground, and carried him piiloner ro his quarters. The confternation of the Peruvians en this event was inexpreffible. Havint)' no longer any object to attradt their attention, or excite their zeal, they fled with precipitation towards every quarter ; while the Spaniards, with deliberate and unrelenting barbarity, continued to purfue and Daughter the wretched remains of a body of men, who had never once attempted any refiftance. The carnage did not ceafe till the clofe of day, and was accompanied with circumlhnces of pecu- liar atrocity. Father Valverde during the whole maffacre mingled with tiie fol- diers, animating them in the bloody bufinefs, and calling to them to ftrike the infidels, " not with the edges, but with the points or their fwords -Jr.'' Above four thoufand Peruvians were flain, without a fmgle Spaniard being fo much as v/ounded ; except Pizarro himfelf, who received a flight hurt in the hand from • Benzcni, Hill, Nov. Orb. lib. iii. c. 3. f Id. ibid, one 272 THEHISTORYOFAMERICA. BOOK I. one of his own foldiers, while ftruggling to feize the Inca. The booty ccllecl:ed, V'T^' ^ by the plunder of the field, was rich beyond any idea which an European of iliac age could form of the wealth of the greateft monarch ; and the Spaniards were fo much tranfported with the value of the acquifuion, and the greatncfs of their fuccefs, that, forgetting the tentiments natural to men who have unjullly, and un- provoked by any injury, flied the blood of their fpecies, they fpent the night in the moft extravagant tranfports of joy, accompanied with dancing, drunkennefs, and debauchery *. The Peruvians were at firft inconfolable, imagining their fovereign had been . Tlain ; but underftanding that he was only a prifoner, above five thoufand per- fons of diflindlion repaired to Caxair.alca, to attend him in his confinement, and bear a part in his sffliciion. Nothing could be more moving than the fidelity and attachment with which they attended the captive monarch, endeavouring to break the poignancy of his grief, and pour comfort into his wounded bolom. But all their conlolations were ineffedlual. Atahualpa felc the mifery of his con- dition, and funk into a dejection proportioned to the height of grandeur whence he had fallen, and the fuddcnnefs of the tranfition, which for foms time he could fcarccly believe to be real. Afraid of lofing all the advantages which he hoped to derive from the poflefTion of the Inca's perfon, Pizarro laboured to confole him with profeflions of friendfhip, and a refpedt that correfponded ill widi his actions. In the courfe of thefe interviews Atahualpa difcovered the ruling paffion of the Spaniards, and attempted to avail himfelf of it, in order to procure his liberty. He took occafion to treat of his ranfom, and .offered fuch a quantity of trea- fure as aftoniflied the Spaniards, even after all they had fcen of the weakh of Peru. The apartment in which he was confined was twenty-two feet in length, and fixteen in breadth : he undertook to fill it with veflcls of gold, as hig!; as he could reach. Pizarro clofcd eagerly with this tenjpting propofal ; and a line was drawn upon the walls of the chamber, in order to mark the ftipulatcd height to which the treafure was to rife f. Tranfported with having obtained fome profpedl of liberty, Atahualpa in- ftantlv took meafures for fulfilling his part of the agreement, by fending'officers to Cuzco, Quito, and other places where gold had been amalTcd in the greateft quantities, to bring what was necefiary for completing his ranfom immediately to Caxamalca. Every mandate iflued by the Inca, though in the hands of his enemies, was executed with the greateft alacrity. Soothed with the hopes of obtaining their fovereign's liberty, and afraid of endangering his life, the Peru- vians faw the palaces of their princes and the temples of their gods robbed of their moft valuable ornaments without murmuring, or once attempting to take vengeance upon the authors of fo many evils. The Spaniards remained unmo- lefted at Caxamalca, while fmall detachments of their number marched into the moft remote provinces, and entered the principal cities in the empire, without meeting with the Imalleft oppofition. On the contrary, they were every where • Benzoni, lib. iii. c. 3. -f RoberlfoD, Hill. Amenc. b. vi. received THEHTSTORYOFAMERICA, Z7J: received with marks of the mod fubmiffive refpeft by the natives, who not oniy CHAP. Vlll. honoured the Inca's paffport and commands, but confidered the Spaniards as the ^ d.^T^. meflifngers and minilters of fome powerful divinity that, for certain purpofes^ brought affliftion upon their Ibvereign *. Whilethe Spaniards were thus employed in coUeding the Inca's ranfom, intef- ligence was received, that Almagro was landed at St. Michael with a reinforce- ment of an hundred and fifty men. The arrival of this long expected fuccour, which enabled Pizarro to fend out more confiderable detachments than would , otherwife have been confident with his i'afety, was no lefs alarming to Atahualpa than agreeable to his oppreflbr. In proportion as the number of his enemies in- creafed, he concluded they would rife in their demands, and confequently that he would find more difficulty in obtaining his liberty. 'To augment thefe difquiet- ing apprehenfions he was informed that the Spaniards lent to Cuzco had vifited his brother Huafcar in his confinement, and that the captive prince had repre- sented his wrongs to them in the ftrongell light, and as an inducement to embrace his caufe, had promifed them a quantity of treafure vaftly fuperiorto what he had engaged to pay for his freedom. Seeing his deftrudion inevitable, if the Spaniards Hiould liften to this propolal, he determined to facrifice his brother's, life, in order to fave his own. But he durit not venture on fuch a meafure, be- fore he had founded the fentiments of Pizarro relative to it : he therefore took occafion to tell him, that his officers had unadvifedly killed Huafcar, a circum- ftance which gave him much uneafinefs. Pizarro anfwered very unconcernedly, that it was the fortune of war for fome to be killed, and others to be taken, and treated at the will of the conquerors. Satisfied with this reply, as far as it re- garded his brother, Atahualpa ordered him to be infi:antly difpatched ; and that, A. D. 15J3, like his other commands, was executed with fcrupulous punctuality f. Having efcaped this danger, Atahualpa fondly expefted to be foon reftored to- his liberty, as great part of the treafure ftipulatcd fof his ranfom was now amafled, and his fubjefts were daily bringing it in from different parts of his dominions, Pizarro was fenfible that the whole would be colledted in a fliorr time ; but either in compliance with the impatience.of his foldiers, whofe avarice was inflamed by feeing fuch heaps of gold continually expofed before their eyes, or in order that he might ftill have fome pretext for retaining the Inca in cuftody, he ordered all that was already received to be melted down, except fome pieces of curious workmanfliip, referved as a prefcnt for the emperor Charles. The next thing that occupied the general's attention was the divifion of tlie booty, and in regard to that he was a good deal embarrafled. The foldiers who had come with Almagro demanded an equal fhare in the Inca's ranfom, alledgingthat their arrival had forwarded the payment, and ftruck terror into the Peruvians, who otherwife might not have obeyed Atahualpa's commands. This requeft was confidered as un- reafonable ; but, in order to appeafe them, Pizarro declared that an hundred thou- fandpefos fhouldbe fet afide for their benefit. After deducting this fum, and the fifth * Zarate, lib. ii. c. 6. t Herrera, dec. III. lib. viii. c. 5. 14. 4 A due THE HISTORY OF AMERICA. due to the crown, there remained one million, five hundred and twenty-eiolu thoufand five hundred pefos, to Pizarro and his followers *. J'ht fcilival of St. James, the patron faint of Spain, was tlie day chofen for the divifion of this vaftfiim ; and the manner of conduding it fiirongly marks that ftrange alliance of religion and avarice, which forms fo ftrii : ..ins have mentioned a trivial cir- cumftance, which is fuppoied to have haftenea che fate of that unfortunate mo- jiarch. Atahualpa, during his confinement, had attached himfelf with particular .affedion to Ferdinand Pizarro and Hernando Soto, who being perfons of better fducation, and more polifhed manners than the rough and illiterate adventurers • Id. ibid. f Zarate, lib. ii. c. 7. Garcilaf. lib. i. c. 7. % Herrera, dec. III. Hb. viii. c. 6. 4 mtk i-jS T H E H I S T O R Y O F A M E R I C A. GHAP. Vill. with whom tliey ferved, treated him witli that refpedtful attention to which he' '"T''7y~~~~' was entitled by the hi"h ftation from which he had fallen. Flattered by this vo- liintary homage from perfons ot luch eminence, he deligiited in their Ibciety, and held frequent and familiar converf^tions with them -, but in tiic prefence of the general, who was of an auftere temper, he was uneaiy and overawed. The mind naturally defires to relieve itlcif from its painful feelings : Atahualpa's dread was foon mingled with contempt. Among all the European arts, he admired none fo much as the power of conveying ideas by writing •, and he had long deliber- ated with himfclf, whetiier he fhould regard it as a natural or acquired talent. In order to determine this point, he defired one of the foldiers who guarded him to write the name of God, which he had often heard mentioned, upon the nail of his thumb; then calling another foldier, he defired to know what thefe cha- raders meant, and was anfwered " God." He called a third foldier, and to his aftonifhment, received the fameanfwer; at length Pizarro entered ; and on put- ting the quetlion to him, he blufhed, and with fome confufion was obliged to acknowledge his ignorance. From that moment Atahualpa, whofe mind eagerly laid hold of this circumilance to emerge from that abafement in which it had been funk, confidered the general as a mean perfon, lefs enlightened than liis own foldiers. The fame feelings which led him to leize upon this circumftance, de- . prived him of the caution necelTary to conceal the fentiments with which the dif- covery infpired him. Mortified to be the objeft of a barbarian's fccrn, Pizarro determined fuddenly to remove the caufe of his uneafinefs, by a facrifice which policy and refentment now equally confpired to demand *. In order, however, to give fome colour of juftice to the violent aiSlIon which he intended to commit, and that he might not ftand fingly refponfible for ir, Pizarro refolved to try the Inca witli all the formalities obl'erved in the ciiminal courts of Spain. The general himfelf, and Almagro, with two affifiants were appointed judges, with full power to acquit or condemn : an attorney-peneral was feleded to carry on the profecution in the name of his Catholic majefi-y : counfellors were choiln to aiTift the prifoner in Jiis defence ■, and clerks were or- dained to record the proceedings of court. Before this ftrange tribunal, a charge ftill more extraordinary was exhibited. It confifted of various articles, many of which are truly abfurd and ludicrous : that Atahualpa, though a baftard, had difpoflefled the rightful owner of the throne, and iikirpcd the regal power ; that he had put his brother and lawful fovereign to death ; that he was an idolater, and that he not only permitted, but commanded the offering of human facri- fices ; that he had a great number of concubines ; that fincc his imprifonment he had levied taxes and tributes, and wafted the royal treafures, which now be- longed of right to the conquerors •, and, laftly, that he had endeavoured to ftir up faftions and rebellions againft the Spaniards, traitoroufiy inciting his fubjeiSbs to take up arms for his releafe. * Garcilaflb, lib. i. c. 33. Cn THE HISTORY OF AMERICA. 277 . On thefe heads of accuiation was the fovereign of a great empire tried by a CHAP. Vlil. fet of banditti who had invaded liis dominions. Witli refpedl to each of the ^''^^'7^ articles witnefies were examined : but as they delivered their evidence in the Peruvian dialeift, Philipillo had it in his power to give their words what turn beft fuited his malevolent intentions ; and as the judges were predetermined in their opinion, the evidence wasjudged fufficient. Atahualpa was pronounced guilty, and condemned to be burnt alive. In vain did the Inca objed, that his judges could take no legal cognizance of the death of liis brother; that the taxes which he had levied, and the wars which he had carried on, were nothing to the Spaniards ; and that as to the confpiracy mentioned in the impeachment, the accuiation was utterly falfe and groundlefs. He called heaven and earth to wit- nefs the integrity with which he had difcharged his engagements, and the perfidy of his accuiers, and defired that he might be fent over to Spain to take his trial before the emperor; but little regard was paid to his remonllrances : pity never touched the heart of Pizarro. The trial was laid for confirmation before Val- verde, who " warranted it to bejuft," and Atahualpa was inftantly led to exe- cution. To complete this fcene of iniquity, and add to the bitternefs of the laft moments of the unhappy fufferer, the fame perfon who had juft ratified his doom, and was the chief inllrument of all his misfortunes in one world, offered to open to him the gates of another, by converting him to the Chriftian faith. The moft powerful argument which Valverde ufed was a promife to mitigate the punifliment : the dread of death extorted from the trembling vidim a defire of receiving baptifm : the ceremony was performed by the accurfed hands of the exulting monk ; and Atahualpa, inftead of being burnt, was ftrangled at the ftake * ! CHAP. IX. Continuation of the Prcgre/s of the Spanifh j^rms in Peru and the neighbouring Countries, from the Execution of Atahualpa to the Murder of Pizarro. TH E death of Atahualpa, as Pizarro had forefeeft, threw the Peruvian government into the utmoft diforder. Ambitious men in different parts of the empire afpired to independent authority, and ufurped jurifdidtion to which they had no right ; while the people, in feveral provinces, as if fet free from the reltraints of law, broke out into the wildeft exceffes. The very frame of the conftitution feemed to be diffolved, and the Spaniards flattered themfelves, that they fhould meet with no farther refiftance in eftablifhing their unjuft dominion. But fymptoms of returning union foon began to appear. The people of Cuzco, ♦ Za.ate, lib. ii. c. 7. Garcilaflb, lib. i. c. 36, 37. Herrera, dec. III. lib. viii. c. 6. 15. 4 B and r - THE HISTORY OF AMERICA. and the adjacent country, prcclaimcd as Inca, Manco Capac, the legitimate brother of their late fovereign Hualcar, and determined to fupport him with the laft drop of their blood agaiiift the machinations and violences of their invaders. Pizarro faw the florm tliat was gathering, and took tlie moft efildual meafure for diverting its force. He invefted Toparpa, one of the fons of Atahualpa, vvich the enfigns of royalty, and caufed all public bufinefs to be tranfaded in his name. Tirc next ftep necefFary to inUire his own iuccefs, and counteraft the defigns of his enemies, was to gain poflcfRon of the capital, and luppnefs the oppofite faflion, before it had gathered iufficient ftrength to maintain the relolu- lions it had taken. He accordingly fet out from Caxamalca, attrnded by the new Inca, after having fpent fcven months in that city j during which time he had received fuch confiderable reinforcements, that he could now venture to penetrate into the interior part of the country. The fame of Atahualpa's ranibm had operated as he foretold. No I'ooner did the ibldiers, to whom he had given their difcharge, reach Panama, and difplay their riches to the view of tlieir aftoniflied countrymen, than adventurers crowded from that and all the ncigl^.bourino- fet- tlements to Peru •, and Pizarro began his march towards Cuzco at the head of five hundred men, after leaving a confiderable garrifon ia St. Michael, under the command of Benalcazar *. The Peruvians had afTtrrnbled large bodies of troops, in order to oppofe the progrefs of the Spaniards-, and when Pizarro approached near tlie valley of Xaiixa, advice was brought that a party of the enemy had occupied the paflcs, and feemed refolvcd to difpute his march. Advancing a few miles farther, the plain was feen covered with the Peruvian army -, a fight rather formidable to the Spaniards, who confifted either of frefh levied troops, or men who had for many months been funk in voluptuous tranquillity, and were now fatigued with their journey, and the prodigious rains whicli had lately fallen. Almagro led the van : he approached fo near as to hear the enemy's revilings ; when giving way to his indignation, he attacked them with great impetuofity, after having pafled a rapid river, in defiance of all oppofition. Nothing could withftand the Spanifli cavalry : the Peruvians were confounded, broken, and defeated, before the rear could come to fupport the main body. They loft great numbers in the fliohc, and left behind a confiderable quantity of gold and other booty f. In this valley, which he found to be large, fertile, and populous, Pizarro attempted to found a colony, which, notwithftanding all thole advantages, was not per- manent. While the general was thus employed,. Soto was detached with fixty horfe, to make the bcft of his way to Cuzco -, to clear the road for the remainder of the army, and difcover the motions of the Peruvians. This oflicer, however, was icon convinced of the danger of the fervice to which he was appointed. Having received intelligence that a large body of the enemy had fortified themfelves at • Uerrera, dec. III. lib. viii. c, 6, f Heirera, dec. HI. lib. ix. c. 4. Curabayo, THEHISTORY OF AMERICA. 279 Curabayo, with a refolution to defend that pafs, he became diffident of his own CHAP. IX. ftrength, and fent notice of his fituation to Fizarro, defiring that the Inca nnight j^ ^ ^^^^^ join him, as the prelcnce or that prince might polnbly lecure the purpole of vidtory without the hazard : but Toparpa fell fick about this time, and died ; a cir- cumftance which very much troubled Pizarro, as it deprived him of all hope of fubjecting the Peruvians to the crown of Spain, under colour of fupporting the lawful fovereio-n *. Soto was now obliged to place his dependence entirely on his own conduft and the valour of his troops. The Peruvians had cut down a bridge over an exceeding , rapid river, that divided them from the Spaniards : to ford it in -the face of the ■ enemy fcemed imprafticable -, but Soto, without regarding tiae violence of the . ftream, plunged in with his body of cavalry, and gained the oppofite bank in fpite of every obftrudtion. The Peruvians betook themftlves to a precipitant flight, and Soto continued the purfuit, notwithftanding his orders to advance llowly ; faying, it would be folly and cowardice to adhere fo literally to order, as to negled; feizing an important advantage which could not be forefcen when the orders were ifTued. He accordingly purfued his march along the great road of Chinahayfo to the mountain of Beleacongo, feven leagues from Cuzco. Here that body of t!ie enemy which he had formerly engaged, refolved to make a laft effort ; having- fortified a difficult pafs, and taken every meafure that feemed necefTary to ob- ftruft the progrels of the Spaniards, or cut them off. It was fbameful, they faid, to fuffer themielves to be driven like a herd of deer, before fixty ftrangers, whofe hopes of fuccefs werechiefly founded on thepufillanimityof theirantagonifls. The prefent opportunity was favourable : they ought to ftrike the blow, while the Spanifh horfe were unable to a(5t on account of the ruggednefs of the country. Soto could at tliis time have no reliance on receiving affiftance from Pizarro, who was employed in reducing the Yuanas and Yoyas ; he therefore repofed his hopes folely in the vigour and celerity of his motions, deeming it not impoffible to repulfe the enemy, by attacking them before they had completed their works, or werejoined by frefh troops. His refolution, however, was ftaggered as he ad- vanced. The whole face of the mountain feemed covered with armed men, and vinexpefted difficulties occurred with regard to the nature of the pafs. As a far- ther difcouragement, the Peruvians began to pour in their darts and aiTOws upon the Spaniards with more regularity than ufual. This produced murmurs and dilcontents among the foldiers. But Soto, at once to quiet thefe, told them. That it was now neceffary to conquer or die : the numbers of the enemy cut off all poffibility of retreating, without being expofed to the moil imminent danger,' accompanied with difgrace ; and if they hefitated a moment, the fame difficulty would attend their advancing, new levies being continually joining the Peruvian army. One viftory more, he faid, would remove every obfl:acle ; and the fame valour which had hitherto proved invincible would now alfo infure fuccefs, if they would exert it as became true Caftilians. This fpcech infufed new life and • Id. ibid. fpirii: 28o T H£ H I S T O R Y O F A M E R I C A. fpii'it into the troops : they advanced up the hill with undaunted refolution, amid fliowers of the enemy's weapons •, cut their way through the narrow pais-, and at laft reached the fummit of the mountain, in fpite of all oppofuion. Five foldiers and two horfes were killed in the attack, and eleven men and fourteen horfes wounded *. This lofs was confiderable, out of fo fmall a body of men, yet w^ould it have been a cheap price for vicflory, had it been complete. But the Peruvians ftill maintained their ground -, and Soto mufl: have been under the necefllty of renew- ing the combat next morning, had not Almagro feaionably arrived with a rein- forcement. Dejefled at feeing the number of their enemies augmented at a time when they were preparing for fignal vengeance, and hoped to deftroy them to a man, the Peruvians made but a feeble refi (lance againft the united forces of the two commanders. Pizarro foon after joined them, and the whole Spanilli army inarched without further oppofuion to Cuzco, of which they took quiet poflVfTion. The booty found in that capital, after all that the natives had carried off and con- cealed, exceeded in value what had been received as Atahualpa's raalbm. But as the Spaniards were now more accuftomed to the wealth of the country, it did not excite the fame furprife. It was not, howevtr, collefted with lefs avidity. The Spanifh foldiers immediately fet to work in ftripping the gold and fil ver from the walls of the temples, in digging up the vefiels of the fame precious metals concealed in the graves, or buried with the dead, and in plundering the fhruics of the idols f. Pizarro no fooner found himfelf in pofTeflion of the capital of Peru, than he prudently invited the people to return to their dwellings. Many accepted of the invitation ; and even the Inca, Manco Capac, refolved to vifit Pizarro in perfon, and acknowledge the fovereignty of his Catholic majefty, on condition that nei- ther he nor his fubjeds fliould, for the future, be molefted in their perfons or pro- perties. Againft this meafure his council ftrongly remonftrated, admonifhing him not to confide in the treacherous Spaniards, who had cruelly put his brother to death, in breach of the moft iblemn engagements. They could not, however, divert him from his purpofe, as he undcrftood Pizarro had declared him the right- ful heir of the monarchy. " Can we imagine," faid he, " that the Spaniards will divert us of our lawful inheritance, who never did them any injury -, who, inltead of oppofing their entrance, adtually refigned every thing upon their fummons.'' — Let us go in a peaceable manner •, for if we are armed, they will fufpeft our in- tentions are hoftile, and will make that a pretext for refufing our juft demand. Avarice lays hold of the flighteft occafion to gratify its rapacity. Inftead of our arms, let us carry fuch prefents with us, as may ferve to win the affections of covetous men, and pacify the difpleafure of offended gods : let us colled all the gold, and filver, and precious ftones in our power, and by this offering of our wealth take away tlie temptation to injuftice and oppreffion. * Herrera, d«c. III. lib. ix. c. 4. f Gomara, c. 123. THE -HISTORY OF A M ERICA. «8i '"■ It is true, the ancientpower of our kings is fallen, but fiill let us maintain their integrity, honour, and prudence; and if this fliall not prevail with the Spaniards to rdcorc to us our empire, vvc may then ablblutcly conclude, that the prophecy of the Inca,_our father and predeceflbr, is accompliflied ; that our mo- narchy is to be t ran fl J ted to flrangers, our pol.tical government dcftroyed, and our reign aboiifhed. If the Pachacama has ordered thefe things, what have \vc to do but to fubmit ?— Let the Spaniards a(^ as they pleafe, it becomes us to purfue the maxims of reafon and juflice *." This fpeech was pronounced with great pnf-hos and energy, and drew tears from the whole afiembly. The Peruvian nobles lamented tiie approaching de- ftrudtion of the empire, but prepared to obey their prince, by providing every thing neceflary for his journey. When all things were in readinefs, he fcc out for CuzcQ, attended by a great number of vaffals, officers of his army, great lords of his houfliold, and other dependents. His courtiers advifed that he might be carried in the flate- chair, Vviiich was made of pure gold, and wear on his temples the coloured wreath, peculiar to the Incas ; but he replied, that thefe badges of royalty ill became a petitioner, and therefore defired to be carried on a common litter. He was met by the Spaniards, who had information of his defign, at fomediftance from the city. Pizarro received him v/ith the ftrongefl marks of refpei5t and reverence, and caufed him to be crowned, and invelled with the imperial enfigns, in the Caflbna or royal palace, with all the folemnity and ceremonies obferved by tire Peruvians on the inauguration of their fove- •reigns. A treaty favourable to both parties was concluded, the articles of which need not here be fpecified, as it was foon broken and difregarded. Thefe pacific meafures were purfued, becaufe it was known, that forces were affem- 'bling both in the fouthern and northern provinces, under the genera's Yrruminavi and Qiiizquiz ; and alfo, becaufe Pizarro had formed a plan of fettling colonies and founding cities upon the coafl:, which he could not execute until the public com- motions were fubfided. The latter of thefe generals, incenfed at tlie concefTions -made by the Inca, and the power afiumcd by a few hundreds of flrangers in the centre of the empire, and in the very heart of the capital, collected a great ■army, in hopes ot expelling them from Peru, and of recovering the an- cient dignity and independency of the monarchy. He harangued his people with great vehemence; laid before them the fhameful ufurpation of the Spaniards; the dilgraceful timidity of the Inca; the danger that threatened their religion, laws, lives and properties ; die dreadful carnage already made by the Spaniards ; their infatiable avarice and rapacity, with every other circumftance that could roufe, inflame, or animate men in fuch a fituation. When he found he had ex- cited a fpirit of revenge among liis followers, he advanced with a refolution to attack Cuzco. Pizarro and Almagro, having information of his dcfigns, marched out to meet him at the h.ead of a feleft body of horfe and foot. Thev came up with the enemy at the bridge of Aparima ; and by the vigour of their » Garcilaflb, lib. ii. ""15. 4 C fir[l 2S2 T H E H 1 S T O R Y O F A M E R I G A. firfb charge put the Peruvians in confufion : t'lcy were n^-ver afcer able to rally,. biiC were flaiightertd in heaps, alniolt without rc(iftan;:e. Soto continued the purfuit as far asPrilcus, while Pizarro returned triumphant to Cuzco, in full ex- pedation that the enemy would not venture a fecond time to difpute the capital with the Spaniards, without the authority of tlie Inca. But' in that he was miftaken. Quizquiz was dilconcerted, but not difcouraged by his defeat: he I'uddcnly afTembled a new army, and again advanced towards Cuzco, in hopes of furprifing the Spaniards ; but Pizarro having intelligence of his approach, en- tirely dilconcerted his meafures. He drew out his troops into the nciehbourincr plain, wlicre the cavalry might have room to acb in conjunfl:ion with the foon, Another battle was fought with the lame fortune. Qiiizquiz defifted from his purpofe, and Pizarro had leifure to purfue his defign of founding colonics on the lea coaft ". While thefe things were tranfading in Cuzco and its neighbourhood, Benal^ cazar, governor of St. Michael was not idle. Having received from Panama and Nicaragua a confidcrable body of recruits, allured by tlie fame of the im- menic wealth of Peru, and being naturally of a warlike and enterprifing tempe."-, he relolved to profit by his ftrength; to enlarge his flock of riches by frclh acquifitions ; to rival the glory of other commanders •, and by ftriking fome blow, equally important and unexpected, to have his name diftinguifhed among the conquerors of the New World. Tlie reduf^ion of Quito, where, according to the report of the natives, Atahualpa had left the greater part of his treafurc, was the cnterprife on which Bcnalcazar had fet his heart; and he contrived matters with fo much addrcfs, that the council of St. Michael propoled, that he fliould under^ take the expedition. He was not long in co.T,plying with the inclinations of the magiftratcs. Leaving a fufficient force to protect the infant fettlement, he placed himi'elf at the head of an hundred and forty horfe and foot, well armed, and marched towards Carrachabamba, one of the interior provinces. Before he reached Zeropalta, he fuffered incredible hardfhips. The news of his pro"rels foon reached Quito ; on which it is iuppofed that the inhabitants took mealures to conceal their wealth, in order to difappoint the Spaniards, whofe avarice they dctefted. They alfo aflembled forces to oppofe their progrcfs, under Yrrumi. navi, one of the imperial generals, who reprefented in the ftrongeft light the dan- ger that threatened them. The firfl ftcp taken by this commander was to difpatch a body of troops to watch the motions of the Spaniards, in the neighbourhood of Zeropalta. With- out knowing any thi.ng of this m.iuer Benalcazar was advancing with thirty horfe towards Tombebamba, when he met the Peruvian detachment on the road, and obliged it to retire with precipitation to the main body. Benalcazar redded eight days at Tombebamba, in the courlc of which he received ambanadorsfrom the peo- ple of the provinces called Canaries, defiring an alliance with the Spaniards, in order to revenge the cruelties committed by tlie friends of Atahualpa, in their • Herre.'s, dec. JV. lib. i. c. 3, 4. country, THE HISTORY OF AMERICA. 283 country, during the late civil commotions. Their requell was readily granted, CHAP. IX, and Benalcazar exhorted them to raife forces immediately, in order to affift in the afr^^'^T"' defigns formed againfl: Qiiito Advice of thefe particulars was foon carried to that city •, where, after conluking their oracles, offering facrifices, and praying to be delivered from perpetual flavery and deftrudion, it was agreed in council, by the commanders and priefts, to raife an army of fifty thoufand men, and vigor- oufly to oppofe the enemy. Meanwhile Benalcazar was no lefs diligent and active. He detached Ruyz de Diaz with a party of horfe to gain information of die country, and recon- noitre the enemy's difpofition. This party was foon attacked, and furrounded by a body ©f the enemy placed in ambufli by Yrruminavi. The Spaniards fought with great refolution, and made dreadful carnage •, but they mull at laft have iunk under the weight of fuperior numbers, had not one of the foldiers, by an extraordinary effort, broke through the Peruvians, and carried advice to Benalcazar of the danger of Diaz and his detachment. Leaving a fmall body for the defence of his quarters, Benalcazar haftened to the affiftance of diis brave oflicer, whom he found gallantly fighting amid heaps of flaughtered Peruvians. But the enemy were neither difcouraged by their lofs, nor by the arrival of Benal- cazar : on the contrary, their fury was exalted ; they redoubled their exertions, and appeared determined to perifh or to conquer. Fatigue and the approach of evening, however, obliged the combatants at lafl; to feparate, as if by mutual confent -, the Peruvians all the while denouncing vengeance, and boafting that the Spaniards would find a different kind of refinance in their approaches to Quito, from what they had met with at Caxamalca. Benalcazar, who, in this battle, had afled the part of an able commander as well as of a brave foldier, fpent part of the night in refrefhing his troops, while the enemy were employed in making fuch fortifications as they thought would be fufTicient to enable them to refift the power of die Spaniards. Of this Benalcazar had notice ; and as the obflinate courage which the Peruvians had fhewn in the late engagement left him little hope that he fliould be able to force their entrenchments, he refoLved to try the effcfts of policy, and while the dark- nefs of night concealed his motions, to take the route of Chima and Turbas. An Indian offered to be his guide, and to condud him by a fafe road, through which he fhouid entirely elude the enemy ; but fcarce had he marched a league, when he was overtaken, and attacked in the rear by the whole bodyof the Peruvian army. At the fan-re time Yrruminavi had detached a body of men to occupy the paffes, and dig pits, which he ordered to be covered with grafs, as traps for the cavalry. The aftion was fuflained in the rear by thirty horfe, while Benalcazar, with the reft of the troops, flruggled hard to gain a neighbouring eminence. This he accomplifhcd after much difficulty, and then fent afTiflance to the cavalry in the rear. There the battle raged for fome time •, but at length the enemy, concludincr that the pits ordered to be dug were finilhed, drew off, and wheeled with oreax velocirv to the front. The ccnfequences of this flratagem muff have proved very fatal to the Spaniards, had it not been dilcovered by a deiercer to Benal- cazar, 5 THE HISTORY OF AMERICA. cnzar, vvlio immediately refolved to quit the dircfl road, and purfue his marcli over the top of fome deep hills. When the Peruvians obferved this movement, they were much difpirited and (lifconcerted, not doubting but the Spaniard3 were protected by fome divinity, who revealed all the ftratagcms contrived againft them. They infifted that their general iliould make immediate propofals of peace ; but Yrruniinavi laboured to convince them, that it was better to perifli, like brave men, with their fwords in their hands, than to become the fiavifli dependents, on an infolent, cruel, and rapacious enemy, who paid no regard to the moft folemn engagements, but wantonly violated the rights of religion, the faith of treaties, and the ties of humanity. 1 heir refentment was again rcufed by his eloquence, and they marched in purfuit of the Spaniards •, but Benalcazar arrived fafe at the {lately palace of Riobamba, before the enemy came up \sidi him. Thence he fallied out with thirty horfe, and obliged the Peruvians to fly for fhelter to tiie moun. tains. They again, however, came down at the pcrfuafion of their general, and feemed determined to difpute every inch of the road to Qiiito. After refting twelve dr.ys at Riobamba, Benalcazar refumed his march, and was joined in a (hort time by a body of his new aUies the Canaries, who con- gratulated him very cordially on his late victories, and affured him of their en- deavours to render the ifiiie of the expedition as fortunate as the beginning. They were averfe to all pacific oveitures •, but the Spanifli general, that he mioht have nothing to reproach himfelf with, in cafe of any untoward accident, made very equitable propofals to tlie Peruvians. They were rejected, however, with fcorn, by Yrruminavi, who now occupied the banks of a river over which the Spaniards had to pafs. From that poll he was driven with great flaui-^hter. But the Spaniards, though always fuccebful, were exhaufted with continual fighting: Benalcazar, therefore, fent an Indian with a crofs in his hand to en- deavour to procure a ceflation of holfilities. Many of the Peruvians were ready to embrace the overture, when Yrruminavi again interpofed, and by liis inflammatory eloquence revived the dying fparks of refentment and vengeance. They all refolved to die rather than fubmit to the Spaniards : they honoured their leader \ntb the title of Atundapo, or great lord -, and in the firft; tranfports of their fury, they murdered the meflenger, and broke in pieces the crofs *. The Peruvians to a man were now bent on oppofing the advances of tlie Spaniards to Qiiito. They made perpetual attacks, and kept Benalcazar in alarm night and day, though they were nor able to obllrutft his proorels till he came to a pafs near that city, which they had fortified with all the llcill they pofrellcd in the military art. Several deep trenches had there been ducr, and divers little baftions filled with archers, were ere(2:ed ; but the hope of poflcflincr tlie immenfe riches, faid to be contained in the capital of the province, fo in- flamed the minds of the Spaniards, that they pulhcd tlie attack with more than human valour •, carried all the works at the firll aflault, and obliged the enemy • Herrera, dec. III. lib. x. c. 5. to T H E H I S T O R Y O F A M E R I C A. 285 to take flielter in Quito. Convinced that he could not maintain his ground in that ciiy, Yrruminavi ulcd his utmoft influence with the inhabitants to retire to the mountains, and there watch the firft favourable opportunity of attacking the enemy, when lulled in fecurity and intoxicated with profperity. They in general obeyed his advice : three hundred families, however, having refolved to rely on the humanity of the conquerors, fo great was his detellation of the Spaniards, and his dread that his countrymen might be induced to fubmit to their yoke, that he ordered all thofe innocent people to be maflacred, and their houfes levelled with the ground ! - In confequence of this retreat, Benalcazar was permitted to enter Qj-iito without oppofition, with his vidorious army. But there, to the inexpref- fible grief and dilappointment of the foldiers, after all the dangers and fatigues they had undergone, none of the vaft trcafure of which fame had fpoke fo loudly was to be found -, and on the ftriftcft inquiry among the natives, no other anfwer could be obtained, but that Yrruminavi had concealed it in fome place unknown to them, and that great riches were carried off by the families who had fled to the mountains *. But Benalcazar's expedition was by no means void of advantage, though he was difappointed in regard to its principal objedt. It broke the power of the Peruvians in a quarter where it was mofl; formidable, and efliablilhed the jurif- di<5tion of Pizarro over a province where it would otherwife have been difputed by a dangerous invader, alio allured by the fame of the treafures of Qiiito. Pedro de Alvarado, who had difl;inguifhed himfelf fo eminently in the conquefi: of Mexico, and who had obtained the government of Guatimala as a reward for his fervices, was induced by the report of the inexhauflible wealth of Peru to equip an armament for invading that empire, contrary to the exprefs privileges granted to Pizarro and Almagro, He had with regret beheld himfelf fecond to Cortez in the former expedition ; but he hoped to render himfelf equal, if not fuperior to Pizarro in the fecond : and to his own experience in the art of war he joined the aflifliance of fome of the beft officers and mioft approved foldiers of the age. The purpofe of»the expedition, and the high reputation of the com- mander, made volunteers refort to his Uandard from every quarter. He em- barked with five hundred men, of whom upwards of two hundred were of fuch difl^indion as to ferve on horieback, and after failing thirty days, arrived off Cape St. Francis, when perceiving his foldiers fickly, and the horfes afiiided with fuch difeafes as would render them unfit for fervice, he landed in the bay of Caraques, harangued his troops, nominated his officers, and fent the provifions by fea to Puerto Viejo, while the army marched thither by land ; the pilot be- ing ordered, at the fame time, to fail along the coafl: of Peru, to the extremity of Pizarro's government, to make the neceflary charts, obferve the foundings and harbours, and fet up marks of taking formal poflieffion of the country f. From this circumftance it fhould feem, that Alvarado had no dired purpofe of invading the jurifdidion of Pizarro •, but the exaggerated accounts v.hich he re- * Herrera, dec. IV. lib. i. c. 3. Zarate, lib. ii. c. 9. ' f Herrera, dec. IV. lib. i. c. 1. 15. 4 D ceived 2^ THEHISTORYOF AMERICA. received at Puerto Viejo of the incredible wtalth of Qiiito fo much inflamed the avarice of his troops, that he was obliged to undertake an expedition againlT: that city, in order to gratify them. He accordingly attempted to march imme- diately thither by following the courfe of the river Quayquil, ami croffino- the ridge of the Andes towards its head. But in this tedious and perilous route, one of the mod impracticable in all America, his ttoops fufttrcd fo much from famine and fatigue, that great part of them perifhed, before he reached the plain of Qiiito ; and there to his aftonifhment, he met a body, not of Indians but of Spaniards, drawn up in hoUile array againft him. Pizarro having received intelligence of Alvarado's armament, and its deftina- tion, had detached Almagro with a confiderable force to oppofe this formidable invader of his jurifdiftion. iMmagro was joined by Benalcazar and his victori- ous party, before the arrival of Alvarado ; who, difcouraged by the hardfliips he had already luftained, and fenfible of the danger to which he was expofed, in the prefent exhaufled Hate of his troops, was perfuaded to liften to terms of ac- A. D. 1534. commodation. It was accordingly ftipulated, at an interview with Almagro in Riobamba, that Alvarado fhould leave fuch of his men as chofe to remain in Peru, and return to his own government, on receiving an hundred thoufand nefoes to defray the txpence of his armament *. The greater part of his troops en-» tered into the fervice of Pizarro ; who was thus ftrengthened, by an invafion which threatened his ruin. Soon after this fonunate event, advice was received of the fafe arrival, and fuccefsful negociation of Ferdinand Pizarro, in Spain. The immenfe quantity of treafure w^hich he imported, filled not only that kingdom, but all Europe with aftonifhment. He was received by the emperor with the attention due to the bearer of a prefent fo rich as to exceed any idea that the Spanifh court had yet formed concerning the wealth of the New World. His brother Francis was created Marquis of Atabilos •, his authority, as governor of Peru, was con- firmed, with new powers and privileges, and the addition of fcventy kaeues, ex- tending along the coafl to the fouthward of the territory granted in his former patent. On Almagro was bellowed the title of Adclantado, with jurildidtion over two hundred leagues of country, under the name of New Toledo, ftretchino be- yord the fouth.rn limits of the province allotted to Pizarro, then called New Caftile. Ferdinand himfelf was admitted into the miUrary order of St. Ja^o • was univerfally careffed ; and many perfons of diftinclion prepared to accom- pany him to Peru, inftead of engaging in the wars of Italy, where nothing was to be earned but honours -{-. On receiving intelligence that he had obtained the royal grant of an indepen^ dent government, Almagro attempted to make himfelf mailer of Cuzco from a ptrfuafion that it lay within his boundaries. Juan and Gonzalo Pizarro pre- pared to oppofe him : both parties were fupported by powerful adherents, and * Id. ibid. Zarate, lib. ii. c. 10. -^ Hcrrera, d«c. IV. lib. i. c. 5. Zarate, lib. iii. c. 3. thi THE HISTORY OF AMERICA. the difputc was on the point of being terminated by the Iword, when the general himlHl: arrived in the capital. This fortunate circumftance prevented, at that titn::', an open rupture. By a judicious mixture of iirmnefs and flfxibilitv, which he manifefted in his remonftrances with Almagro and his partizans, Pizarro made llich an imprefTion on their minds as brought about a frcfli reconciliation. All the articles m their original contradt were confirmed with the fame lacred folem- nities as formerly v and it was agreed that- Almagro fliould attempt the conqueft of Chili, which affbredly lay within his grant, and was fuppoi'ed to be a country iK> kfs rich than Peru. As foon as diis diipute was fettled Pizarro marched back to the countries on the fea coaft, and as every thing was now in tranquillity, he applied himielf with that prrfevering ardour which dillinguiOies his character, to introduce a form of regu- lar government into the extenfive provinces i'ubjecl to his jurii'diclion. He dif- tributed the counrry into various diftridfs : he appointed proper magiftratcs to prefide in each ; anJ ill qualified as he may feera by his education or habits of life for fuch a tafl<, he eftabiiliied manv judicious regulations concerning the admi- niftration of juftice, the collcftion of the royal revenue, the working of the mines, and the treatment of the Indians. He alfo founded the city of Lima, which he de- ftined to be the capital of his government, on the banks of a imall river, that runs through a valley of the fame name with the fettlement, fix miles diffant from Calloa, the moft commodious harbour in the South Sea; and under his infpedion, the buildings advanced with fuch rapidity, that Lima foon aflumed the form of a city, and ga\se even in its infancy fome prefages of its future grandeur f. While Piznrro was thus employed, Almagro was profecuting his expedition to Chili, Before he fet out, he dcfired the Inca to appoint two Peruvians of diftinc- tion to acco.mpany him, in order to dilpofe the minds of the natives for the re- ception of the Spanifh forces. In confequence of this requeft, Manco Capac ordered his brother Topa, and the high prieft Vilehoma to execute that commif- fion ; perfons whofe exalted dignity would not only give them confequence with the Indians, but whott abfcnce from Cuzco would remove all grounds of jealoufy from the Spaniards, the high priefi: being of an intriguing and turbulent difpofition, Almagro, whofe courage and liberality endeared him to the folJiers was attended in this expedition by five hundred and feventy Spaniards, and a great number of Indians, both for burden and war. That all his followers might be properly furnilhed with neceflaries, he lent them what money they re- quired, i.ikirrg only their notes for the repayment of it out of the booty which fhould be acquired by the enterprife. During a tedious march of two hundred leagues, he was well accommodated by the natives, who paid the greateft ref>-ard to the Inca's command, and fupplied the fokiiers with abundance of provifions- but on reaching the barren country of Charcas, fatigue and hunger produced difcon- tents among the troops, which determined Almagro to proceed immediately to Chili. The auxiliary Indians in his army remonftrated on the danger and dif- A. D. i^^,;. i Herrera, dec. IV. lib. ii. c. i. Robertfon, Hift. Amer, b. vi. ficulcj '^s8« THE HISTORY OF AMERICA. BOOK I. ficulty of the dcfign ; acquainting him, that the journey muft be purfued either , n^^'T^ over the high mountains of the Andes, which at that leafon were covered with fnow, and fo intcnfely cold that no Indian could fupport the rigour of the cli- mate, or through a fandy defert along the coaft, where the excciTive heat of the lun beams, rcfltdled from the fand, and the want of water would hazard the en- tire deftruclion of the army. Thefe difficul Jes, however, were not lufficicnt to check the ardour of Almagro, inflamed by the exaggerated accounts of the riches of the country he was preparing to invade. He chofc to climb the Andes, as a fhorter route, and more agreeable to the conftitution of his Spanifh troops •, but he was foon convinced of the raflinel's of the attempt. The cold was fo intenfe, that the greater part of the Indians, and one hundred and fifty Spaniards periflied in thofc dreadful mountains, and many of the furvivors loft the ule of their fingers and toes. At laft the adelantado with the remainder of his army, having conquered every diffi'ulty which ccld, fatigue, and famine could throw in their way, readied the fertile plains of Chili, where they v.'ere hofpitably entertained by the benevolent natives, and forgot their paft mileries in the hopes of pillaging their benefactors. During his ftay in this terreftrial paradife, Almagro received fo many rich prefents as induced him to cancel the notes of his foldiers, and confirmed all the accounts he had received of the wealth of the country. He congratulated himfelf on the valuable grant made to him by the court, and determined immediately to fubdue the provinces of Purrumanca, Antielli, Pinca, Conqui, and other in- terior countries, which did not acknowledge the authority of the Inca. With this view, he recommended to prince 'i'opa, to aflemble as many Indians as pof- fible, in order to fupport the Spaniards, and with the united forces he advanced towards the fouthern extremity of Chili. In his march, he had feveral fliarp encounters with the natives, whom he tound very different from the people of Peru, both in their fpirit and bodily conftitution. Intrepid, hardy, and inde- pendent, they difputed every inch of ground with obftinacy, and advanced to the attack with more determined fiercenefs, than the Spaniards had hitherto difcovered in any American nation. Almagro, however, continued to penetrate into tiie country, and had fubdued feveral provinces, when his thoughts were fuddenly turned towards another quarter. Ferdinand Pizarro was by this time returned to Peru, and an officer who arrived with a reinforcem.ent to Almagro, brought him the emperor's commifTioa Ji., D. 1536. appointing him governor of New Toledo, and defining the limits of his jurifdic- tion. By that commifTion it appeared inconteftible, that Cuzcolay within the limits of the adelantado's government. On this difcovery, fo propitious to his wifhe?, and which confirmed the juftice of his former claim, Almagro refolved, by the advice of his officers, to return immediately to Perq, and wrcft the leat of his power out of the hands of the Pizarros, hoping that the fouthern provinces would fubmit when once lie ihould be in polVcfTion-of the capital. As the foldiers had not yet forgot their fufferings, from cold and famine, on the fummits of the Andes, he now determined to march through the fandy plains along the coalt, where he 3 hardly THE HISTORY OF AMERICA. 289 hardly fuffered lefs from heat and droughr, calamities of a difFerent kind, not- CHAP. IX. withftanding all his attention to provide a iupply of water, by ordering it to be a'''tP''~^ carried in leather bottles on the backs of thi- Indian?. No iboner had he palTcd ' ' * the dclarr, than he received intelligence which made him haften his march, and convinced him of the propriety of the mcafure he had taken : he was informed that the Peruvians were in arms, from one end of the empire to the other, and that they were on the point of recovering poflcfTion of Ciizco, which the Inca had long befieged, at the head of a large body of his beft troops *. A variety of caufes contributed to roiife the Peruvians to an attempt ro free themlelves from the yoke of their oppreifors. The chiet of thefe was tiie dila- torinefs of Pizarro to execute the articles of agreement with the Inca, to reinlhite him in his throne and authority. On this head Manco Capac made frequent remonftrances, but was always amufed with frcfli excufes and pretexts. He had Jufficient penetration to dive into the bottom of fuch conduft ; and perceivina that the Spaniards not only evaded the performance of their engagements, but that he would be detained a prifoner, in cafe he refufed fubmifTion to whatever Pizarro thought fit topropofe, he difiembled his refentment, and waited patiently for an opportunity to make his efcape, and roufe his fubjeifls to arms. After feveral unfucefsful attempts for this purpofe, the avarice of the Spaniards enabled him - to complete his defign. , Ferdinand Pizarro, during his negociation in Spain, had promifed the em- peror a large remittance from Peru, befides all the treafure he had carried, in return for the honours and grants conferred upon his family. The eenerai however, was of opinion, that he had already fufficiently paid for all the im- perial favours, and that he and his foldiers were juftly entitled to the remaininfw ■wealth, as the reward of their toils and fufferings : he therefore told his brother,; when informed of his promife to the emperor, that he had conqured Peru at his own expence, without any affiftance from the court ; that he had already remitted a vaft fum of money ; that Peru was now drained of its fuperfluous trea- fure, the remainder being employed in building cities, planting colonies, and other eftabliiliments to fecure the conquell -, all which would redound in time to the honour of the crown, and the intereft- of the government, but that it was lufficient, at prefent, for the infant fettlements to maintain themlclves. Thefe he knew to be the fentiments of his people in general, and was not willing to dif- pleafe them by an unfeafonable contribution ; but as his brother Ferdinand con- T tinued to urge him on the fubjsft, he miprudently conferred on him the govern- ment of Cuzco, in order to get free trom his importunities,, without laying him under any reftridlions in regard to the raifing of money. Ferdinand immediately took pofleffion of his government, with a full refolu- tion to make good his engagements to the court, whatever might be the confe- quence. As a firft expedient, he offered to reftore the Inca to his dignity, provided a prefent of fufficient value- was made to the king of Spain, whofe * Hsnera, dec. iV. lib. ii. c. 1. lib. iii. c. i. lib. iv. c. i. Zarate, lib, iii. c. i. 15. 4 E neceflUies ^ THE HISTORY OF AMERICA. necefTitles made fuch a ftipulationnecefTaryi and the better to convince him of the fincericy of his inteiicions, he removed that, unfortunate prince to the royal palace, and ordered him to be treated with all the honours due to the fovereign of Peru. The deceit took : the Inca, perfuaded that he fhould regain his lofl autho- rity, difpatchcd expreffes to every corner of his dominions, requeuing the Curaca^ to bring the ufual tribute of gold and lilver, as the only means of delivering him cut of the hands of the Spaniards. The tribute arrived, and a very rich prclent was n^ade by the Inca to the governor. But Ferdinand, inilead of performing his promife, repeated his alTurancesj a behaviour which awakened Manco Capac to a perfect fcnfe of his own danger, and the little dependance to be placed in th.3 engaucments of a perfidious nation that facrificed every otiier confideration to the third of gold. He beheld with contempt the honours that were paid him, while ajl the gates of the palace were lecured by Spanilh foldieis ; and conjedured very naturally, that he might be doomed to fhare the fate of Atuhualpa, wiien his trea- fures being drained, he fhould be unable to purchafe the lunger duration of his exiftence. His fears fet his imagination at work, how to efcape out of confine- ment, and his knowledge of the characler of the Spaniards, direfted him to a Itratagem which anfvvered his purpofe. He told Ferdinand Pizarro, that in the valley of Yucaya, where thelncas were interred, there were feveral rich tombs, and in one of them a ftatue of gold of an ancient Inca, as large as the lite, which he was perfuaded he could find, if he were allowed to go in kzvch of it with his ufual guard of Spaniards. The propofal was eagerly embraced, and the Inca was difpatched to rake up the duft of his anceftors. He had informed fome of his of- ficers of his intention, and an army was afTembled in the neighbouring mountains, in order to attempt his refcue; but he laved his troops that danger, by artfully making his efcape and joining them*. No fooner did Manco Capac find himfelf at liberty, than he concerted the de- ftruifticn of thofe perfidious ftrangers, who had not only ufurped his authority, kept, his perfon in bondage, tyrannized over his fubjedls, and drained his kino-doni of its wealth, but violated every obhgation, divine and human, from an inlatia- ble thirft of golZiTand an ungovernable lull of dominion. He fummoned an aflembly of all the great officers of ftate, of his generals, and pricipal nobility, and laid before them what they knew too well, his own wretched condition, and that of his fubjefl-s, together with the cruelty and rapacity of the Spaniards. He had early fufpicion, he faid, of the treachery and ambition of thofe ftrangers, by their dividing the lands of Peru among themfelves, enflaving thofe who were born freie, and putting the. natives to the torture, in order to extort a confeilon where t!ie treafures of the great were depofited. He apologized for fitting a tame fpec- tator of thtte enormities, by alledging, that he only waited an opportunity of making his efcape, in order to revenge the injuries he had fuffered, and afiert the rights of his crown and country. He could no longer, he added, regard thofe Spaniards as the defcendants of Virachoca, but as vile impoftors, who committed * Goaara, c. J35. Zarate lib. iii. c< 3. Herreia, dec. IV. lib. ii. c. 3. the THE HISTORY OF AMERICA. . i^i the mod horrid crimes under the inafk of religion, and had impiouQy taken upon CHAP. JX. themfclves the facrtd character of tnefl'fngcrs of the great Pachacama, while tliey ^^ dTiT^. were perpetrating every villainy: he was therefore now determined to punifli their wickednefs, and vindicate the liberties of his people by force of arms. For this purpofe, he called upon every n)an, in whofe breafi: the leaft fpark of pi- triotijrn exilfed, tliat the war might be vigoroufly carried on againft the ungrate- ful Grangers, whofe expulfion was equally necefiary to their lecurity as invidu^ls and as a people, and cflential to the enjoyment of their religion and laws. Manco Capac ufed many other arguments to roufe his fubjeds to arms, and delivered himfclf with fu much fpirit and energy, that all prcfent were wound up to a kind of madnefs, and called out for vengeance in the mofi tumultuous tranfports of fury. As foon as order could be rellored, the affcmbly deliberated on the means of condu6ling a war, in regard to the propriety of which all were unanim.ous. It was relolved to difpatch meflcngers to the chief men in every part of tiie empire, requeuing them to raife all the troops in their power with the greatefl iecrtcy ; to unite at a time and plaee appointed, and at one blow too ver- \vhe]m the Spaniards in their quarters. Agreeable to this refolution it was con- certed, that three armies fhould be formed: one to fall upon Almagro, another to attack Lima, and a third, under the command of the Inca in perfon, to fur- prife, or if that attempt failed, to invefl Cuzco, and wreft the capital out of the hands of the invaders. All thefe refoluiions were executed with the moft aftonilhing celerity ; and the Spaniards in Cuzco faw themlelves furrounded by an incredible multitude of enemies, before they had any fufpicion of the revolt. The attack began in the night, accompanied with the fhouts of the Peruvians, and the hoarfe found of their warlike inftruments ; and fuch was the fury of the affailants, that, they fliot fired arrows, and fet the city in flames in difi'erent places, being determined to deltroy the Spaniards, at the expence of reducing the capital of the empire to aflies. Their reverence for the temple of the Sun,. the convent of facred virgins, and a few other religious houfes, made them abftain, however, from firing the ftreets in that neighbourhood, in confequence of which the Spaniards were left in poflefTion of the great fquare, and as much of the city as could be defended by a fmall garrilbn of an hundred and feventy men. Thefe behaved with the moft heroic gallantry, but all their efforts muft have proved ineffeflual, had they not found means to engage the Peruvian flaves in their intereft by a promife of free- dom. By this acceffion of ftrength, they were enabled to fuftain a fiege of up- wards of nine months •, and at laft they recovered entire pofleflion of the capita], though not without the lofs of feveral perfons of diftindion, among whom was Juan Pizarro, the beft beloved of all the brothers *. Meanwhile the marquis, Francis Pizarro, remained at Lima. The firft fufpi- cion v/hicli he had of the general infurredtion arofe from the interruption in his correfpondence with the capital. Soon alter he received fuch information as cori- * Herrera, dec. IV. lib, ii. c. 3. 4 firmed 292 THEHISTORYOFAMERICA. BOOK 1. firmed his fears-, and not doubting but all the Spaniards in Cuzco had alread)' ^T''q'^~7~^ periflied, he applied himlclf with the utmoil diligence to provide for the fafety of Lima, and the other lettlemcnts. For this purpofe he lent cxpreflcs to Panama, Mexico, Nicaragua, and Hifpaniola, to tolicit reinforcements, in order to prevent the entire lofs of Peru, the mod valuable of all the Spanifh con^uefts in America. He recalled all the detachments lent into different provinces ; and commanded a body of an hundred horle and foot to march with all poflible expedition to- wards Cuzco, in order to fuccour the garrifon, if ftill exifting, and at all events to procure more exaft information of the ftate of affairs in that quarter The army deftined for the attack of Lima had notice of thefe proceedings, and determined to cut off the detachment fent to Cuzco, the redudlion of the capital being the main objecf of the defigns of Manco Capac. With this view they took poft in all the narrow paffes and diflicult defiles, through which the detach- ment was to march ; and when they found their opportunity, at a pafs in the moun- tains of Parcos, they fell upon theSpaniards with the utmoil fury ; tumbled down great ftones and pieces of rock from the higher grounds, and plied them fo hard with their darts and arrows, that not a man of the whole party efcnped. In a manner nearly fimilar they cut off feveral other detachments that were on their way to Lima, in confequence of the orders of the marquis. Gonzalo de Topia-, with fixty horfe and feventy foot, perifhed ; Morgovego de Qiiinnanes, with an " equal numberof men, met a like fate ; and Alonfo de Galeata, at the head of forty horfe and fixty foot, fiiared in the general deftruclion. On the whole, above four hundred Spaniards, marching to fuccour Lima, were flaughtered in the field, and nearly an equal number were killed in the mines in different pro- vinces, where they imagined themfelves in perfe<5l fecurity*. The Spanifli writers exclaim loudly againfl: the barbarities exercifed by the Peruvians on thefe occafions ; but, from their own accounts, nothing appears, befides the juft retribution of an highly injured and enraged enemv. Great num- bers of rapacious adventurers had flocked from the different Spanifli fettlemenrs on the continent of America, as v.ell as from thofe in the neighbouring iflands, in hopes of fharing in the fpoils of Peru ; and as they were ftrangers to regular indufiry, they diffultd themfelves carelefly in queft of mines or pillage, little imagining that the natives, wiio had iubmitted tamely to the ufurpation of Pizarro, when fupported only by an handful of men, would now venture to throw •off the yoke, when every province was filled with Spaniards, and the Inca in their power. This fecurity proved their ruin, and had almoft occafioned the entire lofs of the rich country which they came to rob. Flufhed with fuccefs, the Peruvian army advanced towards Lima, in full con- fiJence that they could not fail in the reduflion of a flendcr g.-irrifon, difpirited by difappointment, and not yet recovered from the confternation produced by an infurrcdion fo general and unexpeded. f^ut they did not find an enemy un- prepared. When they approached within eight leagues of the city, they were met • Garcila/To, lib. ii. Zarate, lib. iii. THEHISTORYOFAMERICA. 29J by a body of Spanifli horfe under Pedro de Lcrma, and attacked, with I'uch im- CPIAP. IX. petuolity, that they were fiidtienly broken, and obliged to take flielter in the 'a'TT'^^T^ mountains. Thence they alarmed the whole country with the ibund of their " ' ^^ ■ warlike mufic ; and with their number increafed to forty thoufand, defcended like a torrent to the plain, fwept all before them, and drove the Spanifh cavalry back to Lima, with the lofs of twenty men. Animated by this advantage, the Peruvian army invefbed the city -, and notwithftanding the valour and experience of Pizarro, the fettlement mufl: have fallen into the hands of the enmy, had not an accidental circumftance pcrfuaded the fuperllitious aflailants, that the Spaniards were certainly protefted by fome invifible power. In confequence of a heavy fall of rain, the river which runs by the city overHowed us banks, de- luged the neighbouring country, drowned great numbers of the enemy, prevented them from renewing their attacks with the fame facility, and opened a path for the garrilbn to introduce fupplies. The Spaniards and Peruvians equally agreed in afcribing this flood, which was attended with fuch extraordinary confequences, to a miracle : the latter grew dilpirited, thinking it in vain to ftrive againft the gods, and the tornierwere animated with a double portion of courage, from a belief that Heaven had vifibly interpofed in their favour. The Peruvians were now held together merely by the authority of their commanders, while the Spaniards triumphed in every fally, harraffed, fatigued, and kept in perpetual alarm a delponding multitude, which at laft withdrew, leaving Pizarro to purfue what meafures he thought proper*. In the mean time we muft return to Almagro, whofe arrival at Cuzco induced the Inca to relinquifh the fiege, from a perfuafion that the Adelantado's defign was to fuccour his countrymen. A principal of honour, and the magnanimity of the fentiments of Manco Capac proved his ruin. Almagro made propofals to him of an alliance againft Pizarro, which he reje6led with difdain, faying. That he had taken up arms to vindicate his own rights and the liberties' of his people, not to affift in the bafe defigns of one ul'urper againft another ; and when his officers urged him to accept of the offer, alledging, that in promoting the dif- cord of the Spaniards confifted hisgreateft fecurity, as by weakening both parties he might at laft recover his dominions, and totally expel the ufurpers, he replied. That it became not the charafter of an Inca to diflemble, or fail in, his engage- ments ; and that he would rather forfeit his empire and live in perpetual exile and ofcfcurity, than maintain his dignity by falfehood and treachery. In confequence of this way of thinking, that generous monarch, difappointed in his defigns upon Cuzco, and worfted in an attack upon the forces of Ahnagro, defpairing of fuccefs in the attempt to recover his dominions, and defirous that his fubjeds might fufFer as little as poffible on account of their loyalty, requefted them to difperfe and re- turn to their dwelling*, and appeafe by fubmifTion the indignation of the conque- rors, while hehimfelf would watch over their fafety in a fecure retreat, in order to feize the firtl opportunity of recovering their rights, and punifhing the infolent and rapacious ufurpers of their liberty and property. " I propofe," faid he, " retiring * Id. ibid. 15. 4 F to 294 THE HISTORY OF AMERICA. B O O K I. to the mountains of the Andes, where it fhall be my greatefl: comfort to hear that *-*"v — ' you enioy fecurity and happinefs under your new governors, beyond my expefta- tion. Revolving fchemes for your welfare, fhall be the only bufinefs of my melan- choly folitude. Meantime, I conjure you, to ferve and obey the Spaniards to the utmoft of your power, that you may be well treated by them •, and now and then heave a figh and drop a tear to the memory of your prince, who ever loved and cheriflied his people *." The difperfion of the Peruvian army left the Spaniards at full liberty to dif- play their animofity, and purfue their refentment againft each other. Almao-ro A. D. 1537. advancing to the wails of Cuzco, fummoned Ferdinand Pizarro to furrender the city into his hands, as being within the grant made to him by his Catholic majefty. Ferdinand replied, chat he held the city in virtue of a commifllon from his brother Francis, and could not deliver up his charge to ariy man, without his inftrudions : befides, he affirmed, that Almagro had no kind of right to it, as he knew it to be within the limits of his brother's government. Different fchemes of accommodation were propofed without fucccfs, each endeavouring to deceive the other, or to corrupt his followers. Meanwhile the generous, open temper of Alma- gro, gained many of the garrifon, who were difgufted with the harfli and domineer- ing manners of the Pizarros. Encouraged by this defedlion, heaflaulted the city by night; furprifed the centinels, or was admitted by them ; and invefting the houfe where Ferdinand and Gonzalo Pizarro refided, compelled them to furrender at difcretion. Almoft all the garrifon ciieerfully entered into the fcrvice of Al- magro ; his claim tothejurifdiclion of Cuzco v/as univerfally acknowledged, and a form of adminiftration was cftablifhed in his name -f . Francis Pizarro being ftill ignorant of thefc tranfaftions, and having received fome confiderable reinforcements trom Hifpaniola and Nicaragua, ordered five hundred men, under the command of Alonfo de Alvarado, to march with all expedition to Cuzco, in hopes of relieving his brothers, if they and their garrifon were not already cut off by the Peruvians, and at all adventures to attempt the recovery of the capital. This general began his march with fo much celeritv, and fo little prudence, that, being unacquainted with the woods, and ill pro- vided with guides, his army fuffered much by fatigue and famine. At laft he reached the river Abancay, where to his aftonifhment, he beheld his countrymen pofted on the oppofite banks, ready to oppole his paffage. Almagro, hov^ever wifhed to avoid hollilities : he fent meffengers to Alvarado, requirinfr him to ac- knowledge his authority, and inviting him to embrace his party. Thefe Al- varado put in irons : a behaviour which fo much incenfed Almagro, that he immediately advanced in perfon againft him-, and as thatrfficcr's military talents were not equal to his fidelity, his camp was furprifed, his uroops broken, and himfelf taken prifoner, almoll without refiftancc J. * Garcilaffo, lib. ii. c. 29. t Zarate, lib. ii. c. 4, Heriera, dec. IV, lib, iv. c. 1. J Herrera, dec. IV. lib. iv. c. z. 3 As THE HISTORY OF AMERICA. 290 As all Alvarado's foldiers, with Pedro de Lerrna, who commanded under him, C HAP. IX- joined Aimagro, it was now in his power finally to have decided the conteil with ^""0^1; "7 his rival. But, like many great commanders, he was lefs able to improve, than to rzain a vidory. in a council of war which was held, in order to deli- berate what ftep was next to be taken, Rodrigo Orgogntz, an officer of great abi- lities, who acted as lieutenant-generalyand who having ferved in the wars of Italy- was accuftomed to bold and deciiive councils, adviled Aimagro inllantly to ifflie orders for putting to death Ferdinand and Gonzalo Pizarro, Alvarado, and fome other perfons whom he could not hope to gain, and to march diredly with his vic- torious arrny to Lima ; to fecure the govei'nor, before he had time to prepare for his defence, and thence eftabiilh an intercourfe with tlie other Spanifh fettle- ments in different parts of America. But Aimagro on this occafion, fufFered himfelf to be fwayed by fcntiments very unlike thofe which might be expected to influence the condufl: of a man whofe who'e life, now far advanced, had been fpent in afts of violence and rapacity, and by fcruples little fuited to the leader of a fadlion who had drawn his fword in civil war. Feelings of humanity re- flrained him fiom Iheddino- the blood of his adverfaries, and the dread of beinjr deemei:; a rebel deterred him from entering a province which the king had allotted to another. He therefore marched quietly back to Cuzco ; though the expe- diency of opening an intercourfe with the fea was fo univerially urged, that he afterwards began his march at the head of five hundred Spanifh horle and foot, and a large body of Indian auxiliaries, taking with him Ferdinand Pizarro, and leaving Gonzalo and Alvarado prilbners in the capital *. Meanwhile Francis Pizarro, anxious to know the fituation of his brothers, and the fate of Cuzco, having yet received no advices either from them or Alvarado, refolved to march in perfon towards that city. A feafonable reinforcement en- abled him to fet oat on this expedition at the head of feven hundred horfe and foot. He foon got intelligence of the raifing of the fiege of Cuzco, and the difperfion of the Peruvian army •, but that good fortune was embittered with the death of his brother Juan : the day following he received the account of the proceedings of Aimagro, and the imprifonment of his other two brothers ; and on advancing a little fartlier, he was informed of the defeat of Alvarado, and the de/edtion of his army. Such a tide of misfortunes had almoft overwhelmed that fpirir, which bad continued firm and ereft under the rudeft fliocks of adver- fity. Revenge fornetrmes occupied his whole mind : he thought of nothing but punifhingthe perfidious Aimagro. That idea, however, was foon laid afide for more cautious fneafiires, fuggefted by the ftate of his arrny. When Pizarro began his march, he thought only of combating Indians ; and'^ his troops were accordintrly armed in the manner befl calculated for that purpofe: but now, when he had a Ikilful and powerful enemy to encounter, it was neceflary to provide himfelf in a very different manner, and alfo to wait the arrival of fome troops, which he hourly expected from Panama. Thefe confiderations induced • fd. ibid. him! ^cjS T H E H I S T O R Y O F A M E R I C A. him to return to Lima, where he had notice of the approach of Ahnagro. This was new caufe of uneafinefs-, hut being perfeclly acquainted with the charaflcr of his rival, his fagacity enabled him to elude the blow that threatened to crufli him. He had recourfe to arts which he had formerly practifed with fuccefs : in order to gain time, he fet on foot a negociation -, and Almagro was again weak enough to jufFcr himlelf to be amufcd with a profpefi: of terminating their dificrenccs by an amicable compromife. As the adelantado was Icfs formidable in the cabinet than the field, Pizarro, by varying his overtures, and fhifting his ground, fometimes ) ielding all that his ■rival could defire, and then retradtirig all that he had granted, dcxteroufly pro- tradted the negociation to fuch a length, that, though every hour was precious to Almagro, feveral months elapfed without any real progrefs being made towards an -accommodation. During this interval, Gonzalo I izarro and Alvarado had found ineans to corrupt the foldiers to whole cuftody they were committed, and not only made their efcape themklves, but perfuaded fixty of the garrifon of Cuzco to accompany their flight. Orgognez feized this opportunity to prefs Al- . magro to put Ferdinand Pizarro to death, and break off all pacific meafures with fuch a perfidious fet of men. But neither the remonltrances of Orgognez, nor the difcovery of a ftratagem to cut him off at an interview, could make the ade- Jantado renounce the plan of negociation ; and as fortune had now delivered one of his brothers, the governor did not fcruple at one aft of perfidy more to .procure the releafe of the other. He propofed. That every point of controverfy between Almagro and himfelf fliould be fubmitted to the decifion of the em- peror Charles •, that until the award of their fovereign was known, each lliould keep pofTefTion of that part of the country which he now occupied ; that Ferdi- nand Pizarro iliould be fet at liberty, and return inllantly to Spain, together with the officers to be fcnt by Almagro, in order to reprefent the juftice of his pre- itenfions *. Obvious as the defign of Pizarro was, in making fuch propofitions, and fami- liar as his artifice might now have been to his adverfary, Almagro, always fincere himfelf, and Hill defirous of avoiding the farther effufion of blood, and other fatal confequences of civil war, relied on the fincerity of a man vho had fo often deceived him, and concluded an agreement on thtfe termis. Orgognez was no fooner informed of this treaty, which had been negociated without his knowledt^e, .than laying hold of his beard with his left hand, while with his right he made a motion towards his throat, " Orgognez ! Orgognez !" cried he, " this head will fall a facrifice to your friendflMp for Almagro -f." His officers in general were ienfible, that this meafure would prove the ruin of their party : but Almr-crro ferfevered in his refolution, and fet Ferdinand Pizarro at liberty according to his agreement. All the objeds of the governor's policy being now accompliffied, he imme- diately tJirew off every difguife, as foon as he was joined by his brother; and * Henera, dec. l\. lib. iv. c. z. Zarate, lib. iii, c. 9. f Herrera, dec. W. Jib. iv. c. z. having THE HISTORY OF A M E K i G A. 297 having received foine confiderable reinforcements, befides thofe he expefted, he CHAP. IX. made vigorous preparations for fupporting his claim to the entire jurifdiftion over a^'""^ Peru. A herald was difpatched to Almagro, requiring him inllantly to fiUTender Cuzco ; and this meffage the governor endeavoured to enforce with a detach- ment of feven hundred Spanifh troops, fi'nt towards the capital, under the con- dudt of his brothers, Ferdinand and Gonzalo, in whom he could perfectly con- fide for the execution of his moft violent itheiiics, while he himfelf marched with another army to Chinca, where Almagro liad founded a little colony, near which he was then encamped. Advice of thefe movements induced the adelantado to march with all pofFible celerity back to Cuzco, in direft oppofition to the fenti- ments of OrgQgnez, who advifcd him to attack Lima, during the divifion of the governor's forces ; affirming that the redudion of that place would fccure in his intereft not only the ihipping, but all the recruits which were daily Hocking from other parts of the continent. Almagro rejefted this advice irom the fame fcru- ples which had led him to negociate: he was ftill unwilling to be guilty of a direft violation of the rights granted by the government to his adverfary; and that pundilio, joined to another inftance of mifconduft, proved his ruin. As Almagro's foldiers were more feafoned to the climate than thofe under the Pizarros, he got before their detachment-, and received intelligence on his march, that the enemy were obliged to halt, in a very fickly condition in the mountains. All his officers urged him to embrace fo favourable an opportunity of terminating the conteft, by attacking his adverfaries, when they were unable to defend themfclves, and might all be cut off to a man ; but Al- magro, either difcrediting the information, or dependmg on his luperiority in cavalry, which could only aft to advantage in an open country, permitted the Pizarros to advance without any obftruftion, except what arofe- from the defart and horrid regions through which they marched, while he proceeded to Cuzco. His purpofe feems to have been to flnit himfelf up in that city, the caufc of all the contention, and reft his fate upon the ifllie of a fiege. Such a refolution was perfeftly confonant to the ideas of an infirm old man, who placed more confidence in the juftice of his caufe than the force of his arms : he was obliged, however, to yield to the impetuofity of his troops, who weie eager to bring the long protrafted contelt to a more fpeedy conclufion, and infifled on giving their antagonilfs battle in the open plain. The Pizarros did not decline the combat. Unfortunately for Almagro, at this crifis of his fate, he was fo much worn out with the fatigue of a tedious and difficult march, to which his advanced age \vas unequal, that he could not exert his wonted aftivity. He was even confined to his bed •, but roufed, by the clamours of his foldiers, he ordered himfelf to be carried at the head of his troops on a litter, and marched out of Cuzco to meet the enemy, leaving to Orgognez the difpofition for battle. Orgognez's arraDi^ement was very good •, and had he paid a little more regard to the nature of the ground, and avoided engaging himfelf perfonally lb deeply in the engage- .nient as prevented him from giving the proper attention 10 the execution of his x6. 4 G orders. 298 THEHISTORYOFAMERICA. BOOK I. orders, or from fdzing thofe opportunities which rife and vanifh in a moment, it 'T^^ T^ would probably have been aucnded with I'uccefs. The intancry was reduced to one battalion t'ormcd in a kind of column in the centre ; each fide being fup- ported by harquebufiers, and a ftjuadron of horfe, in which, as already oblerved, Almagro was fuperior to the enemy. The artillery was difpofed on the right wing, while the front was fecured by a rivulet and fome marfny ground, that rendered all accefs difficult and hazardous. Ferdinand Pizarro drew up his army in a manner nearly fimilar, but with more regard to die ground; for he took care to place his cavaliy on the firm plain, where they could bear dowa upon his opponent's infantry, while the cavalry of Almagro were entangled in the Salinas, or falt-pits, whence die battle took its name. This was the chief overfight in the difpofition made by Orgognez ; who, though poflefled of great military talents, had not the fame alcendant either over the fpirit or affections of the foldiers, as the leader whom they had long been accuftcmed to follow and revere. Orgognez was likewife deceived in the opinion which he entertained of the enemy's flrength. Pizarro's deficiency in cavalry was more than counter- balanced by his fuperiority in numbers, and by two companies of well difci- plined mufketeers, which, on account of the infurredlion of the Indians, the emperor had lent from Spain •, and as the ufe ot fire arms was not common or perfed among the adventurers in America, haftily equipped for fervice at their own expence, this fmall band of foldiers regtilarly trained and armed, was a novelty in Peru, and decided the fate of the day. Pizarro began the adion, by croffing the rivulet with his horfe ; but his temerity had almoft proved his ruin.' Orgognez played his artillery vigoroufly, fwept off the entire firfl: rank of the enemy, and llaggered their whole body of cavalry. But his impetuofity de- iboyed the fruits of that advantage. He rufhedat the head of his liorlc againfl Pizarro ; engaged him hand to hand •, diimounted him ; and bid fair for a com- plete viclory, when the two companies of mufketeers advanced, and galled his cavalry with fbch a heavy and wcll-fullained fire, that they were unabled to keep their ground. Orgognez liimlelt received a Ihot in the forehead while endeavour- ing to rally and animate his troops. By this time the targeteers, of which the infantry chiefly confifled, were come to blows, and the battle raged, in all quar- ters, with great fury ; when a report being luddenly iprcad that Orgognez was killed, the cavalry betook themlelves to a precipitate flight, and the rout became general. I'he barbarity of the conquerors ftained the glory which they acquired by this complete viftory. The violence of civil difcord hurried on Ibme to flaugh- ter their countrymen with indifcriminate cruelty, while the meannels of private revenge infligated others to fingle out individiials as the objefts of their venge- ance. Orgognez, Pedro de Lerma, and feveral officers of dillindion, were mal- iacred in cold blood. Almagro himfelf was taken prilbner, and committed to dole cultody. Cuzco was pillaged by the victorious troops, who entered with the fugitivef^j T H E H I S T O R Y O F A M E R I C A. 299 fugitives, and collecbed the wealth of their antagonilb with the fame avidity diat CHAP. IX. they had fhtd their blood*. "aT*^' ^ But the booty found in that capital, though very cojifiderable, wasfo far from ' '' ■ latiitying the foldiers of Pizarro, that they were ready to break out in open mu- tiny. They expe-6tcd a new diftribution of lands -, a meafure on wliich Ferdinand •did not think it advifable to enter, before the arrival of the marqUis. In the meantime he had recourfe to the fame expedient which iiis brother had employed on a like occafion : in order at once to divert their chagrin, and find occupation for fuch turbulent Ipirits, he encouraged his mofl active and enterprifing officers to attempt the difcovery and redudion of varioi^is provinces that had not yet fub- mitted to the crown of Spain ; and as every leader, who undertook any of thefe nev/ expeditions, endeavoured to reprefent it in a light equally inviting to avarice and ambition, volunteers reforted with ardour to every ftandard, in hopes of be- ing condudfed to fome rich country, whole treafures were yet unrifled. Several of Almagro's foldiers engaged in the fame fervice -, fo that Pizarro was at once freed from the importunity of his difcontented friends, and the prefence of his lately avowed enemies +. This favourable ftate of their affairs finally determined the two brothers in regard to the fat^ of Almagro, who had now remained ibme months in prifon, under all tJie anguifli of fufpenfe. They ordered an impeachment of high treafon to be drawn up againll him, in which he was charged with having feized upon Cuzco by force of arms; with occafioningtheeffufion of muchSpanifli blood; with entering upon a clandcftine correipondence and fecret treaty with the Inca, Manco Capac ; with infringing on the terms of the emperor's grant, and encroaching on the limits of Francis Pizarro's jurifdiftion ; with [.breach of all the articles of feveral contrafts v/iththe marquis; and with fighting two battles againfl his country- men, contrary to the peace of his fovereign lord the king, one at Abancay and another at Salinas. Thefe charges, and diverfe other crimes and mifdemeanours of lefs moment were proved according to certain forms ot law, and he was con- demned to fuficr death. The fentence aflonilhed, and even appalled him : thougli he had often braved death in the field, its approach under this difgracc- ful form appeared fo terrible, that he fought to deprecate it -by fupplications un- worthy of his military character. He belbught tlie Pizarros to remember how much he had ^contributed to the fuccefs and profperity of tlieir family, if they had entirely forgot the ancient friendiliip between their brother and him; he reminded them of the tendernefs which he had fliewii for their lives, when he had them en- tirely in his power, and of his conftant refuial to put to death any of the friends of the marquis, although they had expreficd the bittereft enmity againft his per- fon ; he conjured them to pity an infirm old man, whole whole life almoll had been fpentin toil, hardlliip, or misfortune, and permit him to pafs the remainder of his days in making his peace with Heaven. But all his entreaties were to no f urpofe : the brothers remained inflexible ; and Almagro, when he found his * Zarat;, lib. iii. c. ii, iz, lierrsra, dec. IV. lib. iv. c. 3. f Id. ibid. 3 fate 300 T H E H I S T O R Y O F A M E R I C A. BOOK I. fate to be inevitable, met it with the fortitude of a hero. He was privately V'tr'^ ~! ih-aiTJkd in prilon, and publicly beheaded on a fcaffold in the great Iquare of Cuzco •, his body being ftript naked by the executioner, and attcrwards expofed for the greater part of the day, without a friend to pay the laft duty to his re- mains. Not that he wanted friends; but thole were reftrained by a guard from approaching the place of execution, and his enemies were too much occupied with other pafHons to liilen to the didlates of humanity. At laft the corpfe was car- ried off by an old flave that belonged to the adelantado, and who wrapt it in a coarle cloth, and buried it in the moft decent manner in liis power, at the Iiazard of liis own life*. Almagro fuffered in the feventy-fifth year of his age, and left one fon by an Indian woman, whom, though at that time a prifoner in Lima, he named his fuccellbr in his government, puriuant to a power which the emperor had granted him. He was a fincere friend, a generous benefaftor, a zealous fubjeft, and an able commander. The Peruvians, who regarded him as their parent and pro- tedlor againft the rigour of the Pizarros, honoured his allies with unfeigned tears of lorrowful affeftion. Francis Pizarro was cliicfly blamed on account of his death, though his brothers were the immediate aftors, it being well known that they dui ft not have taken fuch a bold ftep without his authority ; and Ferdinand often declared as much, in order to free himlelf from tlic imputation of perjury and inhumanity -f-. Tlie barbarious execution of Almagro was fo far from producing the intended effect, of gaining the Pizarros an ablolute and indilputed authority in Peru, that it only increaled the number of their enemies, though fclf-preiervation induced many of them for a time to fupprcfs their refentment. The Peruvians had again recourfe to arms, either to revenge the death of the adelantado, or to profit by the divifions among the Spaniards, who now found themlclves more liardly prefled, even when their numbers were greatly augmented, than when they firft entered upon the conqucft with an handful of nun. The Peruvians were ani- mated by the defire of revenge •, and they had befides overcome tlie confterna- tion and terror which had feized them on the firft fight of the fire arms and horfes. What they formerly conceived to be the tliunder of heaven, they were fenfible was no nwre than the contrivance of human genius-, and they had taken feveral horfes wliich they ventured to ufe againft the Spaniards, demonftrating by this and other improvements in the art of war, that they were extremely ingenious and imitative. They defeated their enemies in feveral engagements-, fought them with their own weapons ; and were not even afraid or ignorant of the ufe of mufkets, fome of which they had taken in different rencounters. This refiftance was chiefiy experienced in the province of Charcas, where Gonzalo Pizarro commanded a confiderable body of troops. In Chili the Spaniards did not meet with lefs oppofition. Pedro de Valdivia, who had • Garcilaffo, lib. ii. c. 3. Zara:e, lib. iii. c. 11. f Her/era, dec. IV. Jib. iv. c. 3. learned Ot^Lijr JcuA} THE HISTORY OF AMERICA. 301 learned the rudiments of war in Italy, and was deemed one of the bed Spanifh CHAP. ]X. officers in America, was fent thither immediately after the battle of Salinas. ' ^/~-~^ The Chiltfc difputed every inch of ground ; but they could not after all their efforts prevent him from penetrating as far as the valley of Guafco, which he found to be incredibly fertile and populous. Here he founded the city of St. A. D. 1540. Jago, and built a caftle for the defence of the new colony, and the fecurity of the gold mines in the neighbourhood, in which he forced the natives to labour. Greatly exalperated at this impofuion of fervitude, the Chilefe flew to arms. Valdivia took the field againft them, and defeated them in fevcral obflinate en- gagements ; but, though he received a confidcrable reinforcement from Peru, his army \v;i3 at lull cut off, and himfelf taken prilbner. The conquerors, ac- cording to the cuftom of America, condemned him to a cruel death ; and many years elapicd, and much blood was flied, before the Spaniards could eftablifli their dominion in Chili *. Cjonzalo Pizarro was more fortunate in fubduing the province of Charcas, the entire reduftion of which he at laft accompliflied, and marched upon a ftill more perilous expedition. — Rapid as the progrels of the Spaniards had been in South America fince their firft landing, their avidity of dominion was not yet fatisfied : they ftill longed to difcover new countries, undeterred by the difafters they had fuffered in many wild attempts. Francis Pizarro, whofe arrogance after the death of Almagro was altogether infufTerable, and who feems to have refolved that no per- fon fhould poflcfs any ftation of diftinguifhed eminence or authority but thofe of own family, deprived Benalcazar, the conqueror of Quito, of iiis command in that kingdom, and appointed his brother Gonzalo to the government of it, after the redudion of Charcas. He at the fame time inftrufted him to attempt the difcovery and conqueft of a country to the eaft of the Andes, where accord- ing to the report of the natives, gold was found in great abundance, and which produced cinnamon and other valuable fpices. Gonzalo not inferior to any of his brothers in courage, and no lefs ambitious of acquiring diftinftion, eagerly engaged in that difficult Icrvice. He fet out from Quito at the head of three hundred and forty foldiers, near one half of whom . were horfemen, with four thoufand Indians to carry their provifions. The dif- ficulties which they encountered in this expedition furpafs dcicription. In forcing their way through the defiles, or over the ridges of the Andes, excefs of cold and fatigue, to neither of which they were accuftomed, proved fatal to the greater part of their wretched attendants ; and the Spaniards, though more robuft, and accullomed to a variety of climates, fuffered lb much, that many of them perifhed. When they defcended into the low country, where they hoped to find relief, their miferits increafed. The vaft plains on which they were now entering, either altogether without inhabitants, or occupied by the rudell and leaft in- durtrious tribes in the New World, yielded little fubfiftence ; and during two rnontlis it rained fo inceffantly that their cloaths were never dry. They were * Herreta, dec. IV. lib, vii. c. 2, Ci.-, 1 6. 4 II obliged THE HI S^TORY OF AMERICA. obliged to cut their way through woods, or make it over marfhes. Such unre- mitted toil, and coiuinual fcarcity ot food, \'^tm fiifficicnt to have exhaufted the ftrength and the I'pirits of any troops •, but the fortitude and pcifeverance of Gon- zalo and his companions were infiiperable : allured by frequent but fajfe accounts of the rich country before them, they perfifted in ftruggling on until they reached the banks of the Napo, one of the large ftreams which pour i.ito the Maragnon, or river of Amazons, and contribute to its grandeur. There they built a barque, which they expeded would prove of great utility, both in conveying tKem over rivers, and in exploring the country. This veffel was manned with fifty foldicrs, under the command of Francifco Orellana, the officer next in rank to Pizarro ; and the ftream carried them down with (uch rapidity, that they were foon out of fight of their countrymen, who followed flowly, and with difficulty by land. No fooner did Oi-ellana reach the Maragnon, than he formed the icheme of diflinguifhing himfcif as a difcoverer, by following the courfe of that vafl: river until it joined the ocean, and furveying the extenfive regions through which ic flows. 'I'his fcheme of Orellana's, which perfeclly correfponded with the predo- minant pafTion of the age, was as bold as ic was treacherous : his crime is in fome meafure palliated by the glory of its objedt : if he violated his duty to his com- mander, and abandoned his fellov/ foldiers in a pathlefs defert, where all their hopes of fafety or fuccefs depended upon his barque, he ventured upon a navi- gation of near two thoufand leagues, through unknown nations, in a vefleJ haftily conftrufted, with green timber, and by very unfkilful hands, without com- pafs or pilot. His courage and alacrity fupplied every defe£t. Committing him- lelf fearlefsly to the guidance of the ftream, he continued his courfe towards the coaft, making frequent defccnts on both fides of the river ; fomctimes fcizing by force of arms the provifions of the fierce favages feated on its banks, and fometimes procuring a fupply of food by a friendly intercourfe with more gentle tribes. After a long feries of dangers, which he encountered with amazing for- titude, and diflrefles which he fupported with no lefs magnanimity, he reached the ocean, where new perils awaited him : thefe he alfo furmounted, and got fafe to the ifland of Cubagua, whence he Tailed to Spain, and filled with extravagant fidions a voyage truly memorable ; and which, independent of the extraordinary circumftances t!iat attended it, firft led to any certain knowledge of thole vaft regions which itretch from the Andes to the Atlantic ocean *. The conllernation of Pizarro was intxprefilble, when he arrived at the con- fluence of the Napo and Maragnon, where he had ordered Orellana to wait for him, and did not there find the barque. He could not allow hi;nl"elf to fufpeff, that a man whom he had entruffed with fuch an important conjmand, could be fo bafe and unfeeling as to defert him at fuch ajunffure. Imputing, dierefore, his abfcnce from the place of rendezvous to fome unknown accident, he advanced above fifty leagues along the banks of the Maragnon, expecting every moment to fee the barque appear with a fupply of provifions. At length he met with an • Herrera, Jcc. IV. lib. vi. c. 3. Zarate, lib. iv. c. 4. officer THE HISTORY OF AMERICA. officer whom Orellana had left to perifli in the delVrt, becaufe he had rem on ft rated againft his perfidy, which was now made fully known to Pizarroand his followers. The fpirit of the Itoiitell veteran funk within him nt the melancholy information, l^hey were feparated from Qiiito by twelve hundred miles of a country rougli, barren, and inhofpitable •, yet all defired to be led inftantly thither, as the only means of preferring an exillence already almofl: fpent by the hardfhips which they had undtrgone. Pizarro, though he afTumed an air of tranquillity, did not op- pofe their inclination. They accordingly began thtir march -, and in their return encountered greater hardfnips than they had endured in their progrefs, with- out the alluring hopes which then animated them. Hunger compelled them not only to eat all their horfes and dogs, but to devour the mod loathfome reptiles, and' even to gnaw the leather of" their faddles and I'word- belts. Four thoufand In- dians', and two hundred and ten Spaniards, periflied in this wild and difafterous expedition, which continued near two years : lb that, of fifty men were on board the barque with Orellana, only fourfcore got back to Qiiito ; and thefe were naked like favages, and fo emaciated with fatigue, famine, and dileafe, that they had more the appearance of fpectres than of human beings *. The joy of thefe unfortunate men on meeting with their countrymen, was too flrong for wortls to cxprefs : they poured out their hearts in tears and ecftatic tranfports at finding themfelves once more within the pale of lociety. But their leader, who had fhared in all their calamities, on i-e;urning to his government, inftead of being permitted to enjoy that repofe which his condition required, was faluted with information that difcompofcd him more than all the hardfhips he had Uiflained. His brother Ferdinand had gone over to Spain, loaded with treafure, in hopes of fuccefsfully vindicating his conduft in regard to t!)e death of Alma- gro. But accounts of that tranfadion having been carried to court, before his arrival, by fomc of the oppofite faflion, who reprefented it in the moft atroci- ous light, Ferdinand was com.mitted to prifon, w here he languifhed above twenty years, and Chriftoval Vaca de Caftro, a judge in the court of Royal Audience at Vallaclolid, was fent out to examine into the ftate of affairs in Peru, • and report his opinion of the late diforders f. This intelligence was fufficient to alarm Gonzalo •, but events flill more fatal to his fam.ily had happened in Peru itfelf. His brother Francis, on the death of Almagro, confidering himfelf as the unrivalled poflelTor of that vafl empire, had parcelled out its territories among the conquerors with the illiberal fpirit of a party leader. The adherents of Almagro, among whom were many of the ori- ginal adventurers, were totally excluded from any portion in thofe lands, towards the acquifition of which they had contributed fo largely. They murmured in fecret, and vowed revenge •, but fome time elapfed before they were able to compafs it. Meanwhile their condition was moft deplcwably wretched : deprived of their eftates, and excluded from all offices and employments, they were condemned to wander about like vagabonds, in that rich country which had been fubdued by • Herrera, dec. IV. lib. vi. c. 2. Zarate, lib. iv. c. 5. f Herrera, dec. IV^ lib. vi. c. 2. their 154 I- THE HISTORY OF AMERICA. tlieir valour ; the mod effeftual means being taken to prevent them from return- ing tu Eiiropr, lelt their complaints might icach the emperor's ear. Many or' them, in defpair, refortcd to Lima, where young Almagro refided in a kind of imprifonmtnt. I lis hoiifc was always open to them ; and tlie flcnder part of his father's fortune, or rather the penfion, which the marquis allowed him to enj(;y vva-s fpent in affording them fubfiftence. That warm HUtachmenc with which every perfon who had ferved under the elder Almagro devoted himieli- to his interell:, was quickly transferred to his fon, who v.as now grown up to manhood, and poflclTtd many ot thofe qualities which cap- tivate the affections of foldiers. Though of a diminutive ftature % he was c!ex- terous at all martial exerciles, bold, open, generous, and every way accomplilhed as a gentleman. In him the Almagrians found what they wanted, a point of union ; and looking up to him as their head, were ready to undertake any thing for his advancement. This zeal for promoting the interefts of young Al- magro, and a defire of revenging the death of his father, joined to their own injuries and diftrcflcs, determined them to take fpeedy vengeance on Pizarro. Their neceffities were indeed a fufficient motive : many of them were dellitute of bread to eat ; and twelve gentlemen, who had been officers of diftin'ftion, lodged at Lima in the lame houfe, and had but one cloak among them, which was worn alternately by him who had occafion to appear in public, the other eleven being obliged to remain at home for want of a decent drels -f-. Pizarro, being informed of the dilfrefs of thefe gentlemen, fent them word, that he would aflign lands for their maintenance •, but as they had already formed their refolution, and were thoroughly enraged by the injuries they had fufflred, and the miferies to which they had been expofed, they indignantly replied. That they would rather perilli than be. indebted to him for the means of prefervino- their exifience. The marquis, fenfible he had jultly provoked the Almagrians, now kept clofe in his palace, never ftirring abroad without a fhong guard ; and watched their motions with fo ftrift an eye, that they found it difficult to aflem- ble in fuch numbers as to give any probability of fuccels to their defigns. The greaceft circumfpedion was nccelVary : they entered the city in fmall parties, and were lodged in the houfes of fome perfons who approved of the intended revolu- tion. When their number in Lima amounted to near three hundred men, they began to imagine their ftrength fufficient for the metlitated revenge. Amoncr them were many experienced officers and veteran foldiers, who had manifelletl their courage on the moft trying occafions. To thefe young Almagro refigned his judgment, luffering them to conduft the confpiracy in the manner thev be- lieved moft advifablc. Their firll fchemc was to airaffinate Pizarro on Midfum- mer-day, as he went to hear mafs in the cathedral church of Lima -, but this definii being either difcovercd or ful'pefted, the marquis confined himfclf under pretence of indifpoiition, and alTemblcd his friends to confult on proper raeafures for his own fafety, as well as for punilliing his enemies. • Herrera, dec, IV. lib. viii. c. 3. f Herrera, dec. IV. lib. vi. c. 2. » The THE HISTORY OF AMERICA. The difappointed confpirators now laid afide their hoilile intentions, rcfolving to wait the arrival of Vaca de Caftro •, who was veiled, as already obfcrved, wuh powers to examine into the condu6t of the two faftions, and either to redrcfs giievances, or report them to the court of Spain. But this new refolution was dropt, on advice being received, that Pizarro had obtained certain information of their defigns, and was preparing for the moft violent revenge. Fearing they might all be facrificed to his Jury, they now relumed their defperate pur- pofe. Juan de Herrada, an officer of great abilities, who had tl.e charge of Al- magro's education, and who rook the lead in all their conlliltations, alfo led the way in carrying them into execution. He iallied out from the houfe of his pu- Ji.ne z6. pil, at mid-day, at the head of eighteen of the moft determined confpirators, all in complete armour, with tlieirfwords drawn, calling aloud as they advanced to- wards the marquis's palace, " Long live the king ! but let the tyrant die !" — Warned of their motions by a fignal given, tiieir aflfociates were in arms readyto iupport them ; but their affiltance was. unnecelTary. The people, fufpended in that inactive amazement, which the execution of a bold and fudden enterpriie generally infpires, made no oppofition ; and though Pizarro was ufually lur- rounded by a numerous train of attendants, yet as he was juft ri!en from dinner, and moft of his domeftics had retired to their own apartments, the confpirators paiTcd the two outer courts of the palace unobferved. They were at the bottom of the ftair-cafe, before a page in waiting could give the alarm to his maftcr, who was converfing with fome friends in a large hall. The marquis, whofe Heady mind no form of danger could appal, ftarting up, called tor arms, and or- dered Francis de Cheves, to make fall: the door. But that officer, anxious about his own fafety, without retaining fufficient recolkdion to difcern the proper means, in place of obeying fo prudent a command, ran wildly to the top of the ftair-cafe, faying, " What is the meaning of this, gentlemen ? — Let me not fhare in your hatred to the marquis, for I was always a friend." In- ftead of anfwering, or regarding his requeft, they ftabbed him to the heart, and burfb into the hall. Some of the perfons who were there threw themlelves over the windows ; others attempted to fly ; and a few followed their leader into an inner apartment. Animated with the hope of fuddenly feizing the objed of their vengeance, the confpirators rallied forward, crying " Where is the tyrant r" — • Pizarro, with no other arms than his fword and buckler, gallantly defended the door, and Igpported by his half-brother Alcantara, and his little knot of friends, maintained the unequal conteft with intrepidity worthy of his paft exploits, and with vigour incredible at the advanced age of fixty-three. " Courage!" cried he, " companions ; we are yet enow to make thofe traitors repent of their auda- city." But the corifpirators were protefted by their armour, while every thruft they made touk effecl : Alcantara fell dead at his brother's feet ; the other de- fenders of the marquis were mortally wounded ; and he himfelf no longer able to parry the many weapci £ violently aimed at his life, received a furious thruft in the throat, funk to the ground, and inftantly expired *. * Heirara, dec. IV. lib. vii. c. i. Zarate, lib. jv. c. 6—8. 16. 4 I C H A P. 3g6 XHEHISTORYOFAMERICA. CHAP. X. State of Affairs in Peru from ike Death o/Tizarro, to its finil Settlement as a Spanitb Province. BOOK I ¥3 IZARRO was no fooner flain, than the confpirators ran out into the u-^-v — -J X ftreets, and waving their bloody Iwords, proclaimed the death of the A. D. 1541. tyrant. Being joined by their afTociates, to the number of two hundred and upwards, they conduced young Almagro in foknin procefllon through the city, and aflembling the magiftrates and principal inhabitants, compelled them to ac- knowledge him as lawful fucceflbr to his father in the government. The palace of Pizarro, the houfe of his fecretary Picado, that of his brother, Alcantara, and a few others, were pillaged by the loldiers, who found there an immenfe booty ; and had the fatisfaftion of at once being revenged on their enemies, and of enrich- ing themfelves with the fpoils of thofe who had excluded them from what they confidered to be their due. The treafure found in the palace of Pizarro alone amounted to a million of pefos *. The boldnefs and fuccefs of tiiis confpiracy, as well as the name and popular qualities of tlie new leader, drew many followers to his ftandard ; and as all thofe who were diffatisfied with the rapacious government of Pizarro durinf^ his latter years, alfo declared in favour of Almagro, he was foon at the head of eight hundred gallant veterans. Thefe he committed to the command of Her- rada, whole adtivity as a confpirator, and ability as an officer, teemed equally to entitle him to the rank of general, as .vlmagro's youth and inexperience dif- qualificd him for c6ling in thjc capacity himfelf. But notwithftanding this ref- pertablc force, and though many towns lubmitted, the acquiefcence in the go- vernment of Almagro was by no means univerfal. The officers who com- mande openly declared, on entering the capital, that he came to enforce obedience to the will of his fovereign, not to relax the rigour of his laws. Arrogance of behaviour rendered ftill more grievous this infolence of authority. Every attempt to pro- cure a fufpenfion or mitigation of the new laws, was checked by an imperious frown, and conGdered as proceeding from a fpirit of difaffeftion that tended to re- bellion. Several perfons were confined, and others put to death without any form of trial -j-. i In order to apply a remedy to thefe evils, Vaca de Caftro fet out from Cuzco» attended by a numeious train of the citizens, and principal inhabitants, to wait on the viceroy. On his march he received a letter from Vela, acquainting him, that his authority ceafed from that moment. De Caftro obeyed, and refilled all temptations thrown in his way to difturb the government, by becoming the head of a faftion. He difmifled the greater part of his attendants, and requefted,' that fuch as remained might go unarmed, in order to avoid every appearance of hoftilities. But notwithftanding all this moderation and humility, the viceroy or- • Gomara, c. 152. Robenfon, Hift. Americ. lib. vi, f Zariie, lib. >. <. 25-. Cucilaflb, l.b. iv. •. ;> ' dered THE HISTORY OF AMERICA. yi5, dered him to be arretted at their firft interview, on account of an accidental tu- CHAP. X. mult, in which he had no concern ; to be loaded with chains, and committed to ^^'^^''ixli. the common jail. Incenfed at this aft of tyranny, the inhabitants of Lima went in a body to Vela, and remonftrated with great boldnefs againft fiich an infuk on a perfon of De Caflro's rank -, defiring that he might be removed to the town- houfe, and offering to bail his appearance to the amount of an hundred thou- fand pefos. The viceroy complied with their requefl:, from fear of a general in- furreftion : perfifted in his rigorous meafures, and the people continued to plot and to cabal *. Thele dillurbances were not confined to Lima, they extended over all the tovt'ns in Peru, inhabited by Spaniards. This was a fit opportuniiy for Gonzalo Pizarro to refume his ambitious projefts -, and he did not neglect it. He re- ceived letters and addrelfes from all quarters, imploring him to avert the ruin which threatened the colony. Many of his old friends joined him, as did feveral foldiers that were difperfed about the country, offering to fupport him with the laft drop of their blood. Encouraged by thefe favourable appearances, he re^ paired to Cuzco, where he was received with tranfports of joy by the inhabitants, who confidered him as their common deliverer. In the fervour of their zeal, they eledted him Procurator General of the Spanilh nation in Peru, to folicit the repeal of the late regulations. They auchoriled him to lay their remonllrances before the royal audience at Lima ; and upon pretext of danger from Manco Capac, who was then at the head of an army of obfervation, they impowered him to aflemble a body of troops, and march thither in arms f . Under fanftion of this nomination, Pizarro took polTeflion of the royal trea* fure, appointed officers, levied foldiers, feized a large train of artillery which Vaca de Caftro had depofited in Gtiamagna, and fet out for Lima, as if he had been advancing againfb a public enemy. The Inca's death was in Ibme meafure; the caufe of thefe open hoftilities, as Pizarro could no longer pretend any danger from the Indians, who immediately difperfed. As he advanced, he was joined by Pedro de Puelles, and a confiderable body of troops, whom the viceroy had fent to oppofe him. A party of horfe, difpatched to intercept Puelles, on in- formation being received of his defeflion, alfo deferted to the malcontents. Rebellion had now afliimed a regular form, and many perfons of note reforted to the ftandard of Pizarro : among others, Francifco de Carvajal, whom he con- ftituted his major-general, and proceeded towards the capital with an apparent in- tention of throwing off all dependence on Spain, and rendering himfelf abfolute fovereign of Peru J ; a fcheme by no means difficult in the execution at that /juntSture, had he made the proper ufe of the univerfal diflike to the new regula- tions, and conviiTced the people that he fought their good more than the grati- fication of his own ambition. Before Pizarro reached Lima, a revolution had happened very favourable to his defigns. The judges of the Royal Audience were no lefs diffatisfied with the • Herrera, dec. V. lib. i. c. i. ■\ Id. ibid. f Ut fupra. viceroy^a. 5'v6 THE HISTORY OF AMERICA. BOOK I. viceroy's condudl than the people whom he was fent to govern : they joined with V"0'~""^ the citizens in foliciting a fuipenfion of the new ordinances : Vela refolved to have recourfe to arms, in order to enforce them ; and both parties were fo much exafperated by frequent contelh, arifing from interference of jurifdidtion and con- trariety of opinion, that their mutual difguft foon grew into open enmity. I'he judges thwarted the viceroy in every meafure ; fet at liberty prifoners whom he had confined ; juftifkd the malcontents, and applauded their remonftranccs. The citizens rofe in open rebellion in favour of the judges ; and the viceroy, become univerfally odious, and abandoned even by his guards, was feized in hi^ own palace, and put on board the fleet, which alfo renounced his authority, to be there confined, till fuch time as he could be fent to Spain *. Having thus alTunied the fupremedireftion of afi^airs into their own hands, the judges iflued a proclamation lufpending the execution of the obnoxious laws ; and fent, at the lame time, a mefiage to Pizarro, requiring him, as they had al- ready granted whatever he could requeft, to difmifs his troops, and repair to Lima with fifteen or twenty attendants, in order to concert meafures for fettling the government. This requifition, which was probably made with no other in- tention than to throw a decent veil over their own condudl, was treated by Pizarro with the contempt it deferved. The fupreme authority was now within his reach, and he did not want courage to feize it. Inftead of the inferior funftion of pro- curator general for the Spanifli fcttlements, he demanded, by way of anfwer to the meflage of the judges, to be conftituted governor, and captain-general of the whole province by the court of audience; threatening, if they refufed to grant him a commiffion to that effeft, that Lima fhould be deftroyed with fire and fword. In order to give weight to his demand, he proceeded on his march, and encamped in the neighbourhood of the city. A frefh fummons was fent to the judges i who, either from unwillingnefs to relinquifh power, or from a defire of preferving feme attention to appearances, hefitated, or feemed to hefirate, above complying : Gonzalo therefore began to ereft batteries, with an intention of laying fiege to the;place. This produced the defired efFeft : the inhabitants de- clared againll the judges, and deferted in great numbers to the camp ; and Gonzalo's army being now augmented to the number of twelve hundred mer he difpatched Carvajal with a fummons, declaring if any farther delay was made the town muft fuffer all the confequences of his vengeance, and the judges afcribe to their own obftinacy, the (laughter of their fellow citizens. Even this menace could not move them ; till Carvajal, impatient of delay, marched into the city by night, feized feveral officers of diftindion obnoxious to Pizarro, and hanged them without the formality of a trial. Next morning the court of audience iffucd a commifiion in the emperor's name, appointing Gonzalo Pizarro c^overnor of Peru, with full power, civil as well as military > and he entered the town that day in triumph, to take poffeffion of his new dignity, while Lima blazed \vith bonfires, and rung with public rejoicings -f. * Henera, dec. V. lib. i. c. i. f Zarate, lib. v. c. lo. GwcilaiTo, ]ib. iv c. ig. 3 This T ri E HISTORY OF AMERICA. 3'7 This flow of profperity was interrupted by fome events which gave great un- C^AP. X. A. D, eafinefs to Pizarro. Juan Alvarez, one of the judges, to whofe cuftody the vice- roy had been committed on board a vefiel, in order to be carried into Spain, was no fooner out at lea, than touched with remorfe, or moved by fear, he fell at the fett of his priibner, declariiig him from that moment, to be free, and protefliinor that he himfelf, and every perfon in the fhip, would obey him as the legal repre- ' Tentative of their fovereign. Vela defired him to fheer to Tumbez •, and landino- there, eredcd the royal enfign, and refumed his authority as viceroy. He was joined by feveral perfons of eminence, not yet infedled with the contagious fpirit of rebellion; and the violence of Pizarro's government foon augmented the num- ber of his adherents, as it forced fome leading men in the colony to fly to him for refuge. He took courage from the mifcondud of his adverfary 5 and enter- taining hopes that Gonzalo's inlolence would foon turn the fbream of popular ^ffecftion, he difpatched his fon in-law into Spain, to acquaint his imperial majefty with the ftate of affairs in Peru, and requeft that fpeedy fuccours might be fenc againft the rebels. Meanwhile his ftrength increafed daily, and he had the fatis- faflion to learn, that Diego Ccnteno, a bold aftive officer, incenfed by the cruelty and opprefTion of Pizzaro's lieutenant governor in the province of Charcas, had formed a confpiracy againft his life, cut him off, and fet up the royal ftandard *. Though alarmed at thefe hoftile appearances in the oppolite extremes of the empire, Gonzalo was not difconcerted j but prepared to aflert the authority which he had aflumed, with the fpirit and conduft of an officer habituated to com- mand. He marched diredly with all his forces againft the viceroy, as the neareft A. D. 1541; as well as the moft formidable enemy. Vela, unable to face the malcontents, re- treated towards Quito : Pizarro followed him ; and in that long march, throuf^h a wild and mountainous country, both fuffered hardftiips and encountered diffi- culties, which no troops but thofe accuftomed to ferve in America, could have endured. The armies were frequently in fight of each other, and the royalifts were forced to keep conftantly in arms, during a journey of one hundred and fifty leagues, in the courfe of which they were chiefly nourifhed by herbS) roots, and other vegetables. The approach of the rebels to Quito, obliged the viceroy to abandon that city, which he found incapable of defence, and to retreat forty leagues beyond it ; hoping that Pizarro would ftop the purfuit, in order to refrefti his men in a place abounding with provifions. But he found himfelf miftaken : the rebels fcarce halted at Quito, and pufhed on with fo much vigour and perfeverance as drove Vela to defpair. When he faw a party of the enemy defcending a hill near his camp, he lifted up his hands and eyes to heaven, and exclaimed, " Shall it be credited in future ages, that Spaniards could purfue the ftandard of their kino- with fuch obftinacy, as to endure every poffible hardfhip for the fpace of four 1 hundred leagues r" meaning from Lima to the place where he was then encamped on the farther extremity of Peru. Still, however, he purfued his retreat, with • Zarate, lib. v. c. 18. Herrera, dec. V. lib. i. c. 3. 17. 4 M all." 54+' 3iS BOOK i. A.D. '5+3- Jan. iS. THE HISTORY OF AMERICA. all the rapidity of a flight, into the province of Popayan ; which determined Pizai TO to return to Quito, whence he difparchtd Carvajal to oppofc Centeno, who was growing formidable in the fouihtrn provinces of the empire, while he him- fclf remained in that city, in order to watch the motions of the viceroy *. Having thus efcaped the rage of his enemies. Vela was luffered to reft quiet ir> Popayan •, where, by his own activity, and the alTiftance of Benalcazar, he foon aflenibled four hundred men ; and as he retained, amid all his difafters the fame elevation of mind, and the fame high fenfe of his own dignity, he not only re- medied with difdain the advice of fome of his followers, who urged him to make overtures of accommodation to Pizarro, but determined to attack the rebels, now weakened by the detachment fent againft Centeno, and decide the contefl by the fuord. Witii this view he marched back to Quito, where he hoped to find fome friends ; having eluded the vigilance of Pizarro, who had taken pofTelTion of a ftrong poft, in order to difpute his palTage : but to his aflonidiment, he found the place entirely abandoned by the inhabitants, on which he exclaimed, " Great God ! is not this your caufe, and not one good man left to defend it f ?" — Pizarro was no lefs furprifed and difappointed on learning that the viceroy had changed his route, and purfued him with great rapidity as foon as informed of his courfe. He found the royal army drawn up in battalia before the city; and relying on the fuperiority of numbers, but flill more on the difcipline and valour of his troops, advanced refolutely to the charge. The cavalry firfl engaged, and iought with great courage and obtlinacy ; but at length the impetuofity and ftub- born valour of Pizarro's veterans turned the fcale, and made room for the foot to join in clofe engagement; for fuch was the extraordinary difpofition of both armies, that the horfe occupied almoft the entire front. The royal infantry in the rear werefomewhat difconcerted by the precipitate tumultuous retreat of the vanquifhed cavalry ; but they foon rallied, and fuftaincd the attack of the enemy with firmnefs and intrepidity. Tiie viceroy fouglit like a private foldier, at the fame time that he displayed all the qualities of an excellent general ; animat- ifig, exhorting, foofhing, and menacing his troops to do their duty. Vidory was held for a while in fufpence by his exertions ; but being at laft laid dead by the ftroke of a battle-axe, his troops already broken by the fire of Pizarro's mufketry, were fcized witli a panic, and routed with great Daughter. His head was cutoff, and placed on the public gibbet of Quito, which Pizarro entered in triumph J. In confequence of this decifive vidory, Pizarro came into immediate poflel- fion of the whole authority. He difpofed of every thiiig at his pleafure, punifhed his enemies, and rewarded his friends without controul ; and wlxatever his info- lence might have been on former occafions, he certainly aded at prefent with prudence and difcretion. Affembling the prifoners, he reprefented to them the power which Heaven had put into his hands ; his intentions to fupport and pro- te6t public liberty ; the fatal confequences which muft have refulted from the • Herrera, dec. V. lib. i. c. j. lib. V. c. 32. CarciLailb, lib. ii. c. 34. t Id. ibid. J Zarate, cflajblilhraent THE HISTORY OF AMERICA. 319- cHabliflimenc of the new regulations, and the crimes committed by thofv.* who CHAP. X. abetted Vela's tyranny -, aiterwhich hedifmificd themwiih a general pardon, excepc j^ j~, ^ g^ a tew of the nnglcudeis, whom he banifhed to Chili and the diftant provinces. Meanwhile Carvajal having purfued Centeno over mountains and wilds, with, out bc:r.g able to bring him to a general aftion, though every day was produdlive of bloody Ikirir.il'hes, at length feized upon a pafs, where he thought the enemy mufl: nLjeflarily be furroundcd, and obliged to lay down their arms ; but Cen- teno's vigilance and afiivity extricated him out of this difficulty likewife, and obliged Carvajal to confcls, that in the courfe of forty campaigns made in Italy and other countries, he had never btheld fo extraordinary a retreat as that per- formed by Centeno, over a defcrt country, two hundred leagues in extent, in the face of a fuperior enemy. It was impoflible, however, he could long maintain himfelf in fuch circumjftances. He dire.fled his march to Arequeba, where he determined to embark his troops, and proceed to Chili, if fhipping could be pro- cured. For this purpofe he fent an officer before him, and a vefTel bound to Chili was hired ; but juft as he was ready to embark, Carvajal appeared. On this unexpcfted event, Centeno called his men together, and told them that they muft now dilperfe in fmall bodies, and fhift for themielves, till affairs wore a more favourable afpeft ; after which he took an affedionate leave of them, and re- tired to ihe mountains, leaving Carvajal undifputed mafter of that part of the country *. Every place in Peru, from the frontiers of Popayan to thofe of Chili, fub- mitted to Pizarro ; and by his fleet, under Pedro de Hinojofa, he had not only the unrivalled command of the South Sea, but had taken pofleffion of Panama ; whence Ferdinando Mexia, another of his officers, had furprifed and placed a garrifon in Nombre de Dios, on the oppofite fide of the ifthmus, which rendered him mafter of the ufual avenue of communication between Spain and the empire under his dominion. The crifis of his fate was arrived : he muft now determine, whether he fliould be confidered as an independent prince, or a rebellious fubjeft ; whethei' he fhould humble himfelf to deprecate the vengeance of that monarch, in viola- tion of whofe authority he had taken up arms, or boldly fet him at defiance, and afllime to himfelf the titles and honours of fovereign of Peru. To the laft refo- lution he was advifed by moft of his officers and counfellors, but chiefly by Carvajal ; who, in a letter written to him, on receiving an account of the vic- tory at Quito, ufes every argument that can be fuggefted on the fubjed:, and every motive that can enforce them. " You have ufurped," fays he, " the fu- preme power in this country, in contempt of the emperor's commiffion to an- other. You have marched, in hoftile array, againft the royal ftandard : you liave attacked the reprefentative of your fovereign in the field, have defeated him, and cut off his head. Think not that any monarch will ever forgive fucK infults on his dignity, or that any reconciliation with him can be cordial or fincere. Depend no longer on the precarious favour of another : affume yourfelf the » Id. ibid. fovereignty THE HISTORY OF AMERICA. fovereignty over a country, to the dominion of which your family has a title founded on the rights both of difcovery and conqueft. It is in your power to attach every Spaniard in Peru inviolably to your intercft by liberal prefents of lands and Indians, or by inftituting ranks of nobility, and creating titles of honour fimilar to thofe which are courted with fo much eagernefs in Europe. By eftablifhing orders of knighthood, with privileges and diftinftions refembling thoie in Spain, you may beftow a gratification upon the officers in your fervice fuited to the ideas of military men. Nor is it to your countrymen oniv that you ought to attend -, endeavour to gain the natives. By marrying the Coya, or daughter of the Sun next in fuccefilon to the crown, you will induce the Indians, out of veneration for the blood of their ancitnt princes, to unite with the Spaniards in lupport of your auihority. Thus, at the head of the principal inhabitants of Peru, as well as of the new fettlers there, you may fet at defiance the power of Spain, and repel with eafe any feeble force which it can fend to fuch a diftance *." Zepeda, the prefident of the court of audience, who had joined Pizarro, and was now become his confidential counfellor, warmly feconded Carvajal's exhorta- tions, and enjployed whatever learning he poflefTed in demonftrating. That all the founders of great monarchies had been raifed to fupreme power, not by an- tiquity of defcent, or the legality of their rights, but by their own valour and perfonal fuperiority. Pizarro liftened with attention to both ; but happily for the tranquillity ot the world, the mediocrity of his talents confined his ambition within more narrow limits. He contemplated with fatisfaftion, but with awe, the vaft objeft offered to his eye ; and apprehenfive of fome kiddcn turn of fortune, inftead of afpiring at independent power, he confined his views to obtaining from the court of Spain a confirmation of the authority he now poflcrfied. For that purpol'e he refolved todifpatch thitherLaurence deAldana, an officer of diftindion, to reprefent all the late tranfadbions in the moft favourable light; to alTure his im- perial majefty of the zeal and loyalty of Pizarro, who pretended only tojultify his conduft by the extreme neceffity of afl-'airs ; and to folicit the government for him, lather with a feeming view to proniote the public interclt, than to rc- compenfe his fervices or gratify his ambition, Aldana was farther authorifed to promife, in the name of all the towns and cities in Peru, the repayment of whatever had been expended of the royal treafure, befides a confiderable free gift, provided a general pardon was granted for paft ofiences, and Pizarro con- tinued in his prefent nation -f . While Pizarro was deliberating what courfe he fhould purfue, in order to pre- ferve his ufurped authority^ confultations were held in Spain, with no lefs folici- tude, concerning the means of re- eftablifhing the emperor's dominion over Peru. Charles himklf was then in Germany, employed in conducing the war againft the famous league of Smalkaldc, ont- of the moft interefling and arduous cnter- prifes in his reign j the care of providing a remedy againft the diforders in Peru, • Ga'cilaflb, lib. iv. c. 40. Robertfon, Hill. Aiaer. b. vi. f Herrera, dec. V, iib. ii. c. 2, S there- iHiMiaiioniiuiiijriiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiinrniniiiiiiiiiiimiimiiiiiimnrmiwiii^ TH"E Tl IS TORY t>t? A^^Rl'CA. §21 'therefore, devolved upon his fon Philip, and the counfellors whom he had em- CHAP. X. ■ployed to affift in the government of Spxain during his abfence. The a£tions of "^f^'7^ Pizarro and his adherents appeared fo repugnant to the duty of fubjcdls towards their fovereign, that the greater part of the miniftry, though unacquainted with the lafl: exceflcs of outrage to which the malcontents had proceeded, infilled oh declaring them inftantlyto be guiltyof rebellion, and agreed to punifli them with the moft exemplary rigour. But the difficulty of raifing and equipping a body of troops fufficient for that purpofe, and of tranl'porting them to a country fo diftant • -as Peru, at a time when Spain was drained of men and money by a feries of wars, which ftill tontinued to rage, and while Pizarro remained mafter of the South Sea, caufed the iiheme fuggefted by the ardour of loyalty to be laid afide as impracticable. Nothing then remained, but to attempt by lenient meafures, what could not be effefted by force. Though Aldana's inftrudlions were not yet known in Spain, it was evident from Pizarro's former difpatches, that he ftill retained fentiments of veneration for his fovereign, or found his fituation lb infecure, that he judged the royal protedlion neceflary to his fafety. In either cafe, a profpect equally favourable to government was opened : he might be reclaimed to his duty, by moderation and forbearance ; or his followers be induced, by certain concef- -fions, to withdraw their fupport from his ufurped authority, and return to their allegiance. Thus did the Spanifh miniftry reafon. The meafures to be purfued were now evident to every one, but another difficulty ftill remained -, the. means of carry- ing them into execution. "Who was equal to a negociation fo delicate and im- portant, the fuccefs of which muft reft entirely on the abilities of the man to ■whom it was committed ? — Several perfons were propofed ; and after weighing their comparative merit with much attention, the choice was unanimoufly fixed «pon the licentiate Pedro de la Gafca, then of the fupreme council of the inqui- fition at Valencia. He had been occafionally employed by government in affairs of truft and confidence, and had conduded them with no Icfs fkill than fuccefs j tlifplaying a gentle and infinuating temper, accompanied with firmnefs, and a cautious circumfpe^lion in concerting meafures, followed by what is feldom its attendant, much vigour in executing theni. Thefe qualities marked him out for the ftation he was now deftir.ed to fill. The emperor, who was not unac- quainted with the talents of Gafca, warmly approved of the choice ; and the licentiate, notwithftanding his advanced age, and feeble conftitution, did noc hefitate a moment in complying with the will of his fovereign. His commiffion- and inftruftions were accordingly drawn up. He would accept of no higher title than that of Prefident «f the Court of Royal Audience in Peru ; and to avoid giving alarm to the malcontents, he defired that he might go, like a minifter of ^eace, with his gown and breviary, and without any retinue but a few domeftics *. But, amid all this apparent moderation and humilicvj Gafca demanded the moft unlimited powers, whicli Charles granted to the full extent of his wifli. "* Zarate, lib. vi. c. 6. Rnbtrtfon, Hid. Amerrca, book vi. 17. 4 N His THE HISTORY OF A M E R I C A.. His comminion authorifcd him '* to pardon all crimes, even high-trcafon -, to re,» ward iuch as had fignalized chemfelves iii the king's fervice, and to bellow titles of-' honour on them ; to appoint governors, and fill up other vacant employments,, till fiich time as tlie king fliould order otlierwife, he giving an account of the' merits of fuch ptribns •, to make ordinances with the advice of the inhabitants conditionally, that they lliould be confirmed by his majelly ; to execute all that, had been given in charge to the viceroy, BlafcoNugnez Vela, as far as might be for the fervice of God and the king ; to execute juftice and try caufes between, and againft all perfons whatfoever, without exception ; to banifh all turbulent churchmen, till Iuch time as a bull fhould be obtained from the pope for punifli- ing them corporally ; to difpofe at plcafure of the royal revenue for the redudion of the country, wiih the advice of any two of the royal judges, and the king's, officers." All viceroys, governors, and other perfons, were commanded to fupport and obey him, and the city of Panama was ordered to be fubordinate to the court of Peru. In regard to his falary there was no limitation, the officers of the re- venue being direded to furnifli him with whatever he had occafion for *. Highly fatisfied with this frtflt proof of his fovereign's confidence, Gafca haftened his departure, and without either money or troops fet out to quell a formidable rebellion. . When he arrived at Nombre de Dios, he found Ferdinanda Mexia ported there, to oppofe the landing of any hoftile forces ; but Gafca ap- peared in fuch a fimple guile, with a train fo little formidable, and a title which excited no terror, that he was received without jealoufy, and even with refpe ■3^4 THE HISTORY OF AMERICA. marched in perfon at the head of three hundred thoufand fighting men againfl: the imperial army ■, came within fight of it, and retreated with precipitation, witliout daring to give battle *." Meanwhile Pizarro being informed of Gafca's arrival at Nombre de Dios, and of the nature of his commiflion, haftened the departure of Aldana for Europe with his difpatches; directing him, by the way, to require the prefident to re- turn into Spain, and to put him into the hands of Ferdinando Mexia, with fecret in(lrud:ions to murder him in the pafFage -f. Thefe inftruftions Aldana com- municated to Hinojofa, on finding Gafca at Panama. Amazed at Pizarro's precipitate refolution of fetting himfelf in oppofition to the emperor's commiffion, and difdaining to be his inftrument in executing the odious crime pointed out to Mexia, the admiral publickly recognized the prefident as his only lawful fuperior. The officers under his command did the fame. Mexia alfo declared, that he held Nombre de Dios for the crown ; and fuch was the contagious influence of example, that it even reached Aldana, and Gomez de Solis, who had been joined with him in commiflion. Hinojofa was continued in his rank of admiral^ and Aldana appointed commodore ; fo that Pizarro, at the very time when he expeded to hear of Gafca's return, if not of his death, received an account of his being mafl:er of the fleet, Panama,, and Nombre de Dios, aggravated by the ■defection of his deputies. This intelligence reached Lima almoft at the fame time with the prefident^s letter, and threw the malcontents into the utmoft confternation. A council was immediately fummoned, and warm debates enfued. Carvajal, now fenfible of Pizarro's unfteady temper, recommended to him a fpeedy fubmilTion to his fove- reign, as the fafefl: meafure : and when Gafca's letter was read, " By our Lady !"— • * exclaimed he, in that flile of buffoonery that was familiar to him,—" the prieft iflties gracious bulls. He gives them both good artd cheap; let us not only .accept of them, but wear them as reliques about our necks." Zepeda was of a dircft contrary opinion : he alledged, that all the prefident's promifes were infidi- ^ ous, in order to prevail on them to lay down their arms, and then condemn them to fuffer the punidiment of rebels. Pizarro inclined to the fame way of think- ing, and not only denied Gafca permiiTion to enter Peru, before he fhould be confirmed in the government, but irritated almoft to madnefs at the revolt of his fleet, and the other unexpected events with which it was accompanied, began the moft vigorous preparations for war. In the fpaceof a few days he muftered near a thoufand men in the city of Lima, all veterans, well armed, and provided witli horfes and flaves for carrying the baggage ; fo that they were capable of march- ing with great celerity to whatever quarter they might be deflined. Nor was A. D* 1547. this his whole flrength. He fent detachments to Cuzco, La Plata, and other places, commanding proclamation every where to be made, that the prefident had exceeded the king's orders, in feducing his forces, and attempting to embroil in • Garcilaflb, lib, t. c. 5. Gomara, c. 176. t Herrcra, dec. V. lib. a. 9, 2. • civil 5 THEHfSTORYOFAMEx^ICA. 525 civil war a country which hadjiift begun to cafte the blelTings of peace and tran- CHAP. x. quility ; that the royal commifTion did not iinpower Gai'ca to fupplant him in liis authority : it only conftituted him prefident of the council, with inflructions to purfue the moft pacific mcalures ; and as he had already exceeded his powers, Pizarro urged, that the people were concerned no lefs than himfelf to check a growing ambition ; for if Gafca fucceeded in his defigns, they muft expeft to be plundered and difpoRefled of all that wealth which they had acquired with fo much toil and bloodlhed, and perhaps meet with impriibnment, tortures, and death, as the reward of their fervices*. In order to juftify ftill farther thefe hoftile preparations, a formal indiflment was drawn up by the advice of Zepeda, and aprocefs commenced againll the pre- fidenc before the court of audience in Lima. A fimilar profecution was carried on againll the admiral, Nonojofa, for betraying the fleet, againft the deputies, and all the other officers, who had deferted from Pizarro. Evidences were accordingly examined, and the crimes of treachery, breach of the peace, and robbery were proved on oath againft the officers : it was alfo proved, that Gafca had received effeds illegally, knowing them to have been Pizarro's, and appropriated them to his own ule. On this, the prefident, and all the officers who had deferted Pizar- ro's fervice, were declared traitors by Zepeda and the other judges, afting in vir- tue of the royal commiffionf. Gafca in the meantime was not idle. Perceiving that force muft be employed in order to accompliffi the purpofe of his miiTion, he was alfiduous in colledinCT troops from Nicaragua, Carthagena, and the other Spanifli fettlements on the continent, and was fo fuccefsful in his endeavours, that he was foon in a condition to difpatch Aldana with four fhips, and a confiderable body of troops, to the coaft of Peru. Their appearance excited a dreadful alarm ; and tho' Aldana did not attempt for fome time to make any hoftile defcent, he performed more eflrntial fervice by fetting aihore perfons at different places, who made known the tenor of the prefident's commiffion, the revocation of the late edicls, and the adt of ge- neral indemnity ; in confequence of which defertion became fo common, that Pizarro foon found his army confiderably diminiftied. All who were diflatisfied with his violent adminiftration, and all who retained any fentimcnts of duty to their fovereign, now meditated revolt, while fuch as had lain concealed in mountains and caves began to emerge from their obfcurity. Among thefe was . Centeno, who in the courle of a few months raifed eight hundred men for the crown in the province of Charcas, and made himfelf mafter of the cities of La Plata and Cuzco J. Aftonifhed as Pizarro was at beholding one enemy approaching by land, and another by fea, at a time when he expe6ted to find all Peru united in iiis favour, he was neither appalled nor difconcerted. As the danger from Centeno's opera- tions was moft urgent, he inftantly fet out to oppofe him -, and his army being provided as already mentioned, he marched with furprifmg celerity. Every • Herrera, dec. v. lib. iii. c. i. + Zarate, lib. vi. c. |6. t -IJ- ibid. 17 4 O morn- A. D. 1547. THE HISTORY OF AMERICA. morning, however, he found his force diminiflied by the numbers that had left him during the night ; and though he took every precaution, and exercifed every fevericy, to check the rage of delcrcion, he could not mufler above four hundred foldiers, when he came within fight of the enemy at Huarina, near the lake Titi- aca. But thofe he juftly confidered as men of tried attachment, on whom he might depend. They were indeed the boldeft and moft defperate of his follow- ers; men, confcious like himfelf of crimes for which they could hardly expeft forgivcnefs, and whofe only hope was in the fucceisful efforts of their valour. He did not heficate, at the head of thefe determined veterans, to face Centeno, and a body of troops more than double the number of his own. Both armies were oa. 20. drawn up with great military fkill ; but efpecially Pizarro's, that important bu- finefs devolving upon Carvajal, whofe talents as a commander were as v/orthy of admiration as his cruelties were deteftable. His orders were to wait the ene- my's attack firmly, till they came within lure reach of ihot, and then to pour in a vigorous fire upon them. In order to provoke the royalifts, he fent Acofta with a party of mufqueteers to infuit their front, and inftrufted him to keep up a re- treating fight ; all which was executed with luch punduality, that Centeno was infenfibly drawn into an engagement, and feduced to expend his fhot before it could take effeft. This manoeuvre more than counterbalanced the fupcriority of numbers. Pizarro's foldiers timed their fire fojudicioufiy that near an hundred and fifty of the royalifts fell at the firft dilcharge ; the fecond put all in confufion and difmay : moft of Centeno's officers were killed or wounded, and the infantry was entirely routed in lefs than half an hour. The cafe was otherwife in regard to the cavalry, where the weight and fuperiority of numbers proved more than equiva- lent to valour and difcipline. Pizarro's horfe were borne dow-n with the torrent, and himfelf in imminent danger of being killed or taken prifoner, when the vic- torious infantry came to his affiftance •, attacked the enemy in front and on both flanks, and put them to flight with great flaughcer. The treatment of the van- quifiied was fuch as might have been expefted from men irritated by perfonal in-, juries, and puftied to defpair. The fpoils of the field, and the pillage of the camp were immenfe, amounting to one million four hundred thoufand pcfos *. Pizarro, however, did not obtain this fignal vi«5lory without confiderable lofs. Near one hundred of his brave band were killed on the fpot -, but as he was now deemed invincible in the field, frefli troops daily reforord to him, end foon aug- mented his army to double its former number. Bcfides, a road was now opened to the heart of the empire, a happy turn given to the fpirits of the people, and a wide field oiTered to his ambition. He advanced towards Cuzco -, made his triumphal entry, with great pomp, into that city ; fent detachments upon dif- ferent expeditions, and feized the king's treafures, to an incredible value at La. Rata, while the unfortunate Centeno was making the beft of his way to Lima, • Fernandez, lib. ii. c. 79. Herrera, dec. V. lib. iii. c. 4. over: T H E H I S T O R Y O F A M E R I C A, 327 over fugged mountains and barren deferts, attended only by a pried, who had CHAP. X. ftiared in his calamities, and affirted in his efcape*. aTdTTcT?. But events happened, in other parts of Peru, which preponderated over all the advantages that Pizarro derived from his vidory at Huarina. Scarce had he left Lima, when the citizens, weary of his tyrannical dominion, ereded the royal ftandard, and Aldana, with a detachment of foldiers from the fleet, took • poffefTion of the town. About the fame time the prefident landed at f umbez with five hundred men, and Benalcazar^took pofleflion of Qiiito, where Puelles, Pizarro's general in that province, was (lain by one of his officers, who inclined to the pi-efident. The fituation of the two parties was now perfedly reverfed : while Cuzco and the adjacent provinces were polTefTed by Pizarro, all the reft of the empire, from the frontiers of Popayan, acknowledged the jurifdidion of Gafca, whofe behaviour ftill continued to be gentle and unafTuming. Full of aff^ability, lenity, and complacency, he exprcfTed, on every occafion, his ardent wifh of terminating the contefl without bloodfhed. The people were won by his infinuating carriage, and as his numbers daily increafed, he was encouraged to advance into the interior part of the country -f-. Meanwhile Pizarro, intoxicated with the fuccefs which had hitherto attended his arms, and elated with having again near a thoufand men under his command, remained in Cuzco with as much fecurity as if the war had already been finifhed. Carvajal perceived the bad cfFcdts which muft attend fuch a conduft, and laboured with all his eloquence to induce Gonzalo to feize the flrong pofls in the enemy's way, evacuate the city, and take the field with adtivity and fpirit. When advice arrived of Gafca's approach he redoubled his folicitations ; but the infatuated Pizarro iyffered the royaliffs to pafs all the rivers that lie between Guamanga and Cuzco without oppolition, and to advance witliin four leagues of that capital, flattering himfelf that a defeat in fuch a fituation as rendered a retreat imprac- ticabJe would at once make him undifputed matter of Peru. Carvajal, on the contrary, fenfible that the enemy's ftrength was great, infifted on diflirelTing them by marches and countermarches; dividing their forces; and attacking them fepararely, when no opportunity offered of afTifling each other; and on finding his advice rejefted, he declared that he gave up all for loft. Pizarro, however, confident of vi6tory, drew out his troops, and intrepidly marched to meet the royalifts, in the valley of Xaquixaguana J. The appearance of the two armies, as they advanced flowly to the charge, April 9, was very remarkable : in Pizarro's, compofed of men enriched with the fpoils of A. D. iSiS. the mofl opulent country of America, every officer, and almoft all the private foldiers, were cloathed in flufi^s of filk, or brocade, embroidered with gold and fa-lver ; and their hori'es, their arms, their ftandards, were adorned with all the pride of military pomp. Gafca's, though lefs fplendid, exhibited a fpeftacle no lefs ftriking; he himfelf, accompanied by the archbilhop of Lima, the bilhops of ' Zarate, lib. vii. c, 4. Herrera, dec. V. lib iii. c. 4. f Zarate, lib. vii. C< 1- t. Herrera, dec. V. lib. iv, c. 2. Quito J28 THE HISTORY OF AMERICA. BOOK I. Qiiko and Cuzco, and a great number of inferior ecclefiaftics, marching alonty ^[-^^'Yrrs. ^'"^ ''"^^' bleffing the men, and encouraging them to a refolute difcharge of tiieir duty * ! — When both armies were ready to engage, Garcilafib dc la Vega, an officer of diftinftion, defertcd to the royalifts, and was received with open arms by the prefident. His example was followed by Zepeda, the perion in whofe fidelity Pizarro placed the higheft confidence. He advanced under pretence of examining the difpofition of the enemy, put fpurs to his horle, and luddenly joined them. The revolt of perfons of fuch high rank ftruck all with amazement: mutual confidence cealed at once, and diftruft and confternation became general. The royal camp was foon crowded with Fizarro's foldiers, who all declared they had feized the firfl: opportunity of elcaping and teftifying their loyalt)'. The whole left wing of the mufqueteers went over to the prefident in a body. A defertion fo uncommon feemed to render fighting unnecefTary ; Gafca there- fore laid afide the defign of giving battle, either becaufe he had no oreat con- fidence in troops that had already betrayed their general, or becaufe he did not chufe to drive a handful of men to defpair, who, if left to themfelves, would probably join him. He was not deceived in this laft conjeflure. Thepikemen, who only remained with Pizarro, feeing the defperate ftate of his affairs, threw down their arms, declared their refolution not to fight againfl their kino;, and made the befl of their way for the royal camp. Perceiving all irretrievably loft, Pizarro exclaimed, in aftonifhment, to a few officers who ftill faithfully adhered to him, " What remains for us to do ?"— " Let us rufli," replied one of them, " on the enemy's firmeft battalion, and die like Romans." But Gonzalo, dejeded by fuch a (udden reverie of fortune, wanted fpirit to follow this gallant advice, and tamely furrendered to Pedro Villavicencio, who commanded one of the enemy's out pofts. Carvajal was taken prifoner in endeavouring, at the ao-e of eighty-five, to make his efcape by the fwiftnefs of his horfe-f-. Gafca's lenity after this bloodlefs vidory was equal to his moderation before it- Pizarro, Carvajal, and a few other diltinguifhed offenders, only were condemned to fuffer death. The reil were pardoned, or but flightly punifhed. Pizarro, when brought into the prefcnce of Gafca, vindicated his meafures with becoming bold- nefs ; claimed all that he afpired to as his undoubted right •, hinted at the ingra- titude of the court to his family, but never dropt a dilrefpedful exprefTion of his imperial majefty. He was beheaded the day after the battle, and fubmitted to his fate with a compofed dignity. The end of Carvajal was fuitable to his life. When introduced to the prefident he maintained a contemptuous filence, and on his trial he fcorned to make any defence. " One can die but once," faid he, when his fentcnce was pionounced; — " and a man of my age, even in more p.olperous circumftances, can leave little behind him to occafion a figh." No- thing, in a word, could be more extraordinary than the behaviour of this hoary foldicr from the time of his imprifonment to his execution. He difcovered no • Zarate lib. vi. c, n. Rcbertfon, Hift. Amer. lib. vi. f Herrera, dec. V. lib. iv, c. 2, Zarate, lib. vii. c. 7. 2 fign THE HISTORY OF AMERICA. 3^9 fign either of remorfe for the paft or folicitude about the future, but indulged ^^^j^^^JJ; himfelf in the fame farcaftic vein of mirth and grofs pleafantry as at any other ^_ ^ ,^^3. period of his life -, and difmifled, with admiration of his wit and fortitude, thofe who came to %'irit him from motives of curiofity, or with a view to take vengeance for the injuries they had received, by infulting his misfortunes *. The malcontents, in every corner of Peru, laid down their arms on the deatb of Pizarro -, but before public tranquillity could be re-eftablillied on any folid foundation, it was neceflary to find eniploymenc for the multitude of daring ad- venturers with which the country was filled, and to reward thofe who had parti- cularly affifted in fupprefiing the rebellion. To thefe obie(fts Gafca applied him- felf with the greateft attention. For the better difperfing of the army, governors, were appointed to all the cities in thecmpiref, and new expeditions proje6led. By thefe means no inconfiderabk portion of the mutinous and inflammatory fpirit, fo much to be dreaded, was drained off, as the hopes of bettering their condition induced many of the moft indigent and defperate foldiers to follow the ftandards of different leaders into remote provinces or undifcovered regions. The gratification of the loyalifts was an affair of more difficulty. While the vanity or avarice of every individual fixed the value of his own fervices, it was impoITible to fatisfy all; though the allotments of lands and Indians which fell to. be diftributed, in confequence of the death or forfeiture of the former poffcffors, exceeded two millions of pefos of yearly rent J. Gafca liftened to the claimants. with the moft patient attention, and that he might have leifure to weigh their feveral pretenfions, he retired with the archbifliop of Lima, and a fingle fecretary «D Quayarima, a village twelve leagues from Cuzco. There he fpent ieveral days in proportioning the feveral fhares ; and that he might get beyond the fierce ftorm of clamour and rage, which he forefaw would break out on the publication of his decree, notwithftanding the impartial equity with which he had framed it, he fet out for Lima, leaving the inftrumtnt of partition fealed up, with orders not to open it for fome days after his departure. It was accompanied with the following letter. " I have," faid he, " made repartition of an hundred and fifty commandaries, agreeable to the jufteft notions I could acquire of merit and long faithful fervices •, and I fhall, in the fame manner, beftow whatever fhall become vacant during my ftay in Peru. Thofe who are not now rewarded, may depend upon being afterwards provided for. Let me befecch you therefore to confider, not what you or I would wifh to enjoy, but what I have in my power to beftow. ' 1 1iave omitted nothing to ferve you : immenfe donations have been made, in . •which 1 have no fliare ; many more will fall within my province to beftow : reft then fatisficd in my decree, and believe that I am fenfible it is tlie duty of a Chriftian to repay obligations, and the intereft of a ruler to fecure the affedtior.s of the people by a£ts of juftice and liberality |l." • Garcilaflb, lib. v. c, 39. f Herrera, dec. V. lib. v. c. 3. I Garcilaflb, lib. iv. c. 4. ' II Herrera, dec. V. lib. v. c. 3. 17- 4 P .,• The 330 THE HISTORY OF A M E R I C A. ■J'!;e diiratiil!adiun avjciifioned by the pub!ic,.'.uon oi" ihc deci ce was fuch us Gafca hatl feared. It broke ouc wiih all ilie t'uiy of military infolcnce. 'I'liofe who had always remained tirm in their allegiance, wtre inccnfed that fuch as had joined Pizarro iliould have any fliarc in the forfeitures, or even retain their own pcireflions. Calumny, tlireats, anti curfes, were poured openly out on the };refident, whilcenni- lation, envy, and rage, agitated the breads of the difappointed claimants. Of thele the moft clamorous was P'rancifco Hernandez Giron. He accufed Gafca of in- gratitude, partiality, and injuftice ; and as he liad fuflered very much by the rebel- lion, and was an officer of known valour and reputation, all the malcontents looked up to him as their head. But not judging it prudent at that time to Iland forth in defence of their common wrongs, Giron went to L.ima, under pretence of avoiding the folicitations of the fadious foldiers, in order to reprefent his fervices to the prefident. Gafca received him refpeflfully ; difregarded all the accufations of his enemies; and velted him with a command, which put it ftill more in his power to complete his ambitious projeds *. In the meantime the prefident laboured with the utmoft afTiduity to compofe the minds of all men, and to re-ftablifh the regular adminiftration of juftice in every part of the empire. He introduced order and fimplicity into the mode of colledling the royal revenue ; and he iffued regulations concerning the treatment of the Indians, well calculated to protedt them from oppreffion, and to provide for their inftrudtion in the principles of the Chriftian religion, without depriving the Spaniards of the benefit accruing from their labour f . Having, by thefe •wife and humane regulations, reftored iiniverfal tranquillity to Peru, and referved, by the prudent ceconomy of his adminiftration, thirteen hundred thoufand pefos of public money, after paying all the expences of the war, Gafca rcfolved to return to Spain, as every objedl of his miflion feemed now fully accomplifhed. A. D. 1550. jn t]^is refolution he was confirmed by the arrival of difpatches from the em,- peror, commanding him to fupprefs entirely the perfonal fervice of the Indians. He faw the difturbances that would enfue from enforcing fuch orders ; and therefore committed them, together with the government, to the court of au- dience, and embarked with the treafure for Panama. He alfo delivered to the judges a decree for the repartition of fuch eftates as had become vacant fince the former diftribution made at Quayarima, with inftruftions not to publifh it till after his departure, that he might elcape the clamours and the perfecution of the difiatisfied claimants J. When Gafca arrived at Panama, he received a letter from the emperor, thank- ing him for his lervices, and informing him that his imperial majefty had ap- pointed Don Antonio de Mendoza to the government of Peru, with the title and enfigns of viceroy. This gave great fatisfaiSlion to Gafca, as Mendoza had go- verned New Spain for many years with fingular prudence, his moderation and * Id. ibid. I Herrera, dec. V. lib. v, c. .j. J Herrera, «Jec. V. lib. vi. c. 3. abilities A. D. 1551-^. THEHISTORY OF AMERICA. 33I abilities being equally confpicuous. Meanwhile Peru was expofed to frefh dif- CHAP. X. turbances. The judges no Iboner publifhed the fecond partition of lands, than ^7"^ ' all was uprcar and confufion in Lima. The diiappointed claimants reviled the prefident, curled their own hard fortune, and called aloud for vengeance on the authors of their wrongs* Thefe dilordtrs were increafed by the injudicious en- deavour to enforce the new edid, exempting the Indians from all perfonal fer- vice. The judges required, That the natives fhould no longer be compelled to work in the mines, to carry burdens, or perform any other kind of work -, and infifted that their icrvice Ihould not only be voluntary, but that they fhould be paid a daily ftated price for their labour. A frcfli alarm was fpread, and an in- - furreftion immediately appeared in Cuzco. The malcontents again placed Giron at their head, and their numbers increafed to fuch a degree, that the tumult was fuppreffed with the utmoft difficulty. Giron being taken prifoner was fent to receivejudgment at Lima ; but the court of audience, overawed by the popularity of his charafler, durfl: not perfume to call him to trial *. He was therefore difmiffed, and rendered more infolent by this proof of the feeblenefs of government. The difturbances daily increafed, and all law and order feemed to be abolilhed, when Antonio de Mendoza arrived at Lima. Though the viceroy's bad ftate of health prevented him from vifiting in perfon the different cities within his government, that important bufinefs was not negleded. He immediately difpatched his fon Francifco, to examine into • the difcontents which prevailed in Cuzco, and to proceed from thence to Charcas and the more diftant provinces. By the vigilance of Francifco, and the adtivity of the magiftrates, the tumult in Cuzco was at that time fuppreffed, and Peru delivered from one of the moft dangerous infurredions which had diftra<5ted it fince the eftablifliment of the Spanifh government. After this fortunate fervice, Alonfo fet out for the province of Charcas, where he examined every thing with the moft curious eye -, took plans of the towns j made draughts of the mines of Potofi ; eftablifhed feveral neceffary regulations in the different provinces through which he paffed, and returned to his father at Lima with an account of his progrefs and tranfadions. From Lima he was dif- a D ice2 patched to Spain, in order to lay his draughts and plans before his imperial ma- jefty, and give anexadl account of the ftate of Peru. Soon after his departure' ihe viceroy died much regretted by all who valued the intereft of their country, or knew the importance of a moderate, vj'ik, and upright magiftrate -f . In confequence of this fatal event, the government again devolved upon the judges of the court of audience. No Iboner were they in poffeffion of power, than they revived the decree for releafing the Indians from perfonal fer- vice, which had been prudently fufpended during the adminiftration of Mendoza. Unpopular as this regulation appeared, thejvidges always endeavoured to enforce it, as often as the adminiftration came into their hands, and now required its exe- cution widi unufual rigour. An alarm ran through all the provinces, and a fpiric • Id. ibid. , f Herjera. dec. V. lib. ix. c. !. ., of-. 332 THE HISTORY OF AMERICA. BOOK I. offfdition tvery wliwe appeared, efpecially in the province of Charcas, where* ^-"^ ^ the labour of the Indians was indilpeniably ncceflary to the working of the mines,, till ilich time as a proper number of negroes could be provided. Crowds of dffcontcnted Spanifli fettlcrs, and dtibanded' foldiers, there aflembled, in hopeS' of receiving countenance from Nonojola,- the governor, who was deeply afFeded' by the edift, in regard to the fervice of th« Indians. From fome exprefilonS' which he had formcily dropt, they imagined he v/ould now aft independently, and claim the power formerly ufurped by Gonzalo Pizarro •, but Nonojofa's ■ambition being gratified by the government of Charcas, where he poflefled an- immenfe eitate, he determined to fupport tlie royal authority, agreeable to the duty of his employment, without rifking fo large a fortune in the criminal and dangerous purfuit of IlipreTiie power. The malcontents foon difcovered that they would be difappointed in their ■ fanguine expeftations from the governor, and therefore determined to cut him off", in order to obviate any difficukies which he might throw in the way of their rebellious projefts. They accordingly chole for their leader Don Sebaflian dc Caflilla, (on to the earl of la Gomera, and i'poke publkly of their defigns ; but Nonojofa obftinately refufed to liften to the informations daily lodged of a con- fpiracy againft his life. He could not perfuade himfelf that foldiers, among whom he was fo popular, and who had hitherto appeared devoted to his fervice, could fo fuddenly alter their affcftions, as to afTafTinate the leader whom they lately feemed to adore. Deluded into a fatal fecurity by this liberal way of thinking, he never provided guards, or took the leaft ffep for the fafety of his perfon : all his attention was directed towards the prefervation of the public l-Teace; fo that the confpirators had full leifure to mature their horrid plot. On May 6, the day fixed for their bloody purpofe, they entered Nonojofa's palace in the '^53- rnorning, without refiflance, rufhed into his chamber, and difpatched him with many wounds -, then running into the ftreets, cried aloud, " The tyrant is dead. Long live the kirvg * !" — intimating, by thefe exprefTions, tliat they were enemies to the governors of the country, but not rebels againft their fovereign. Having finidicd this part of their bufinefs, no lefs important than atrocious, the confpirators plundered Nonojofa's palace, maflacred fome of the principal citizens, whom they fufpeded to be adverfe to their defigns, and feized their cffeds. This fuccefs encouraged them to proceed more openly. They a/Tein- bled all the inhabitants in the market place by beat of drum ; proclaimed their leader, Don Scbaftian, governor and chief juitice of the province, and appointed officers both civil and military. In a few days they gained poflrfTion of the rich mines of Potofi, and the town in its neighbourhood, where they fcnmd two millions of pefos, the property of the king, of the late governor, or of private perfons. They alfo detached a party to feize upon la Paz, and murder the mareflial Alvarado, who commanded in that city ; but before their fcheme was ■accomplifhed, fortune took a fudden turn, and divided the confpirators amon^ft * id. ibid. Fernandez, lib. ii. c, 19. I -thcmfclves. THE HISTORY OF AMERICA. themfelves. Part of Nonojofa's foldiers began to reflect on the confequences of fuch violent proceedings, and even to repent of the murder of their general -, a crime which they relblved to expiate by fhedding the blood of Don Sebaftian, to whofe ambition tiiey now alcribed their own guilt. They accordingly fct about this new aft of treachery with the utmoft confidence -, chofe Bafco Godinez, one of the chief malcontents, for their leader, and murdered the general whom they had lately proclaimed with lb much oftentation, appointing Godinez to all his employments *. A military government now entirely prevailed in the fouthern part of Peru. Godinez obliged the magiilrates of La Plata to give fanftion to the appointment of the foldiers, and confirm him not only in the dignity of captain-general, but of chief juftice in the province of Charcas. In virtue of this authority, he adted with uncontrouled power; put all to' death who were the objedts of his jealoul'y or refentment ; caufed feveral of the confpirators, engaged in the murder of Nonojofa, to be executed -, and put on the appearance of extraordinary zeal for the king's fervice ; intimating, that he had been forced to the rebellion, and had puflied forward to thofe employments which he now held, with no other view, than that of fupporting the jurifdiftion of the royal court. Even the per- fons with whom he was mod intimate, his accomplices in the death of Sebaftian, and his warmeft friends felt the rod of power ; being either publicly executed as traitors, or privately aflafTinated, in order to prevent them from difcovering his complicated crimes, and difappointing him by that means, of thofe rewards which he expected for his vigilance in behalf of the government. But Godinez, with all his cruel cunning, fell a facrifice to fuperior craft. The judges of the court of audience, to whom he had reprefented his fervices, being fufficiently informed of his treafons, appointed the marefchal Alvarado governor of the province of Charcas, with full power to a6t as he fhould fee moft for the honour of his imperial majefty. Alvarado, fenfible of the difficulty of fubduing Godinez by open force, had recourfe to artifice. He made it be fignified to the malcontents, that he had orders to reward all who had been in- ilrumental in fupprefllng the rebellion of Sebaftian, and particularly to beftow a large eftate upon Godinez, which, though immenfcly valuable, was deemed loo fmall a recompenfe for his important fervices. Every thing fucceeded to Alvarado's wifh. The deluded Godinez confidering thefe declarations as fincerej neglected to affemble his followers, was feized, condemned, and executed, to- gether with moft of his officers -f. The death of Godinez, and the vigour of Alvarado's government, reftored tranquility to the province of Charcas 5 but his feverity excited univerfal indig- nation, and foon gave rife to new diforders. The two laft rebellions had been fomented by the principal citizens of Cuzco, who pofteifed large ffiares in the mines of Potofi, now lying unwrought on account of the royal edidl, which required that the fervice of the Indians fhould be altogether voluntary, and • Ut Sopra, + Herrcra, dec. V lib. ix cap. i. 17. 4 0^ which 33 i THE HISTORY OF AMERICA. which tlu'ir- native indolence rendered equal to an aftual prohibition, of tlieii; labour. The Spaniards in general; were incenled at the rigour with whjdi,tb3. judges enforced this law, as well as. at tiie violent proceedings againfl: the rebels, i and the citizens of Cuzco not.only took part in the general rekntmoni, bye were afraid left in the courfe of the profecutions daily fet on foot, and the punilli.. ments no Icis frcquciitly inflifted, their own lecret praAices might be discovered. In order to,- avert: the ills they dreaded, as well as to procure relief fro. n thole they experiencfcl, fourfcore citizens drew up a petition to the court of audience, rcquefting that the edicl: ulative to the fervice of the Indians might be recalled, and a flop put tothofe violent criiriinal profecutions,, which were beheld with horror by every one, not entirely dead to, the feelings of humanity. This j^irti^ tion the governor cf Cuzco tore, under a frivolous pretence of inform^ v;y, when it was prefented to him for his approbation j a circumftance wjiicl. ga,\e lb mpch offence to the perfoas chiefly concerned, that they laid the foundatiorj cl a general revolt. At the, head of thefe difaffedted citizens was Francifco Hernai\dez, Giron, who eagerly longed fpr. an opportunity of. gratifying his infafiable ambition, not in the leaft impaired by repeated difappointments. He waited the iflue ot the re- volt in the province of Charcas betore he declared himfclf -, and beiiig informed that Alvarado, wlio had fupprelTcd the fedition there, maintained a correfpond- cnce with Ramierez, governor of Cuzco, ar^d was Qoncertir^g niealurei for de- ftroying him and his friends, he refolved to anticipate their defigns, by breaking A. D. 1553. out into open rebellion. With this view he alTembled his aflbciates, acquainte4 them with their danger ; revealed all tlie intelligence he had received concerning the intrigues carried on by Alvarado and Ramierez -, aggravated every circum- ftance i and affirmed, that Alvarado's defign was to ftrike at Cuzco, the roqt of all the evils. of which he complained a? fqon as he had iQpped off the brafiches of Charcas. He exhorted them, therefore, to enter, upon. vigorous meafures for their own prefervation, and not tamely to fuffer unjuft.punifhments under colour of law. The caufe was general, he. obfej-ve^, to all the Spanifh planters: all were intereftediin oppofing ao edivfl which rendered th^ir, mines uf<;lefs, and their cftates an incumbrance if they were deprived of the. labour of the Indians -, and he afliired them, that they would be joined by the whole colony, as foon as it was known they ha.d taken up arms to redrels a grievance fo generally and fo feverely felt. As this aflembly confifted chiefly of citizens who were proprietors of mines or eftates, orof foldiers of defperate fortune, whofe only refource was in fome new difturbance, little perfuafion was neceffary to engage them in a meafure to which they were already lufficiently dilpoJed. They eagerly clofed with Giron's pro- pofaL, and offered to undertake the execution of any plan which he.ffiould fuggeft for refifting the tyranny of, their oppreflbrs. A happy opportunity offered for. making themfelves mafters of Cuzco. The governor and principal magift trates were invited to the wedding of a wealthy citizen, which was to be celebrat- ed with great, magnificence, "When the day came, Giron, with twelve of the moll. T K E n I S T O R Y OF A M E R I C Av 3.3S A. D. ISS3. moft'defperate of his afibciates clad in armour, rufhed into the bridegroom's CHAP. X. houfe, while the company was at lupper, killed luch of the magiftrates as at- tempted rcfiltance, and made the governor prifoner*. This bold aftion threw the citizens of Cuzco into the utmoft confternation, no man knowing whom to trufl, or to whom he might fafely communicate his fentimentSi as the number of the rebels Teemed hourly to increafe. After having proclaimed liberty in the market-place, where all the inhabitants were ordered to aflemble on pain of death,, Giron leized upon the royal treafure ; appointed of- ficers to commajid his troops, and made open declaration of war; protefting at the fame time, that he had nothing in view but tiie public good. . He complained that allremonllrances to the court of audience were contemptuoufiy rejected, and that nothing remained but to feize upon the fupreme authority, until thefituation of affairs could be properly, reprefented to his imperial majefty. Meanwhile ■ he infiftedit was neceffary. to have a reprefentative, or chief jullice, for the city and kingdom ; and fuch was his influence, or the pufillanimity of the magiftrates, Nov. 27*. thatithey a.ppointed him to thai office, with full powers to petition for a redrefs of grievances, Guamanga, Arequipa, and other towns congratulated him on his. eleyatioa,,and begged to be admitted into the confederacy f . Intelligence of this infijrredion no fooner reached Lima, than the judges iffued ©rders. to fufpend the execution of the edifl: relative to the perlbnal fervice of the Indians, to which was chiefly to be attributed the public difeontents. At the lame time.Alvarado was confl;ituted general of the forces in the foutfiern provinces, . which were ordered to march towards Cuzco ; and a relolution was taken to af^ femble an army in the neighbourhood of Lima, to join that of-ALvarado. In order to prevent thofe who had been engaged in the late rebellions, and dreaded punifhment, from throwing themfelves into the arms of the malcontents, a general pardon was proclaimed to all who had fought under the enffgns of Gonzalo Pizarfo, Sebaftian, and Godinez, provided they would immediately enliftr in the royal army, and. ferveagainft the enemies of their.. king, and country. By that time, however, Giron was fo ftrong, that he had marched to Pachacama^ in his way to Lima, in order to give battle. to tJaeroyalifts. There he received intelligence pf the approach of the enemy, and was preparmg to bring matters to. a fpeedy iflue, when-a deicrtion among his troops obliged him to reriiove to . a greater .diftance. In his retreat he was purfued by Paolo de Menefles, who had orders to harrafs his retreat with a confiderable detachment, both of horfe and footjv but this officer being too confident,, was drawn into a fnare, and- defeated^ before the main body of the royalifts could come up to hisrelief j; TJiis victory, though by no means decifive,. was of the utmoft confequenc« to,Giron i affording him not only leifure to augment Jiis army, but putting an entire flop to the deiertion,.by infufing new fpirits into his troops. Tiifc moment tha4fQry.ine,d€€larfdinhisfavour, he was joined by fuch ajiumberof foUoweKsas A. D. 'SS4r • Herrera, dec. V. lib. ix, c. 2. dec. V. lib. ix. c. 4.. t Id, ibid. t llerrera, emboldened- T-H E HISTORY OF AMERICA. emboldened him to advance to Nafca, on the ila-coafl:, about fixty leagues (o the northward of Lima-, while Alvarado having alTenibled a thoufand Spaniards, and ten thoufand Indians began his march from Charcas, and took pofleffion of Cuzco. There being joined by Icveral detachments, he thought him'.elf a fuf- ficient match for die rebels, and fet out in queft of Giron, who did not decline the combat. The two armies met near Guallaripa, where Alvarado was totally • May 20. routed in attempting to force the rebel camp, ftrongly ftationed on the banks of the river Abancay. Above four hundred of tiie royalifts were killed or wounded, and three hundred made prifoners, while Giron had only feventeen men flain, and forty wounded *. The booty was immeni'e, exceeding any thing ever feen be- fore, even in that rich country. The moft opulent planters in Peru ferved in Alvarado's army, and had equipages luitable to their overgrowft fortunes : every thing was adorned with gold, filver, and precious ftones •, and fo certain were they of viftory, that fome preparations had aftually been made for a magnifi- cent triumphal entry into Lima. Had Giron known as well how to improve as to gain a vidory, he might now have extorted a confirmation of that authority which he had ufurped. But in- ftead of taking advantage of the enemy's confulion, by purfuing them when broken and dilpirited, or endeavouring to make himfelf mafter of Lima, by a rapid march thither, he remained five or fix weeks inaflive in his impregnable camp ; eontenting himfelf with fending detachments to Cuzco, Arequipa, La Paz, and other cities, to plunder and defpoil without limitation or reftriftion. Many of the citizens of Cuzco were not only ftripped of their eftates, but deprived of their lives. Scarce a houfe efcaped the fury of the foldiers. The affeftion of the peo- ple was converted into enmity. They now perceived, that Giron's aim was not to defend the rights and property of the Spaniards, but to acquire the power of pillaging his countrymen with impunity. This change in the fentiments of the capital determined Giron to march to the pleafant vale of Yuca, where he fpent his time in rural fports, till advice arrived that the royalifls, augmented to near two thoufand men, were advancing towards Cuzco, with a fine train of ardllery, and a numerous army of loyal Indians. lie then retired to Pacara, a ftrong pafs, about forty leagues fouth of the capital, ■where he polled his army in fuch a manner as rendered an attack extremely hazardous. This was his peculiar province. No general was ever more for- tunate in the choice of ground for encampments than Giron. His winos and front were rendered inaccefTible by rivers, woods, rocks, and moralTes -, and be- hind he was fecured by a deep rapid ftream, which, however, did not obftrud his communication with the adjacent country. As a farther advantage, he com- manded, by this Ration, the province of Charcas, and thereby rendered himfelf' mafter of the treafures of Potofi. His troops were not only regularly paid, but fuch a fund was laid up as might have enabled him, as far as money was con- cerned, to profecute the war for a fcries of years. ■• Herrera, dec. V. lib. ix. c. 4. * Meantime m \ — 1 — 1 — 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 M 1 1 1 1 1 1 M 1 1 1 ""T"TF TTffl" ■"[[[II [[[[||||[[[||[|[|[[|[|[[|||| TI^ k -^ r^ ^ Wk - ^ — 1 ^1 ^__^'— ' ^'^^^^^^^^^^^T . y *■' ~,^^:^^^^^7J3 i lsf0fi c^^§ ISfcfifc^"^ ^ =- _«^^;_c>J^^^^flBMBCSSi^B^3iBaes«a^3 g m^^.=^ ^^^|HH^^^ L^'^'S^^^^^^i^^^^^^^MB^pl^^^^^B ml iiiiiiiiiii Mil II II 1 II I I s f/7iiA y.Tu/' BAT « E S..V Ja:k'GAbEvS ^y/. Perx^via^ts. THE HISTORY OF AMERICA. 337- Meantime the royal army, headed by the judges, pafTed the rivers Abancay CHAP. XL and Apurima, in fpitc of the parties difpatched by Giron to difpute the banks ; ^T"^ "* purfued their march through Cuzco ; advanced towards Pacara, and encamped within fight of the rebels, in an open plain, where the cavalry might have room to aft. Giron flattered himfelf that the enemy's fuperiority in numbers would in- duce them to attack him as formerly ; but they prudently refifted all the provo- cations that he offered, and plainly fliewed that they had profited by experience. For feveral days the two armies watched each other, without any attempt on cither fide to come to a general engagement. At length, however, encouraged by his conftant fuperiority in fkirmilliing, and a report that the caution of tlie judges proceeded from diffidence of the fidelity of their foldiers, Giron determined to attack the royal camp by night -, but his defign was betrayed by his own troops, among whom defertion began to prevail, and he was repulfed after an obftinate conflift. Defertion became general before morning ; and Giron, attended by a few friends, was obliged to feek fhelter in tlie mountains. He was purfued by a detachment of the royalifts, feized, condemned, and executed. With him expired' the fpirit of civil diflention among the conquerors of Peru *. No fooner were the Spaniards at peace with each other, than they began to turn their eyes towards the natives. It was difcovered that Tapac Amaru, grandfon of Manco Capac, the only male defcendant of the Incas, kept his court in the mountains, in order to avoid tlie flavifli bondage impofed on the reft of his countrymen. Means were contrived to draw him from his retirement -, and this guiltlefs heir of empire fell a facrifice to the jealous policy of that execrable tyrant Philip II. and the Peruvians funk, without diftindion, into that humiliat- ing ftate in which they ftill remain. C H A P. XL yt Fieiu of the Govemme/it, Laifjr, Religion, Arts, and Manners, of the ancient McxKans and Peruvians. AS the Mexicans and Peruvians were the only people in America, who, at the time of its difcovery, had made any confiderable advances in civilization, it will be proper to take a view of their progreflive improvements, before we proceed to the hiftory of the rude tribes, or of the Europeans fettled In the New World, The Mexican empire, according to tradition, was originally pofirfled by fmall independent tribes of wandering favages, who lived entirely by hunt- ing, and who were ianorant of all the conveniencies of focial life. But about a. period correfponding to the year 900 in the Chriftian jera, feveral tribes, more * Herrara, dec. V. lib. x. c. i, 2. 18. 4 R civilized. THE HISTORY OF AMERICA. civilized, arrived from unknown regions towards the north and north-weft, and fettled in the different provinces of Anabac, the ancient name of New Spain, •but chiefly in the neighbourhood of the great lake. As the original inhabitants were ilraneers to agriculture, they rcfigned, witliout rcludance, the vallies to the new fcttkrs, who taught them in return many ufcful arts. Cities and vil- lages were reared, -and fome advances made towards government and fubordina- tion *. At Icngihi, about three hundred years after the firft migration, arrived the Mexicans, a people more polilhed than any of the former, who are fuppofed •to have migrated from the borders of the Californian gulph. As all the country round the great lake was already occupied, tiiey were obliged to have recourfe to ftratagem and force, in orcier to obtain footing in that fertile plain. Certain iflands in the lake were granted them : thefe they united by bridges ; filled up great part of the lake with timber and ftonc-Vvfork ; and there, by very early proofs of their genius and induftry, raifed the foundation of the famous city of Mexico, the nobleft monument of human ingenuity in the New World. The Mexicans, like moft other tribes in the infancy of fociety, continued forfomc time to be governed in peace, and conducted in war, by fuch among them as were diftinguifhed for their wifdom or valour; but as they had eftabliilied no regular plan of government, the inconveniencies arifing from civil difTcntions and foreign attacks, which they were unable to prevent or refift, induced them at laft to vcft the fupreme authority in a fingle perfon. The power of the Mexicans foon in- creafecl under their kings ; efpecially during the reign of Izcoalt, their fourtli fovereign, who may properly be deemed the father of the monarchy, as he fub- dued all the cities in the neighbourhood of the lake, and founded thofe famous caufeways, which afterwards rendered the capital fo illuftrious. Other princes added to thefe acquifitions and improvements ; and the empire arrived, by degrees^ at that height of grandeur in which we have beheld it on the invafion of the Spaniards, when Montezuma II. the ninth fovereign who had fwayed the Mexi- can fceptre, was upon the throne -f. Such is the tradition of the Mexicans concerning the progrefs of their own empire •, according to which its duration appears to have been very fliort. Na- tions fcldom err in this particular ; yet we muft either affign an higher antiquity to the Mexican monarchy, or rejedl the fplendid defcriptions which have been given of the government and manners of the people. Allowing the Spanifh writers, however, to have been guilty of exaggeration, in fome particulars, many incon- teftable evidences remain of an improved ftate of Ibciety among the fubjeits of Montezuma. The right of private property was perfeftly underftood, and cftablifhed in its full extent. The diftindion between real and moveable pofTcf- fions, between property in land and property in goods, had taken place. Both might be transferred from one perfon to another by fale or barter, and both might defcend by inheritance. Every perfon who could be denominated a free jnan had property in land, which was held by different tenures, as in Europe. • Herrera, dec, IL lib. x, c. 2. Acofla, lib.vii. c. 8. -f Id. ibid. A THE HISTORY OF AMERICA. 2i9 A reparation of arts and profefTions alio had taken place to a confiderable extent. CHAP. XI- The functions of the maibn, the weaver, the goldfmith, the.painter, and feveral ■other crafts, were carried on by different perfons, each of whom was regularly in- -ftrucled in his particular calling, and to it alone confined his induftry. Regular markets were held in the citfes, which were numerous, large and populous, where -the mutual wants of the people were fupplied, and the produce of their various •labours brought into commerce *. From the reparation of profcfTions we are naturally led to the diftindtion of ranks, which was yet more perfedly cftabliilied in the Mexican empire, and affords a ftill Icfs equivocal proof of an advanced ftate of fociety ; for m the in- fancy of civil life men, confcious of equality, are impatient of fubordination, and pre-eminence is only acquired by perfonal merit and accomplifhments. How -different the form of fociety among the lubjcds of Montezuma ! — The great body of^ the people were in a moll humiliating ftate. A confiderable number of them, known by the name of Mayeques, were confidered as inftruments of la- ■feour attached to the foil, and were conveyed, together with the lands on which they were fettled, from one proprietor to another, in the fame manner as the Vil- lains or territorial flaves, during the prevalence of the feudal fyftem. Others were reduced to the lov/efl: form of fubje^Stion, that of domeftic fervitude, and the con- dition of fuch as were free was little more to be envied : they were confidered by iheir haughty lords as beings of an inferior ipecies, and treated accordingly. The ■ condition of the nobles, as in all governments, was elevated in .proportion to the- abafenient of the people. They were divided into different piaffes, to each of which peculiar titles of honour belonged, and they poffeffed ample territories for the fupport of their rank. Some of their titles, like their lands, defcended from father to fon in perpetual fuccefTion ; others were annexed to particular olBces, or conferred during life as marks of perfonal diftinftion. Exalted above all, and enjoying extenfive power and fupreme dignity, was placed the monardi. A line of regular fubordination being thus eflablifhed, reaching from the higheft tathe Joweft member of the comtnunity, each knew what he could claim, and what he owed. The people, who were not allowed to wear a drefs of the fame fafhion, or to dwell in hoiifes of a form firrvilar to' thofe of the nobles, accofted them with the moft fubmlflive reverence ; in the prelence of their fovereign they duril not lift lip their eyes from the gi-ound, or look iiim in the face : even the nobles, when admitted to an audience of the emperor, entered barefooted, in mean- garments, _ and paid him homage approaching to adoration +, The Mexican monarchs, however, notwithftainding this profound refpedf, and . the reprefentations of fome Spanifli writers, were by no means abfolute maflers of the lives and fortunes of their fubjeds, before the reign of Montezuma If. whofe afpiring ambition fubvcrted the ancient fyftem of governn-jcnt, and introduced a . pure defpotifm. On the contrary, the jurifdi^km of the- crown was extremely • Heirera, dec. II. lib. v. c. 5, 6. Gomara, c. 75. 'f HeweTa, dec. If. Jib. V. c 4. lib, x. c. 4. dec. 111. lib. i. c. 6. Robenfon, Hift. Aoiee, b. vii, 'iimited.-'. ■:2^o THE HISTORY OF AMERIC^^. ;b oOK r. .limked. All real and efFedive authority, as in a feudal kingdom, was retained m ahe hands oi the nobles, and the fhadow of it only left to the lovercign. Jealous tO' 'Cxcefs of their own rights, the nobility guarded with moft vigilant anxiety againft the encroachments of their princes, while they held the people in the loweft ftate of fubjedion. By a fundamental law of the empire it was provided, that the •king fhould not determine concerning any point of general importance, without the approbation of a council, compofed of the nobility of the four firfl orders *. "Without their confent he could not engage the nation in war ; nor could he •difpofe of the moft inconfiderable branch of the public revenue at pleafure : it was appropriated to certain purpofes, from which it could not be diverted by the royal authority ; and in order to fecure the fullefFedl of thefe conftitutional regu- lations, the Mexican nobles did not permit the crown to defcend by inheritance. It was difpofed of by cledtion. The right of eledion feems originally to have been veftcd in the whole body of the nobility, if not of the free men of every denomination -, but under Izcoalt, tlie fourth Mexican monarch, it was com-- mitted to fix eleftors •, namely, the kings of Tezeuco and Tacuba, and four .princes of the blood royal; RefpetS for the reigning family made the choice generally fall upon fome perfon fprung from it ; but as valour and abilities were of the utmoft confequence among a turbulent and martial people, more regard was generally had to merit and mature age, than to the order of birth -or vicinity to the throne -f. This maxim in their policy, which appears to have fecured to the Mexicans a fet of able and warlike princes, in fome meafure en- ables us to account for that extraordinary height of power and grandeur to •which their empire had. attained, when invaded by the Spaniards, even allowing its duration to be lefs than two centuries. , . . The pomp of Montezuma's court, and the means by which it was fupported, have already been defcribed j; ; and after making ample allowance for the fond admiration with which they were beheld, and painted, by Cortez and his com- panions, they will (fill be found to refemble more the magnificence and fpJen- dour of oriental monarchy, than the rude fimplicity of the infant ftates in the New World. But, as a learned hiftorian very juftly remarks, it was not in the mere parade of royalty that the Mexican potentates exhibited their power )| : they manifefted it more beneficially in the order and regularity with which they conduced the internal adminiftration and police of their dominions. Befides the council of ffate, already mentioned, there was a council or board for the management of the royal revenue ; a council of war, which regrvilated every thing relative to the army ; a fupreme council of juflice, and a board of trade and commerce. The fupreme tribunal of juftice refided at Mexico, and con- fifted of twelve judges, who determined all appeals from the inferior courts, and gave a final verdift, unlefs the emperor thought proper to interpofe. The towns and provinces had their proper judges and officers, who heard the parties, * Herrcra, dec II. lib. x. c. 4. f Acoda, lib. vi. c. 2, 4. | Chap. V. p. 148. II Robertfon, Hill. Americ. book. vii. A and » THE HISTORY OF AMERICA. 341 and decided caufes. Their decifions were fummary and verbal : both fides ap- CHAP. xr. peared with their claims and witnels ; and judgment was immediately given, except when the point in litigation appeared too intricate for the determination of the court, in which cafe it was remitted to the fupreme tribunal at Mexico. Cuftom and the inftitutions of their anceftors ufually regulated the decrees of the judges, as they had no written laws to guide them. Murder, theft, adultery, and even the appearance of trealon, or the flighted inftance of difrefped: to the religion of the country, were punifhed with death. All other crimes were eafily pardoned, except corruption in office, which was alfo deemed a capital offence*. The council of war nominated all inferior officers ; ilTued out the pay to the foldiers ; took care that the army was properly fupplied with provifions and all other neceiTaries ; and recommended to the royal notice fuch officers as iiad diflinguifhed themlelves in the public fervice by their courage or capacitv. As the government was in a great meafure military, the foldiers were more favoured than any other clafs of people. Wherever troops refided, they were diflinguifhed by particular privileges and immunities ; and military orders, with bado-es of honour, were inftituced as rewards to thofe who had eminently fignalized them- fclves by their valour -f . This was an admirable contrivance to excite emula- tion ; and the honours thus offered were the more eagerly fought after, as they were never conferred on the unworthy. Signal fervices alone gave a title to thofe dignities. It was even necefTary, that the exploits of which they were the re- wards, fhould be acknowledged by the whole army, before the perfons fo diflin- guifhed could procure refpedl or efleem. The council of trade and commerce was flridtly united to that of the revenue. They conferred together on the means of rendering the impofitions on commodi- ties moft advantageous to the crown, and leafl opprelfive to the fubjeft. TIte* board of trade examined all projedls offered for the benefit of commerce ; pro- moted them, if approved of, and rejefled them if found inadequate to the pur- pofes intended. They alfo adjufled anc| regulated all differences among mer- chants, and rated the market-prices of all commodities j;. The attention of the Mexican government extended even to fuch regulations in police as pojiflied na- tions are late in eftablifhing. Among thefe may be numbered the inflitution of public couriers, flationed at proper intervals, to convey intelligence from one part of tiie empire to another, a refinement, as already obfervcd, not introduced at that period into any Euiopean kingdom-, the appointment of a confiderabie number of perfons to clean and light the ftreets, and to patrole as watchmen during the night. From the genius of their religion, which was gloomy and atrocious, fome unfavourable inferences have been drawn, concerning die civilization of the Mexicans. But this is a fallacious way of eflimating the character of a people; for nations, long after their ideas begin to enlarge, and their manners to refine, adhere to fyflems of fuperflition founded on the rude conceptions of early ages, * De Solis, lib. j:i. c. i5. Herrera, (kc.'ll. lib. ». c. 4. f Id. ibid, t Herrera, dec. II. lib. v. c. 6. De Solis, lib. iii. c. 16. • 18. 4 S and THE HISTORY OF AMERICA. -and continue rites and ceremonies which equal in abfurdity and barbarity thoic of the lavat^e ilate. - Such was tlie l"uperftition ot the Mexicans. Tlieir rejigi- ous tenets, and the rites of their worfhip, as defcribed by the Spanifh writers, were wild and cruel in an extreme degree. Their divinities were cloathed with terror, and dtiigiited in vengeance : they were exhibited to the people under de- tellable forms, which created horror : fear was the only principle which infpired their votaries. Farts, mortifkations, penances, and human lacrifices, were the means employed to appeafe their wrath ; and no vvorfhipper approached their altars without I'prinkling them with blood tirawn from his own body *. One thing however is remarkable, amid all thefedark rites, and is a proof of the advanced ftate of fociety among the Mexicans : religion, which occupies but an inconfiderable place in the mind of a favage, was formed by them into a regu- lar iyftem, with its complete train of priefts, temples, victims, and feltivals. The great temple dedicated to the .idol Viztzlipuzdi, or the God of War, has been already defcribed -f. The next in dignity was that dedicated to Tezcaltli- putca, the God of Pennance and Remiflion of Sins, which was afcended by eighty itone fteps, and had on the top an area one hundred and twenty feet in breadth. Tlieie two temples were in the nature of cathedrals, all the reft be- ing as it were parifh churches, and chapels. The idol Tezcaltliputca was made of black ftone, as bright as jet, and richly adorned with gold, filver, and Jewels. In his left hand he held a fan of beautiful feathers, ifliiing from a plate of gold, fo finely burnifhed that it refembled a looking glafs ; importing, that he faw, through that mirror, all that was done in the world. In his right hand he had four darts, to denote the punifhments which he inflidled on the wicked for ffin ; and his fhrine was adorned with human fkulls and bones, charafteriftic of •his prefiding alfo over famine and peftiknce J. Marriage among the Mexicans was connefted with religion. The preliminary -articles being adjufted, the contrafted pair appeared in the temple, where oneage ; and their rites and ceremonies, as might be expefted, in a worfhip direfted to that glorious lumi- nary, which is the emblem of divine beneficence, were innocent and humane. They offered to the Sun a part of thofe produftions which his genial warmth had called forth from die bofom of the earth, and reared to maturity ; they fa- crificed, as an oblation of gratitude, fome of the animals who were indebted to his influence for nourilhment •, and they prefented to him choice fpecimens of thofe works of ingenuity, which his light had guided the hand of man, in forming, but they never flained his akars with human blood, believing it im. pofiible that he could be delighted with fuch horrid viflims f. The national character of the Peruvians was accordingly more gentle than that of any people in America, and the authority of the Incas, though unlimited, never degene- rated into tyranny. Confcious that the fubmiffive reverence of the people flowed from their belief of his heavenly dcfcent, the fovereign was continually reminded of a dillinftion which prompted him to imitate that beneficent power which he was fuppofed to reprefent, while his fubjeds willingly yielded the implicit obedience which the conrtitution required, without being deprefled by tlie idea of a forced fubjeition. The Incas were regarded as the fathers, and guardians of their people ; and the upright condudt of twelve fuccefiivc monarchs, among whom there was no oppreflbr, feems to have entitled tliem to thefe aftcftionate appellations. The genius of the Peruvian religion influenced even their military operations-. The Incas carried on war with a fpirit very different from that of the other - American nations. They did not fight like favages, to deftroy and extermi- nate, or like the Mexicans, to glut blood-thirfty divinities with human facrifices but in order to reclaim and civilize thofe who fubmitted to their arms, and by that means to diffule the knowledge of their own arts and inftitutions. The Incas accordingly took the people wlK)m they fubdued under their proteftiorr and admitted them to a participation of all the advantages enjoyed by their ori- ginal fubjcdts. Confidering tiie homage paid to any objed except the heavenly pov/ers which they adored as infamous, they were fond of gaining prolclytes to their favourite fyftem. Hence the vanquilhed people were not only treated with lenity, but carefully inftrudled in tlie religious tenets of their new mafters, that, the viftorious Inca might have the honour of augmenting the number of t.hc » Herr«r8, d«c. JIU lib, x. c, i. f GarcUaflb, lib. ii, c. 4. votaries THE HTSTORY OF AMERICA. i5» votaries of his father the Sun •, and the idols of every conquered province were p^j^^j_^*' carried in triumph to the great terRple at Cuzco, and there placed as trophies of the fuperior power of the divinity who proteded the empire*. The ftate of property in Peru was no iefs fingular than that of religion, and: contributed Hkewife to give a mild turn to the charafter of the people. All the lands kifceptible of cultivation were divided into three Ihares, one of which was- confecraced to the fun -, and whatever it produced was appropriated to the pur- pofes of religion : another belonged to the Inca, being fet apart as the provifion made by the community for the fupport of government j and the third and^ largeft fhare was rcferved for the maintenance of the people, among whom it was- parcelied out. No individual however had a right of exclufive property in the< portion allotted to him : he poflcfled it only for a year ; at the expiration of which a new divifion of lands was made by regular meafure, the fliares being- proportioned to the rank, the number, and the exigencies of each family. All thole lands were cultivated by the joint induftry of the community j the people- being maintained at the expence ot religion and the ftate, during the time they were employed on the lands of the Sun and the Inca. Summoned by a proper officer, they repaired in a body to the fields, and performed their common talk,, while fongs and mufical inftruments cheered them to their labour-]-. In confequence o- this fingular diftribution of territory, as well as the mode of cukivating it, the ideas of a common intereft, and of mutual fubferviency was continually inculcated. Every individual felt his connexion with thofj around him, and knew that he depended on their friendly aid for what increafe he was to reap -, hence refulted gentle m.anners and mild virtues. But the infti- rutions of the Incas, tirough framed in fuch a manner as to ftrengthen the bonds of affection among their lubjedls, by no means reduced them to an equality of condition : the diflinftion of ranks was fully eftablifhed among the Peruvians J j, and we may venture to affirm, that they would have acquired the ability of diver- fifying and extending their enjoyments, if their talents had been excited by the in- troduftion of rented, transferable, and hereditary property. TIae Peruvians, however, had advanced far beyond the Mexicans, both in the neceflar)' arts of life, and in fuch as have fome title to the name of elegant. Agriculture in particular, that art of primary necilTity in focial life, was more extenfive, and carried on with greater fkiU in Peru, than in any other part of' America. The quantity of foil under cultivation was not left to the dilcretion- * Garcilaflb, lib. v. c. 12. Robertfon, Kift. Amer'ca. b. vii: -^ Herrera, dec. V. lib. x. c. i. Garcilaflb, lib. v. c. 3. j They were divided into four order.- : i. The Yanaconas, who were held in a Rate of fervTtude, and whofe gaib and hou'ss were of a form cifFcrent from thofe of freemen ; 2. Next fuch of the people as were free but diftinguiflied by no officral or hereditary honours ; 3. The Orejones, who formed what may be denominated iKe order of ncb>J, and in peace as well as war, held every office of power and truft ; 4. The Children of the Sun, who by their high defcert, and peculiar p.ivileges, were as much elevated above the Oiejpnes, as thefe were above the Yanacona?. Herrera dec. liL lib. X. c. !• of ^5^ THE HISTORY OF AMEllICA. B O O K I. of individuals, but regulated by public authority in proportion to the exigencies of the communit)' ; and the invention and induftry of the people were farther called forth to extraordinary exertions by certain defedts peculiar to their climate ^nd foil. As the low country in Peru is naturally fandy and barren, never re- freflied with rain, and watered only by fome ftreams which rulh from the moun- tains like torrents, the ingenuity of the people had recourfe to various expedients in order to fertilize fuch an unpromifing region. By means of artificial canals, conducted with much patience, and no little art, from the ftreams that interfect their country, they conveyed a regular fupply of moifture to their fields; and they enriched the foil by manuring it with the dung of fea fowls, of which they found an inexhauftible ftore on all the idands fcattered alo.ng their coafts *. Nor was the fuperior induftry and ingenuity of the Peruvians lefs confpicuous in the conftrudlion of their public buildings, roads and bridges. It was in the temples confecrated to the Sun, and in the edifices deftined for the refidence of their monarchs, that they difplayed the utmoft extent of their progrefs in archi- ture. Jluins of thefe facred or royal buildings, are found in evary province of Peru, fome of a moderate fize, many of immenfe extent, but all remarkable for folidity ; and though the ftrudures appear to have been low, and the apart- ments in them ill dilpolcd and worfe lighted, they muft neverthelefs be confidered as ftupendous efforts of a people unacquainted with the ufe of iron, and con- vey to us an exalted idea of the power poffcfied by the Incas. But the tv.o great ■roads from Cuzco to Qiiito, extending in an uninterrupted ftretch above five hundred leagues, are entitled to ftill higher praife, and reflect the utmoft honour on the memory of the ancient monarchs of Peru. The one was conduced through the interior and mountainous country, the other through the plains on the fea-coaft. At proper diftances Tambos or inns were ere<5ted for the ac- commodation of travellers ; and though thefe roads were but /lightly formed, and did not exceed fifteen feet in breadth, they muft be confidered as a ftriking proof of an advanced ftate of policy. Another improvement, equally unknown «ver all the reft of America, was intimately connected with this. As the roads were frequently interfe<5led by torrents, unnavigable by reafon of their rapidity, it was neceflary to find fome expedient for paJTing them. From their unac- quaintance with the ufe of arches, and their inability to work in wood, the Peru- vians could not conftru<5l brkjges either of ftone or timber ; but, in order to fupply that defeft, they formed cables of great ftrength, by twifting together pliable withs or ofiers, fix of which they ftretched acrofs the ftream parallel to one another, and made them faft on eacli fide. T hefe they bound firmly toge- ther, by interweaving fmallcr ropes fo clofe as to form a compa^l piece of net- work, which being covered with branches of trees and earth, they paiTed along ■with tolerable fecurity. Proper perfons were appointed to attend at each bridge, to keep it in repair, and to affift pafiengers f. • .AcoHa, lib. iv. c. 37. Zara:?, lib. i. c. 4. f Zarate, lib. v. c. u. Garcilaflb, lib. iii. c. 8. Hcrrera. dec. III. lib. x. c. i, 2. Ulloa, Voy. vol. I. Robertfop, Hiih Aoier. b. vii. The T H E HISTORY OF A M E R I C A. 355 The Peruvians had even extended their ingenuity to works of elegance. CHAP. X[. Among thefe their polifhed ftone mirrors are highly celebrated •, and their dex- terity in terming veflels of gold and filver appears even to have been fuperior to that of the Mexicans. But many other circumftances feem to indicate, that Ibciety was lefs advanced in Peru, notwithftanding fo many improvements in arts and policy, than among the fubjefts of Montezuma. In all the dominions of the Incas, Cuzco was the only place that had the appearance, or was entitled to the name of a city. Every where elfe the people lived moftly in detached habitations, difpcrfed over the country ; or, at the utmoft, fettled together in imall villages : but till men are brought to aflemble in numerous bodies, and incorporated in fuch clofe union as to enjoy frequent intercourfe, they never im- bibe perfectly the fpirit, or afTume the manners of focial life; it is therefore more furpnfing that the Peruvians, in this ftate of imperfedl union, fhould have car- ried refinement fo far, than that they pufhed it no further. The lefs clofely men afibciate the more fimple are their manners, and the fewer their wants. Men in fuch a ftate find no difficulty in miniftering to their own neceffities : hence none but the artifts employed in works of mere curiofity or ornament conftituted a feparate order of men in Peru, or were trained to their profeffions by any particu- lar courfe of education *. As the feparation of profefTions was lefs complete in the Peruvian than the Mexican empire, by reafon of the want of cities, commercial intercourfe was alfo lefs perfeft. The Mexicans had ftated markets in their towns, to which vafl crowds reforted, and where every thing was expofed to fale which human in- genuity had produced, or which the neceffities and defires of the people were fup- pofed to crave ; whereas the inhabitants of Peru, from their fingular mode of dividing property, and the manner in which they were fettled, had little traffic of any kind, and were utter ftrangers to thofe bufy fcenes which give activity to the fpirit of man. But the chief defedl in the character of the Peruvians was their want of courage. The moft poliflied people in the New World were, in this re- fpe6t, the moil defpicable. The Mexicans defended their liberties and their pof- fcffions with obftinate valour ; and even the favage tribes, in different parts of the continent, gallantly oppofed their naked breads to the arms of the Spaniards; but the Peruvians, after a feeble ftruggle, funk into fervitude, and continue in the moft abjeft condition of any people of America, " Hsrrera, dec IJI. lib. x. c. I, 2. Acolla, lib. vi. c. 15. Garcilaflb, lib. v. c. 9. iS. 4 X THE f 355 1 THE HISTORY O F AMERICA, BOOK II. The European Settlements in South America and the Isthmus of Mexico. CHAP. I. ji general VUtv of the Government and Commerce of the Spanilh Colonies. BESIDES Mexico and Pern, which are ftill the richeft countries in America, BOOK II, Spain pofTefles other dominions there of immenfe extent, and no inconfi- derable value. But the conqueft of thofe territories affords nothing fufficiently interefting to merit a particular detail. Such circumftances as deferve to be re- membered, Ihall be nouced in defcribing them as Spanifli colonies. In the mean time, it will be proper to exhibit fuch a view of the political and com- mercial regulations of Spain in regard to her fettlements, as will make the account of the particular countries, and the importance of the whole more perfedly underftood. On furveying the Spanifh dominions in America, ftretching from the bottom of the gulph of California to the Straits of Magellan on one fide, and from Florida to Patagonia on the other, except the two fettlements of Brazil and Surinam, belonging to the Portuguefc and the Dutch, one is naturally induced to luppofe the king of Spain the motl opulent and poweriul monarch in the 356 THE HISTORY OF A M E R I C A. BOOK U. the univeife. How great then is our fLirprife, to find him occupying the fecond rank among the fovereigns of Europe ! — The unfolding of this political paradox, this fingular dilproportion between real and apparent riches, between dominion and power, conduds us to fpeculations equally curious and interefting. It leads us to inquire, by what errors in her political fyftem, or in her mode of conducing commerce, Spain comes to be deprived of thofe advantages which Hie might rea- fonably be cxpefted to derive from her American fettlements. This will beft appear from a view of her regulations in regard to each. The fundamental maxim of the Spanifli policy with refpedt to America, is to confider the territories acquired there as veiled in the crown, rather than in the itate. In confcquence of the bull of Alexander VI. to Ferdinand and Ifabella, they and their fucceflbrs v;ere uniformly lield to be the fole proprietors of the vail countries, which the arms of their fubjedts fubdued in Uie New World. From them of courfe, all grants of land flowed, and to them they finally returned. The people, in the Spanifh fettlements, are entitled to no privileges independent of the fovereign, or that can ferve as a bar againft the power of the crown ; for although the citizens, in the different towns, are permitted to eledl their own ma- giflrates, the jurifdiftion of thefe is merely municipal, and confined to the regula- tion of their own interior commerce and police. The will of the monarch is a law, in whatever relates to public government or general interefl. No political power originates from the people : all centres in the crown, and the officers of its nomination. At the head of thefe are the viceroys, the mode of whofe appoint- ment, and the nature of whofe authority is a new lource of opprefllon. All the Spanifh dominions in America were originally divided into two im- menfe governments ; one fubjecl to the viceroy of Mexico, the other to the vice- roy of Peru. The jurifdiction of the iormer extended over all the provinces be- longing to Spain north of the ifthmus of Panama ; that of the latter, over all that (he pofTcfled in South America. The inconveniencies of this arrangement were early felt, and became intolerable, when the remote provinces of each vice- royalty began to improve in population. So prodigious is the extent of the Spanifh dominions in the New World, that feveral places fubjeft to the jurifdic- tion of each of tlie viceroys, were at iuch an enormous diflance from the capitals in which they refided, that neither their attention nor their authority could reach them. Some provinces fubjcft to the viceroy of New Spain, lay about two thoufand miles from Mexico. There were countries fubjeft to the viceroy of Peru flill farther from Lima. The people in thofe remote diftridls could hardly be faid to enjoy the benefit of civil government. The opprefilon and infolence of its in- ferior officers they often feel : and rather fubmit to tliefc in filence, than in- volve themftlvts in tlie expence and trouble of rcforting to the diftant capi- tals, where alone they can find redrefs. As a remedy for thofe evils, a third viceroyalty was ellablilhed in the beginning of the prefent century, at Santa Fc cie Bogota, the capital of the Ncv; Kingdom of Granada, the jurifdidion of which extends over the whole kingdom of Tierra Firma, and the province 2 of THE HISTORY OF AMERICA. 355, of Quito * 5 and a fourth has been lately ereded, to the jurifdidiion of which CHAP. I. are iubjecled the provinces of Rio de la Plata, Buenos-Ayres, Paraguay, Tucu- man, Potofi, Santa Cruz de la Sierra, Charcas, and the towns of Mendoza and , St. Juan. The limits of the viceroyalty of New Spain have likewife been circum- fcribed, and with no lefs propriety and diicernment; four of its remote pro- vinces, Sonora, Cinaloa, California, and New Navarre, have been formed into a Separate' government ; though the perl'on intrulfed with this command is not dignified with the title of viceroy, nor does he enjoy the appointments belong- ing to that rank. f. The viceroys not only reprefent the perfon of their fovereign, but pofiefs his royal prerogatives withm the precinds of their own governments, in the utmoil extent. Like him, they exercifd fupreme authority in every department of go- vernment, civil, military, and criminal. They may prcfide in every tribunal ; and they have the fole right of nominating the perfons who hold many offices of the higheft importance, as well as the occafional privilege of fupplying fuch as are in the royal gift, until the fucceflbr appointed by the king fliall arrive. The external pomp of their government is fuited to its real dignity and power 3 their courts are formed upon the model of that of Madrid, with horfe and foot guards ; a houfehold regularly eftablifhed ; numerous attendants, and enfigna of command j difplaying i'uch magnificence, as hardly retains the appearance of delegated authority J. Confcious of this, and of the innumerable Qppcirtur^i^ ties which the viceroys have of accumulating wealth, the jealoufy of the SpaniJh government permits them to continue in office only for a few years ; a cir- cumftance that often renders them rapacious, and adds to the ingenuity and ardour wherewith they labour to improve every moment of power, which they know is haftening raft to a period. They are fucceeded by others, who have the fame motives to purfue the fame conduft ; and being generally chofen out of families of diftindtion of broken or fliattered fortunes, the provinces are exhaufted by avarice and oppreffion, in order to repair the wafte of former prodigality, or to furnifh the means of future profufion. As the viceroys, though ever fo well difpofed, cannot execute the office of a fupreme magiftrate in every part of their extenfive jurildi£lion, they are aided in their government by officers and tribunals fimilar to thofe in Spain. Theadmini- ftration of jullice is veiled, as we have already feen, in courts known by the name •of Audiences. Thcie are eleven in number, and difpenfe juftice to as many <3iftri(Sls, ifito \Vhich the Spanifh dominions in America are divided. Both civil 'and criminal caufes come under their cognizance, and for each particular judges are fet apart. Their fentences are final in every litigation concerning property of kfs value than fix thoufand pefosj but wlien the fubjeft in difpute exceeds that lum, their decifions are fubjedl to review, and may be carried, by appeal, be- fore the Royal Council of the Indies j in which, as formerly obfcrved, is vefted * Voy.de Ulloa, torn. I. f Rgbertfon, Hift. Americ. book viii^ g, Voy. de Ulloa, torn. I. 15. 4 Y the 338^ THE HISTORY OF AMERICA. BOOK. ]'. t'lt: fupremegovcrninent of all dieSpanifh dominions in America. The Audiences ^""^ •"■**-' crc tftabjiflicd at St. Domingo in the iQ.ind of Hilpaniola, Mexico in New Spain, Lima in I'eru, Panama in I'ierra Firma, Santiago in Giiatimala, Guadaiaxara in I>.tv. Galicia, Santa Fe in the New Kingdom ot Granada, I.a Plata in the pro- vince of Charcas, St. Frsncii'eo \.k Qtiito, St. Jago de Chili, and Buenos Ay its*. .':)cveral large provinces arc iubjecl to each ot thefc Audiences, and lome fo iar lYmoved from the cities where the courts are fixed, that they can derive little benefit from their jiirifd id ion. The firll objed of Spain, after eftablifhing her dominion over her American conqutlls in iuch amanncras to keep the natives in ablblute I'ubjedion, and the colonies .in perpetual cependance on the parent ilate, v.as to fecure an exclufive intereit in their commerce -, and as almoft all the countries that flie had dii- tovered and occupied lay within the tropics, the productions or which arc dif- I'erent from thofe of Europe, even in its moft louthern provincesj the molt bene- ficial efieds might have been expcded from fuch an intercourie, both to the in- habitants of the Old .and New World. In order to prevent the colonies from makincr any efforts that might interfere with thofe of the mother country, the eltablifhment of fevcral fpecies ot manufadures, and even the culture of the vine and olive, are prohibited in the Spanifh fettlements, under the fcvereft penal-. ties -f-. They muli trull entirely to Old Spain for moil of tire objeds of primary rteceflity, and' even ifor. their luxuries. In exchange for th«fe is given the produce of their mines and plantations^ All that her colonies yield flows into the ports of Spain, and all that they confurhe mull iflue from them ; for no foreigner can enter one of her fettlements without exprefs permifTion, nor are the vefTels of any foreign nation received into their harbours, and the pains of death, with confifcations of moveables, are denounced againft every inhabitant who prefumes to trade with them J. Nor did the jealoul'y and narrow ma:^ims of the Spanifti government flop here. It prohibited, under the moll fcvere penalties, all com- munication between the various provinces fituated on the South Sea ; though each of thefc yields peculiar produdions, the reciprocal exchange of which might have added to the happineis of their refpedive inhabitants, or have facilitated their proerefs in induflry. It cruelly debarred the-Spaniards in Peru, in New Spain, in""Guatimala, and the New Kingdom of Granada, from fuch a cor- refpondence with each other, as tended manifeftly to their mutual profperity ||. Such is the great outline of that fyllem of policy purfued by the SpaniiTi monarchs in regard to their American fettlements •, a fyflem didated by ambi- • Robertfor, Hift. America, vol II. note 74, t Ulloa ReiablJfl". des Manufac— On account of the dillance of Peru and Chili fr'^m Spain, ard the difficulty of carry- ing commodities of fuch bullc as wine and oil .icrofs the ifilimus of Panama, or round by Cape horn, the Spaniards in thofe p-ovinces have been permiited to plant vines and olives; but they r^ are flriftly prihibiied f.om e.xpo ting wine or oil to Panama, Guatimala, or any province in fuch a fiiuation as to receive it fiom Spain. Recoprl. de Leyes de lo.s Reynos de las Indas, lib. i,\. jjt. 18. J Recopil. lib. ix. tit. 17. Roberifon, Hill. Amer. b. viii. U li. ibid. tion ThE HI S TO'R y OF AMERICA.- ^^59 tron and avarice, and rendered more opprefiive by fiiperflition, as if Heaven had CHAP. I. , decreed that the lame daemons, which confpircd the ruin of the New World, fhould alfo infiift vengeance on its deftroyers. Never perhaps was defpotilm any where eftubliflied with fo little regard to the rights of humanity. The nativts reduced to a ftate of fervitudc ; the new inhabitants fubjedcd to the arbitrary will of a fucccffion of hungry and rapacious governors, who, like fo many vul- tures, prey upon their vitals; proiiibited from lupplying their own neceffities, from having recourfe to foreigners, or to the nciglibouring colonies of their coun- trynicn,^ and obliged to purchafe the articles Jent from the parenc-ftate at anex-- orliicant price ! - In order to'fecure the mono^xily at which fhe aimed, Spain con-. du6led all her trade vyith America by means or tv.'O fleets, wJiicli failed under ftrong convo, s ; the one by the name of the Galleons, the other by that of the . FJota. TiiLy were (.quipped annually, and originally took their departure from , the port or Seville, afc-rv. ards Irom that off Cadiz. In conlcquencc of fuch a reftrrcted mode of communication, two hundred, and dven three hundred per. cent, are profits not uncommoii in the commerce of Spain with her colonics *. Popidation was not likrly to make rapid advances in lettlements where men . had fo few inducements to look forward -to pofterity, norindultry to flourifli un- , <3er fo many difcouragtments. As a further check upon both, reHgion, which . was early eftabliflied, in Amrrica in the fame form as in Spain, v/ith its full train , •of archbilhops, bifliops, deans, and other dignitaries, demanded a tenth out of the produce of the planter. This tai)c upon .induJlry, whicJi is in no. fJighr>_ <3egree oppreffive to focrety even in -its moit inhproved (tare, mud have been highly grievous to infant colonies, as it affects every article of primary ; nccefl}ty towards which the attention of new lettlers are naturally turned.. Nor were the demands of the clergy confined to art; les of fimple cul- . ture : its more artificial produvStionSj fuch as fugar and indigo, were declared- tythablef. The induftry of the planter was taxed in every ftage of its pre- - grefs i but fo fertile and inviting are the regions in America which the Spaniards , have occupied, that population gradually increaled in fpice of every obftrucfion, and filled her colonies with citizens of various orders. Among thefe, the* Spaniards who arrive from Etirope, diftinguiihed by the name of Chape- tones, occupy the firfl. rank ; and fr-om the jealous attention of the Spanifli . court to iecure the dependence of the colonies, every department of confequence, is not only filled by perlons lent froni Europe, but each muft bring proot of a cleardefcent from a family of OldCtnJiiar.s, untainted by any mixture of Je.wifh. or Mahometan blood, and never difgraced by any cmfure of the inquifition J. Power is deemed to be fafely lodged in fuch pure hands t almoft every func- tion, from the viceroyalty downwards, is commuted to them alone -, while thofe, who by their birth or refidence in America, may- befufpedled to havje aiiy iniereft . • Ulloa, Retabrrr. par; IT. f Recop. lib. i. tit. 16. J Recop. fib. ix. tit. 25. Rfbjftfon, Hid. Amer. book viii. - Ij Rceop. lib, i. iix. i£)^ , ad veric ggo THE HISTORY OF AMERICA. BOOIC II. adverfe to that of the mother-country, aretheobjefb of diftruft to fuch a degree as amounts nearly to an exclufion from all offices of confidence or authority. In confequence of this predilection of the court, the Chapetones arc raifed to fuch pre-eminence in Spanilh AnKrica, that they look down with difdain on every ., other order of men. The Creoles, or defcendants of Europeans fettled in America, form the fecond clafs of fubjeds in the Spanifli colonies. Some of them are de- fccnded from the conquerors of the New World, others can trace up thejr - lineage to the nobltft families in Spain, and many of them are poflined of ample fortunes •, but, by the enervating influence of a fultry climate, by the rigour of a jealous government, and by their defpair of attaining thofe diftindi- -ons to which mankind naturally afpire, the vigour of their minds is fo en- - tirely broken, that great part of them, languid and unenterprifing, wade life ia 1 luxurious indulgencies, mingled with an illiberal fpirit of fuperllition, ftill more ciebafing. Commerce appears to them fo cumberfome and cppreffive, that, in -mod parts of Spanifh America, they decline engaging in it : the interior traiHc of every colony, as well as its trade with the neigh-bouring provinces, where ■ that is permitted, and with Spain itfelf, is therefore carried on chiefly by the Chapetones *, who acquire immenfe wealth by their indultry, at the fame time that they engrols the emoluments of government. The various paflions excited by this diftindion of rank and charadter, between thofe two orders of citizens, have fettled into the mofl: violent and implacable hatred, which often breaks out in occafion.al ferments, and is marked by appel- lations as contemptuous as thofe which flow from the mofl: deep-rooted national antipathy -jr. From a refinement in difl:rufl:ful policy, the court of Spain chcriilies thofe feeds of difcord, and foments this mutual jcaloufy ; which not only pre- vents the two moft powerful clafles of its fubjeds in the New World frona combining againfl: the parent fl:ate, but prompts each with the mofl; vigilant zeal, to obferve the motions and counteract the ichemes of the other J. The third clafs of inhabitants in the Spanifli colonies is a mixed race, the oS- :fpring either of an European and a Negro, or of an European and Indian ; the former called Mulattoes, the latter, Meftizos. The ftveral fl:ages of defcent in their race, and the gradual variations of fhade, until the African black, or tin; copper-coIoHr of America, brighten into an European complexion, are accurate- ly marked by the Spaniards, and each difliinguiflied by a peculiar name. Thofe of the firft generation are now confidered and treated as Indians and Negroes; but in the third defcent, the charadteriftic hue of the former difappears ; and in the fifth, the deeper tint of the latter is fo entirely efl^accd that they can no longer be diftinguiflied from Europeans, and are entitled to all their privileges ||. The ■ mechanic arts are chiefly carried on Ijy tlirs mixed race, whofe form is remarkably itobufl: and hardy §. * Voy. de Ulloa, torn. I. t Gage's- Survej'. J Robertfon, Hiff. Amcr. book viii. J| Voy. de Ulloa, torn. I. § Id. ibid. •I The T H E HISTORY OF A M ER I C A. The Negroes hold the fourth rank among the inhabitants of the SpaniOi colonics, and in I'everal of their lettlements, particularly in New Spain, are employed in dometlic fer-vice. They form a principal part in the train of luxury, and are cherifhed and carelTed by their fuperiors, whole manners they imitate, and whofe paffions they imbibe. Their drefs and appearance is hardly lefs fplendid than that of their mailers *. Elevated by this dilHndion, they have afiumed fuch a tone of fuperiority over the Indians, and treat them with fuch infolence and fcorn, that the antipathy bttwten the two races has become implacable-. Even in Peru, where they are more numerous, and employed in field- work» the Negroes maintain their alcendancy over the natives, and their mutual hatred iubfiils with equal violence. This averfion, to which accident gave birth, is indurtrioufly fomented by the laws ; all intercourle which might form a bond of union between the two races being prohibited by the molt rigorous injunc- tions +. The Indians form the fifth, and moft deprefitd order of men, in^hat coun- try which belonged to their anceftors. By the famous ediift of Charles V. which we have feen give rife to fo many difturbances, the Indians were exempted from involuntary fervices ; but fo many inconveniences were experienced in carrying that edicl literally into execution, that, after a variety of unfuccelsful attempts, the idea was laid afide, and meafures were taken to fccure the labour of the In- dians, though now confidered as free men, as well as to make them contribute to the fupport of government. With this view, an annual tax was impoled upon every male, from the age of eighteen to fifty ; and at the lame time, the nature as well as the extent of the fervices which they might be required to perform, were afcertained with precifion. The tribute varies in diflerent provinces, but Jf that paid m New Spain be taken as a medium, its annual amount is nearly four Ihillings a head 4;. The right of levying it likewife varies. Every Indian inSpaniOi America is either an immediate vafTal of the crown, or depends upon fome fub- jed to whom the diftrift in which he refides, has been granted for a limited time, under xhe denomination of encomicnda. In the former cafe, about three- fourths of the -tax is paid into the royal treafury ; in the latter, the fame pro- portion of it belongs to the holder of rhe grant. According to the fame rule, the benefit arifing from the fervice of the Indians accrues either to the crown, or to •the perfon polTefled of the tiicomiiiida. The nature of the work which they muft perform is not only defined, but a recompence, feemingly equitable, is allowed for their labour. On many occafions, however, both from the avarice of in- dividuals, and from the exadions of the nragillrates, unreafonable tafks are im- ^ofed, the term of their labour is prolonged, and titey groa^i under all the infults and wrongs which are the lot of a dependant people I]. The flated fervices demanded of the Indians may l)e divided into two br::nche3. They are citiier employed in works of primary necefTuy, vvithout wliich fociety % i'oy. dc Ulloa, torn. I. Gage'; Survey. t Rt-c-.p. lib. vli. li'. 5. Rob/rifn-, Hi.':. Anier. b. viii. t Recop. li'o. vi ut. 5. || Robenf^n, ilill. Aisier. b. viii. ly. 4 Z cannot THE HISTORY OF AMERICA. ccnr.ot cx'ifl comfortably, fuch as the culture of grain, the building of bridg^- the forming of high roads ; or they are compcllci.i to labour in the mines, {torn- which the Spanifh colonies derive their chief value and importaricc *. The iaft-- is the great fource of their opprefTion. Their conftitutions are exhaufted in tx- tradiiig ore from the bowels of the eartli, and in refining it by fucce/Tive pro- cefles, no lefs unwirolcfome than laborious. How often muft they curfe the richnefs of their country ! which not only tempted the Spaniards to deprive them of thtir pofiTcfTions, but to condemn them to a condition more completely V/retched than that of any other vanquifhed race. Thele rcfledtions naturally lead us to fpeak of the American, mines, to wliich the firft fettlers bent all their attention, and which poured forth their trcafures with a profufion that aftonifhed mankind. The quantity of gold and filver that has been regulafly entered in the ports of Spain is computed at four millions fterling annually ; reckoning from the year 1492, in which America was firfl: difcovered, to the prefent time. In two hundred and eighty-three )ears, this- amounts to eleven hundred and thirty two millions ; and, immenfe as this fum is, the Spanifh writers contend, that as much more ought to be added to ir, in confideration of the treafure which has been cxtrafted from the mines, without p.iying duty to the king : conltquently, admitting their computation, Spain has drawn from the New World, a iupply of wealth amounting at lead to two thou- fand millions of pounds fterling -]-. One might naturally fuppofe that fuch a torrent of treafure muft have rendered Spain the richefl country in the univerfe. But the event has proved otherwife. "When the American mines were firfl opened, and the intercourle between Spain and her colonies became active and confiderable, her interior induflry and manu- faflures were in a flate fo profperous, that, with the produifl of thefe, fhe was able to anfwer their growing demands. Before that time, her manufa(ftures in wool, in flax, and in filk, were fo extenfive as to furnifh not only what was fuffi- cient for her own confumption, but to afford a furplus. for exportation ; and ■when a market for them formerly unknown, v/as opened, to which fhe alone had accefs, this new employment muft have added vivacity to the fpirit of induftry. Various caufes, however, contributed to the decay of that ipirit, and prevented the maniifadtures, the populanon, and wealth of S'pain from increafino in the fame proportion with her colonies, or her colonies from attaining that deoree of profperity which might have been expefted from the opulence and fertility of the countries wher;e they are fettled. Political writers are much, divided on this fubjeft ; and an author of real difcernment -f has juftly ridiculed the commonly received opinion, that the- Spaniards voluntarily neglefled their manufactures and agriculture, in confe- quence of finding themfelves maflers of the treaiures of America, which induf- try only could make the property of the people, or of fuch individuals as did not • Recop. lib. vi. tit. 13. f Uz:ariz, Tlicor. y Praft. dc Comercia, r. :, Robertfor, li:i\. Amer. b. viii. Of thefe mines a particular accounc (hall Ic given, in treatin'r of the counuies in which they are found,, J. Abbe Raynal. vific THE HISTORY OF A M E R I C A. 3^3: vifit the New World. But another author * of no Icfs penetration, and more CHAP. I.- comprchenfive ideas, has taken tiie matter a little higher. It is with nations, ^-"""^ "^ he obltrrves, as with individuals •, when wealth flows in gradually, and with mo- derate incfeafe, it feeds jind nouriflies that adivity which is friendly to commerce, and calls it forth into vigorous and well conduced exertions; but when it pours in fuddenly, arid with too full a rtream, it overturns all ibber plans of induftry, and brings along with it a tafte lor what is wild, extravagant, and daring, in bufinefs or in adion. Accordingly, fome fymiptoms of the pernicious influence of the great and fudden augmentation of revenue, that the pofieffion of America brought into Spain, foon began to appear in the political operations of that mo- narchy, and rapidly communicated itfelf to the people. It infpired Charles V, •with the idea of overturning the liberties of Germany ; and Philip II. whofe talents were by no means equal, but whofe ambition was not inferior to that of his fa- ther, entertained fo high an opinion of his ov.'n refources, that he thought nothing too arduous for him, to undertake. He had formed the fcheme, if we may credit conteniporary hiflorians, of making himfelf as abfolute in Europe as in America. One thing we know, that he waged open war with the Englifli and Dutch, en- couiaged and aided a rebellious fadion in France, and conquered Portugal, at the lame time that he maintained armies and garrifons in Italvj Africa, in the ' Eafc Indies, and the New World. By fuch a multiplicity of great and complicated operations, purfued with ar- dour during the courfe of two long reigns, Spain was drained both of men and itioney •, and the few inhabitants that remained, would have thought they profti- tuted their viflorious hands, by applying them to peaceful labours. Under the weak adminiftration of Philip III. the vigour of the nation continued to decreafe, and was funk into the lowefh decline, when the inconBderate bigotry of that monarch expelled at once near a million of his moft induftrious fubjeds •, ex- A.D. 161 ji ptllcd them at the very time, when the exhauftcd ftate of the kingdom required fome extraordinary exertion of political wifdom to augment its mimbers and to revive its ftrength. Thefe were the Morcfcoes, or deicendants of the Moors, •who were fuppofed, from fome circumllances, to be infidels in their hearts, though they outwardly profefled Chriftianity. It is eafy to conceive what a vacancy the lofs of a million of induftrious in- habitants mufb make in a country at fuch a crifis ; at a time when the nobility, who ftill retained the prejudices and barbarous privileges of the Vifigoths, from whom they boafted their defcent, threw all the labour upon that fet of men they defpiied, though in fad the moft ufcful, The military, that deftrudive profef- fion, in every fenfe of the word, was the only one that was entitled to any diftinc- tion •, and the arts of primary neceffity, as well as thofe by which life is rendered more comfortable, ftamped a maik of difhonour upon thofe who profelTed them. If agriculture was in the leafl: attended to, it was becaufe there v/ere flaves ; if Spain bad any manufad'vvres, it was owing to the iVIorefcces, who led a laborious life, » Dr. Rcbenfon, and THE HISTORY OF AMERICA. and were generally held in contempt. Adminiflration did not rcflcdl, Th.it, in order to retain the treai'ures of America in the mother-country, it was neceflary to encourage that induftry which brought them thither. The only aftive part of the nation, the only fet of men who could promote this great end, were infa- moufly banifhed -, and incredible as it may feem, there was not a kingdom in Europe fufficiently enlightened to afford them an afylum. They were forced to difperfe themfclves in Africa and Afia. Spain felt fuch a diminution in the number of her people, that, from her ina- bility to recruit her armies, flie was obliged to contract her operations : her fiourilhing manufadures were fallen into decay ; her fleets, which had been the terror of Europe, were ruined ■, her excenfive foreign commerce was loft ; the trade between different parts of her own dominions was interrupted, and the fliips which attempted to carry it on were taken and plundered, by enemies whom ftie once defpifed. When the Spaniili miniflry firlt perceived the want of fpecie, occafioned by thofe multiplied misfortunes, chey thought it only neceffary to impofe heavier duties on manufactures and ardficers, in order to fupply that de- ficiency ; and when they had no more nianufaclures to opprefs, they oppreffed the farmer, by taxes as ill judged as they were various and exceffive. In confcquence of diefcj and other concurring caufes, even agriculture, the firlt object of in- duftry in every profperous ftate, was neglefted -, and that fertile peniniula, which aiTorded fubfiftence to thirteen or fourteen millions of people before tlie difco- very .of America, and which had formerly been the granary of Rome and all Italy, was foon overfpread with thorns and briars, and fcarcely railed what was fufficient for the fupport of its few remaining inhabitants. The demands of the -colonies continued to increafe, in proportion as the prefent ftate declined in population and manufadlures. Diverted from tlie paths of fober induftry by the profeffion of arms, which, as already oblerved, alone was held honourable, or by the oppreffions of government, the Spaniards re- paired with eagernefs to the New World, in hopes of bettering their condition in that land of treafure. Another drain was opened, by this rage of emigra- tion ; and the ftrength of the colonies was augmented by exhaufting that of the mother-country. This matter requires fome explanation. In the countries of Europe, where the fpirit of induftry fubfifts in full vigour, every .perfon fettled in colonies Gmilar in their fuuation to tliofe of Spain, is fup- pofed to give employment to three or four at home in fupplying his wants * ; but wherever the mother-country cannot afford this fupply, every emigrant may be confidered as a citizen loft to the community, as ftrangers mull reap the 'chief benefit of anfwering his demands. Thinned of people, and void of in- duftry, Spain was unable to fupply the increaGng demands of her colonics- She had rccourfe to her neighbours. 'J'he manufadtures of tiie Low-Countries, of England, of France, and of Italy, v/hich her wants called into exiftence, or animated with new vigour, furniflied in abundance whatever Ihe required. In ♦ Child on Trade and Ccloni's. « vain THE HI STORY OF AME RICA. z^5 vain did the fundamental law of Ferdinand and Ifabella, concerning the exclufion CHAP. I. of foreigners from the trade of America oppofe this innovation : neceffity, more powerful than the ftatute, defeated its operations, and conflrained the Spaniards themfelves to concur in eluding it. Relying on the fidelity and honour of the Spanilh merchants, who lend their names to cover the deceit, the Engliih, the French, and Dutch, fend out their manufadtures to America, and receive the exorbitant price for which they are fold tliere, either in fpecie, or in die ricli commodities of the New World *. That probity, which is the pride and dil- tindion of the nation, has been the fecurity of foreigners in this trade : neither the dread of danger, nor the allurements of proiit, ever induced a Spanilh fadlor to betray the perfon who confided in him -f. Before the middle of the feventeenth century, not above a twentieth part of the commodities exported to America was of Spanifn growth or tabric. All the reft was the property of foreign merchants, though entered in the name of Spaniards. The treafure of the New World may be faid henceforth not to have belonged to Spain, as it was anticipated, before it reached Europe, as the price ot goods purchafed from foreigners. 1 his deftrudlive commerce drained off tlic riches of the nation fafter and more completely, than even the ruinous fchemes of ambition carried on by its monarchs. Spain was lb much aftonifhed and diftrefied, at beholding her American treafures vanifli almoft as foon as they ap- peared, that fhe had recourfe to many wild and ineffedlual expedients. The exportation of gold and filver was rendered capital : but this law was eluded, like the former; and Philip IV. unable to fupply what was requifite in circula- tion, endeavoured to raife copper coin to a value in currency nearly equal to that of filver. The lord of the mines of Mexico and Peru was reduced to the necef- fity of uttering bafe money. Such, from the clofe of the fixteenth century, has been the internal ftate of Spain, and fuch her inability to fupply the growing wants of her fettlements : and the fatal efiids of this difproportion between their demands and her capacity of anfwerjng them, have been much increafed by tlie mode already explained, in which theSpanifli court has endeavoured to regulate the intercourfe between the •mother-country and the colonies. T'he trade with America being confined to one part, was of courfe thrown into a few hands, and almoft the whole of it was gradually engrofied by a fmall number of wealthy houfes, formerly in Seville, and now in Cadiz. Nor does this reftraint on the American commerce only aftedt its domeftic ftate, it alio limits its foreign operations. A monopoliil; may acquire more by a confined trade, which yields exorbitant profit, than by an extenfive commerce, in which he receives only a moderate return of gain. It is often his intereft not toenlarge, but to circumfcribe thelphereof his activity ; ■and inftead of calling forth more vigorous exertions of commercial induftry, it may be the objed of his attention to check and fet bounds to them. By ibme fuch maxim the mercantile policy of Spain feems to have regulated its inter- * Rayna', lir. viii. Robeitfon, book viii. f Zavala. 19. 5 A courfe 3«5 THEHISTORYOFAMERICA. FOOK II. courfe with America ; for inftead of furnifhing the colonies wich European '^ ~- goods in luch qaanrit)- as might render both the price and the prone moderare, the merchants of SevilJe and Cadiz have always fuppiied them with a fparing hand, that the cagcmefs of competition amongft the ccftomers, obHged to pnrchafe in a fcar.ty market, might enable their factors todilpofe of their cargoes with exorbitant gain *. Under t!ie feeble monaxbs, with whoffi the reign of the Auftrian line in Spain ctofed, no remedy was applied co the evils under which the national com- merce, domeftic as well foreign, languiQied. Thefe evils continued to increafe ; end Spain, wi:h dominions more exten five, and more opulent than any European frate, poficiTed neither vigour, nor money, iK>r induftry. At length, to ul'e the elegant language of Dr, Robertfon, the violence of a great rational convolGon foufed the Numbering genius of Spain, and the eftons ©f the tw,o,contendinCT parties in the civil war, kindled by the difpute concerning the fuccpffion of the crown at the beginning of the prefent century, called forth in fome degree the ancient fpirit and vigour of the nation ; while the various powers who favoured the pretenfions of the Auftrian or Bourbon candidate fc«- the throne, France, Ens- land and Holland, fent formidable fleets and armies to their fupport, and remitted imtnenfe fums of money to Spain, which were Ipent in the provinces that became the theatre of war. Part of the American treafcre, of which the kingdom had been drained, flowed back thither; and as fooH as the Bourbons obtained quiet poflefTion of the throne, they difcerned this change in the fpirit of the people, and in the ftate of the nation, and took advantage of it. Accordingly, the nrft ofcgect of Philip y. was to fupprefs an innovation which bad taken place during the war, and which overturned the whok fyftem of theSpanifti commerce wi:h America. The Englifn and Dutch by their fuperiority in naval pov/er, having acquired fuch tBrnmand of the fea as to c^itoff all conrtmunjcadon between Spain and her colonies, the Spanifh court, in order to furnilh them with thofe neceflaries of Hfe without which they could not fubfiii, and -as the only means of receivin<» from thence any part of their treaiure, departed fo far from the ufual rieour of i:s maxims, as to open the trade with Peru to the French. Lewis XIV'. oranted the privilege of this lucrative commerce to the merchants of St. iN4alo, who engaged in ir with vigour, and carried it on upon principles very different from thofe of the Spaniards. They fuppiied Peru with European commodities at a more mo- derate price, and not in ftinted quantity : the goods which thev hn ported were ■conveyed to e\'ery provirKe of SpaniHi America, in fuch abundance as iiadne\er been feen in any former period ; and if this intercourfe had been continued, the ■exportation of European conr.modiries from Spaia muft have ceafed, and the dc- •- RcbertfoD, H'ft. Amer. book tib Abootthe atiddleof the J^ft ceocurj, wkeo«be ezclci£ve tfade to AxT.efuii fro.ii Seville was in i'.s ir.cll flourifr.i'ig :U>€, the bu:aniih fettlements, have employed themfelves chiefly in fearching for the precious metals, they have noc altogether cegle&ed the cultivation of the earth. Cotton, fi;gar, cocoa, tobacco, and European com, have all been rai^ with coniider- able advantage. Tbefe, however, for want of men and iodufby, are confumed merely within the country. The vanilla, ind^oi, and cochineal, only make part of the trade of New Spain with Europe. Th; vanilla is a plane which, like ivy, clings to the trees it meets with, em- braces them cloftly, and raiJes itleif by their aid. Its ftem is very fmali in dia- meter, and not quite round. Though exceedingly piiabk, it is pretty hard. Its bark is thin, very cloie, and of a green colour. It is interfetted, like the vine, with knots at the difiance of fix or feven inches from each other. From diefe knots iifiie leaves relemblii^ thole of the laurel, but lon^, larger, thicker, and more folid. They are of a bright gieen colour j their upper furface glofly, their under a littk pale. The flowers are blackiib. A fmall pod about fix inc^s long, and four broad, wrinkled, flabby, oily, though brittle, may be confidered as the fruit of this plant. The inner part of the pod is lined with a pulp that is brpwnifh, aromadc, fomewhat acrid, and full of black, oily, and balfamic liquor, in which an infinite number of black, fhining, and almoft imperceptible feeds float- The ibfon for gatherii^ the pods b^;ins about the latter end of Scpcem- ber, and lafls till the end ci December. They are dried in die fliade ; and when dry, and fit for keeping, they are rubbed externally with a little oil of cocoa, or of cilba, to prevent them firom becomii^ too dry and brittle J- This is nearly all that is known of the vanilla, which is particularly appro- priated to the perfiiming of chocolate ^ a practice «hich has pal&d from the Mexicans to the Spaniards, and from them to other nations. That alone is eflesmsd w' : - --' • .s in the mountainsof Netv Spain. The Indians only are ac- quaL- ted v. . Iture of it ; and it is pretended that they have kept this fourcc ef weahh to therslelves, by taking an oath, that they would r,cver re\eal to the • Rcberdba, HiS. Amer. b. tS. f Theat. Mm. toL L X Dic-p'xr, T9LI. Rajna!, lib. erica and Europe, on one hand, and between America and the Eaft-Indies on the other. Here many of the principal merchants refide, and here the grearell part of the buiiners is negociated. The goods fent frcni Acapulco to ^'era Cruz, or from Vera Cruz to Acapulco, for the uie of the Philippines, .and alto tlioJe for the ufe of Peru and Chili, all pals through this City, and employ an incredible number of horfes and mules in the carri^ce. Here the viceroy reiides, and tlie firit court of audience is Exed, and liiJier all the gold and fiivtr comes to be coined ; here the king's Sith is cepcfited ; and here is wrought aU that im.m.enfe quantity of utenfils and ornaments in plate, wiiich is every year fent to Europe. Every thing, in a word, has the grear- cft air of wealth and fplcndcur ; . the fl^ops glitter upon all f.des with th^ ia^;- fure of gold, filvcr, and jewels j and their real riches are heightened by the ex- aggerated reprefcntatJons which im:'^" forms of the treafures which fill great chefts piled up to the ceilings, lv wait the arrival of the Flota. Mexico is fuuated, as fc:mcrly, on the great l.-ike of the fame name ; but nor, as generally fuppofed, in the middle of the waters. Jt is founded, upon a marl}i, • \"oy3£<"s de GeoselS Carrai, tons. VI^ 2 adjoin- THE HISTORY OF AMERICA. adjoining to the lake, and interfered by a multitude of canals *. Thefe ferve at once to drain oft' the inoifture, and for the conveniency of intercourle ; but after all the foil is fo unlirm, that the houfes, tiiough fupported on piles, often finlc four or five feet in a few years. The llreets of Mexico are broad, perfcdtly llrait, and almofl: all intcrfeo, or place where the Jews, and other miferable victims gf the awful tribunal of inqirilition, are delivered to punifhment. It is .an inclofure be- tween four walls, filled with ovens, into v.'hich are thrown, over the walls, the unhappy perfons condemned to be burnt alive §. Hiilorians differ about tliq number of inhabitants in Mexico : fome make them two hundred thoufand, • Lionnel Waffsr. Gcmelli Carreti. Chappe D'Auterocbe. This marih formerly made part of the Inkc, (Ga'-ie'V Survey) am! many ihoufands of Irdians were emptoyed for a coiirfe oF ytars in diainitg off the waters. f Voynge de Nf. Ch-ppe D'Auieroche. J Ibid. !l G .ge's Survey. i D'Auteroche. Others 384 T H E H I S T O R Y O F A M E R I C A, BOOK II. others only one-fourth of that calculation. We fhaJl not perhaps err widely if wc Ex them at eighty thoufand, including Spaniards, Indians, Negroes, Meftizos and Mulattoes of every fpecies. Tiiefe form fuch a diverfity of heterc^neous races, from the white to the black, that, among .an hundred faces, it is difficult to find two of the fan-je colour. In the province of Mexico Proper are fes-eral confiderable towns befides the capital, but none diat merits a particular defcription, except Acapulco, the principal port of New Spain on the South Sea. The town irl'elf, though pretty large, is ill built, and thinly inhab;:ed, by reafon of the unwholefomencfs of the climate, which induces the merchants to refide chiefly in the country : but the harbour is excellent, being equally extennve, fafe, and commodious. Its en- trance is defended by a lofty caftle, mounting forty-two pieces of cannon, but containing only a garrifon of fixry men *. Such is the place whole lucrative trade has excited the envy of every commercial nation, and which has been com- monly fuppofed to be a cit}- of great fplendour and opulence. Let us uiquire into the nature and origin of that trade, to which alone Acapulco owes its im- portance, and Mexico many of its luxuries- Philip II. foon after his sccdHon to the throne, formed the fcheme of plant- ing a colony in the Philippine iflands, which had been neglefted from the time of their difcovery by Magellan, of which an account has already been given. This he accompliflied, by means of an armament fitted out from New Spain t- Manilla, in the ifiand of Luconia, was the ftation chofcn for the capital of the new eftablifhment ; and, in order to induce the Spaniards to fettle there, the rifing colony was authorifed to fend to America India goods, in exchange for the precious metals. From Manilla, an active commercial intercourfe began with the Chinefe, and a confiderable number of that induftrious people, allured by the profped): of gain, fettled in the Philippines under the Spaaiih proteclioa. By their means the colony was fo amply fupplied with all the valuable produc- tions and manufactures of the Eaft, as foon enabled it to open an advantageous trade with America, by a courfe of navigation the longtfl from land to land on ■our globe. This trade was originally carried on with Callao, on the ccafl: of Peru ; but experience having difcovered many di/Eculties in that mode of com- munication, and the fuperior faciliry of an intercourfe with New Spain, the ftaple of the commer-ce between America and Alia was removed from Calloa to Acapulca Many remonftrances have been prefented againfl this trade, as detrimental to ■Spain, ty diverting into another channel a large portion of diat treahire which ought to flow into the kingdom ; as tending 10 gi\^ rife to a fpirit of independ- ence in the colonies, -and 10 encourage innumerable frauds, againft which it is impoflible to guard, in tTanfaftions k> far removed from the infpeciion of govern- mtot. But as it requires no flight effort of political wifdom and vigour to abo- iifij any p'adUce vhich jiumbers afe interellcd in fij^sponing., -and to which time ha» * C-cseUi Canet^ torn. \L -ck^a. f Torg«eio. Wb, v. c. 14- ^■^A»4 THEHISTORYOF AMERICA. 383 added the fandion of its authority, even though fupported by no legal permiiTion, CFIAr. ff. the commerce between Acapiilco and Manila is ftill carried on to confiderable extent, and allowed under certain regulations. Thefe regulations are not gene- rally underftood. One or two fnips depart annually from Acapulco, which may carry out filver to the amount of five hundred tlioufand pefos *, and an unlimited quantity of European goods and American productions. In return for the'e they bring back fpices, drugs, china and japan wares, calicoes, chintz, muflins, fijks, and every precious article, with wliich the benignity of the climate, or the ingenuity of its people, have enabled the Eafl to fupply the reft of the world. The Peruvians, for a time, were admitted to a fliare in this trafic, and might fend annually a (hip to Acapulco, to wait the arrival of the veflels from Manila, and receive a proportional fhare of tlie commodities which they imported, but as this was found to hurt the trade of European manufactures in South America, the Peruvians were at length excluded by moft rigorous edicts, and all the commodities from the Eaft, referved folely for the confumption of New Spain -f-. The elegance and fpkndor confpicuous in that part of the Spanifh dominions is the confequence of this indulgence. The manufadlures of the Eaft are not only more fuited to a warm climate, and more ihovfy than thofe of Europe, but can be fold at a lower price •, at the fame time that the profits upon them are fo con- fiderable, as to enrich all thofe engaged in the trade. It is equally the intereft of the buyer and the feller to favour this branch of commerce : it has therefore continued to extend, in fpite of regulations concerted with the moft anxious jcaloufy to circumicribe it. Under colour of what tlie law permits, great funis of filver are exported J, and vaft quaintities of India goods are annually poured into the port of Acapulco. Then the town entirely changes its appearance, and becomes one of the moft confiderable marts in America. On the arrival of the fiiips from Manila, a great fair is held, to which all the traders of New Spain refort ; but when that, which laflrs about a month, is over, Acapulco finks in- to its former folitude and infignificance ij. The other provinces in the audience of Mexico are Tlafcala, Guaxaca, Tabafco, and Yucatan. In the firft of thefe ftands Vera Cruz, the principal port of New Spain on the Gulph of Mexico. At this port the annual fleet from Cadiz, called the Flota, arrives about the end of November. It generally con- fifts of fifteen or fixteen large merchant fhips, from five hundred to two thou- land tons burden, under the efcort of two or three men of war. Tlie cargo comprehends almoft every fort of goods that Europe produces for exportation : winesj brandies, oils, conftitute the more bulky part ; and gold and filver * Recop. lib. ix. tif. 45. f But f:nce a general communication is now opened between the colonies on the South Ses, it will be imp ffiblt to prevent Peru from receiving a fupply of thefe contraband commodities. J The (hip from Acapulco, taken by Commodore Anfon, indead of the coo, 000 pefos per- mitted by law, hod en board 1,3 1 3,810 pcfos, befides uncoined filver e(juil in value to 43,611 pefjs more. Anfon's Voyage. II Gemcili Catreii. 20 5 F ftufts, 3S€ THEHiSTORYOFAMERICA. Book II. fl-ufrs, gold and filver lace, cloths, linens, fdks, laces, hats, jewels, glafs, cutlen', clocks, watches, are the articles which are raoft valuable. On the arrival of the Flora a fair is held, which ufually continues about fix weeks, but is fometimes prolonged at the fclicitadon of the merchants of the country or thofe of Spain. When all the goods are landed and fold, the gold, filver, cochineal, indigo, vanilla, hides, and fome other goods of inconfiderablc value, which New Spain furniflies, are put on board the fleet. It then directs its courfe for the Havanna ; where being joined by fome rcgifter (hips dilpatched to diifereriC ports, it returns to Cadiz by the channel of Bahama. Vera Cruz, like Acapulco, though tiie fcene of fuch prodigious commerce, is in itfelf but an inconfiderablc place. It is Gtuated on the fouthern coaft of Mexico, eighteen miles lower than the town of the fame name originally built by Cortez, now called Villa Rica, which was abandoned on account of its un- iiealthinefs, and the inconveniencies of its harbour. The prefent town has little to boaft on the article of health. It is bounded on the north by dry fands, and on the weft by infeftious morafTcs. Its ftreets are tolerably ftraight, and of a confiderable breadth, but tlie houfes are generally low, and built of wood. It is fortified with a wall, eight towers erefted at different diftances, and two baftions which command the fliore. Thefe works, weak in themfelves and iU- conftrufted, are in an extremely ruinous fl:ate ; fo that Vera Cruz depends chiefly for its defence on the caftle of St. Juan de Ulloa, which is built on a rock that rifes in the middle of the harbour, and faces the tov.n. The royal treafure was formerly fent here from Mexico to wait the arrival of the Flota ; but fince the year 1082, when the place was furprifed by the Buccaniers, it has been kept at Los Angelos, the capital of the province, where the principal merchants alio refide *. Puebla de los Angelos, or the city of Angels, vies in magnificence with Mexico iifeif. It is delightfully fituated on the river Zacatula, in the middle of a fine valley. The houfes are aU built of ftone, and of a good f;ze. The market- place is a fpacious fquare, from which the four principal ftreets run in direft lines, and are crofl"ed by others at right angles. One fide of this fquare is almoft entirely occupied with the magnificent front of the cathedral ; the other three confift of piazzas, under which are the ftiops of tradefmen. One may form fome judgment of the wealth of this city by the revenues of the cathedral, which exceed one hundred thoufand pefos annually. Its territory, which is nearly that of Old Tlafcala, abounds in grain, fugar-canes, and every thing that the vvifli of man can defire. But the chief wealth of the inhabitants arifes neither from the fertility of their country, nor their vicinity to Vera Cruz, but from thfir own ingenious manufactures. Their woollen cloths are fcarcely Ms efteemed than thofe of England ; their hats are excellent ; and their glafs- work, which is the only one in New Spain, is in a flcurilliing condition. The • Gcmelli CarrerL Gsge D'auteroche. cittkry THEHISTORYOFAMERICA. 387 cutlery of Los Angeles alio is celebrated, as well as the ingenuity of its artifans, ,CHAP. II, in working up gold and filver *. — -v" J The provinces of Guaxca and Tabafco deferve no particular notice. Both are thinly inhabited, and the lafl: is remarkably barren. Yucatan, though not nior-c populous or fertile, is more entitled to attention. This peninfula, which lies be- tween the bays of Campeachy and Honduras, both formed by its projection into the fea, is crolTed diagonally by a chain of mountains, that decreafes as they ap- proach Cape Cotoche. All that part to the weft of this chain is dry, and dcfli- tute of either river or brook; but the water is every where fo near the furface, and feafhells are found in fuch numbers, that it is evident this immenfe fpace formerly made part of the ocean. When the Spaniards firfl: fettled in the Mexi- can empire, they defpifed this province, as it did not abound in the precious me- tals, and difcovered few traces of culture. They afterwards, however, difcovered, that it produced in greater abundance than any. other part of America the log- wood tree ; which, in dying fome colours, is fo far preferable to every other ma- terial, that the confumption of it in Europe is confiderable, and it has become an article of cojnmerce of great value. This tree, if lefs thick, would not be un- like the white thorn. Its leaves are fmall, and of a pale green colour. The inner part of the tree, which is at firll red, becomes black, after it has been felled ibme time ; and it is only this inner part that gives the black and the vio- let colour f. On this difcovery the Spaniards built the town of Campeachy on the wellcrn coad of Yucatan, which has been indebted folely to the logwood-trade foi' the advantage of being a very confiderable mart. It received every year feveral vei- fels loaded with European commodities, whofe cargoes were deftributed in the inland countries, and which took in return v/ocd, and metals, which the flaph of the province drew thiUier. This traffic continued to increafe, till the time that the Englifh conquered Jamaica. The vaft number of Buccaneers who then re- forted to that iiland went t-Q cruife in the bay of Campeachy, in order to interrupt the veflels which failed thither. Thele plunderers are faid to have been fo Jittjs acquainted with the value of the wood; which was the only connmodity of the country, that, when they found barques laden widi it, they took away nothing but tiie iron utenfils. One of them, however, having carried off a large veflel, which had nothing elfe but logwood on board, carried it into the T'hames, with no other view than to equip it as a privateer ; when, contrary to his expeflation, he iold .at a very high price the wood which he had thought of fo little value that he had always burnt it during his voyage. After this dilcovery, t!ie Buccaneers who were not fuccefsful at lea, never failed to repair to the river Ciiampeton, where they took on board the piles of v/ood, v.'hich were always found ranged on the Ihore :j:. A flop being put to the depredations of the Buccaneers, in confequence of a •peace between England and Spain, feveral of them employed themfelves in cut- • Gemclli Carreri. -J- RavnaL J Oxmelcn, Hitl. Fr«bcot. ^a^na), lib. vi. jTC THEHISTORYOFAMERICA. BOO K n. ting logwood. CapeCatoche at firfl; furnifhed them with abundance ; and they there, for a time, carried on a gainful traffic. When moft of the trees near the coaft were felled, they removed to the ifland of Trill, in the Bay of Campe3chy> where they were no lefs fuccefsful. But their ardour, which at firft was extreme, at length gave way to a habit of idlenefs ; and as the greateft part cf them were excellent markfmen, the chace became their predominant paffion. By this excr- cil'e their former inclination to plunder was rekindled. They foon began to make inroads into the neighbouring country. The Spaniards, roufed from their lethargy by thefe depredations, furprifed them in the midfl: of their feftivity over their booty, and carried them ofr prifoners. They were conducted to Mexico, and ended their days in the mines, Thofe who el'caped took refuge in the Bav of Honduras, where they were joined by fome wandering freebooters of Norcli America. In procefs of time they increafed to fifteen hundred men ; and the ftate of plenty and licentious independence in which they lived, reconciled them to the hardfhips of their employment, as well as to the inconveniencies of the country, v,-hich is low, extremely marfby, and prodigioufly infefted with tliat fpccies of gnats called muflcetoes. Strong entrenchments fecured them and theii* provifions : they confined themfelves to thofe employments which their unhappy companions lamented they had ever neglefted ; and they took care not to pene- trate into the interior part of the country, to cut wood, without beino- well armed. The induftry of thefe lawlefs men was crowned with the greateft fuccefs. The ton of wood, which had been fold as high as forty pounds fterling, was gradually reduced to lefs than one fourth of that price. But this difadvantage in value was compenfattd by the quantity fold. The cutters, or Bay-men, as they were called delivered up the produce of their labours either to the people of Jamaica, who brought them Madeira wine, brandy, and cloaths j or to the Englifh traders of North America, who fupplied them with provifions. Alarmed at this encroach- ment, wliich reduced their trade at Campeachy to nothing, the Spaniards en- deavoured by negociation, remonftrances, and by open force, to prevent the Englifh from eitablifhing themfelves in that part of the American continent ; but afttr ftruggling againft it for more than a century, the difafters of laft war extorted from the court of Madrid a reluftant confent to tolerate this colony of forcin;ncrs in the heart of its dominions *. In confequence of that humiliating concefTion, the logwood cutters are aii- thorifed to profecute their labours, without fear or interruption, from iJanovcr Bay, on the eaft fide of Yucatan, to the bottom of the Bay of Honduras, in- cluding about fifty leagues cf the fhore. They do not, however, form anv re- gular colony, any more than their predeceflbrs, the Buccaneers. But as r.o fo- cicty, not even among robbers, can fubfift wi hout fqme kind of compadl, the logwood cutters have agreed to certain regulations among themfelves ; and they ekd a chief, with the name of king, to lire that thole undulations are obfcrvcd, * Tiea'y of Pari:-, .A:t. x\iii. thoueh THE HISTORY OF AMERICA. 389 though they pay little regard to his authority. Like moft cledlive fovereigns, he CHA'^. ir. is a mere mock-irionarch, and the greateft diforders prevail among his unruly i'ub- jefls. The Englifh government is therefore obliged to fend judges, occafionally, from Jamaica to Yucatan ; and the commander of the king's frigate, who brings the commiluons, takes care to fee that they have their coinplete execu- tion *. The quantity of wood annually furnifhed by this fettlement has been com- puted at twenty thoufand tons, a very confiderable export ; but the trade isfaid to have declined of late years, and fince it obtained a legal fanftion. The caufe of this decline is thus explained. The logwood produced on the well coaft of Yu- catan, where the foil is drier, is in quality far fuperior to that which grows on the marfhy grounds where the Englifh are fettled > and the Spanilh court, by en- couraging the cutting of the former, and permitting the importation of it with- out any duty, has given fuch vigour to this branch of their trade, that the log- wood which the Englilh bring to market has funk fo much in value-, as fcarcely to render it an obje«5l of commerce f. It is to be hoped, however, that the fuperior induftry of the Englifh wilH in fome meafure, fupply the fall in price; and as the wood is found in much greater abundance on the eaft than the weft coaft of Yucatan, that this branch of our trade will not only recover its former importance, but attain that degree of confequence which might have expefted its legal eftablifhment. We come next to the audience of Guatimala, which extends its jurifdidion over three hundred leagues to the fouth, an hundred to the north, fixty to the eaft, and twelve to the weft, towards the South Sea. There is no country in this part of the New World where nature has lavilhed her gifts with greater profu- fion. The air is every where wholefome, and the climate temperate. Poultry and game are found here in the greateft abundance, and of an excellent fla- vour. No territory on the globe produces better corn. The rivers, lakes, and fea, every where abound with excellent fifh. The cattle have multiplied to fuch a degree, that it is become neceflary to kill all that roam wild on the mountains, left they fhould prejudice agriculture by their excefTive numbers. The firft province in this audience, according to our progrefs, is Chiapa, an inland territory, wdl cultivated, and extremely fertile. Here the European fruits, efpecially apples and pears, are produced in the greateft perfedtion, and the treed of horfes are efteemed the beft in New Spain. But what chiefly diftin- guifhes Chiapa is its Indian town, known by the name of Dos Indos, which may be regarded as the metropolis of the original Mexicans. It is pleafantly fituated by the banks of a river, and fuppofed to contain twenty thoufand inhabitants, who are induftrious, intelligent, and of a friendly and amiable difpofition. Their character is the beft refutation of thofe philofophers who would reprefent the na- tive Americans, from reafonings founded on their.prefent deprefl"ed ftate, as an in- • Prefent State of the Weil-Indicf. f Raynal, lib. vi. Roberifon, Hift, Amer. book vii. -20, 5 'G ferior 590 THE HISTORY OF AMERICA. BOOK If. ferior order of human beings ; and is fufficienc to convince the Spaniards, that they would have derived more eflential advantagt-s from treating the Indians as fellow -creatures, than as beads of burden. The inhabitants of Dos Indos are not . only peculiarly expert at all kinds of martial exercifes, in which they frequently .employ themklves, but they are painters, muficians, and poets. They have their theatres and other public amufements, and are particularly ingenious i.a making pictures and cloths cf feathers, after th.e n^.anr.er of their anceflors, and figured ItufFs of different coloured v.ool, v.-hich the bed manufadurers in Europe need not be afhamed to own. The fpirit which infpires them with this elegance and ingenuity they owe to their exemption from fervitude; and that partly to the barrennefs of their country in mines, and partly to the famous Las Cafas, their bifhop, -who protedbed them againft oppreflion, while alive, and obtained privi- . leges for them which the Spaniards have always refpedled. Cividad Real, the Spanifh capital of this province, is neither populous nor fplended *. The province of Guatimala, which is one of the largeft in New Spain, was conquered in the years 1524 and 1525, by the celebrated Pedro de Alvarado. He built in it feveral towns, and particularly the capital, which bore the name of the province. It was fituated in a valley about three miles broad, which is bounded by two pretty lofty mountains. From the rnountain towards the fouth run feveral rivulets and fountains, that delightfully refrefh the villages fituated on the declivity, and keep up a perpetual fuccefTion of flowers and fruits ; but the afpecfb of the mountain towards the north is terrible : it is covered with afhes and calcined floncs, and no verdure is ever feen upon it. A kind of rumblino- noife, which the iniiabitants ufed to afcribe to the boiling of metals that are in a ftate of fufion, is continually heard. From thefe internal furnaces iflue flames and torrents of fulphur, which fill the air with horrible infection. Hence Gua- timala, according to the adage of the country, was faid to be fituated between heaven and hell. Where it is now heaven only knows ; for it was totally fwal- lowed up by an earthquake in April 1773. It formerly experienced a terrible fliock in i54r, when an incredible number of people are faid to have loft their lives : but the late blow feems to be final, as there are now no traces of it kft. When laft deftroyed it is fuppofed to have contained between forty and fifty thou- fand inhabitants, and the lofs in money and goods is computed at fifteen millions llerling. The principal commerce of this province with Spain, is by means of the indicro that it produces, which is reputed the beft that comes from America. In tJie culti- vation of it fome Negroes are employed, and part of thofe Indians which have fur- vived the tyranny of their conquerors. The labours of thefe unhappy men annual- ly fupply Europe alone with two thoufand five hundred furrons of indigo, which lell, on an average, at Cadiz, for feventy-three pounds ten Ihillings each. This rich produce, with fome other articles of lefs confideration, are conveyed upon mules to the town of St. Thomas, fituated fixty leagues from Guatimala, at the f Gage's Suivcy. extremity THE HISTORY OF AMERICA. 39" extremity of a very deep lake, which lofcs itfclf in the gulph of Honduras. CHAP. If. Here theie commodities remain, till they are exchanged for others brought from Spain, in vefirls of a moderate fize, which commonly arrive in the months of July and AuguLt. The other towns of any confideration in this province are La Trinadada or Sonfonate, fuuaced in a bay of the South Sea, about two miles to the ibuth-eaft of the capital, containing about five hundred Spanifli families, befides Indians and mulattoes ; St. Michael, another lea-port, to the eaftward of the former, having about fix hundred families j and z'^mapalla, {landing upon a fine bay to the eaftward of St. Michael, with above an hundred Spanifh families, who trade- largely in cochineal, cocoa, hides, indigo, and the other commodities of the pro- vince. Between the gulph of Honduras and the province ofGuatimala, lies the pro- vince of Vera Faz ; fo called, becaufe the natives fubmitted without refiftance, and religiouny maintained tlie treaty made with the Spaniards. The extent of this province is but forty leagues in length, and about twenty in breadth. It is neither remarkable for its fertility nor populoufnefs,. to which the woods that ovejfpread the country, and the frequency of earthquakes, are great and in- fuperable impediments. The Spaniards, however, find it worth maintainino-, ■ on account of the cotton, medicinal gums, dying drugs, and other valuable commodities which it yields. Tiiere was formerly gold in the Golfo Dolce, but : now it is either entirely exhaufted, or fo fcarce as not to reward tie trouble of fearching for it. Vera Paz, the capital, is a pretty well built town, but neither large nor magnificent ; and may truly be faid to be emblematical of the real fitua- tion of the inhabitants, who enjoy in moderation the conveniencies of life, with- out opulence or grandeur. There is properly no other town in the province, but there are feveral Indian vill^es, fome of which contain five hundred families, Thefe are chiefly in the mountains, where the natives live in a ftate of freedom, and refemble thofe of Chiapa in their induftry, ingenuity, and accompliIh= ments *. The province of Honduras, above an hundred leagues in length, and fixty in breadth, is the next in fituation. On the north it is fkirted by the bay of the fame name, and on the eaft by the North Sea : it has on the fouth the pro- vinces of Nicaragua and Guatimala, and is bounded on the weft by Vera Paz. Though this country poflefles many natural advantages, good harbours, a rich foil, and exuberant paftures, it is tu: thinly peopled. The reputation which it at firft acquired from its gold mines was but tranfitory : they loon funk into total oblivion, after having proved the grave of near a million of Indians. The territory which thofe Indians inhabited remains uncultivated and wafte,' and is now the poorcft part of all America. Both the people and the lands were facrificed to the pernicious thirft of gold, and the gold by no means anfwered the expcftations that were formed of it. The only articles that Honduras at * Game's Scrvej;, J prefen: 592 THE HISTORY OF AMERICA. BOOK II. prefent exports to Europe are hides, cafTia, and farfaparilla. Its capital called by the Indians Comagaya, and by the Spaniards Valladolid, is the fee of a billiop, and a confiderable inland town. As its trade is fo fmall, its fea-ports cannot be of (iiuch confequence. Truxillo, iiowever, derives fome degree of importance ^from its contraband trafnc, and Omoa is defended by a tolerable fortification. We now come to the province of Nicaragua, of which frequent mention has been made in relating the firfl: voyages, of the Spaniards to America, and alfo during the conquell: of Peru. It is wafhed both by the North and South Seas. The air is clear and healthy •, the foil excellent ; and the whole country is finely diverfified with mountains, vallies, extenfive Jakes, and beautiful favannas or meadows, on which feed numerous herds of cattle. Corn, timber, wax, tar, cordage and fugar, are iti principal commodities. Thefe it exports to a confiderable amount •, and what adds equally to the beauty and conve- niency of Nicaragua, is an immcnfe lake of tlie fame name, that runs acrdfs the country from within a few leagues of the South Sea, until it difcharges itfelf into the Weft Indian ocean, or North Sea, by a fpacious river, at the mouth of which-is the port of St. Juan. Ths tides rife quite up to the Jake ; fo that every fpecies of fifh peculiar to frefh or fait water is found then; in great abundance, and almoft together. Happy is it for the natives that their country offbrds no mines •, for in that cafe their bonds muft have been drawn tighter, and their lives wafted in digging for the precious metals. As it is otherwife, both the Spaniards and Indians employ themfelvcs in agriculture, for which no part of America affords more encouragement, nor is it carried to fuch perfeftion in any of the Spanifh fettle- ments. They have alfo erefled divers manufaftures, by means of which they draw great quantities of gold and filver from the other provinces. Hence it is obferved, even by the Spaniards, that the induftry of Nicaragua is a more per- manent and fecure treafure, than the mines of Mexico and Peru, as the money drawn frofn it remains in the country. It is likcwife obferved, that a more -free and bold fpirit of liberty reigns here, than in any other of the Spanifh pro- vinces, the natural confequence of felf- independence. Leon, its capital, is fituated at the head of the great lake, within twenty miles of the South Sea. The houfes are well built, though low, on account of the frequent fhocks of earthquakes in thofe parts. The Spanifh inhabitants do not exceed two thou- fand-j but the town is notwithftanding pretty populous, including the natives, who live here with more conveniency, and under more focial inftitutions, tJian in any other city of America *. On the South Sea, fourteen leagues to the weft of Leon, ftands Realejo, which not only ferves the purpofes of a port to this city and province, but alfo to that of Guatimala, with which it carries on a confiderable trade : and eighteen leagues to the eaft of the capital is feated Granada, a larger, finer, and more populous city than Leon itfelf. Its more advanced fiiuation upon the lake brings the rricr- * Voyag, de Correal. Gagt'j Survey. ■^hsinti T H E H I S T O R Y O F A M E R I C A. 39.^ chants thither from all quarters, and renders it one of the greatefl marts between B O O K li- the two Teas. All thofe cities are famous in the hiftory of the Buccaniers, who more than once plundered, burnt, or ranfomed them. From the lake of Nicaragua to the ilthm.us of Panama, where the viceroyalty of New Spain ends, the continent, more narrowly confined between the two fcas, comprehends the two fmall provinces of Cofta Rica and Veragua, both traverfed by mountains covered with impenetrable forells. Their foil is dry, their climate unhealthy; and though they yield fome gold, the only circumftance that pre- vents them from being abandoned, though negleded by the Spaniards, they are entitled to no particular attention. A territory, however, no lefs neglefted claims our notice before we quit this, part of the American continent. Between the fea and the Spanifli provinces of Honduras and Nicaragua, extending from Cape Honduras to port St. Juan, lies a country inhabited by a free people, wliofe attachment to the Englifn has long been remarkable, and who permit no other Europeans to vifit their coafts. This, fpace takes in an hundred and fifty leagues of the iTiore, and forms an obtufe an- gle at Cape Gracias a Dios, having one of its fides expofed to the north, the other to the eaft. The general name of Mofquitos is given to all the nations or tribes who occupy this traft, as well as to thofe who inhabit the inner fpace, betv/een the coaft and the higher chain of mountains which form the Spanifh frontier, and their country, in like manner, is known by the name of Molquita, or the Mof- quito Shore, Of thefe tribes the Mofquitos are the moft numerous, as well as the braveil. They muficr about fifteen or eighteen hundred warriors. Their country, properly fo called, is about Cape Gracias a Dios, near the mouth and oa the banks of the great Cape- river. It is one of the moft healthy and beautiful fpots in the world. Here are fettled about thirty Englifh families, who have be- gun plantations of fugar on the lands given them by the Mofquitos. The government of this people is perfeftly republican. They acknowledge no kind of permanent authority. In the wars which they carry on againft the Spa- nidi Indians, and v.hich much obftruct their population, they chufe as their com- mander the moft brave and experienced of their warriors ; he, who on the moft trying and perilous occafions, has given repeated proofs of his prudence and va- lour. After the war is over, his power ceal'es. The Mofquitos are diftinguilhed into two forts, the Red, and Black or Sambos. The firft are the original inhabi- tants of the country, the fecond the defccndants of about fifty negroes, whom a Portuguefe captain had brought from Guinea and was carrying to Brazil, but who rendered themftrlves matters of the vefTel, and threw all but one man overboard. The alTiftance of this man, however, was infufiicient to enable them to navif^ace the veflel, which, left at the mercy of the winds, was driven upon Cape Gracias a Dios, where the crew fell into the hands ot the Mofquitos, among whom the Kegroes lived for fome time ir. a ftate of fervitude, and afterwards became the companions of their dangers and toils. The Portuguefe mariner was fo much like a Spaniard, againft whom the animofity of thr Mofquitos is implacable, that 20. 5 H his 394- THE HISTORY OF AMERICA; BOOK ir, his life was with difficulty fpared ; and after he had been a (lave for two years, ic '-^"^'"' — ' was determined to facrifice him at the funeral of the msfter to whofe lot he had fallen, that he might ferve him in the other world. Luckily the Portuguefe had but one eye. He reprefented to the general alTembly of the nation, which was convened upon thisoccafion, that a one-eyed man could be of fervice to nobody in the other world, as it was difficult to fee clear there even with two. His aro-u- ment was fuftained : the Mofquitos not only granted him his life, but alfo his liberty, with a wife, and the furname of " the Man who knows a great deal *." The Mofquitos are divided into four principal tribes, under the proteftion of ■the Englifh governmerit, to which they fubmitted themfelves early in the laft century. They confider the governor of Jamaica, to whom this fubmiffion was paid, as the greateft potentate in the world. Their enmity againft tlie Spaniards by whom their anceftors were driven from their fertile poffeffions near the lake of Nicaragua, goes as far back as the conqueft of Mexico, and their friend/hip for the Englilh is as old as the firft expeditions of the Buccaniers acrainft their common enemy. Like all uncivilized nations, they have few wants, and are very indolent. ■" I am not hungry, " is their common faying, when they do not chufs to work ; nor do they ever labour but when this need is very fenfibly felt. Then ihey go to hunt, fifh, or to catch and harpoon turtle, an exercife at which they are very dexterous ; or otherwife they hire themfelves to the Englifli fettlers to cut mahogany, or to build canoes, which are fold at Jamaica for the purpofe of fiiTiing. Rice, cacao, indigo, tobacco, and other valuable produdlions mioht be cultivated to advantage in this country. At prefent England receives from it tyger and buck fkins, dying woods of feveral kinds, gums and balfams, farfa- parilla, tortoife-fheils, and zebra wood for the cabinet makers, but thofe only in i'mall quantities. All the free tribes, both inland and upon the coaft, are allies of the Mofquites and of the Englilh. ' Befides -this fettlement, fo unreafonably negleded, we find another Engliiti colony about tv/enty leagues to the eaft of Cape Honduras, at the mouth cf Black River, by which name it is generally known. Tiiis place was during fixty years the afylum of the logwood cutters, when driven by the Spaniards from the forefts of Eaft Yucatan. There they waited in fafety, till fuch time as their enemies retired ; and as thofe expulfions were frequent, and always un- forefeen, the ihips that went to load with wood in the bay of Honduras, chofe firft to touch at Black River, in order to get intelligence, and determine, in confcquence of ir, of the manner of purfuing their voyage. Wood-cucters, failors, defcrters, and adventurers of every kind, fixed themfelves infenfibly in this place. They received merchandife in return for the fruits of their induflry, .and foon eftablifhcd a lucrative trade with the Spaniards- in the inland parts. The lall treaty of peace, which fccured to the wood-cutters, as already men- tioned, the uninterrupted enjoyment of tiieir Vorefts, far trom making Black (River be deferted, has given more aftivity to tlie fettlement. * Oxmelin, Ilid. Fjee-boot. DsmDiei's Foya_ge, TLfi ^.^ 2^1 X- Say \diAfujatUn ei' Jiwi*^. 40\\ 46\ 5o\\ ^ Tropic of Capri N i X, ^l.gnvuU %l \tl>^-»-vl--^-i-:,. ^ ^ SOITTH . /. MERICdj Jro?n the l>t.rt Autlioriliee. JJ*"*^-* II I ^ "^ I ' I ISO !"C :wc s^'' z""" '<""^ -I?f> -Tt^ JOt> p^ Q o 8s fiO ^5 ^O SS Jo Ze^tuiJi^^ frart' / 394- BO 4' J 4\o z,\ 1 l i m iiiM iiiimm iiiiiimil iimiiiiiil uimii toiiimi niiiiiimn i . Ui N T I \ C '/ -^ i'i^l o9\ THE HISTORY OF AMERICA. The Tea coaft here is fandy, generally low and fwampy, with mangrove CHAP, trees •, but higher up, among the rivers and lagoons, the foil is more fertile, and produces many plantains, coco trees, maize, yams, and other vegetables Ths pafiion for drinking rum has made the colony begin the planting of fugar canes. The rivers, as well as the lagoons, are extremely well ftored v/ith fifh, and the forefls are filled with deer and game. On the fliores they catch the fineft turtle, from March to June, and from May to the end of September. Eefides this fifliery, which is very advautagous, the Black River fettlers cut mahogany and zebra wood, and gather a great deal of farfaparilla. A colony fo well fituated, though negledted by government, cannot fail of increafing. It is one of thofe plants, which, placed by the hand of chance in a happy corner, flourifh, mul- tiply, and bear fruit of themfelves, without the attention of the gardener. sJ -f Uf CHAP. III. TJie Spanilh Settlement i in South America. AL L the Spanifh dominions in South America, as already oblerved, were originally comprehended under one immenfe government, now divided into three. Among thefe Peru, the fecond great acquifition of the Spaniards in the New World, holds the firft place, both in wealth and population. Its territory, which is very irregular, may be divided into three clafles, of which the principal Cordeleras form the firft. The fummits of thofe mountains are loft i.i the clouds, and almoft all of them are covered with enormous mafles of fnow, as old as the world. From feveral of thefe fummits, which have in part tumbled down, and from the immenfe heaps of fnow, torrents of fmoke and flame iflue. Such are the fummits of Colopaxi, Tongourargua, and Sangai. The greateft part of the reft have formerly been volcanos, or will probably one day become fuch. Hiftory has only preferved to us the aera of their eruptions fince the dif- covery of America •, but the pumice ftones, the calcined earths with which they are ftrewed, and the evident veftiges that the flame has left, are authentic tefti- :monies cf the reality of former eruptions. Their height is prodigious. Cayambour, which isiituated direftly under the equator, and Antifona» which- is oniy five leagues diftant from it to the fouth, are more than eighteen thoufand feet high, reckoning from the level of the fea ; and Chimborazo, which is twenty thoufmd, two hundred, and eighty feet highf, furpaftes more than one third the aldtude of the pike of TenerifFe, the higheft land in the ancient hemifphsre. jPitchincha and Carazon; where the French Academicians made moft of their * W-oy. dfi UlJc3j torn. 11* > tchfervatiofis 396' T H E H I S T O R Y O F A M E R I C A." BOOK II. obfervations with regard to the figure of the earth, have only thirteen thoufami five hundred and eighty, and thirteen thoufand eight hundred and ninety feet of abfolutc height ; and this is tiie highefl: land that ever was afcended. Eternal fnows have hitherto rendered fummits of greater altitude inaccefTible. From this elevation, where the fnow never melts, not even in the torrid zone, in difcending eight or nine hundred feet, fcarcely any thing is feen but naked rocks or dry fands. A little lower is perceived fome mofs, that covers the rocks ; various kinds of heath, which, though green and damp, make a clear fire ; and round hillocks of fpungy earth, on v/hich grow fmall radiated and Itarry plants, whofe petals are like the leaves of yew. Throughout the whole ot this fpace the fnow is only temporary, but it continues fometimes whole weeks and months. Lower ftill the ground is commonly covered with a fort of loofe grafs, which riles a foot and an iialf, or two feet high. This fpecies of hay is the proper charafteriftic of die mountains which the Spaniards call Paramos ; a name by which they diftinguilh fuch uncultivated ground as is too high for wood to grow on it, and where the rain feldoni falls otherwife than in the form of fnow, though it immediately melts. In defcend- ing yet lower, to the height of about twelve thoufand feet above the level of the fea, it is obferved fometimes to fnow and fometimes to rain *. On leaving thofe mountains, others lefs confiderable, which occupy the mid- dle of Peru, prcfent themfelves. The fummit of thefe is commonly cold, barren, and full of mines. The vallies between them are covered with numer- ous flocks, and feem to offer to agriculture the mod copious harveft. There are feldom here above two months of winter j and in the greateft heat, it is only ne- cefTary to pafs out of the fun into the fliade, to enjoy the temperate zone. This rapid alternative of fenfaiion, however, is not always invariable in a climate, which by the difpofition of the ground alone often changes in the courfe of a league. But be it as it may, it is always found healthy. There is no malady peculiar to thefe diftrids, and thofe of our climate feldom tiiere prevail. The temperature of the low country is tHfferent from what is any where elfe found in the fame latitudes. Having on one fide the South Sea, and on the other the great ricige of the Andes or Cordcleras, through its whole length, the joint efl-cdls of the ocean and the mountains moderate the equino6lial heat in a manner equally agreeable and furprifing. With a flsy for the inoft part cloudy, whicli fliields the inhabitants from the rays of the vertical fun, it never rains in lower Peru ; but every night a foft benign dew broods upon the earth, and rc- frefhes the grafs and plants, fo as to produce in fome parts the greateft fertility. The want of rain, however, in many places is ftnfibly felt; though in others it is fupplied by the vaft number of ftrcams, to which the frequent rains and the daily melting of fnovj on the mountains give rife. But, along tlie coaft, the fields arc in general fandy and barren ; and none can be fulcd truly fertile, e.\'cept * Voyage dc ConJamire. fuch T H E II [ S T O R Y O F A M E R I C A. 397 filth as are watered by the rivers and llreams, cr the artificial canals dug from CHAP. Ilf. them. Natural philofophy hrs exerted its utn-ioft efforts to di.covxr the caufo of a pharnomenon lb extraordinary as the want of rain in Lower Peru. May it noc be attributed to the fouth-weft wind, which prevails the greateft part of the year, and to the prodigious height of the mountains, whofe fummits'arc covered with eternal fnow ?— The country fuuated between both, being continually cooled on one fide and heated on the other, maintains fo equal a temperature, that the va- pours which rife can never be condenfed fo far as to be refolved in,co water. Hence the houfes, though only built of crude brick, or of earth mixed with a little grafs, are of eternal duration. Their covering is nothing but a fimple matting, placed horizontally, with a layer of afiies an inch thick above, to ablbrb the moifture of the fog. The iame caufes that hinder ii: from raining- in the flat country, undoubtedly alfo prevent ftorms. Such of the inhabitants of Peru as have never vifitcd the mountains are perfedl ftrangers to thunder and lightning. Their terror is equal to their aftonifiiment, when, in other countries, dicy firft are witnefs to lb aftonilh- ing a fpeclacle. But they have a phaenomcnon much more dangerous and dread-, ful ; and which, in its confequences, leaves much deeper imprcfiions in the ima- gination of man, than thunder and all the ravages that accompany it. Earth-* quakes, which in moll countries are fo rare that whole ages pats without a fingle inftance, are lb common in Lower Peru, that the inhabitants have contrafted a habit of reckoning them as a leries of dates ; and they are fo much the more me- morable, as their frequent return does not diminiih their violence. There are few places on this extenfive coafl, which do not prefent feme dreadful monument of thole horrible convulfions of the earth. This phenomenon, which is ever irregular in its fudden returns, is announced, however, by very perceptible and alarming fymptoms. When the fhock is con- fiderable, it is preceded by a murmur in the air, the noife of which is like that of heavy rain, falling from a cloud that fuddenly burfis and difchargts its waters. This noife feems to be the efFe6l of a vibration of the air, which is agitated in different directions. The birds are then obferved to dart in their flight : their tail and their wings no longer fervc them, as oars and helm, to fail in the fluid of the fkies ; they dafh themfelves in pieces againfl: the walls, the trees, and the rock?. Whether it is the vertigo of nature that dizzies and confufes them, or the noxi- ous vapours that deprive them of ftrength and flcill to command their motions, we fhall leave to be determined by the philofophers of ultimate caufes. To this tumult in the air is added the rambling of the earth, whofe cavities and deep recefirs re echo each other's noiles. The dogs anfwer thefe previous tokens of a general dilbrder of nature, by howling in an extraordinary manner. The cattle flop ; and, by a natural inftindf, fpread out their legs, that they may not fall. On thefe indications, the inhabitants inffantly leave their houfes, with terror imprefled on their countenances, and feek in the great fquares, or in the fields, an af\ lum from die fall of their roofs. The cries of children, the la.- 21. 5 I mentations THE HISTORYOF AMERICA. mentations of women, the fudden darknefs of an unexpedted night * — every thing, in a word, confpires to aggravate the too real evils of a dire calamity by the excruciating tortures of imagination, which, diflrefled and confounded, lofes in the contemplation of this dilbrder, the thought and courage necefliiry to pro- vide againft it. Another fingularity merits attention. All along the coaft of Peru, a current fets ftrongly to the north : further out to fea, it runs with equal rapidity to the fourh. This current probably moves eddy wife : having run as far as its moving caufe impels it, it naturally paflcs back again where it has leaft refiftance. The ignorance of this double current, made the navigation of the South Sea origi- naliy very uncertain and fatiguing ; but as it is now perfectly known, the courfe for thofe who pafs from Chili to Peru is, to keep in towards the fliore in their pafiage to Callao, and in their return to (land out a great many leagues to fea, and to take the fouthern current homewards. The fame method, but reverfed, is obferved in the voyages between Panama, the other nortliern countries, and the ports of Peru. The prod udions of Peru for exportation may be reduced to five articles : gold and filver, quickfilver, Vigonia wool, Jefuits bark, Agi or Cayenne pepper. Of the nature of mines, and the different ways of procuring and refining the precious metals, an account has been given in the defcription of New Spain. The mines of gold in Peru are almoft all in the northern part, not very remote from Lima ; thofe of filver, almoft wholly in the fouthern. At firft tlie ^old mines tempted the avarice of the greater number of adventurers ; but fatal ex- perience foon difcouraged thofe, whom pafilon had not blinded. They clearly iaw, that, for Ibme enormous fortunes raifed of a fudden, great numbers who pofTelTed moderate ones were totally ruined. The gold mines funk into fuch dif- credir, that, in order to prevent them from being abandoned, the government was obliged to take the twentieth part of their produce, initead of the fifth which it at firft received. The mines of filver were more common, more equal, and more rich, and therefore were worked to more advantage. Of thefe the moft famous is that of Potofi, which was difcovered in 1545. An Indian, called Hualpa, purfuino- fome wild animals up the mountain of that name, and coming to a ftcep place, laid hold of a flirub to alTift his afcent. I'hat, yielding to his weight, came up by the roots, and difcovered a mafs of filver. At the lame time he obferved Jumps of this metal adhering to the roots of the plant. With thcfe firlt fruits of his difcovery Hualpa haftened home, feparated the filver from the foreign fubftances, and made ufe of it -, repairing occafionally, when his ftock was exhaufted, to his perpetual trcafury. llie change that liad hap- pened in his circuniftances was remarked by his countryman Guanca, to whom he avowed the fecret. The two friends could not keep their own counfcl, and enjoy their good fortune. They quarrelled -, and the indifcreet con- fident difcovered the whole to his mafter VilJaroel, a Spaniard that was fcttkxi in the neighbourhood. On this the mine became known, was worked with im- • UUoa, vol. vii. c. 7, menfe THEHISTORYOFAMERICA. 399 menfe advantage, and a great many others fcarce lefs rich, were found in the CHAP. HI. fame mountain. The fame of thefe important difcoveries drew people from all parts to Potofi, and a town was foon built at the foot of- the mountain, containing fixty thoufand Indians and ten thouland Spaniards. Though the adjacent country is remarkably barren, producing neither grain, fruits, herbs, or other efculents, the town is amply fupplied, both widi the neceflaries and the luxuries of life. Some provinces fend thither the beft of their grain and fruits ; others their cat- tle and manufadtures ; and thofe who trade in European goods refort to Potofi, as to a market where there is a great demand, and no want of filver to give in ex- change for them*. Induftry, which every where follows the current of money, could not fearch for it with fo much fuccefs as at this fource. In purifying gold and filver, as already obferved, the Spaniards make ufe of mercury. The demand for this mineral in Peru is great, and is amply fupplied by the mine of Guanca Velica, which was difcovered in 1564. This mine, which is not found to diminifh, is dug in a prodigious large mountain, fixty leagues from Lima. In its profound abyfs are feen ftreets, fquares, and a chapel, where the myfteries of religion, on all feftivals, are celebrated. Millions of flambeaux are continually kept to enlighten it. The earth, which contains the quickfilvcr, is of a whiiifli red, like burnt brick. It is pounded and put into an earthen kiln, the upper part of which is a vault like an oven, fomewhat of a fpherical form, extended an on iron grate covered with earth, under which a gentle heat is kept up with the herb icho, which is fitter for this procefs than any other combullible matter, and the cutting of which, on that account, is prohibited for twenty leagues round the mine. The heat, which penetrates this earth, makes the pounded mineral fo hot, that the quickfilver ifliies out of it vo- latililcd in fmoke. But as the upper part of the kiln is clofely ftopped, the fnioke finds no vent but by a fmall hole, which has a commiUnication with a feries of little round earthen vefl"els, or retorts, the necks of which are inferted into each other. There the fmoke circulates, and condenles by ineans of a little water at the bottom of each vefi^el, into which the quickfilver falls in a pure heavy liquid. Private people work this mine at their own expence, and of courfe might be expected to reap the profits arifing from it on paying a certain duty. But the cale is otherwife. Tliey are obliged to deliver to governnient, at a fiiated price, all the mercury they extracfl ; and as foon as they have procured the quantity, which the demands of one year require, the work is fufpendcd. Part of the mercury is fold on the fpot, and the reft is fent to the royal magazines through- out all Peru, whence it is delivered out at eighteen pounds feven fiiilling and fix- pence per hundred weight, the fame price it is fold for in Mexico. This regula- tion, from which the crown of Spain raifes a confiderable revenue, has been con- * Voyage de Ui!oa, lib. vli. c. 13. The produce of the mines is fomewhat diminidied, but flill very co.ifid;rab!e. Before the year 163S, they are fdid to have yielded 21,155,0-1-3 dollars per annum. Id. ibid. fidered THE HISTORY OF AMERICA. fideied by an eminent political writer * in the fame light as a tax upon the im- plements of hufbandry :— and in one fenfe it may be regarded as fuch. But as it is obicrved -f that the paflion of fearching for the precious metals is fo violent in the Spanifh colonics, as to overturn all fober plans of induftry ; to make every other bounty of nature be neglefted, and to bury in the earth, in vifionary projecls, great part of that treafure which is cxtrafted from it, any regulation which tends to reftrain fuch an excefs muft be confidered as truly political ; more efpeciajly if it ccntributes to the fupport of government. The mine of Guanca Velica generally affeds thofc who work in it with convul- fions. This and the other mines are all worked by the natives. Thefe unfortunate viiSlims of an infatiable avarice are crowded together, and plunged naked into ihofe abyflcs, the greater part of which are deep, and ail excelTively cold. Their fervice is only for fix months at a time-, but fuch as furvive that term, which, as formerly obferved, is often protrafted under various pretences, having loft the fweetnefs of their former ccnnedicns, generally fettle in the neighbourhood of the mine, and become ilaves for life. The tffcdls of that fcrvitude, niore deftruclive than fword or peftiknce, would yet be more fatal were it not for the ufe of coca. The coca is a fhrub, which hardly ever rifes higher than from three to four feet. Its fruit is dcpofited in bunches ; and is red when it begins to ripen, and black when it has attained its maturity. Its leaf, which is fofr, and of a pale green, refembling that of the myrtle, is the delight of the Peruvians. They chew it, after having mixed it with a Vv-hite earth, which they call ntcmbi:. Its qualities feem to be of the opiate kind, and to have fome fimilitude to thole of tobacco, for it produces a kind of ftupid compofure. It is an antidote a- gainfl- poilons and poifonous cflkivia, and makes thole who ufe it fubfift a long time wiihouL food. If the unhappy wretches, who are buried in the mines, are in want of it, they ccafe working, and no means whatfoever can compel them to rcfume their labour, nor would they be able without it to continue their exer- tions. Their opprcfTors therefore furnifh them with as much as they require, fubfcracling the price of it from their daily wages. It is produced in great quan- tities in the fouthern provinces of Peru, where it is cultivated by the Indians, but that grcwing \\ild in the neighbourhood of Cuzco is accounted t'.e beft j:. Vigonia wool, one of the moll valuable commodities of Peru, is fhorn from a fpecies of animals peculiar to the country, and in other refpefts beneficial to man ; namely, tiie I. lama, the Pacos, the Guanaco, and Vicuna. The llama is about four feet high, and five in length, of which its neck alone takes up one half. Its head, refembling that of the camel, is well made, with large eyes, a long fnout, and thick l-ps. Its mouth has no incifors in the upper jaw. Its feet are cloven like thofe of the ox, but furnilhed with a fpur behind, which enables it to fallen itfelf in the fides of fteep places, where it delights to climb. The wool is flicrt on its back, but long on its fides. The llamas were employed by the ancient Peruvians as beafts of burden, and they are fi:ill ufed as fuch' by • R^iyn^'l- + See hook ii. c. 2. of this woik-, nnil Robciifcn, b. viii. t Uiloa, lib. vi. c. 3. This coca is cxaitly ihe fame wiih the beul of the Esll li.d as. Id. ibid. 2 the T H E H I S T O R Y O F A M E R I C A. ^oi the modern natives of the country. The carry about an luindred weight, and CHAP. i;i. move with a flow but firm pace, at the rate of four or five leagues a day, in roads that are imprafticable to other animals ; defcending through gullies, and climb- ing up rocks, where men cannot follow them. After four or five days journey, they reft of their own accord for twenty-four hours. Nature feems to have formed them for the people of the climate where they are produced, mild and phlegmatic, moderate and prudent, like the Peruvians. When they flop, they bend their knees and incline their body in fuch a manner as not to difcompofc their burden. As foon as they hear their driver whiftle, they rife with the fame care, and proceed on their journey. They browfe on the grafs they find in their way, and chew the cud at night; even when afleep, reclining on their breaft, with their feet doubled under their belly. They are neither difpirited by fading nor drudgery, while they have' any ftrength remaining -, but, when they are totally exhaufted, or fall under their burden, it is to no purpofe to harrafs or beat them. They will continue obftinate ; ftriking their heads asainfl the ground, firft on one fide then on the other, till they kill themfelves. They never defend diemfelves either with their feet or teeth ; but, in the heioht of their indignation, content themfelves with fpitting in the face of thofe who in- fult them. The pacos is to the llama what the afs is to the horfe, a fubordinate fpecies, fmaller in fize, with fhort legs, and a flat fnout, but of the fame difpofition, the fame peculiarities, and the fame conflitution -, formed, like the llama, to carry burdens, but more obftinate in its caprices, perhaps becaufe it is weaker. Thefc animals are fo much the mofe ufeful to man, as their fervice cofts him nothing. Their thick coat fupplies the place of a pack-faddle ; the little grafs, which they find along the road, fuffices for their food, and furnifhes them with a plentiful and frefh faliva, which exempts them from the neccfiity of drinking. The guanaco is a wild fpecies of the llama, ftronger, more fprightly, and more nimble than the domeftic llamas ; running like the flag, and climbing like the wild goat, covered with fhort wool, and of a fawn-colour. Though free, they like to colledl in herds, fometimes to the number of two or three hundred. If they fee a man, they at firft furvey him, with a look of greater aftonifhment than curiofity, then fnufiing up the air, and neighing, all run together to the fummit of the mountain. Thefe animals feek the cold, travel on the ire, and fojourn within tTie regions of fnow, dreading the heat of the low lands. They are found vigorous, and in vaft numbers on the Sierras, which are of the fame height with the Cordeleras ; but they are both fmall and fcarce in the heaths at the foot of the mountains. "When they are hunted for their fleece, if they gain the rocks, neither men nor dogs can keep fight of them. The Vicuna, a fpecies of wild pacos, is ftill fonder of the fummits of the mountains, of the fnow, and of the ice. Their wool is longer,- thicker fct, and much finer, than that of the guanaco. Its colour refembles that of dried roles, and is fo fixed by nature, that it cannot be altered in the hands of thofe who are employed in working it, and never changes by any accidents of weather, which 21. 5 K renders THE HISTORY OF AMERICA. renders it of great value. It is almoft as delicate as filk. *. The vicunas are fa timid, that ihiiir fear itfelf makes them an eaf^ prey to the hunter. A com- pany of men furround them, and drive them into narrow defiles, at the end of which are fufpended pieces of cloth, or linen rags, on cords, raifed three or four feet from the ground. Thcfe rags being agitated by the wind, ftrike fuch terror into the vicunas, that they ftand crowded, and fqueezed one ngainft another, luifcring themfcives to be killed ratlicr than fly ; but if there happens to be among them a guanaco, which, being more adventurous, leaps over the cords, they follow it and efcape. Ail thcfe animals belong lb peculiarly to South America, and efpecially to the hightft Cordeleras, that they are never feen on the fide of Mexico, where the height of thefe mountains is confiderably diminifhed. Attempts have been made to propagate the breed in Europe, but without fuccefs. I'he Spaniards, without reflefting, that thefe animals, even in Peru itlelf, fought the coldell parts, tranfported them to the burning plains of Andalufia. They might poffibly have lucceeded at the foot of the Alps or the Pyrenees -j-. The ficfh of the llamas, wlien they are young, is good eating. 7 he fkin of the old ones ferves the In- dians for flioes, and the Spaniards for harneis. The guanacos alfo might be eaten ; but the vicunas are only fought after for their fleece, and for the bezoar that they produce. The wool of the llamas, pacos, guanacos, and vicunas, was in general uk- fully employed by the Peruvians before the conquefl. The inhabitants of Cuzco made tapeftry of it for the ufe of the court, in which flowers, birds, and trees •were pretty well imitated. It ferved alfo to make mantles which were worn over a fhirt of cotton. After the conquefl, all the natives were obliged to wear cloaths. As the oppreflion under which they groaned did not allow them to exer- cife their former induftry, they contented themfelves with the coarfer cloaths of Europe, for which they were made to pay an exorbitant price. When the gold and filver, which had efcaped the rapacity of the conquerors, were exhaufl;ed, and the government a little more fettled, they attempted to eftablifh their national manufadlures, and with fuccefs -, but thefe were fomc time after prohibited, on account of the deficiency which they occaficned in the exports of the mother-country. The impoflibility, however,, which the Peruvians found of purchafing foreign ftufFs, and paying their taxes, occafioned permifHon to be given at the end of ten years for their re-eftablifliment. They have not fince been difcontinued, and have been brought to as great a degree of perfedion as it is poflible under a continual tyranny. With' the wool of the vicuna, the Peruvians make at Cuzcc, an^i in its territory, fl:ockings, handker- chiefs, and fcarfs. The fame wool, u.lxed with tliat of the flieep, introduced from Europe, but which has exceedingly degenerated, ferves alfo for carpets, which are admirable, and makes tolerably fine cloth ; and fleeces of an inferior * Probably the famous (heep of Cachcmir, of whofe wool they make the little white cloths, (o much valued in Ii'c'ia, tray ! e of this fperies. Eurcp. Set^j^mcr. par. 11. c. g. To this conjec- ture another may be added that 'vigonia is probably a corruptiQa of i/icuna wool. t JuffoD, Hid. Nat. Rayra', Hii!. Philof. et Poliiiq. 4 quality, THE HISTORY OF AMERICA. quality, as well as what are fhorn from the llama, guanaco, and pacos, are em- ployed in lerges, druggets, and all kinds of coarfer Huffs. Thefe nianufaiflures would have been multiplied, notwithftandingthe oppreflions under which the peo- ple labour, if the fpirit of deftruction had not fallen upon animals as well as upon men. The vicuna, in particular, has been hunted down, and its valuable wool exported annually, both to New and Old Spain, tc a very conhderable amount. The next great article of exportation, no lefs peculiar to South America, is Jefuits bark ; fo well known in medicine, as a fpecific in intermitting dilorders, and an antidote againft mortification, befides many other valuable purpofes vvhich experience daily finds it to anlwcr. The tree that bears it is about the common fize of a cherry-tree : its leaves are long and indented -, and it bears a long reddidi flower, from which arifes a fort or hufK that envelopes a flat wliice ker- nel, not unlike an almond. This iree grows principally in the mountainous parts- of Peru, and is found in the grcaccil plenty and perfeftion in the province of Qiiito. M. Condaminc informs us, that it grows on the hither fide of the Andes, nowife inferior to the Peruvian in quantity or goodnefs. The beft is produced on the high and rocky grounds, as appears to be the cafe with moft medicinal; plants, whofe juices are mure powerful and efficacious when elaborated in fuch fituations. This bark was firft introduced into Europe by the Jefuits, whence it had its name of Jefuits Bark. Its medicinal virtue is faid to have been diicovered by the following accident. An Indian lingering under an intermitting fever, being parched with thirfl-, happened to drink of the water of a lake into which ibme of the trees had fallen, and was cured as if by miracle. The Jefuits, with their ufual fagacity, took advantage of this circumftance : they made experiments with the bark ; found it to anfwer, and preferved it for fome time as a fecret, in order to increafe the wealth and conlequencc of their fraternity. At lengtli Juan de Vega, ph^fician to one of the viceroys of Peru, who had proved its falutary effeds, eftabhllied it in Spain as an article of commerce, in 1640, at the enorm; us price of an hundred pefos a pound. The price is now compara- tively inconfiderable -, but as the confumption of it is greater, the bark fl;ill forms a very valuable article in the trade of Spanifh America. Agi, or Cayenne pepper, is alfo a confiderable article in the trade of Peru. It is produced in the greateft quantity in the vale of Arica, whence it is exported to the annual amount of fix hundred thoufand pefos *. The diftrift that produces this P'-pp'r in fuch abundance is but fmall, and naturally barren. It owes its fer- tility in pepper as well as in grain to a very extraordinary manure, brought from an ifland on the coatl, named Iquiqua. This is a fort of yellowifli fubftance of a foetid fmell, and is generally fuppoled to be the dung of fea fowls, vaft numbers of which art continually feen on that and the adjacent iflands. But whether we confider it as the dung of thele fowls, or a particular fpecies of earth, it is almofl equally difficult to conceive how the fmall ifland of Iquiqua, not above two miles f UUoa, lib. vii, c. 12, in 404 thehistoryofamerica; BOOK II, in circumference, can furnifli fuch immenfe quantities ; and after fupplying the diftant parts during two centuries, with upwards of twelve fhip-loads annually, befides a much greater quantity, for the uie of the neighbourhood, fhould con- tinue apparently undiminifhed in height or otl-erwife. Thel'e, however, are in- quires that do not properly belong to this work, and require a more perfcdl knowledge of all the circumftances relative to their objeft, than can be gathered from travellers. This manure, which was known, as formerly obferved, to the ancient Peruvians, is made ufe of by the Spaniards in other cultures bendes that of pepper, feveral of which, introduced from Europe, have been carried to a confulerable degree of .perfedion. The vine thrives fufficiently on the fandy coafts of Peru, at lea, Pifca, Nafca, Moquequa, and Truxilio, to fun, Th the colony with wine and brandy adequate to its wants, Olives thrive ftill L'.tter, and yield abundance of oil, which is greatly fuperior to that of the motiier- country. The fugar cane .fucceeds fo well, that none of any other growth can be compared to thofe pro- duced, though in no great quantity, on this coaft, where it never rains. Wheat and barley are cultivated in the inland country, but not with remarkable fuccefs. The natives, as formerly, live chiefly upon maize. According to the order hitherto purfued, we fliould now proceed to an ac- count of Peru, and of all the Spanifli dominions in South America, as di- vided into audiences, and of thefe, as again fubdivided into provinces or diftrivfls ; but the vaft extent of the countries fubjefl: to the crown of Spain ■Jn this fedion of the American continent, makes a new method neceffary. In order topreferve the unity of the fubjeft, which would otherwife be broken into an infinitude of minute parts, wefhall attempt a moral and commercial fur- vey, inflead ef a 'geographical defcription -, a pidure, rather than a chart. We ihall endeavour to place the chief objects in a confpicuous point of view, and throw the reft into fliade. Towns and provinces remote in fituation, but con- nedfed by commerce, by an union or oppofition of interefts, will therefore often follow in fucceffion, that the reader may be enabled to form a diftindl judgment of the wealth and pov/er of the whole Spanifli empire to the fouth of the ifl:hmus of Panama, in place of poflTefling only a vague idea of its feparate, involved, and widely fpreading branches. In proceeding towards the low country from Potofi, which we have feen rifing out of the defart, as if by magical incantation, at the waving of the po- tent rod of the god Manmion, the firfl: objed that claims our attention is Cuzco, the ancient capital of Peru, and the feat of the Incas. It flands as formerly on a very irregular ground on the fides of the mountains, there being no fituation more convenient near it, and is ftill a confiderable city. The number of its inhabitants are not mentioned by Ulloa, but Correal and Laet make them amount to between three and four thoufand Spaniards, and twelve thoufand Indians. *. The natives who, in general have thegreateft averfion againft living • Hill. Gen, des Voyage?, torn. XIII. in THEHISTORY OF AMERICA. 405 in cities, becaufe inhabited by their opprefibrs, ftill voluntarily chufe to refide at ^^^J_^^; Cuzco : they love to behold that venerable place, from which thofe holy laws originated that rendered their anceftors fo happy. The remembrance of thefe in- fpires them with an elevation of foul ; hence they are found to be more in- genious on this celebrated fpot, than in any other part of their ancient empire. Befides the woollen manufafturcs already mentioned, they have alfo fomeof cotton, and work largely in leather in all its branches, but particularly in painting and gilding?it for ornamentin grooms. Other artifts are employed in making with wood or ivory pieces of inlaid work and fculpture, and in delineating figures on the marble that is found at Cucuca, oron linen imported from Europe. The drawing of thefe is not bad, but the colours are neither exaft nor permanent. If the Indians, who invent nothing, but are excellent imitators, iiad able mafters, and pro- per models, they would make at leaft good copyifts. Towards theclofe of the laft century, the works of a Peruvian painter, named Michael de St. James, were carried to Rome, and the connoiffeurs difcovered marks of genius in them. The city of Cuzco is well built. Mofl: of the houfes are of ftone, happily con- trived, and covered with tiles, whofe lively red gives them an elegant appear- ance. The apartments are fpacious, and finely decorated ; the mouldings of all the doors are gilt ; the other ornaments are no kfs rich, and the furni- ture correfponds with that magnificence, both in elegance and fumptuouf- nefs *. On a hill to the north of Cuzco, are the ruins of a famous fort built by the Incas for their defence. From thofe ruins it appears, that the defign of the Incas was to enclofe the whole mountain with a prodigious wall, of fuch con- ftruiftion as to render the afcent of it impradicable to an army, in order to prevent -all approach to the city. This wall was entirely of freeftone, and fttongiy built, like all the other works of the Incas, but ftill more remarkable for its dimenfions, and the largenefs of the ftones, which are of different mag- nitudes and figures. Thofe compofing the principal parts of the work are of ftvch prodigious fize, that it is difficult to conceive how it was poffible for the ftren^th of man, unriffided by machines, to have brought them thither from the quarries- The interftices formed by the irregularities of thefe enormous mafles are filled with fmalkr, and fo clofely joined as not to be perceived without a very narrow infpedtion f. Some leagues to the north of this fortrefs lies the valley of Yucay, where the Incas and great men of the empire had formerly their country-houfes. The greater part of that delicious retreat, which ftill pre- ferves its reputation, belongs to the bifhop of Cuzco-, and the reft is poflefled by the principal citizens, who think there is fomething deficient in their fyftem of happinefs till they can purchafe a piece of ground there. The fick ufually repair thither in fearch of health, and it rarely happens but they find it J. * UUoa, lib. vii. c. 12. t Jd- ibid. J Hift. Gen. des Voyage?, torn. Xm. 21. 5 L About 4o6 THEHISTORYOFAMERICA. BOOK II. About half way between Cuzco and Lima, ftands the city of Guamagnaj founded for the conveniency of carrying on trade between the ancient and thu' modern capital of Peru. It is fituatcd on the declivities of fome mountains of a moderate height, which, extending fouthward, inclofe a fpacious plain to the eaftv/ard of the town. This plain is watered bv a fniail river defcending from the neighbouring mountains ; but the ground on which the city ftiands being higher than the bed of the river, the inhabitants are obliged to provide them- felves with fountains. In the center of the town live at leaft twenty no- ble families, in fpacious houfes of a confiderable height, built partly with ftone, and covered with tiles. All thefe have extenfivc gardens and orchards -, though it is no fmall trouble to keep them in order, by reafon of the fcarcity of water. The large Indian fuburbs round this city add greatly to its extent ; and tlie houfes there, though low, being chiefly ot llone, and roofed, very much augment the general appearance *. The next city that claims our attention in this quarter of South America is Arequipa, delightfully iituated in the valley of Qiiilca, twenty leagues from the fea, and near a hundred fouth of Lima. It is one of the largefl towns in Peru. The houfes are handlbmely built of ftone, and vaulted. Though not all of an equal height, they are generally lofty, commodious,, finely decorated on the outfide, and neatly furnifhed within. The temperature of the air here is fo remarkably mild, that there is never an excefs either of heat or cold : hence the furrounding fields are perpetually covered with verdure, and enamelled with flowers j and the inhabitants in confequence of this perpetual fpring, are exempted from the difeafes which flow from the intemperature of the feafons. What farther contributes to the health of the inhabitants, is their care in keep- ing the ftreets clean by means of canals which extends to a river near the city,, by which all the filth is fwept away. But thefe pleafures and advantages are allayed by the dreadful fhocks of earthquakes, to which, in common with all the low country of Peru, Arequipa is fo fubjedt, that it has been three times laid in ruins by thefe terrible convulfions of nature. It is ftill, however, very popu- lous, and numbers among its inhabitants, many noble families -, the fertility of the foil and the goodnefs of the air as well as the vicinity of the port of Aranta, inducing many of the Spaniards to fettle upon this fpot. Aranta is only twenty leagues diltantfrom Arequipa, communicates with it by means of the river already mentioned, and is the next port to Callao, in point of excellence of any on this coafi: of the South Sea +. Callao is the port of Lima, at about five miles diftance, extending along the fea-coaft, on a low-flat point of land. The Spaniards have no harbour in the South Sea worthy to be coiripared with it in beauty, conveniency, or fecurity. The largeft vcffels may lie with perfeft fafety in the road of Callao, the water being extremely deep, and the port fluielded from the winds by the ifland of St. Lawrence, which alfo breaks the furges rolling from the fouth weft. From the * UUoa, lib. vii.c. 12. t UUoa, lib. vii. c. 12. Hift. Gen. de Voyages, torn. XIII. fea. THE HISTORY OF AMERICA. 407 fea, the town makes a tolerable figure, having feveral public edifices, churches, ^^^^_^^; and monafteries, though the number of inhabitants are but inconfiderable. The Spaniards have expended large fums in giving this important harbour all the ad- vantages of ftrength that art could beftow ; and the town is aftually confidered by their countrymen as little lefs than impregnable, though in fafb both the garrifoii and fortifications are very trifling. The latter confifted of an incloi'ure flanked by ten baftions on the land fide, and feveral redans and plain baftions on the edge of die fea, together with four ftrong batteries to command the port and road * ; but thtfe being demolifhed by the laft great earthquake, have never fince been thoroughly repaired, the money appropriated for that purpofe by the court having been expended in other works, more agreeable to the defigns of thole in- truftcd with the viceroyalty of this part of the SpanilTi empire. Lima, the feat of the viceroy, and the modern capital of Peru, is fituated in a delicious plain, about two leagues from the fea, and nearly at an equal diftance from the equator and the fouthern tropic, fo as to unite, as it were, all the riches and delights of South America. The profpcdb from it on one fide extends over a tranquil ocean, on the other it commands a didance of forty leagues, as far as the Cordeleras. A river of the fame name wafhes the walls of Lima ; and, when not fwelled by the torrents from the mountains, is eafily tordabl?. But as at other times it is equally rapid and deep, an elegant and fpacious ftone bridge is thrown over it, having at one end a fupcrb gate, the architedure of which has been much admired. This gate forms the entrance into the city, and leads to the great fquare, which is very extenfive, and richly ornamented. In the centre of this fquare is a fountain, equally remarkable for its beauty and grandeur-, out of the middle of which rifes a bronze ftatue of Fame, and on the angles are four fmall bafons. The water is ejedled through the trumpet of the ftatue, and alfo through the mouths of eight lions that furround it. The eaft fide of the fquare is filled by the cathedral and the archiepifcopal palace, which rife above all the buildings in the city. The front of the palace, its columns, pilafters, and principal foundations, are of hewn ftone. The cathedral, which refembles that of Seville, is adorned with a magnificent facade, or frontifpiece, in the middle of which is the grand portal, fet off" by two handfome towers. Round the whole runs a fpacious gallery, with a balkiftrade of wood, refembling brafs in colour; and at proper diftances are feveral pyramids which greatly augment the magnificence of the ftrudlure. On the north fide of the fquare is the viceroy's palace, in which are the feveral courts of juftice, together with the offices of the revenue, and the ftate prifon. This was formerly a very noble building, both in regard to its fize and architefture, but the greater part of it being thrown down by the dreadful earthquake that vifited the city in 1687, it has never regained its former ftatelinefs. The form of Lima is triangular ; the bafe, or longeft fide, extending two miles along the banks of the river. Its greateft breadth, from north to fouth, * Voy. de Frezier. ^ is- 4o8 THE HISTORY OF AMERICA. BOOK II. is about a mile. Ic is furrounded with a brick wall, and flanked by tb.irry-foiir baftions, but without platforms or embrafures, the purpofc of the fortifications being merely to detend it againft any fudden attack of the natives. On the op- pofite fide of the river is the fuburb called St. Lazaro, all the ftreets of which, like thofe of the city, are broad, parallel, or at right angles, and form feveral fquareb of houfes, each an hundred and fifty yards in front. The buildings of Lima, are generally low, but extremely commodious. They are flight with all the appearance of folidity ; and that they may the better fupport the fhocks of earthquakes, of which this city has had iuch frequent, and fatal ex- perience, the principal parts are compofed of wood, mortifed into the rafters of the roof. Thofe parts which ferve for walls, are lined both within and without with wild canes and ofiers plaftered over with clay, and white wallied, fo that none of the wood is to be leen. The fronts are painted in imitation of free (tone : cornices and porticos are alfo ^dded, painted of a Ilone-colour. Thus the whole impoies on the fight, and ftrangers fuppofe the houfes to be built with thofe ma- terials which they only imitate. Superrtition, which appears with the utmoft pomp over all Spanilh America, may be faid to have ereded her throne in Lima. The number and the riches of the churches and monafteries is altogether incredible. Ulloa enumerates no lefs than forty of the latter, and tells us that all the churches, both conventual and parochial are large, conftruded partly of ftone, and adorned witl\ paintings and other decorations of great value ; particularly the cathedral, and the churches of St. Dominic, St. Francis, St. Auguftin, and the Fathers of Mercy, which fur- pafs all defcription. But the wealth and pomp that is difplayed on folemn occa- fions exceeds even imagination, an idea being only to be formed of it by the fight. The altars from their very bafes to the borders of the paintings, are covered with malTive filver, wrought into various kinds of ornaments. The walls ahb of the churches are hung with velvet, or tapeftry of equal value, bordered with gold and filver fringes, and adorned with moveable pieces of plate curioufly fafliioned. If the eye is diredted from the pillars, walls, and ceiling, to the lower part of tlje church, it is equally dazzled with glittering objeds, which prefent themfclves on all fides. Among thefe are candlefticks of mafTive filver, fix or [even feet high, placed in two rovv-s along the nave of the church ; emboflTed tables of the lame metal, fupporting fmallcr candlefticks ; and in the intervals between them pe- deftals, on whicli ftand the ftatues of angels, all of the fame metal. The whole church, in a word, is covered with plate, or fomething equal to it in value : but how much more coftly are tiie materials, and the ornainents of fuch things as are more immediately employed in the fervice of religion ! — In the richnefs of thcle there is a fort of emulation between the feveral churches. The gold of the chalices, oftenforiums, and other facrcd vefTels and utenfils, are covered with pearls and diamonds in fuch profufion as to blind the fped:ator with their luftre; and tlie gold arid filver ftuffa for veftments and otlier decorations, are always the richeil and moft ekgant of thofe brought over by the regifter fliips *. • Ulloa, lib. vii. c. 3. Such T II E H I S T O R Y O F A M E R I C A. 409 Such was Lima, before the year 1 746, when two thirds of the city were laid in CHAP. Iir. ruins by a terrible earthquake, the eleventh by which it has fuffered, and its port of- Callao entirely fvvallowcd up. It is now in a great meafure reftored to its former fplendour, and faid to be conilruded nearly in the manner here deicribed ; but as no traveller has yet publifhed an account of its buildings in their prefent ftate, this is not intended to be impofcd upon the world as fuch. With refpeft to other particulars we arc lels at a lofs. Lima is (till the feat of government, as well as the great fcene of bufincfs and amufement, and is fuppofed to contain fixty thoufand inhabitants of all colours and conditions ; Spaniards, Negroes, Indians, Mcllizos, and other cafts, proceeding from a mixture of the former. The Spanilh families in Lima are very numerous, tbat city containing at lead: twelve thoufand whjtes, among whom are reckoned a third or fourth part of the moft diflinguiihed nobility of Peru ; particularly forty-five counts and mar- quifes, and a proportionable number of knights belonging to the military orders of Spain. Befides thefe, there are many families no lefs refpeflable, though without titles, that pofTefs large eftates, and live with equal pomp. They all keep a great number of flaves and other domeflics ; and thofe who affedl diftinc- tion keep coaches, while others content themfelves with calafhes or chaifes, which are fo common in Lima, that no family of any fubftance is without one. The calafhes, which are drawn by a fingle horfe or mule, are very flight and airy ; but on account of the gildings and other decorations, they fometimes coft a thou- fand pefos. The number of them is faid to amount to five or fix thoufand. The Negroes, mulattoes, and their defcendants, form the greater number of the inhabitants. By them the mechanical arts are chiefly exercifed ; but this circumllance does not prevent Europeans from following the fame employments, which are not here, as in fome parts of Spanifli America, accounted difgraceful. Gain, at Lima, is the univerfal pafTion, and the inhabitants purfue it by means of any trade, intereft preponderating over every other confideration. No preju- dice is allowed to interfere with it. The third and laft clafs of the inhabitants are the Indians and Meftizos ; but thefe are very few in proportion to the popu- loufnefs of the city, and the multitude of the fecond clafs. They are employed in agriculture, in making earthen-ware, and bringing all kinds of provifions to market ; domeflic fcrvices being performed by Negroes and mulattoes, either (laves or freemen, though generally by the former. The drefs of the men at Lima does not differ edentially from that of Spain, except by an excefs of gaiety, which reigns among perfons of all conditions. Every one having a right to wear what he can purchafe, unreftrained by law or cuftonij it is not unufual to fee a mulatto, or any common mechanic, drefled in a tifTue, equal to what can be worn by Spaniards of the firft diftindtion. It may therefore be faid, without exaggeration, that the richcft fluffs, made in countries which are always inventing fomething new, are more generally feen at Lima than in any other place, either in theOld or New World. But in this article of luxury, the men are greatly exceeded by the women, whofe drefs is fo rich and fingular as to merit a particular defcription. 21. 5 M In 4iO TI^E HISTORY OF AMERICA. BOOK IL In tire choice of laces, more efpecially, the women of Lima carry their tafle to a prodigious excefs. Nor is this tafte confined to women of quahty : it has fpread through perfons of all ranks, except the loweft clafs of negroes. Thefe laces are all of Flanders manufafture, no woman of fafliion condefcending to look upon any thing elfe. They are fowed to the linen of the women, which they entirely cover, and whofe whole drefs is perfedlly different from the European. It confifls of a pair of fhoes, a fhift, a petticoat of dimity, an open petticoat, and a jacket, which in fummer is of linen, in winter of (tuff: to this fome add a mantelctte, that the former may hang loofe. The petticoat, which is ufuaily tied below the waift, does not reach lower than the calf of the leg ; then.e nearly to the ancle, hangs a border of very fine lace, fewed to the bottom of the under petticoat, through which the ends of the garters are difcovered, embroider- ed with gold or filver, and fometimes fet with pearls. The upper petticoat, which is of velvet, or fome rich fluff, is fringed all around, and crowded with the richeft ornaments. Be thefe ornaments what they will, whether of ribbands, lace, or embroidery, they are always exquifitely fine. The fhift fleeves, which are a yard and a half in length, and two yards in width, when worn for ornamenr, are covered with rolls of laces, variegated in fuch a manner as to render the whole truly elegant. Over the (liift is worn tlie jacket, the fleeves of which are ex- ceflively large, of a circular figure, and confift of rows of lace, or flips of cam- bric or lawn, with lace difpofed betwixt each, as are alfothe fhift fleeves, even of thofe that do not affedt exceffive ornament. The body of the jacket is tied on tlie fhoulders with ribbands faflened to the back of the ftays ; and the round fleeves of it being tucked up to the flioulders, are fo difpofed, together with thofe of the fhift, as to form what may be termed tour wings. If the jacket be not buttoned or clafped before, it is agreeably faftened on the flioulders. Thofe who ufe a clofe veff, faften it with clafps, but wear over it the loofe jacket already de- fcribed ; and over the petticoat is an apron of the fame lubftance as the fleeves of the jacket, hanging down to the bottom of it. One particular, on which the ladies of Lima chiefly value themfelves, is the fmallnefs of their feet, which is effeemed a particular beauty. From their in- fancy they are accuflomed to wear tight flioes, that their feet may not grow be- yond the fize efleemed handlbme. In general, they do not exceed five or fix inches in length. Their flioes, which have little or no Ible, are faflened with tliamond buckles, or fomething very brilliant, in proportion to the circumftances of the wearer, as ornament is their only purpole •, for the flioes are fo made that they never loofen of themfelves, nor do the buckles hinder them from being taken off. Their flo^ kings are of white filk, delicately thin, that the leg, which is almoft «nLirtly diiplayed to view, may appear to more advantage. The head-drefs is ftill more agreeable, becaufe it is perfcdly natural. Of all the gilts which Heaven has bcftowed upon the womi n of I ima, their hair is the molt ciiltinguifhed. It is generally black, and fo thick and long, that it might ferve as a veil for modefl:y, being capable of reaching below the girdle. They tie it up behind in fix braided locks, through which a golden bod- 4 kin m ^rh/p '\Ti^-. rA. i^y le^/a.tvt~ THE HISTORY OF AMERICA. 411 kin a little bent is inferted, having a clufter of diamonds at each end. On this CHAP. II r. bodkin the braided locks are fulpended lb as to touch the flioulders, while thofe ^— ■^'■*""~^- treffes which are not attached to the head fall flill lower in waving ringlets. Thefe they never attempt to ornament, Jeaft they Ihould rob them of their native beauty ; but on the Iront, and upper part of the head, they wear diamond aigrtts, and the hair is formed into little curls, which del'cend from the begin- ning of the temples to the middle of the ear, and on each temple is a patch of black velvet. The ear-rings are of brilliants, intermixed with tufts of black filk covered with pearls. Their bracelets, rings, necklaces, are all remarkably rich, and from the centre of the bofom is fui'pended a plate of gold encrufled wuh diamonds, more fuperb than all the reft. A woman of condition, in a word, though undignified with titles or nobilit)', feldom appears full dreffed without difplaying in lace and jewels to the value of thirty or forty thou- fand pelbb ; and what more furpriles ftrangers, is the indifference (he affefts for all thele riches. Fafhion makes it neccflary that fhe fhould lofe, or let fall fome of her jewels, without taking notice of it, that fhe may always have fomething to replace or to add. Here, as at Mexico, a lady never walks abroad, except whca attended by three or lour negroe or mulatto flaves, dreffed in livery like pages, and adorned with lace as their miftreffes*. Tl e charms of tlie wonien of Lima are ftill more worthy of admiration than the richnefs of their drefs. A fair and frefh complexion, without the help of art, eyes fparkling with vivacity, a countenance lull of life and fprightlineis, and a hanciiome Ihape render them altogether captivating. Thefe ladies are re- markably fund of pcrfum.es. They are never without amber: they fcent their liiX'n and their cloaths with it, and even their nofegays, as if there was fome;- thing wanting to the natural fragrance of flowers. With flowers, of which they are no iels fond, they adorn their flecves, and fometimes their hair, like fliep- herdeffes. The approach of a woman is announced by the delicious odours wh.ich flie exhales. To this pafTjon lor flowers may be afcribed that vaft profu- fion wUich are every morning exhibited in the great fquare of Lima, which has the appearance of a fpacious gar.icn. There the ladies are feen in gilt calafhes, puri-hafing whatever ftrikes their fancies, without regard to price ; while the men Hand by m crowds, adoring and contemplating whatever nature has produced moft charming to embeliiih and enchant the dream of life. Where can all the delights of fejii'e be enjoyed in greater perfection than in Peru ? — It is there the proper province of the women to feel and communicate xhem. Among other plealures, niufic holds a chief place in the affedlions of the women or L inia. Nothing is heard in every quarter, but the found of voices .and inltrume-nts. They have frequent balls, where they dance witha degree of levit, that is altogether aftonifhing. They negleft the motions of the arms to attend to the agility of the feet, and tlpecially to the inflexions of the body; which are images ol the true emotions of voluptuoufncfs, as the expreffion of the • Ulloa, lih. vii. C.-5. Hift. Gen. des Yoysge.!, torn. XHI. coun- 412 THE HIS TOR Y OF AMERICA; BOOK II. countenance is the true accompaniment of dancing. The arms confpirc to crivc grace to the attitude, but t!ie ideas of pleafure are more lliongly exprc-ffcd by the body ; hence in countries where thefe fenfatis^ns are moft Itrongly felt, dancin-^ agitates the feet and the body more than the arms. Such is the caf: at Lima. Among the many expedients which the women here pradil'e to hcicrhten and preferve their charms, they have one which the lovers of delicacy mull wi(h they would confent to abandon, namely the ufe of limpim. This term is ap- plied to fmall rolls of tobacco, four inches long, and nine lines in diameter, wrapped in the whitcfl: thread, which they untwifl: as the tobjcco wades. The ladies put one enel of the limpion into their mouth, and chew it for a momenr, with an intention to keep the teeth clean, as its name imports *. This mafli- cation is particularly ufcd in public aflemblies, where t'x- women receive com- pany. There is a drawing-room, along one fide of whith runs an alcove half a foot high, and five or fix feet broad •, and here it is that, carclefly featcd, with crofs- legs on carpets and fuperb cufliions, the ladies pafs whole days wiih.out chan"in■■<■■>-* /'/{•/// //i< Af.i/ /'/m/u 420 BOOK! ! v^Wkiv fi S. finiia!,„ -^^V , Saruras ^' ers qf, which did not appear to be remote, and which muil foon have been verv confiderable. ' ', ," -uu On the eaftern fide of the gulph of Darien begins die government of Cartha- gcna, whofe Tea coaft extends from fouthweft towards the north for about eighty leagues. It is bounded on the eaft, for near the fame length, by the great river de Magdalena, which hardly leaves it more than forty leagues for its greateft breath -, and thefe, near its northern extremity, are reduced to fixteen or feventeen. On the fouthern fide it borders upon the New Kingdom of G ranada. The Magdalena, which has a courfe of about two hundred leagues, and whoie mouth is much frequented by fmugglers, ferves to bring to Carthagena, tlie ca- pital of this diftrift, the grain, gold, and other productions of the interior provinces. After feveral days navigation, the boats enter a narrow chan- nel,, which, having been enlarged about the middle of the laft century, leads to the fesL at a fmall diftance from that city. In thofe fealbns when this channel ■wants water, 'and through the negligence of government it will foon be without it in all fealbns, thegbods are difembarked at three days journey from the capita], tj which they are afterwards carried by land. The productions of Popayan and ChocOcdtnfe down' the river Gauca, whofe fource, in co.mmon with that of the Magdalena, is in the lake Papas, near the eighth degree of fouth latitude, and which, about thirty leagu;.^s from Carthagena, falls into the laft mentioned river, after a courfe of an hundred and fixty leagues, nearly in the fame direc- tion. This part of America v/as fubjeded to the crown of Spain about the year 15^25 by Pedro de Hercdia, who founded the city of Carthagena, on the extenfive and fecure'bijy'o'f4he' fame name. In a fituarion fo advantageous commerce foon began to'fldur'ifh. As early as i.;4i, when it was pillaged by fome French pi- rati^SjCart-iuigcna appears to have been a town of fome note. Its profperity p'-ovcd a!;;ain fatal to it in i 5«5, when it was pillaged and burnt by Sir Francis brated fcoUrge of (the Spanifh fettlements. It was hardly re- built, v,i;Lfi".n ib97,iM. PointiswTth a fieetof French privateer.^ took, ranfomed^ and afterwards pillaged it. l"he booty is faid to have amounted to upwartls of two.inillions fterling. From that era, it •had fufficient time to recruit its Ifrength, 3 as b THE H IS.TORY OF A MERIC A. 423 as it was not attacked till 1 741, when admiral Vernon found himfelf obliged to CHAP. Ill- raifethe fiege of it, though undertaken with an Englilh fquadron of twenty-five fhips of the line, fix fire-fliips, two bomb-ketches, and as many land forces as were fufficientto have conquered all South America. After all the revolutions and hoftile attempts to which it has been expofed, Carthagena continues in fplendour. It is feated on a peninfula, or fandy idand, which is joined to the continent by two artificial necks of land, the broadefl of which is not above feventy yards. Its fortifications are regular, and after the modern manner. Nature has placed at alittlediftance a hill of a middling height, on which the citadel of St. Lazarus is built, that commands the town and har- bour. 'The garrilbn, in time of peace, confifts of ten companies of regulars, containing feventy-feven men each, befides feyeral companies of militia.. Car- thagena is one of the befl built, bed laid out, and beft fortified cities in the A- merican dominions of Spain. The ftreets are broad, ftraighc, and well paved. The houfes are moftly of flone, and elegant, tho' only one ftory high. The ca- thedral, the palaces of the governor and bifliop, the town-houfe, and the cuf- tom-houfe, are magnificent buildings. It is divided into the higher and lower town. The higher town is upon the illhmus itlelf; and the lower, called alio the fuburbs, is upon a neck of land which becomes an illand at high water, and communicates with the continent by means of a wooden bridge. Both towns are fuppofed to contain twenty-five thoufand inhabitants. Of this number the Spani- ards form about a fixth part : the Negroes, Indians, Mulattoes, Meftizos, and an infinite variety of races compofed of mixtures from thefe, make up the remai nder *. This mixture is iriore common at Carthagena than in any other of the Spanifh fettlanents. A multitude of adventurers without employment, without fortune, and without. recommendations, are continually reforting thither. In a country where they are totally unknown, no perlbn can venture to repofe any confidence in their fervices : they are therefore doomed to fubfiit wretchedly on the alms of the convents, and. to. lie in the corner of a fquare, or the portico of a church. If the affliiftions which they experience in this ftate, as is frequently the cafe, bring fome violent difeafe upon them, they are commonly affifled by the mu- latto or free negro women, whofe care and kindnels they requite by marrying them., .Such as have not the fortune to be in a fituatlon fufficiently diftrefsful to excite the compafllon of the women, are obliged to retire to fome village, and live thereby cultivating the ground, which the haughty lazinefs of the Spanith inliabitants makes them confider as the utmoft ignominy. Indolence, in a word, is carried ib far at Carthagena, that the opulent of both lexes pafs the greater part of the day in fwinging in. hammocks, which they feldom quit for any time f. This inactivity is, in fome degree, the effect of the climate. The heat is ex- cefTive and continual at. Carthagena -, and the torrents of water, that are incef- * Ulloa,-]ib. i. c. 2, 3, 4. | Ibid. lib. i. c. 4. fantly ^24. T H E H 1 S T O R- Y O F A M E R I C A. BOOK II. fantly pouring down from May to November, have this (ingularity,. that they never cool the air, which is fomctimts a little moderated in the dry fcafon, by the north-eall winds. The night is as hot as the day. An habitual perfpiration gives the inhabitants the pale and livid appearance of fick perlbns Their adtions correfpond with their colour. All their motions, languid and (luggifli, indicate a relaxed fyftem. This languor maiiifells itfelf even in their fpeech, which is foft and (low, and rheir words genL-rally broken or interrupted. NotwithRanding all thefe appearances of ficknefs and debility, the natives enjoy a good ftate of health, and often live to a great age* ; but Grangers from Europe, on their ar- rival here, are expoled to the moft fatal diltemper with wliicK humanity is affli(5ted. This dillemper, the nature of which is little known, manifefts itfelf by vomiting, accompanied with fo violent a delirium, that the patient muft be confined to prevent him from tearing himfclf in pieces. He often expires in the roidft of thefe agitations, which feldom laft above three or four days. Thofe who have efcaped this danger once, have nothing, however, to fear for the fu- ture : they enjoy the fame ftate of health as the natives, even though they (hould not lead the moft temperate lives -f . The inhabitants of Carthagena and its territory, natives as well as ftrano^ers are fubjeft to another dreadful diforder, namely the leprofy. Some phyficians have afcribed this calamity to the too frequent ufe of pork, without refledfintr that it is unknown in other countries of America, where that food is no lefs com- mon ; it muft therefore be referred to fome latent quality of the climate. In order to prevent the progrefs of this malady, an hofpital has been found- ed in the country ; where all perfons fuppofed to be infeded with it are fhut up without diftindion of age, fex, or condition. But the benefit of fo wife an in- ftitution is loft thro' the avarice of the governors ; who, without regarding the in- tention of the eftablilhment, permit the poor to go in and out to b^. Hence the number of lepers never decreafes, and is at prefent fo great, that the Jnclofure of their hofpital is of immenfe extent. It refembles a little town. There every one enjoys a fpot of ground, which is marked out for him on his admiffion. On that he builds a dwelling fuitable to his fortune, in which he fpends the re- mainder of his days, Thefe are often many, though wretched ; and as it is found that this malady powerfully excites the delire of coition, the infeded are permitted to intermary, by which means it is rendered hereditary t. Necefficv only can juftify this indulgence. Notwithftanding thefe terrible diftempers, and other inconveniencies arifine from the climate, Spain hath always ftiewn a particular prediledion for Cartha- gena, on account of its harbour, the fafeft in her American dominions, and one of the beft any where known. It is two leagues in extent, and has a deep and excellent bottom. There is lefs agitation in it than on ehe moft calm river. The entrance to it formerly was folely by the channel of Bocca Chica, fo narrow that only one Ihip could pafs at a time, under the crofs batteries of forts ereded on * Ulloa, lib. i. c. 5. -f- Id. ibid. J Ut fupra. both T H E H I S T O R Y O F A M E R I C A. 425 both fides. The Englifh, in 1741, having deftroyed the fortifications that de- CHAP. Ilf. fended this channel, it was fhut up by the Spaniards, and an ancient canal open- ed, which is difpofed in fuch a manner, that it will not be eafy for an enemy's fquadron to force it. Through this pafTage all veflels now enter the harbour*. At the time that the trade of Peru was carried on by the galleons, thefe lliips failed to Carthagena before they went to Porto Bello, and vifited it again on their return. In the lirfl: voyage, they depofited the merchandize that was neceflary for the interior provinces, and received the price of it in the fecond. This arrange- ment difpleafed the merchants of Lima, who complained, that, on their return from Panama and Porto Bello, they found their country fupplied, by the way of Qiiito, with the fame kind of commodities, which they had gone to pur_ chafe at fuch a diftance. They petitioned the court, and obtained an order, that Carthagena fiiould not be fupplied till after Porto Bello. In confequence of this regulation, the merchants of Carthagena, and the provinces of Santa Fe, Popayan, and Quito, v/ere reduced either to draw what they wanted, at a great expence and hazard, immediately from the fair itfelf, or to content themfelves with the refufe of it. Thefe inconveniencies were fo ftrongly felt that, in 1730, a fcheme was devifed for the accommodation of all parties. It was agreed, that things fhould be reeftablifhed on their old footing-, but that, on notice being given of the arrival of the galleons at Carthagena, all commerce, in regard to European commodities, fhould ceafe between Quito and Lima, and the places within their jurifdidlion. This new arrangement, though feemingly equitable, was not produdlive of the good effefts that might have been expedled from it. During the former prohibi- tion, trade had taken another diredtion. The interior provinces had found the means of fupplying themfelves with European commodities without the affift- ance of Spain. Nor did the fuppreffing of the galleons make any change in this matter. The regifter fliips do not take annually at Carthagena above a million of pefos. The contraband trade, which is tranfafted at an hundred places on this coaft, carries away the greater part of the riches of Choco and Popayan, in exchange for foreign manufadures, in which the mother country has no intereft. Carthagena however will, in all probability, continue to be a city of great im- portance, as the wealth now colledled there muft find or create employment for itfelf, and may be tiirned with advantage into fome new channel. The country about Carthagena is fo luxuriant, that L is impoflible to view without admiration the rich and perpetual verdure of the woods, and the plants •which it naturally produces. But thefe, as already obferved, are advantages of •which the inhabitants make little ufe ; their innate floth and indolence not al- lowing them to cultivate the gifts of nature, which feem to have been dealt out with a lavifh hand. The trees here are large and lofty, their variety admirable, and entirely different from thofe of Europe. The principal of thefe, in regard to fize, are the caobo, the cedar, the maria, and the balfam tree. Of the firft • Ulloa, lib. i. c. 3. 5 Q^ »r« 426 THE HISTORY OF AMERICA. BOOK II. are made the canoes, and other veflels, for the coaft and river trade vvirhln the province. Tiie wood of thefc trees is compact, fragrant, and beaucifii]. Tiie . cedar is of two kinds, white and rcdifli. The laft is molt eftecnied. The ma- ria and bah'am trees, befides the ufefidncfs of their timber, diltil thofe admirable drugs called Maria Oil, and Balfain of Toki ; fo named from a village, in tlie neighbourhood of v/hich it is produced in the greateft quantity, and of peculiar excellency *.. Among the variety of vegetables, which grow under the flude of trees and along the funny borders of the woods, the molt common is the fen/wive plant ; on touching one of the leaves of which, all thofe on the fame branch immediately clofe againft each other. After a fhort interval, they begin gradually to open, , and fcparate from one another, till they are again perfe6tly expanded. This plant is about a foot and an half, or two feet in height, with a (lender item and the branches proportionally weak and tender. The leaves are loner, and Hand fo cloie together, that all thofe on one branch appear as a fingle leaf, four or five inches in length, and ten lines in breadth ; which, being fubdivided into 'its diftinft parts, forms in each of them the true leaf, about four or five lines in length and not quite one in breadth. On touching one of thefe fmall leaves, they all inflancly quit their horizontal pofition, and fly into a perpendicular diredtion clofing their inward fuperfices; fo that thofe which, before this fenfitive motion made two leaves, now make but one. The vulgar name of this plant at Car- thagena is too grofs to be mentioned. By the better fort of people it is more de- cently called la vergonoza, the bafliful ; or, la don^ella, the maiden f. The province of Carthagena produces fugar, cotton, and cacao, all in the greateft perfe6lion, but neither in fuch quantity as to become an article of ex- portation. What chiefly ftrikes die eye of a ftranger is the va(t variety of pomo- ous trees and plants, in a manner emulating each other, through the wliole yer.r, in producing the moft beautiful and delicious fruits ; fome introduced from Europe, others peculiar to the country. Among the latter the preference doubtlefs belongs to the pine-apple, v.-hofe beauty, fmell, and tafte, have ac- quired it the appellation of the qiuen of fruits. Tiie ananas or pine-apple, io called from its fimilarity to the cones of the European pine-tree,- is produced by a plant nearly refembling the aloe ; except that the leaves of the ananas are bngcr, but not fo tiiick, and moft of them ftand near the ground in an horizon- tal pofition ; but as they approach nearer tlie fruit, they diminifh in length, and become lefs expanded. This plant feldom grows to above three feet in height, . and terminates in a flower, like the lily in form, but of fo elegant a crimfon ■ colour as even to dazzle the eye. The pine- apple makes its fiift appearance in the centre of the flower, about the fizeof a nut ; and as this increafes, the luftre of the flower fades, and the leaves expand themfelves to make room for it, and fecureic, both as a bafe and ornament. On the top of the apple itfclf, is a crown or tuft of leaves, like thofe of tiie plant, and of a very lively green. This • Ulloa, lib. c. 6. f Id. ibid. 4 crown THE HISTORY OF AMERICA. 427 crown grows in proportion with the fruit, tiil both have attained their utmoU Qt'J-^''- Hf- inagnitude -, and hitherto they differ very little in colour : but as foon as the crown ceafes to grow, the fruit begins to ripen, and its green changes to a bright ftraw-colour. During this gradual alteration of colour, the fruit ex- hales fuch abundant fragrance as makes it known, though concealed from fipht. While the pine-apple continues to increafe in fize, it fhoots forth on all fides little thorns ; but thefe, as it approaches towards maturity, dry and-foften, fo that the fruit is gathered without the leaft inconveniency *. The fingularities which concentrate in this rare produdion, this queen of the vegetable kingdom, cannot fail to ftrike a contemplative mind with admiration. The crown, which was to it a kind of apex, while growing in the woods, becomes jtfelf, when fown, a new plant, and the ftem, after the fruit is cut, dies away as if fatisfied with having anfwered the intention of nature in fuch a rich produce ; but the roots fhoot forth frefh llalks, for the farther inci'eafe of fo valuable a fruit -f-. The tafte of the pine-apple, and the manner of eating it, are too well, known to require a particular defcription. Its general length, in this country, is from five to feven inches, and the diameter near its bafe from three to four, diminifhing regularly as it approaches to its apex. The rind infufed in water, after a proper fermentation, produces 'a very cooling liquor, and fiill retains all. the qualities of the fruit J. Between the great river Magdalena and Cape de Vela, lie the provinces of Santa Martha and Rio de la Hacha, which differ in nothing eflentially from the •^n"<-jory of Carthagena," except in the healthfiilnefs of their climate, the air bemSors, the rich inhabitants refiding chiefly at Leon, the capital of the province. Leon is fituated fix leagues more to the fouth, on the other fide of the mountains. The valley in which it flands is a favanna or meadow, well watered and very healthy, about three leagues long, and one broad in the middle. This valley is bordered on the eall by mountains of an immenfe height; fo that thofe on the weft and fouth, though very high, appear com- paratively moderate. The city is near a mile long : the houfes are handfome, and elegantly ornamented ; the ftreets regular, Itraight, and broad, cutting each other at right angles, and terminating nt a magnificent iquare in the center. The number of inhabitants are about four or five thouland, mofl; of them owners of the plantations of cacao, which are cultivated by twelve or thirteen- thoufand negroes. Beyond the province of Caraccas lie thofe of Cumana and Paria, both but little cultivated, and thinly peopled; though Cumana, which, as already obferved,. is included in the charter of the Guipufcoa Company, exports fome tobacco and hides. From thefe provinces, which border on the Orinoco, v.-e are naturally led in afcending its ftrcam, to the New Kingdom of Granada. This, which is entirely an inland country, and of vaft extent, was fubjefted to the crown of Spain about the year i^i6, by Sebaftian de Benalcazar and Gonzalo Ximenes de Quefada, two of the braveft and moft accomplifhed officers employed in the conqueft of America. The former, who commanded at that time in Quito, at- tacked it from the fouth ; the latter made his invafions from Santa Martha, on the north. As the original inhabitants of this region were farther advanced in improvement, than any people in America except the Mexicans and Peruvians, they defended themfelves with great refolution and good conduct. The abili- ties of Benalcazar and Quefada however furmounted all oppofition, though not without encountering many dangers, and atlaft reduced the country to the form of a Spanifh province *. But before we proceed to fpeak of it as fuch, a few words will be neceffary in regard to its ancient Itate. In the territory of Bogota, where Santa Fe, the capital of the New Kingdom of Granada is fituated, there was fettled a nation, that, at the time of the con. queft, had made confiderabie progrefs in the various arts of life. They fubfifted chiefly by agriculture : the idea of property was introduced among them ; and its rights were fecured by laws, handed down by tradition, and obferved with great care. They lived in large towns ; they were cloathed in a decent manner; and their houfes might be termed commodious, when compared with thofe of the rude people around them. The cfFefts of this uncommon civilization were confpicuous : government had affumed a regular form ; a jurifdidion was eftablifhed, which took cognizance of different crimes, and puni;hed them with rigour ; a diftinftion of ranks was known ; and the lord of BO' gota, to whom the Spaniards gave the title of king, and who merited that * Herrera, dec. IV. lib. iii. c. 3, 4. name 432 THEHISTORYOFAMERICA. BOOK II. name on account of his fplendour as well as power, reigned with abfokite au- thority. He was attended by officers of various conditions : he never appeared in pubhc v/ithout a numerous retinue : he was carried in a fort of palanquin with much pomp, and harbingers went before him to fweep the road, and ftrew it with flov;ers. This magnificence was fupported by prefents or taxes received from his fubjedts, to whom their prince was fuch an objeft of veneration, that none prefumed to look him diredlly in the face, or ever approached him but with an averted countenance *. The people of Tunja, a neighbouring diftricl, were fcarcely lefs civilized. The new kingdom of Granada is fo far elevated above the level of the fea, that though it approaches almoft to the equator, the climate is remarkably tempe- rate. The fertility of its vallies is not inferior to the richeft diftrids in Ame- rica, and its higher grounds yield gold and precious ftones of various kinds. It is not by digging into the bowels of the earth that this gold is found ; it is ming- led with the foil near the furface, and feparated by repeated wafhing with water, in the manner already deicribed. This operation is carried on wholly by negro flaves ; for although the chill fubterrancous air has been found by experience to be fo fatal to them, that they cannot be employed in the deep filver mines, they are more capable of pv.'rforming the other fpecies of labour than the Indians: and as the natives in the new kingdom of Granada, in conlequence of this prac- tice, are exempt from that fervice which has wafted their race fo remarkably in other parts of America, it is very populous. Some diftrids yield gold in vaft profufion. It is found in pepitas, or grains, which manifeft the abundance in which it is produced. On a rifing ground near Pampeluna, fingle labourers have colleded in a day what was equal in value to a thoui'and pefos 7. A late governor of Santa Fe brought with him to Spain a lump of virgin gold, eftimated to be worth feven hundred and forty pounds Iterl- ing j. But without founding any calculation upon what is rare and extraordi- nary, or pretending to mention any fum, we may fafely affirm that the value of the gold ufually colleded in this country, particularly in the provinces of Popayan and Choco, is of confiderable amount. Its towns are populous and flourifhing |i ; the number of inhabitants in almoft every part of the country daily increafes ; and cultivation and induftry, of various kinds, begin to be encouraged, and to profper. A confiderable trade is carried on with Carthagena ; the produce of the mines, and other commodities, particularly corn, being conveyed down the great river Magdalena to that city, though a much greater quantity of gold, as already obferved, is diiperfed in the contraband trade on the coaft. The new kingdom of Granada has alfo a communication with the Atlantic by the river Orinco ; but as the country which ftretches along its banks towards the eaft * Herrera, dec. iv. lib. iii. cap. 4. Piedrahita, Hid. del Neuv. Rfyn. de Granad. ' f Robertfor, Hift. Amer. b. vii. from a manufcript in his poffeffion. J IJ. ibid. II A3 no account cfthefe towns has been publifhed by any late traveller, the author cannot pre- ttnd to defctibe them. They were not vifited by Uiloa. is T H E H I S T O R Y O F A M E R I C A. 4J3 is little known, and imperfeftly occupied by the Spaniards, almoft no advan- CHAP. III. tage is derived from this means of intercoiirfe. '^' The province of Qiiito, which has in fome m.eafure been incorporated with the New Kingdom of Granada, by being comprehended within the government of Santa Fe, forms the beft known and moft agreeable part of it. Nothing, for example, can be compared to the valley formed between the double chain of the Cordeleras, which is all that can properly be faid to be peopled, and adually fubjeft to the J5panil'h government. In this valley, which extends from thejurif- didion of the town of St. Miguel de Ibarra to thatofLoxa, though in the centre of the torrid zone, and even immediately under the equator, all the beauties of fpring are incefTantly enjoyed. The mildnefs of the air, the equality of day and night, yield a thoufand delights in a country which the fun furrounds with a girdle of fire. It is preferred to the cliniate of the temperate zones, where the change of the feafons produces fenfations too oppofite not to be inconvenient, from that very inequality. Nature has combined a variety of circumftances ta produce this happy medium. The principal of thefe are, the elevation of the globe in th's fummit of its fphere ; the vicinity of mountains of immenfe height, always covered with fnow ; and cooling winds, which blow continually, but never with violence, and refrefii the country the whole year, by abating the force of the perpendicular rays of the fun *. This defcription is more particularly applicable to the territory of the city of Qiiito, wliich, were fo many advantages not counterbalanced by fome incon- veniencies, might be confidered as the moft agreeable fpot on the face of the earth. A bright fun, a ferene and clear fl<;y, are generally there feen till one or two in the afternoon ; but then the vapours begin to arile, and the heavens are in- volved in clouds, which are fuddenly changed into ftorms. The whole atmof^ phere is illuminated, and feems to be fet on fire by lightning, while the thundef makes the mountains refound, and even tremble to their bafe. The clouds dif- charge themfelves in fuch torrents of rain that the level country refembles a lake, and the ridges between the eminences fo many rivers. That dreadful fcene commonly continues till near fun-fet, when the fky clears up, and nature again puts on the beautiful appearance of the morning -f-. This variation, however, is by no means regular and univerfal : four, five, fix, or even eight fine days, often fucceed each other without interruption J. The fertility of the foil is anfwerable to the mildnefs of the climate. The moiflure, and the adtion of the fun being continual, and always fufhcitnt to un- fold and Itrengthen the fhoots, the agreeable pifture of the three moft beau- tiful feafons of the year is conllantly prefented to the eye. As foon as the verdure of the fields is feen to fade, frefli verdure fprings up ; and while fome flowers are lofing their beauty, others are blowing to continue the enameled profpeft. When the fruits have attained their maturity, and the leaves begin to change their colour, frefh leaves, bloflToms, and fruits, are feen in their proper gradations on • Ulloa, lib, V. c. 6. f Id. ibid. J Ut fupra. 22. 5 S the 4J4 T H E H I S T O R Y O F A M E R I C A. BOOK II. the fame tree. This progrefTive fertility, incefTantly renewed, is no lefs remark- able in the corn. At one view may be feen the new town feed fpringing up; fome more advanced in the blade ; fome fpiked with ears ; foine turning yel- low, and fome under the reaper's fickle. The whole year is fpent in a perpe- tual round of fowing and reaping, within the compafs of the fame landfkip. That conftant variety arifes from the different fituations of the ground ; com- pofed of mountains, eminences, plains, and vallies *. This extraordinary fecundity in the foil is naturally produflive of excellent fruits, corn, cattle, and plenty of every kind. The beef, mutton, veal, and pork of Qviito, are not inferior to thole of Europe, and remarkably cheap. The only produdtion of which there is any fcarcity here is pulfe, the deficiency in which is am.ply fupplied by roots. All kinds of European fruits are here cultivated with the greateft fuccel's ; and the country yields, in the higheft perfection, others peculiar to the New World, or at leart to the torrid zone, which deferve a particular defcription. The chief of thefe are the Chirimoya, Aguacate, and Granadilla. The chirimoya is univerfally allowed to be the moft delicious fruit known in any quarter of the globe. Its dim.enfions are various, being from one to five inches in diameter. Its figure is imperfectly round, being flatted towards the ftalk, where an excrefcence is formed, but all the other parts are nearly circular. Tt is covered with a thin foft (hell, which adheres fo clofely to the pulp as not to be fcparated without a knife. The outward coat, during its growth, is of a dark green, but on attaining its full maturity it becomes fomewhat Jighter. This coat is variegated with prominent veins, forming a kind of net-work all over it. The pulp is white, intermixed with feveral ahriOft imperceptible fibres, concentrating in the core, which extends from the hollow of die excrefcence to the oppofite fide. As they have their origin near the former, fo in that part they are larger and more diftindt. The flcfh contains a great quantity of juice, re- fcmbling honey. Its tafte is fweet, mixed-with a gentle acid, and of a moft cx- quifite flavour. The feeds are formed in feveral parts of the flelh, and are about feven lines in length, and three or four in breadth. They are alfo fomewhat flat, and fituated longitudinally. Tlie tree that bears this fruit is high and tufted, full of elliptical leaves, ter- minating in a point •, and the ftcm is large and round, but with fome inequalities. The length of the leaf is about three inches and an half, and the breadth two, or two and an half: but the moft remarkable circumftance relative to this tree is, that it every year ft)eds and renews its leaves. The bloflbm, in which is the embryo of the fruit, differs very little from the leaves in colour, which is a darkifti green •, but when arrived at is full maturity, it is of a yellowifti green. It refem- bles a caper in figure, though fomewhat larger, and is compofed of four {jetals. It is far from being beautiful ; but that deficiency is abundantly made up by its incomparable fragrance. This tree is obferved to be very parfimonious of its • Uiios, lib. V, c. 7. bloffoms ; T H E H I S T O R Y O F A M E R 1 C A. 435 blo/Toms ; producing only fuch as would ripen into fruit, did not the extrava- CHAP. in. gant paflion of the ladies induce them to purchafe thole bloflbms at any price> on account of the excellence of their perfume *. The aguacate may alfo be clafied among the choicefl: fruits of this country. Its figure in fome meafure relembles that calabafli of which fnuff-boxes are ma3ei thatjis to fay, the lower part is round, and tapers away gradually towards the (talk, whence to its bafc, the length is generally between three and five inches ^ It is covered with a very thin glofly fmooth fhell, which when the fruit is thoroughly ripe, is detached trom the pulp. The colour, both during its growth, and when arrived at perfeftion, is green, but turns Ibmewhat pale as it ripens. The pulp is folid, but yields to the prcflure of the finger ; the colour, white tinged with green, and the tafte lb fimple, as to require fait to give it an agreeable relifh. The tree that produces this fruit is lofty and full of branches ; and the leaf, both in dimenfions and figure, relembles that of the chirimoya -f-. The granadilla relembles a hen's egg in fhape, though larger. The outfide of the fliell is fmooth and gloffy, and of a faint carnation colour. The infide is white and foft. This iTiell, which is about a line and an half in thicknefs, and pretty hard, contains a vifcous and liquid fubftance, full of very fmall and delicate grains, lefs hard than thofe of the pomegranate. This medullary fub- ftance is feparated from the Ihell by an extremely fine and tranfparent membrane. The fruit is of a delightful fweetnefs, blended with acidity •, very cordial and re- frefhing, and fo wholefome that there is no danger in indulging the appetite t. The granadilla is not the produce of a tree, but of a plant, the bloiTom of which is the celebrated paffion flower, fo much admired in Europe, and ftiled the pride of the garden. This plant bears no fruit in England, by reafon of the coldnefs of the climate. The city of Quito is built on the declivity of the famous mountain of Pichincha, among the clefts and ridges which form the eminences of the Corde- leras. Some of thefe clefts are of a confiderable depth, and run quite through the city, fo that great part of the buildings ftand upon arches. This fituation renders the ftreets extremely irregular and uneven, fome being on the afcents, and others on the fummits of the ridges. Quito, with regard to magnitude, may be compared to a city of the fecond order in Europe. Near it are two fpacious plains : one on thefouth called Turu-bamba, three leagues in length; the other on the north, termed Inna-quito, about two leagues in length. Both are inter- fperfed with villas and cultivated fields, which greatly add to the beauty of the profpeft from the city •, and that is ftill farther heightened by the lively verdure of the plains and neighbouring hills, always enameled with flowers. This de- lightful fcene is diverfified by flocks of fheep on the eminences, and large drove^ of cattle in the low grounds, where the herbage is fo luxuriant as to afford them a conftant fupply, without feeming ever to experience any decreafe. Thefe two plains contrail as they approach the city, and at their jundtion form a neck of • Ulloa, lib. V. c. 7. V f Id. ibid. t Ut fupra. land, T M E HISTORY OF AMERICA. land, covered with thofe eminences on which part of Qiiito flands. It may appear ftrange that a fituation fo inconvenient fliould be cholen, when two fuch beautiful plains were contiguous -, but the fiift founders appear to have had Icfs regard for convcniency and beauty than for preferving the memory of their con- quefl, by building on the fite of the ancient capital of the Indians, who pro- bably felefled fuch a Ipot from its being better adapted to delence. The principal fquare in Qiiito is very fpacious, and has an elegant fountain in the middle. On one fide ftands the cathedral, on the oppofire the epifcopal palace ; the third is occupied by the town-houfe, and the fourth by the palace of the audience, which is in a ruinous condition. The four ilrcets, which termi- nate at the angles of the fquare are ftraight, broad, and handfome ; but at the diftance of three or four hundred yards, begin the troublefome declivities. Thefe deprive the inhabitants of the ufc of coaches, or any other wheel carriages. Perfons of rank, however, to diftinguiftrthemfelves, are attended by a fervanc carrying an umbrella, and the ladies are carried in fedans. Except the four ftreets above mentioned, all the reft are crooked, and deftitute of fymmetry or beauty. Befides the great fquare, Qtilto has two others of confiderable extent, and feveral fmaller ones. In thefe the convents are chiefly fituated, and make an elegant appearance, the fronts and portals being adorned with all the embellifh- ments of architefiure ; particularly the convent of the Francifcans, which is built wholly of free-ftone, and equal to the moft admired buildings in Europe. The principal houfes are large, and fome of them have ipacious and well con- trived apartments, but the doors and windows are intolerably fmall ; a mode of building very extraordinary in a warm climate, and which feems to have owed its origin to a blind imitation of the ancient pradice of the Indians. The houfes are only one ftory high, and have generally a balcony towards the ftreet. The common materials for building are unburnt bricks, cemented together with a fpecies of mortar cMed /atigagua, which makes them laft a long time *. Quito contains between fifty and fixty thoufand inhabitants, of all ages and fexes, cafts, colours, and conditions. Of thefe the Spaniards, or whites form about a fixth part •, the Indians, a third -, the Meftizos, another third ; and the cafts, confirting of various races compofcd of a mixture trom Spaniards, In- dians, and negroes, a fixth. If the ^^paniards, who here as elfcwhere, engrofs all public offices, are the moft eminent among thofe clafl^es for riches, rank, and power, they are alfo comparatively the moft poor and miferable •, for they decline the profecution of any mechanical employment, confidering it as a difgrace to that quality on which they fo highly value themfelves — on not being black, brown, or of a copper colour ! The Meftizos, whofe pride is regulated by prudence, readily apply themfelves to arts and trades, but chofc thofe of the higheft repute, as painting, fculpture, and the like, leaving the meaner fort to the Indians. Many of the Meftizos are highly ingenious ; but both they and • Ulloa, lib. V. c. 4, 7 the THEHrSTORYOFAMERICA. 437 the Indians are remarkably indolent, Spending whole days in loitering about the CHA^. ftreets inftead of following their particular callings. From this idlenefs, which is in fome meailire occafioned by the cheapnefs of provifions, rel'ult gaming, drunk- ennefs, and debauchery of every fpecies * ; the manners of the inhabitants of Quito being more thoroughly corrupted than thofe in any other of the Spanifh colonies, though many of them are dillinguiflied by the moft enormous exceffes in all kinds of fenfuality. To this licentioufnefs Spain imputes the lofs of thofe gold and filver mines that were opened here at the time of the conqueft, and the negleft of fuch as have been fince difcovered. This province, it has been aflerted, might apply to that kind of induftry with fo much the more fuccefs, as it is better peopled with Indians and Spaniards than any other province in South America, and derives from itfelf abundance of excellent provifions ; which, in other parts, where mines are worked; inuft be brought from a great diftance, and purchafed at an enormous price. But the Spaniards born at Qiiito, as well as fuch as are fent from Spain to take upon themielves the government of it, find thefe re- proaches ill founded. Their general opinion is, That the mines of this province- are not fufficiently rich to defray the charge of working them. A foreigner cannot pretend to decide this point ; but if we refled on the ardour which the Spaniards have always manifelted for that fpecies of wealth, which is earned without any labour on their part, and cofls them little befides the blood of the natives, we may venture to conclude, that nothing but an entire impoflibility, confirmed by repeated experience, could determine this colony to deny itfelf the purfuit of its natural inclinations, accompanied with tlie earneft folicitations of the mother-country. The province of Quito has endeavoured to make up the deficiency of its mines by the produce of its manufadtures. A prodigious quantity of hats, common cloths, light fluffs, and baize is made here ; particularly in the diftridts of Riobamba, Cuenza, and Loxa, the capitals of which are confiderable towns, Exclufive of its own confumption, this province exported annually for a lono- time, manufaftures to the amount of a million of pefos. By means of thefe it was enabled to pay for its wines, brandies, and oils, which it was never per- mitted to draw from its own territory ; for the dried and faked fifh, which was brought from the coafts ; for the foap which is made at TruxiUo fa town on the feacoaft of Peru) from the fat of goats, which have exceedingly multiplied there ; for the iron ufed in all its works of agriculture, and for all thofe luxuries with which it was fupplied from the old world. But this traffic has of late diminifhed more than one half. At all times the principal inhabitants of the province kept up the pride of drefUng in European cloth, known throughout all Spanifli America by the name of the cloth of Caftile, This tafte is become general, fince the regifter fliips have been fubflituted in place of the galleons. The facility of being continually fupplied with thefe cloths, and of getting • Ulloa, lib. V. c. 5. 23. 5 T • them THE HISTORY OF AMERICA." them at a lov;er price than formerly, has ruined the manufaiStures of Qiiito, which is hkely to be reduced to extreme vvretchcdnefs. This province will never emerge from its poverty by its connexions with Spain, to which it furniihes nothing but Jefuits Bark. It was originally be- lieved that the tree which yields the bark was found only in the territory ot Loxav but it has been lately dilcovered in equal perfection, in the neighbourhood of Riobamba, Cuenza, and lome other places in. the province of Quito, from which the exportation is very confidcrable -, the inhabitants being diiigent in diltin- guifhing the good from the bad, and alio intelligent in the i.ltr of diat admirable ipecific. They have not paid equal attention to an objrct of no lefs import- ance •, namely, the culture of cochineal, which is found in the territory of Loxa, equal to that of New Spain. It is only cultivated in fuch quantity as to fupply the manufadures of l.oxa and Cuenza ; v^hich owe to that circumftancc, efpe- cially their carpets, a fuperiority that procures them a ready fale *. If the peo- ple of Qiiito can ever be roufed fo far from their inaclivicy as to purfue this jpecies of induftry, they will open to themfelvcs a new commerce with Euroj)e, which they may enlarge, if they pleafc, by the culture of cinnamon. Towards the ealtern fide of the Cordcleras, are fituated the countries or Qiiixos and Macas, which were fubdued in i^-g-, by Ramirez Davalos, and: annexed to the province of Qiiito, Thtfe colonies, wliich are fo thinly peo- pled as fcarce to deferve the name of fettlements, are of no ufe to the mother-, country. Both, however, produce the canela or cinnamon tree, the bark of which is in common ufe both in Peru and the province of Quito. This cin- namon is inferior in quality to that of the Eaft-Indies, but in every other parti-- cular refembles it. The fmell is nearly the fame ; the colour is fomewhaE- browner : but the moft efiential difference lies in the tafte, that of Quixos being more pungent. The leaf is entirely fimilar, and has all the delicate fmell of the bark : the flower and feed furpafs even thofe of the Eaft j the former in particular being of incomparable fragrance, from th.e great abundance of aromatic parts it contjins. There is good reafon therefore to believe, that this^ tree duly cultivated, might here yield cinnamon equal in every refpeft to that of the ifland of Ceylon :|-. The diftricl which on the fouth limits the jurifdiction of tlie audience of Qj.:ito, and follows next to Macas, is that of Jean Bracamoros, which was dif- covered and fubdued in 1538, by Pedro de Vargara. This country was at firfl: in high repute on account of its rich mines ; but the weahii arifing from thefe ■was foon brought to a period by the revolt of the Indians, whom the opprcllions of the Spaniards drove to defpair, and who have ever fince maintained their inde- pendency. The diftricl of Jean Bracamoros, however, is (fill famous for its to- bacco, the cultivation of which is the chief employment of the inhabitants. It is. • Ulloa, lib. vi. c. 4. ■f Ul'.oa, lib. vi. c. 4. This opinion is confirmed by a cinnaraon-tree plarted either by acci. dent or c'efign near the city of Macas, the baik of nhich both in tails and fragrance, is thought^, to exceed ilut of ths £ail, Id. iblxi^ exported thehistoryofamerica: 439 exported to Pern, all over the Province of Qiiito, and to the kingdom of CHAP. III. Chili, where it is in great requeft, no other being ufed in fmoking *. In this country is found the IVIaca, a very fingular fnake, v;hich the Indians diftinguidi by the name of Curi-mullinvo ; it having a fhining Ipotted fl-;in, like that of the tiger, and curi in the Indian language fignifies gold. It is wholly covered with fcales, and makes a frightful appearance. Its head is out of all proportion to the fize of its body : it has two rows of teeth, and fangs like thole of a large dog. The wild Indians, as an oftentatious mark of their ferocity, and to give them a more terrible appearance, paint on their targets the figure of this fnake, the bite of wJiich is incurable, and which never lets go its hold, when it has fcized either on man or beaft ; a charaiSteriftic which the Indians would alfo intimate by their device -f-. Contiguous to the diftricls of Qiiixos and Jean Bracamoros lies that of Maynas, which forms the eallern boundary of the province of Quito. In this diftnd are the fources of thofe rivers, which, after traverOng a vafl. extent of country, form, by their conflux, the Marsgnon or great river of the Amazons. The ftream of the Maragnon, and of many other rivers, which pay it the tri- bute of their waters, environ and pervade the territory of Maynas. The limits of this territory, towards the north and fouth, are little known, being far ex- tended among the poflefiions of the wild Indians. Towards the eaft it joins the- dominions of the Portugutfe, from which it is divided by the famous line of demarcation, that feparates the claims of the crown of Spain from thofe of, Portugal. The difl:ri(fl of Maynas has notl/ing to entitle it to attention as a Spanifli colony,, but its connexion with the fources of the Maragnon offers to our contemplation- a noble objedt of human curiofity ; the rife and progrefiive courfe of the greateft, river on our globe, in comparifon with which the Nile and the Ganges are buc. inconfiderable flrcams. Among the vaft number of roots by which nourlfhmient is conveyed to a.- {lately tree, it is difficult, from the great length of fome, and the magnitude of others, to al'certaiii precifcly that from which the plant originally fprung. A like difficulty occurs in tracing the fountain of the Maragnon. The fources by which this river is increafed are fo numerous, that properly every ftream that, iffiies from the eaftern fide of the Andes may be reckoned among the number:, for all the ftreams that run eaftward from this chain of mountains, vvidenino' as, they advance from their fource, by the conflux of others, form thofe mighty rivers that afterwards unite in the Maragnon ; and though fome traverfe a larwer- diftancc from their fource, yet otliers, which rife nearer, by receiving in their IhorC courfe, a greater iuppLy of waters, m.ay have an equal claim to be called the principal fource. But the opinion moft generally received concerning the remote., fource of the Maragnon, is that which places it in the lake of Lauricocha, near the city of Ganuco, in the eleventh degree of fouth latitude ; v/hence itdirecfts its * UJloa, lib. vi. c. 4, t 1*^' il>iJ> Gourffe 440 thehistoryofamerica: BOOK TT. courfe fouth almoft to the twelfth d^ree, and forming infenfibly a circuit, flows eaftward through the countrj' of Juaxa ; where, after being precipitated from the eaft fide of the Andes, it proceeds northward, and leaving the jurifdidt ions of Maj-abamba and Chacha-poyas, it continues its courfe to the city of Jean Bracamoros : thence, by a lecond circuit, it runs towards the eaft in a continual tiirection, till it falls into the ocean, after a courfe of at leaft eleven hundred leagues, from Lauricocha, ir.cluding ail its circuits and windings. The ftream that iffues from Lauricocha is not, however, the only one flow- ing from thofe parts that contributes to fwtU the Maragnon. South of that lake, not far from Afangara, is the fource of the river that pafles through Guamanga ; and in the jurifdi0fideifully accommodated to European produftions. The moft valuable of thefe, corn, wine, sndoil, efpecially the two former, abound in Chili, to a degree that is altc^ether incredible. The corn harveft is reckoned a bad one, when it does not yield an hundred fold *. Oranges and lemons excepted, all the fruits introduced from Europe attain their full maturity here. The animals of our hemifphere not only multiply, but improve in this delightful region. The horned cattle are of a larger fize than thofe of Spain ; and its breed of horfes furpalTes, both in beauty and fpirit, the famous Andalufian race, from which they fprung -f. Nor has nature e.xhaufted her bounty on the furface of the earth, Ihe has ftored its bowels with riches. Valuable mines of gold, of filver, of copper, and of lead, have been difcovered in various parts of Chili. A countrv diftinguifhed by fo many blcffings, one might be apt to conclude, would early become a favourite ftation of the Spaniards, and muft have been cultivated with peculiar predile<5tion and care. On the contrary, great part of it remains unoccupied. In all tliis extent of territory, there is not above fixty thou- fand white inhabitants, and about three times that number of negroes and peo- ple of a mixed race. Nor are there above five towns deferving the name of fettlements -, namely, Valdivia, Conception, Valparaifo, and Coquimbo or La Serena, all fea-ports, and St. Jago, the capital, an inland town, Exc(jpt in the neighbourhood of thefe, there is little culture, and fcarce any habitation. TJie moft fertile foil in America lies wafte, and fome of its mofh promifing mines remain unwronght. Strange as may appear this negled of t!ie Spaniards to avail themfelves of advantages, which feem to court their acceptance, the caufes of it are by no means inexplicable. The only intercourfe of Spain with her colonies on the South Sea, as we have a'lready had occafion to obferve, was carried on during two centuries by ths annual fleet to Porto Bello. All the produce of the colonies was fliipped in the ports of Callao or Arica, for Panama, and carried thence acrofs the ifthmus j all the commodities which they received from tlie motlier-country, were con- veyed from Panama to the fame harbours : thus botli the exports and imports of Chili pafled .through the hands of the merchants of Peru. Thefe had of oourfe, a profit on each : in both tranfaffions the inhabitants of Chili felt their owii fubordination : having no immediate communication with the parent ftate, they depended upon another province for the difpofal of their produclions, as v/ell as for the fupply of their wants. Under fuch difcouragements population could not flourifli, and induftry was deftitute of one chief incitement, a ready return for the fruits of its exertions. But fince Spain, in confequence of the new lyftem which v/e have examined, now carries on her commerce witli the colonies on the South Sea, by fliips that go round Cape Horn, a diredl intei courle is opened between Chili and the mother-country ; and as the gold, the filver, and other commodities of the province, are exchanged in its own harbours for the manufadures of * Id. ibid. + Ut Tupra. 23. 5 X Europe, THE HISTORY OF AMERICA. Europe, Chili may probably rife to that degree of importance among the Spani(Ti colonies to which it is entitled by its own natural advantages. It may become the oranary of Peru, and the other provinces along the Pacific Ocean : it may fupply them with wine, with cattle, with horfes, with hemp, and many other articles for which they depend upon Europe. Though the new fyftem has been fully eftablilhed only a few years, the beneficial effedts of it begin already to be obferved in the articles here fpecified * ; and if it fhall be adhered to with any fleadinefs for half a century, one may venture to foretel, that population,, induftry and opulence, will advance in this province with rapid progrels. St. Jago, the capital of Chili, is lituatcd in the middle of a delightful plain, twenty-four leagues in extent, through which the river Mapocha flows in mean- de.'-s, and runs fo near the city as to fupply it abundantly with water, by means- of conduits. St.Jagoisabout amile in length, and two thirds of a mile in breadth. On the oppofite bank of the river, which wafhes the north fide of the city, is 3 large fuburb called Chumba, and on the eaft fide is a mountain, called St. Lucia, The ftreets are wide, flraight, handfomely paved, and all crofsone another regu- larly ; running either diredly eaft and weft, or north and fouth. In the centre of the city ftands the great fquare, tiie middle of which is adorned with a beautiful fountain. The north fide is occupied by the palace of the royal audience ; the weft fide, by the cathedral and the biftiop's palace -, the fouth fide by lliops, and the eaft by private houfes. The other parts of the city are divided into infulated fquares, regular, well built, and commodious. Every houfe has a court before, and a garden behind it, and is plentifully fupplied with water from the river ; a circumftance which greatly contributes to the health and conveniency of the in- habitants, as well as to the elegance of the city. St. Jago is fuppofed to contain about five thoufand families, of which nearly one half are Spaniards f. Valdivia, Valparaifo, and Conception, are confiderable towns •, and the two firft are well garrifoned and fortified, efpecially Valdivia. To the eaft of the Andes, the provinces of Tucuman and Rio de la Plata border on Chili, and hke it were dependent on the viceroyalty of Peru, before the new government was eftablithed at Buenos Ayres, the jurifdidion of which has been already mentioned. Thefe regions of immenfe extent, ftretch in length from north to fouth above thirteen hundred miles, and in breadth more than a thoufand. This vaft country naturally forms itfelf into two great divifions ; one on the north, and the other on the fouth of Rio de la Plata. The former compre- hends Paraguay, the famous mifllons of the Jefuits, and feveral other diftrifts ; the latter contains the governments of Tucuman and Buenos-Ayres, of which we fhall firft fpeak. The Spaniards entered this part of America by the river De la Plata; and though a fucctffion of cruel difafters befel them in their early attempts to efta- blifh their dominion here, they were encouraged to perfift in the defign, at firft by the hopes of difcovering mines in the interior country, and afterwards by the ^ Campomanes. t Ulloa, lib.viii. c 7. Hid. Gen. des- Voyages, torn. XFII. ■ ceceilit jr f /nAa/t/a//iAi tr/' Mf S TR-VI GUTS o f ^ILUtE T. LAN , cr-nvnuyticy / lHut- ^>',-!l&. /u oa//^^^ THEHISTORYOFAMERICA. 447 necefficy of occupying it, in order to prevent any other nation from fettling there, CHAP. III. and penetrating by this route into their rich pofiTeffions in Peru. But except Buenos-Ayres, they have made no fetclement of any confequencc in all this ex- tenfive country. There are indeed fcattered over it a few places on which they have endeavoured to add fome dignity by eredting them into bifhopricks ; but they are, after all, no better than paltry villages, each with two or three hundred inhabitants. One circumftance, however, which was not originally forefeen, has contributed to render this diftrid, though thinly peopled, of confiderable im- portance. The province of Tucuman, together widi the country to th. Ibuth of the Plata, inftead of being covered with wood like other parts of America, forms one vafl: plain, almoft without a tree *. The foil is a deep fertile mould, watered by many ftreams defcending from the Andes, and cloathed in perpetual verdure. In this rich pafturage the horfes and cattle imported by the Spaniards from Europe have multiplied to a degree that almoft exceeds belief. This has enabled the in- habitants not only to open a lucrative trade with Peru, by fupplying it with horned cattle, horfes, and mules, but to carry on a commerce no lefs beneficial, by the exportation of hides to Europe. From both thefe, the colony has derived great advantages -, but its com- modious fituation for carrying on the contraband trade, has been the chief fource of its profpcrity. While the court of Madrid adhered to its ancient fyftem, with refpedl to its communication with America, the River de la Plata lay fo much out of the courfe of Spanifh navigation, that interlopers, almoft without any * This is alfo the cafe with Patagonia, and the whole Terra Magellanica. There the Spaniards haveeftablifhed no fettlements, and the country is too little known co require a particular defcrip- tion ; but the famous Patagoniar.5, who form part of the inhabitants, and have during two cen- turies and a half, afforded a fubjcft of controverfy to the learned, and an objeft of wonder to the vulgar, mull no: be paffed ever in fdence. Their proper ftation is in that part of the interior Country, which lies on the banks of the river Negro; though in the burning feafon, they often roam as far as the Ilraits which feparate Terra del Fuego from the main-land. The firft accounts of this people were brought to Europe by the companions of Magellan, who defcribed them as a gigantic race, above eight feet high, and of (Irength in proportion to their enormous fize. Ac- counts of a fimilar nature have been given at different times, by various navigators, who have vifited the Magellanic regions ; and latterly by Commodore Byron and his crew, who failed through the Straits in 1734, according to whofe Narrative the common fize of the Patagonians was eflimated to be eight feet, and many of them much taller. By the Captains Wallis and Carteret, ■who aflually meafured ihera in 1766, they were found to be from fix feet to fix fee; five or feven inches in height. Thefe feem to have been the very people whofe fize had been fo much over- rated in 1764, (and who were probably beyond the common ftandard) ; for feveral of them had beads and red baize of the fame kind with what had been put on board Captain Wallis's Ihip, and he naturally concluded that they had got thefe from Mr. Byron, Hawkef*onh's Voyages^ vol. I, They were again meafured in 1767,' by M. Bougainville, whofe account agrees nearly with that of Captain Wallis. Mr. Falkner, who refided as a miflionary forty year; in thefouthern parts of America, fays, that " the Patagonians, or Puelches, are a large-bodied people ; bat I never heard of that gigantic race which others have mentioned, though I have feen perfons of all the different tribes of fouthern Indians." Introd. Defcript. Patagonia. Thefe teftimonies, it is hoped, will be fuflicieht to baniib the idea of a race of giants, iahabitiag the extreme parts of South America. 5 rilk 4+8 T H E HI S T O R Y O F A M E R I C a; BOOK It. jiflc of being obferved or obOructcd, could pour in European manufaftures ^'^'"^ ^ in fuch quantities, as not only Tupplied the wants of the colony, but were conveyed into all the eaflern diftricfs of Peru. "When the Portuguefe in Brazil extended their fettlements to the banks of Rio de la Plata, a new channel was opened, by wiiich prohibited commodities flowed into theSpanifli territories, with flill more facility and in greater abundance. This illegal traffic, however detri- ircntal to the parent flate, contributed to the increafe of the fettlement which had the immediate benefi!: of it, and Buenos-Ayres became gradually a popu- lous and opulent town. What may be the effed of the alteration lately made in the government of this colony, cannot yet be determined ; but if the viceroy attends to his duty, a check v, ill certainly be given to the contraband trade with the Portuguefe, which was become fo extenfive as mud have put a final flop to the exportation of commodities from Spain to her fouthern colonies. The city of Buenos-Ayres, founded in 1535, by Don Pedro de Mendoza, ftands on the fouth fide of the Rio de la Plata, at a place called Cape Blanco, feventy leagues from the fea, and clofe by a fmall river. The fituation, as it regards the ground, is in a large plain, rifing by a gentle afcent from the fmall ri-ver ; and is truly paradifaical, whedier we regard the temperature of the cli- mate, the fertility of the foil, or that beautiful verdure which overfpreads the whole face of the country, of which the inhabitants have an uninterrupted pro- fpeft, as far as the eye can reach. The city is of confiderable extent, and is ftippafed to contain fixteen thoufand inhabitants, of which tiie whites may make one fourth. The rell are either Indians or a mixed race. The houfes, which had formerly only miid walls, and were thatched with ftraw, are now built of more durable materials, and generally tiled. They have commonly one ftorj^ befides die ground floor. The principal fquare is very fpacious, and the cathedral is an elegant building. Boi;h the American and European fruits come to full perfec- tion here, and are in great plenty, as are all kinds of provifions *. Buenos- Ayres, however, labours under many inconveniences as a commercial city. Its diftance from the fea is of itfelf a confiderable difadvantage, and that is aug- mented by the dangerous navigation of the Plata, and tiie rocks and flioals v^hich prevent (hips of burden from coming up to it. As a remedy for thefe evils, a fettlement has been founded, on an excellent harbour, in the bay of Maldo- nado, near the mouth of the great river. This, which may at prelent be con- fidered as the port of Buenos-Ayres, will in all probability foon become its rival, and the ftaple of the trade of Paraguay, as the rcgi(ter-(hips failing to or from the South Sea, will here find a fafe port, and all the refrefliments they may want. Maldonado is defended by a ftrong fort, and a garrifon of two hundred men, Buenos Ayres has alio a good fortification for its fecurity, and a garrifon of one thoufand regulars -f-. The only diftrid worthy of attention in the northern divifion of the provinces of Xucuman and Rio de la Plata, is that of Paraguay, the capital of which is Affump- ? plica, lib. vii. c. 15. Hift. Gen. des Voyages, torn. XIII. - f -ItJ- ibid. tion; THEHISTORYOF AMERICA. 4+9 tion. This city as it is pompoufly called, is fmall and irregular ; in a word, CHA". ill. a petty v'illage, and the other Spanifli fettlements are ftill lefs confiderable. Bun Paraguay, though unimportant as a colony, is entitled notwithftanding to parti- cular notice in a general hillory of America, on account of that finguiar iyftem of policy eflablifhed there by the Jefuits. Towards the beginning of the lalt century, thofe fathers reprefented to the court of IVIadrid, chat their want of fuccefs in their niiffions was owinr^ to the fcandal which the immorality of the Spaniards never fail to give, and to the hatred which their ir.folent behaviour caufed in the Indians, wherever they came. The) infinuatedj ihat but for thefe impediments, the empire of the gofpel might, by their labours, have been extended into the mod unknown parts of America ; and that all thofe countries might be fubjedled to the dominion of his Catholic Majefty without expence, and without violence. This remonftrance was liflened to with attention : the fphcre of the labours of thole pious champions was marked out ; an uncontroulcd liberty was given to them within the prefcribcd' limits ; and the governors of the adjacent provinces had orders not to interfere, or fufFer any perfon to enter this pale, without the confent of the fathers ; who, on their part agreed to pay a certain capitation tax, in proportion to their fleck, and to fend a certain raimber of Indians to the king's works whenever they Ihould be demanded, and the milTions become populous enough to furnilh them. On thefe terms the Jefuits entered upon the fcene of adion, and opened their campaign with the fpiritual conqueft of the Guaranies, an Indian nation in- habiting the banks of the rivers Uraguay and Parana. Twelve thoufand of thefe were removed into Paraguay, in order to fave them from the incurfions of the Portuguefe, who regardlefs of the progrefs of the gofpel, carried ofFthe new con- verts as flaves to labour in the mines of Brazil. A like number of inhabitants v/as alfo brought from Tappi, and formed into communities. Thefe fuddenly became confiderable towns, the number of which, in 1734, amounted to thirty- two, and were fuppofed to contain forty thoufand families. About the fame time the Chiquitos, another Indian nation, who embraced Chrillianity towards the end of the laft century, had formed feven towns, each of which contained above fix thoufand inhabitants *. By the increafe of theie, and the acquifition from other Indian tribes, the Jefuits are faid to have had upwards of three hun- dred thoufand families under their fpiritual government in 1760. The nature of that government, and the means by which fuch a multitude of wandering favages were colleded, and brought to fubmit to civil regulations and religious obfervances, require an attentive examination. With no arms but thofe of perfuafion, the Jefuits freely mingled with the mod barbarous tribes. They acquired their language, and by all thofe arts of addrefs and infinuation, for which they have fo long been famous, they gained the confidence of the wild Indians- They engaged to proted them from the violences of the Spaniards and Portuguefe, as well as to fecure them againft thofe inconveniencies to which they were cxpofed. * Ulloa, lib. vii. c, 14, 15. 23; 5 Y , in 450 THE HISTORY OF AMERICA. BOOK II. in their forefts, proviJc-d they would agree to live in fociety, and contribute to iupply each other's wants, according to theinfrruftions that fliould be given chem. As loon as they had got together a certain number of families, they began to pro- cure them all the advantages they had promiled them ; and when, by making them happy, they had rendered them tradable, they unfolded to them the dodtrines of the gofpel : they did not pretend to make them Chriftians, before they had made them men. The Indians, who had already experienced every thing they had reafon to ex- pert trom their pious legiflators, in regard to the conveniencies of this world, doubted not what was told them of the next : they eagerly embraced the doflrine of immortality. 1 hey formerly refpeifted, they now adored the Jefuits ; and that politic body did not fail to take the proper fteps for rendering perpetual the influence which they had acquired. They referved to themfelves all civil and religious authority, and in a manner all property, by having the abfolute difpofal of every thing belonging to the community. But that matter can only be under- ftood by a particular delcription. This defcription fhall be framed without any regard to the abolition of the Jefuits as a religious order, or the changes that may have taken place in Paraguay in confequence of their difgrace at the court of Spain, as it would otherwife be impoffible to form any diftincl idea of that extraordinary commonwealth which they had eftablifhed,— Over each of the miffions, or diftrids of Paraguay, a Jefuit prefides in chief. He is fupreme in all caufes, civil, military, and ecclefiaftical, and governs not only with the fway of a fovereign, but with the reputation of an oracle. In every town, however, magiftrates are fettled, anfwerable to thofe in the Spanifh cities. Thefe are chofen by the Indians from among their own body, but they muft be confirmed by the prefiding Jefuit, who refcrves to himfelf a power of rejedling fuch as are unqualified for their funflion ; and in order, as is pretended, to prevent the abufe of authority, no magiftrate is permitted to pro- ceed to the execution of any fentence, without previoufly acquainting the prieft •with the ftate of the matter, that he may compare the offence with the decree. The perfon found really guilty is delivered up to punilhmenr, which generally confifts in imprilbnment for a certain number of days, to which fometimes faft- incr is added-, but if the offence be very heinous, the delinquent is whipt, which is themoft fevere punKhment they infliJt, murder, robbery, and fuch atrocious crimes being almoft unknown among the converts in Paraguay *. The practice of confeffion, indeed, anfwers in a great meafure the end of penal laws, by maintaining a purity of manners. Religion brings the guilty per- fon to the feet of the magirtrate. There, far from palliating his crime, remorfe makes him aggravate it ; inftead of endeavouring to elude his punifhment, he implores it on his knees. The more public and fevere it is, the more doth it con- tribute to quiet the confcience of the criminal, by ftifling the pangs of remorfe. Before the execution of the fentence, injudicial cafes, a difcourfe is pronounced • UUoa, lib. vii. c. 15. ^ THE HISTORY OF AMERICA. 451 by the prleft, reprefenting with the greateft foftnefs and fympathy, rhe nature of CHAP. I!r. the offence, and the vengeance denounced againft it by Heaven ; lb that the de- linquent receives the chaftifement to which he is fubjedled with all humility and refignation, as a brotherly correftion neceflary to his eternal welfare *. Theo- cracy, in a word, would be the moft excellent of all governments if it were pof- fible to preferve it in its purity -, but to effeft this, it would be neceflary that it fhould always be under the diredion of virtuous men, deeply imprefled with the real principles on which it is founded : it would be neceflary that religion {hould teach nothing but the duties of fociety ; that it fliould confider nothing as a crime but what violates the natural rights of mankind ; that its precepts fliould not fubftitute prayers in place of labour, vain ceremonies inftead of works of charity, or imaginary fcruples for juft remorfe. It can hardly however be expelled, that Jefuits educated in Spain or Italy fhould not have tranfmitted to Paraguay the monaftic notions and pra6tices of Rome or Madrid. But if it is allowed that they have introduced fome abufes, it mufl: alio be confeflTed, that thefe are accompanied with fo many advan- tages, that perhapsnofocietyuponearth could haveeftabliflied fuch a number of fa- lutary regulations with fo few of a contrary tendency. Nothing is omitted in Para- guay that can contribute either to the conveniency or the fecurity of the commu- nity, or fill individuals with that emulation which is neceflTary to unfold the powers of the human mind. Every town has a particular armoury, in which are kept all the fire-arms, fwords, and other weapons, ufed by the militia, when they take the field, whether to repel the infults of the Portuguefe, to which they were long ex- pofed, or of any favage tribe ; and that they may be more dexterous in the management of their weapons, they are exercifed on the evening of every Sunday and holiday in the market places of the towns. All perfons in every town ca- pable of bearing arms are divided into companies, and have their proper officers who owe this diftindtion to their military talents. Their uniform is richly laced ■with gold or filver, according to their rank, and embroidered with the devices of their towns. In this drefs they always appear on holidays, and at the times of exercife. The magiftrates have alfo very magnificent habits of ceremony, which they wear on folemn occafions ; a numerous retinue, and every thing that can contribute to exalt them in their own opinion, or in the eyes of their countrymen. All other things correfpond to this parade. The houfes of the Indians are built with fo much fymmetry and conveniency, and fo completely and elegantly furniflied, as to excel thofe of the Spaniards in this part of America. The churches are large, and well built, and with regard to decorations, not inferior to the richefl; in Peru. Each has its band of mufic, confifting of a great num- ber of vocal and inflrumental performers, and divine fervice is celebrated in them with all the pomp and folemnity of the Romifh cathedrals f . The Jefuits have found the happy fecret of making their worfliip amufive without rendering * Id. ibid. Murat.Relat. desMifs. deParag. f Uiloa, lib, vii. c. 15. I ic 452 T H E H I S T O R Y O F A M E R I C A. BOOK II. it an indecent farce-, of blending pleafure with the exercife of piety. It is in t^^v-^-- J Paraguay that religion is amiable, and that the people firft love it in its minitkrs. Nothing can equal the purity of manners, the mild and tender zeal, and the pa- ternal tenderncfs of the Jefuits in this country. Every niilTionary is truly the father, as he is the guide, both fpiritual and temporal, of the people under his government. His authority is not felt •, becaufe he neither commands, for- bids, nor punifhes any thing, but what is commanded, forbidden, and punilhed, by the religion which they all reverence and love equally with himfelf. The country occupied by the Paraguay miffions is of very great extent •, com- prehending part of the governmeiit of Santa Cruz de la Sierra towards the fouth, and reaching from Buenos-Ayres as far eafl: as the captainfhip of St. Vin- cent in Brazil. The air in general is moift and temperate, though in fome places it is rather cold. The temperate parts abound with all kinds of provifions. Cotton grows here in fuch quantities, that every little village gathers annually above two thoufand arobas, and the Indians are very ingenious in weaving it into fluffs for exportation. A great deal of tobacco is alio planted here ; but thefe articles are far lefs advantageous to the inhabitants than the leaf known by the name of the Herb of Paraguay^ which alone would be fufficient to form a flourifhing commerce in this province, it being the only one which produces it. Thence it is fent all over Peru and Chili, where its ufe is univerfal. It is the leaf of a middle fized tree, and is dried and infufed in the manner of tea. Thofe commodities are carried for fale to the cities of Santa Fe and Buenos Ayres, where the fathers have fadors ; the Indians, particularly the Guaranies, want- ing the fagacity and addrefs, fo abfolutely neceffary to procure fuccefs in com- mercial affairs. Thefe fadors difpofe of what is configned to them from Para- guay ; and after paying into the revenue office the capitation-tax for the Indians of each diftridl, lay out the remainder of the money in purchafing fuch European goods as the miffions are in want of. The other produdts of the lands, to- gether with the cattle, are made ufe of for the fubfiftance of the inhabitants, among whom they are diftributed with the greateft regularity and oeconomy *. The miffions of the Guaranies are all under one fuperior, who nominates the afliftant priefts of the towns, the prefiding priefts being collated by the provincials of the order. His refidence is at Candelaria, which lies in the centre of all the miffions : but he frequently vifits the other towns, in order to fuperintend their go- vernments ; and at the fame time to concert meafures for fending fome of the fa- thers among the wild Indians, to conciliate their affeftions, and by degrees work their converfion. In this important office he is affifted by two vice- fuperiors, one of whom refides at Parana, and the other on the river Uraguay. All thefe miffions, though fo numerous and difperfed, are formed as it were into one college, of which the fuperior may be confidered as the mafter or head ; and every town is like a family, governed by a wife and affedtionate parent, in the pcrfon of the prieft f . The miffions of the Chiquitos have a diftind fuperior, • Id. ibid, f Ulloa, lib. vii, c. 15. but THEHISTORYOFAMERICA. 453 but with the fame fundlions as he who prefidcs over the Guaranies, and the priefts CHAP. J.I, alio are on the fame footing; *. No town is without a fchool for teaching reading, writing, dancing, and mu- fic ; and in the courts of the houfe belonging to the prieft of every town, are fliops or workhoufes for painters, fculptors, gilders, filverfmiths, lockfmiths, carpenters, weavers, watclimakcrs, and the pra^ticers of all other mechanic arts and trades, who work for the benefit of the whole town, under the inl'pec- tion of the priefts coadjutors. Every town has alfo a kind of Beaieric, or Mag- dalen, wliere women of ill fame are placed, and which likewife ferves as a re- treat for married women, who have no families, during the abfence of their huf- bands. For the fupport of tiiis houfe, as well as of orphans, widows, and thofe who by age or any other circumftance are difabled from earning a livelihood, two days in each week are fet apart, when the inhabitants of every village are obliged to cultivate and fow a certain piece of ground called Lahr de la Comunidad, " the Labour of the Community ;" and the furplus of the produce is applied to procure furniture and decorations for the church, and cloathing for the widows, orphans, aged, and difabled perfons. By this benevolent plan all diftrefs is prevented, and them eaneft of the inhabitants is provided with every neceffary of life -f-. It fhould feem that men muft have multiplied confiderably under a govern- ment, where none are idle or fatigued with labour ; where food is equal in wholefomenefs, plenty, and quality for all the citizens ; where every one is con- veniently lodged, and well cloathed ; and where the aged and the lick, widows and orphans, are not only affifted in a manner unknown in all other parts of the world, but where every one marries from choice, and not from intereft, and where a number of children are confidered as a bleffing, and can never be trou. blefome : — where debauch, the neceflary confequence of idlenefs, which cor- rupts alike the opulent and the needy, never haftens the period of natural in- firmities, or tends to abridge the term of human life -, where nothing ferves to excite artificial paffions, or to counteract thofe which are implanted by nature and regulated by reafon ; where the people enjoy the advantages of trade, and are not expofed to vice and luxury ; where plentiful magazines, and a friendly intercourfe with perfons united in the bonds of the fame religion, and under the fame civil regulations, are a fecurity againft any fcarcity that might happen from rile inconftancy or inclemency of the feafons •, where juftice has never been re- duced to the necelFity of condemning a fingle malefaftor to death, or to any punifhment of a long duration ; where the very name of a tax or a law-fuit, thofe two terrible fcourges which every where elfe afflift mankind, are un- known !— fuch a country muft naturally be expefted to be the mofi: populous in the world, and yet it is far from being fb. The population of Paraguay has by no means increaied in proportion to the number of the original converts, the accef- fions they have received, the time fince their eftablifhmcnt in communities, or ^the tranquillity and plenty in which they live. • Id. ibid. + Ut fupra. 23. 5 ^ In 454 THEHISTORYOF AMERICA. BOOK It. In order to account for this want of increafe, it has been fuppofcd that the Jcfuits had prop;igated that love of cehbacy among their converts, which was fo prevalent over Europe during the dark ages, and which is ftill very common in Spanifh America. But this conjecture is entirely void of foundation. The Jeluits have never conveyed to their converts any idea of a fuperfticion utterly in- confiilent with their political plan, and which would have been fufScient to pre- judice the Indians againft their beft inftitutions. On the contrary, they provide early for the rrjarriage of their young people, as well to prevent dilorders as to multiply the number of their fubjedls ; and as intereft can be no motive to the union, nor any bar againft it, where there is no property, few difficulties occur in cementing it. The lover applies to the prefiding Jcfuit, informs him of his de- fire of marriage, and names the party. The girl is confulted ; and if there is noobjedion on her fide, the nuptials are immediately celebrated. 1 he young couple are fupplied with all nectflaries for their eftablilliment out of tlie public ftores, and have their portion of labour afTIgned them, by which they are to make amends for what they have received, and to contribute to the common fup- port of theml'elves and others *. The want of property has alfo been afTigned as a reafon for the Covvnefs of population among the Guaranies. But the inconvenicncies which, in ether countries arife from the want of property, and impede population, as well as every laudable purfuit, are not felt in Paraguay. All there are fure of fubfift- ence, which is every thing in a ftate where luxury is unknown ; confcquently all enjoy the great advantages of property, though deprived in a ftridl fenfe of the right to it. This privation therefore, whatever influence it may have upon the intelleftual faculties, and of courfe on the charadfer of the people, by depriv- ing the mind of one of its moft powerful incentives to aftion, cannot well be fuppofcd to obltruft the progrefs of population, which depends on the temperate indulgence of the moft natural of all the paffions. To the gratification of this paffion the inhabitants of Paraguay are invited by the climate, and encouraged by their civil inftitutions, while they are reftrained from excels by their induftri- ous and temperate courfe of life. The deftdt in population muft be imputed to other caufes. The Guaranies have, at different times, fuffered greatly from the inroads of the Portuguefe, and of the favage tribes that hover about their habitations, in order to fieze their provifions. By the firft they have been carried into ftavery, and by the latter they have been maftacred. with unfeeling barbarity. Thefe calamities have been followed by another far more deftruftive. The fmall-pox, a diftemper every where dreadful, has proved more peculiarly terrible in America, and more fatal in Paraguay than in any other country. It deftroys thoufands in a fhort time, and fcarce any recover cf it. Befidcs thefe caufes of depopulation, the Guaranies are expufcd to others arifing from the nature of their climate, which occafions contagious diftempcrs, efpecially on the banks of the Parana, where • Muratori, Relat. des Millions des Parag. Charlevoi,x, Hift. de Parag. thick THEHISTORYOFAMERICA. 455 thick and conftant fogs, under a fLiltry fky, render the air damp and iinwhole- CHAP. ill. lonie *. The Jcfuits have been accufcd of augmenting thofe- evils, by obhging their fubjctts to dig for the precious metals ; but the SpaniHi miniftry, after the molt diligent fearch, have not been able to difcover that a fingle mine was ever wrought in Paraguay. The Jefuits were too good politicians to en- courage fuch a pernicious ipecies of induilry. They have with more appear- ance of reafon been accufed of afpiring at abfolute independency. It is diffi- cult otherwile to account for that exceffive care which they took to preclude all intercoLirfe between tlieir fubjeifts and thofe of Spain, and that horror with which they infpired them for ftrangers in general. A policy v.'hich founded obedience and purity of morals on fuch illiberal principles, mull furely have been diftated by fclfifh jealoufy. Apprehenfions were even entertained, that this fpiritual re- public might one day attempt to overthrow that power under which it had been railed. But thefe have been difpelled, by the readinefs which the Jefuits fhewed, on their being banifhed by the court of Madrid, to evacuate an empire which " they could fo eafily have defended ; for their fubjeds, yet uncorrupted by luxury, . would have fought with the fame zeal that overturned fo many monarchies, by the arms of the difciples of Wodin and Mahomet, and which infpired the re- formers in Holland and Germany with that enthufiaftic courage, which fecured ; to them their civil and religious liberties. In confequence of this condudt, the greater part of Europe has exempted the Jefuits in Paraguay from the charge of ambition, fo generally brought againft them by their enemies. Philofophy however, which, as Raynal very juftly obferves, looks beyond the particular interells of nations, will fufpend its judgment of thefe legiOators, till the condu(Sl: of the inhabitants of Paraguay fhall afford a proof either in their favour or againft them. , If thofe Indians finally fubmit to the tyranny of Spain, which has neither the right to govern them • nor forces to enable her to do it, there will be reafon to believe that the Jefuits have taken more pains to teach them obedience, than to give them jufl ideas of natural equity, with which, while favages, they were acquainted in fome degree; and that thefe fathers, in availing themfelves of their ignorance to bend them to fubmiffion, though they may have made theni more happy than they were in a ftate of nature, have yet referved to themfelves the power of rendering them one day or another the -inftruments of their own arbitrary will. But if the inhabitants of Paraguay, armed and difciplined as they are, (hould repulfe the rapacious oppreflbrs of their country ; if they fhould avenge America of all the blood that Spain has fhed -, the enlightened few, who are fuperior to vulgar pre- judices, will then fay, That the Jefuits have laboured for the happinels of man- kind with the difinterefted fpirit of virtue -, that they have ruled over the In- dians only to inftruft them ; that while they gave them a particular religion, they left them to the fundamental principles of julfice, which are the firft precepts of ; • Raynal, liv. viii. UUoa, lib. vii. c. 15. natural . 456 T H E H I S T O R Y O F A M E R I C A. BOOK II. natural religion ; and that they have chiefly imprefTed on their minds that maxim, which is the bafis of every lawful and permanent community, that it is a crime for men collcfted together in fociety to confent to any form of government, which, by abridging them of the liberty of difpofing of their own fate, may one day make it their duty to refift their rulers. The difputes which have lately prevailed between the courts of Spain and Portugal, and which are not yet finally terminated, in regard to the countries north of Rio de la Plata, render it impofTible to give any fatisfadory account of the prefent ftate of Paraguay. But before we conclude this chapter, it will be proper to fay a few words concerning the general fi:ate of the church, and the charafter of the Spanilh clergy in America, as well as of the nature and amount of the revenues of the crown there. The Romifli fuperftition, as already obferved, appears with its utmoft pomp in the New World. In countries where riches abound, and the people are fond of parade, religion mud affume it, in order to attraft their veneration. This propenfity to oftentation has therefore been indulged with little harm : the early introdudion of monafteries into the Spanifh colonies, and the inconfiderate zeal in multiplying them, have been attended with confequences more fatal. Scarce had tlie Spaniards taken pofTclTion of America, when, with a moft prepotterous policy, they began to eredt convents, where perfons of both fexes were fhut up under a vow to defeat the purpoie of nature, and to counteraft the firft of her laws, at a time that every individual iliould have been incited to augment tlie ftrength and number of the community. Influenced by a mifguided piety, which afcribes tranfcendent merit to a ftate of celibacy, or allured by the pro- fped of that liftlefs eafe, which in fultry climates is deemed fupreme felicity, numbers crowded into thefe manfions of floth and fuperftition, and are loft to fociety. As none but perfons of Spanifti extraction are admitted into the monafteries of the New World, the evil is more fenfibly felt, and every monk •or nun may be confidered as an adive member withdrawn from civil life. The impropriety of fuch foundations in any country, where the extent of territory requires additional hands to cultivate it, is fufficiently obvious ; yet from a miftaken idea of monaftic fandity, religious houfes have multiplied in Spanifh America to a degree that is truly amazing. In New Spain alone they exceed four hundred *, and the number is proportionally great in Pervi. Near one third of the inhabitants may be fuppofed to be fhut up in thofe retirements. But Spanifh America is exempted from one fpecies of ccclefiaftical abufe. No diftindion is there known between fpiritual and temporal jurifdiftion. The king is the only fuperior ; his name alone is heard : no dependence upon any foreign power has been introduced. Papal bulls are of no force there, till they have been previoufly examined, and approved of by the royal council of the Indies -j-. To this limitation of the jurifdiflion of tlie apoftolic fee, Spain is indebted, in a great meafure, for the uniform tranquillity that has reigned in her American dominions. * Torquemad. Mond. Ind. lib. xh. c. 32. f Rccop, lib. i. t't. 9. 2 Tlie THEHISTORYOFAMERICA. 437 The complete cftablifhment of the American church in all the Spanifli fettle- CHAP. Hf. nients was, in the year 1 1)^9, •one patriarch, fix archbifhops, thirty-two billiops, three hundred and forty-fix prebends, two abbots, five royal chaplains, and eight hundred and forty convents *. In viewing the ftate of colonies, where the number and influence of ecclefiaftics is fo great, the chara<5ter of this powerful body is an objcft that merits particular attention. A confiderable part of the fecular clergy in Mexico and Peru are natives of "-pain As ptrrfons accuftomed by their education to the retirement and indolence of an academic life are lefs capable of active entcrprife, and lefs difpofed to ftrike into new paths, than any other order of men, the ecclcfiafcical adventurers by whom the American church is recruited, are commonly fuch as, from want of merit or connexions, havi^ little profped of fuccefs in their own country. Hence the fecular priefts in the New World are ftill lefs diflinguilhed than their brethren in Spain, for literary accomplifhmcnts ot any fpecies •, and though by the ample provifion which has been made for the American church, many of its members enjoy that eafc and independence, which is favourable to the cultivation of fcience, the body of fecular clergy has hardly during two centuries and an half, produced one author •whofc works poflTefs fuch a degree of merit, as to attraft the notice of en- lightened nations. But the greater part of the ecclefiaftics in the Spanifh fettlements are regu- lars. On the difcovery of America, a new field opened to the pious zeal of tiie monaftic orders ; and with a becoming alacrity, they immediately lent forth mifllonaries to labour in the uncultivated wild. The firft attempt to inftrudl and convert the Americans was by monks ; and, as foon as the conqueft of any province was completed, and its ecclefiaftical eftablilhment began to afllimefome form, the popes, as the reward of their induftry, permitted the miffionaries of the four mendicant orders to accept of parochial charges in America ; to per- form all fpiritual funiEtions -, and to receive the tythes, and other emoluments of the benefice, without depending on the bifliop of the diocefe, or being fubjrfl to his cenfures. In confequence of this liberty, a new career of ufefulncfs, as well as new objedls of ambition prefented themfelves. Whenever a call is made for a frefli fupply, men of the moft ardent and afpiring minds, impatient under the reftraint of a cloifter — weary of its infipid uniformity, and fatigued with the irkfome repetition of its frivolous funftions, offer their fervice with eacrernefs, and repair to the New World in queft of liberty and diflindion. Nor do they purfue them without fuccefs. The higheft ecclefiaftical honours, and moft lu- crative preferments in Mexico and Peru, are often in the pofleffion of regulars ; and to them chiefly the inhabitants are indebted for any portion of fcience that is cultivated among them. But the fame difguft with monaftic life, to which the New World owes fome inftruftors of worth and abilities, filled it with others of a very different charac- ter. The giddy, the profligate, the avaricious, to whom the poverty and rigid • Gil Gonzalez Davila Theatro Ecclefiaftico de las Ind. Occident. Pref. 24* 6 A difcipline THE HISTORY OF AMERICA. difcipline of a con%'cnt are intolerable, confider a miffion to America as a re- leafe from mortification anci bondage. There they ioon obtain fome parochial charge-, and far removed by their fiiuation trom the infpeclion of their monaftic Superiors, and exempt by their character, trom the junfdiiftion of their dbcefan *, they are hardly fubjcift to any controul. Accordingly many of the regular clergy in the Spanifh rcttle.Tients, arc not only dcftitutc of the virtues becoming ing their profcfTion, bit regardkis of that external decorum and rcfpcdl: for the opinion of mank'nd, which prtfcrve a feniblance of worth where the reality is wanting. Some, in contempt of their vow of poverty, engage openly in com- merce, and arc lo rapaciouOy eager in amainng wealth, that they become die mod grievous opprcffors of the Indians, v/hom it WaS tlieir ciuty to have pro- tcdtcd. Others, with no lefs flagrant violation of their vow of challity, induloe without dilguife in the moft diffckue licentioufnels -f. The revenues of the church in Spanilli America are immenfe ^, and thofe of the crown are very confiderable, notwithflanding ail the defalcations caufed by the illicit importation of foreign commodities, or by the fraudalcn-t arts of the inhabitants. The royal revenue arifes from taxes of various kinds, which may be divided into three principal bran hes. The firft contains what is paid to the king, as fovereign, or fupenur lord ot the New World. To this clafs belongs the duty on gold and filver railed from the mines, and the tribute exadled from the Inui;ins. The fortr.er is termed by the Spaniards the right cf figniory, the latter the duly cf vcjjulcge. 1 he fecond branch comprehends the numerous duties upon commerce, which accompany and opprefs it in every flep of its progreis, from the greateft tranfadtions of the wholefale merchant, to the petty vender by retail. The third includes what accrues to the king as head of the church, and adminiftrator of ecck fiaflical funds in the New World. In confecjuence of this he receives the fi-it fruits, or annats, fpoils, and other fpiritual revenues, levied by the apoflolic chamber in Europe ; and he is likewife entitled to the profit arifing from the laics of the bull of Cruzado. This, which is publifhed every tv;o years, contains an ablolution from pafl offences by the pope -, and, among other immunities, a permifllon to eat fcveral kinds of prohibited food during lent, and on meagre days. The * Avendano, Thef. Indie, vol. If. f Gage's Suivey. Correal. Fiezier, Voyage. Robertfon, Hift. Amer. lib. viii. It is re- markable, that all the authors who cenfure the licentioufnefs of the Span'lh regulars, cr n^ur in vindicating the conduft of the jeluits. Formed under a difcipline more perftdl than that of the other monaflic orders, or animated by that concern for the honour of thtir fociety, which tcok fuch full pofftffion of every member, the JeUiits both in Mexico and Peru, have maintaimd a moll irreproachable dec ncy of manners Id. ib d. X The revenues of the American churcti arifc in the fiill place, as already obfervrd, (bork 17. C. I .) from a tenth out of the produce of all lands ; and that not only in fimple cultu e, lut in many articles inanufaftuied, as fugar and ii digo. In the fecond place, it confifts cf the donati is of individuals, who'e profufe liberality in enocwing churches and monafteries has been carried to fuch an height, that there is fome reafon to believe the cleriy may one day bi con e poffefled of the whole landed property. In Peru there is fcarce a houfe that does not hold oi the chuich. Raynal, lib. vii. monks THE HISTORY OF AMERICA. 459 monks employed in difperfing thole bulls, extol their virtues with all the fervour CHAP. Iir. of interefted eloquence; the people, ignorant and credulous, liften with implicit aficntj and every perfon in the Spanifh colonics of European, Creolian, or mixed race, purchaks a bull, which is deemed eflential to his falvation, at the rate fct upon it by government * ! What may be the amount of thofe various funds, it is almoft impoflible to determine with prccifion. 'i he extent of the Spanilli dominions in America, the jealoufy of ^'overnment, which renders them inacceffible to foreigners, the myfterious filcnce whiih the Spaniards ^re accuftomed to obferve with refpedt to the interior flate of their colonics, combine in covering this fubject with a veil which it is not eafy to remove. But an account apparently no lefs accurate than it is curious has lately been publifhcd of the royal revenue in New Spain, froni which we may form fome idea with reipeft to what is colleiSted in other pro- vinces. According to that account, the crown does not receive from all the dc- parrmcnts of taxation m New Spain, above a million of our money, from wliich one hair muil be dcduiStcd as the expence ot the provincial eftablifh- ment f. Peru, it is probable, yields a fum not inferior to this ; and if we fuppofe that all the other regions of Spaniln America, including the iflands, furnilh a third Jhare of equal value, we fhall not perhaps be far wide from the truth, if • The price paid for the buil varies according to the ranii of different perfon?. Thofe in the lowed o der, who are (ervants or fla\ej, pay 'wo reals of plaie, or one fllilling : other Spaniards pay eigne reals, and tho e m publicciS e, or who hold encomi ndo?, fixieen reals. Solorz. dejuie Ind. voi 11. lib. lii. c. 25. According to Chilton, an EngliOi merchant who refided Jong in the Spanifli fciL emtnts, the bull o' Cruisdo bore an higher price in the year 1570, being then lold for four reah it the loweft. H kluyt, vol. III. The price feems to have varied at different periods. That exaft^d for the bulls iffued in the laft Prcdicacion will appear from the following table, exhibitea hv Dr. RobeMfon, which will alfo give foir.e idea of the proportional numbers of the different cialfes of citizens in New Spain and Peru, There were iffued for New Spain, Bulls at 10 pefos each ■ 4 atzpefoseach ■ 22,601 at I pefo each ■ 164,220 at 2 reals each — — 2^462,500 For Peru, 2,649,325 at 16 pei'os 4f reals each A ^ _ «« >« jV« /^ m ■*Ail^ O^^n •^.^^^Mv _^^ lA 2f>* at 3 pelos 5 reals eaca — — " ^^"» Mtfy^ Sim at I pefo 5^ reals 78,822 at 4 reals — — — 4JO'325 at 3 reals — — 668, 01 «.i7'.9S3 f A=ViIlaSe»nor, to whom we are indebted for this information was accomptant-generalinone cf t>'e mod cor fid rable departments of the royal revtrue, and by that means had accefs to proper information, his telliraony wilhrefped to this point merits great credit. Theat. Mex. vol, I. 3 w« 46o THE HISTORY OF AMERICA. B O O K II. we conclude, that the net public revenue of Spain raifed in America, does not exceed a million and an half" flerling *. This falls far fhort of the immenfe funis, to which luppofuions founded on conjedture have railed the Spanifh revenue in America. It is remarkable, however, upon one account, Spain and Portugal are the only European powers who derive a direft revenue from their co- lonies, as their quota towards defraying the general expence of government. All the advantage that accrues to other nations, from their American domi- nions, arifes from the exclufive enjoyment of their trade : but Spain, befides this, has brought her colonies to contribute to increafe the power of the ftate ; and in return for proteflion, to bear a proportional fhare of the common burden. Such was the purpofe of Britain, now inglorioufly relinquifhed f. * The following calculation is given by Dr. Roberifon, as the the total amount of the public revenue of Spain from America and che Philippines. Pef. fuert. Alcavalas (Excife) and Aduanas (Culloms) Sec. • 2,500,000 Duties on gold and filver ^ .^____ 1 3,000,000 Bull of Cruzado -^— -—^— — -^— 1,000,000 Tribute of the Indians — — ^_^ 2,ooo,oco By fale of quickfilver ■ 300,000 Paper exported on the king's account, and fold in the loyal warehoufes — 300,000 Stamped paper, tobacco, and other fmall duties 1,000,000 Duty on coinage — — ■ — — 300,000 From the trade of Acapulco and the coalling trade from province to province- 500,000 Affiento of negroei _^_^_ ■ ■ 200,000 From the trade of Maihe, or herb of Paraguay, formerly monopo- J lized by the Jefuits rom other revenue: parts of America From other revenues formerly belonging to that order, in different 7 50,0000 400,000 Total ■ 12, coo, 000 In fterling money 1 j^. 2,700,000 Dedufl half, as the expence of adminiftration, and there remains net ) free revenue • > 3 1,350,000 •f- The author here alludes to the Conciliatory A£l. He is far, however, from infinuating that the parliament of Great- Britain has a right to tax her American colonies : that matter we fhall afterwards have occafion to confidei ; but it is inglorious in a great people to renounce any claim which they have taken up arms to aiTert, unlefs reduced to it by the unavoidable fortune of CHAP. A MAP of BRASIL From the beft Autliorities W ^F.B ..*♦«« r J.Cai-y iVulj) THE HISTORYOF AMERICA. a6 401 CHAP. IV. Tie Setllemciiti cf the Portuguefe i/t Brazi!. UNDER the name of Brazil is comprehended an immenfe territory in South CHAP. IV. America, bounded on the north by the river of the Amazons, on the fouth by Paraguay and Rio de la Plata, on the weft by the ridge of the Andes, which di- vide it from Peru, and on the eaft by the Atlantic Ocean. The extent of the fea- coaft is fuppofed to be no lefs than twelve hundred leagues. The interior coun- try is too little known to enable us to form any eftimate of its extent. The climate towards the north is variable, hot, boifterous, and unwholefome ; but towards the fouth the air is as ferene and healthful as in any part of the world, the country being refrelhed with the foft breezes of the ocean on one hand, and the cool breath of the mountains on the other. The manner in which Brazil was difcovered, in the laft year of the fifteenth century, by Pedro Alvarez Cabral, who took pofreffion of it for the crown of Portugal, and continued his voyage to India, after difpatching a fliip to Lilbou ■with the news of this fortunate accident, has been already related*. The fa- vourable opinion which Cabral had formed of the country was confirmed by other navigators j but as no mines of gold or filver were there at firft difcovered, the attempts to eftablifh a colony were as feeble as they were ill diredled. Two fhips were fent annually to Brazil to bring home parrots and woods for the dyers and cabinet-makers ; and thefe fhips carried thither from Portugal, criminals and proftitutes +. Thus an evil difpofition was blended with the firft principles of the colony, which made the fettlement of the country infinitely difficult by the diforders infeparable from, fuch people, and the offence which they gave the natives. India in thofe days attracted all the attention of the Portuguefe. It was the road to fortune, to power, and to fame. The great exploits of the nation in the Eaft, and the wealth brought from that quarter, inflamed the imagination of every one : the enthufiafm was general. No perfon went voluntarily to Ame- rica ; but fortunately for Brazil, thofe unhappy men whom the inquifition had doomed to deftrudion, were added to the convifts already tranfported thither. By the united induftry of thefe exiles, who procured from the iiland of Madeira flips of the fugar-cane, which they cultivated with great care, at the fame time that they defended themfelves agalnft the natives, by dividing the colony into captain Ihips, fugar, which had hitherto been ufed only in medicine, by reafon of its fcarcity, was furniftied in fuch plenty as to become an article of luxury^ The rich and great were every where eager to procure themfelves this new fpecies of indulgence-, a tafte which proved extremely favourable to Brazil, and enabled it to extend its fugar plantations. The court of Lifbon, notwithftanding its pre- * Book I. ihap. i.'. p. 33, 34. f Hill. Gen, dts Voyages, tom. XIV. 24. 6 B judiccs, 462 T H E H I S T O R Y O F A M E R I C A. BOOK r. judices, began to be fenfible, that a colony might become beneficial to the mo- ■> — -,'— -w ther-country without producing gold or filver. It now looked with lefs contempt on an immenfe region, which chance had throv;n in its way, and which it had long confidered as a place only fit to receive the refufe of the kingdom. Brazil which had hitherto been left to the capricious management of the fcttlers, was now thought to deferve fome kin.l of attention. Thomas de Soufa, a man of abilities, was accordingly lent thitner in 1549, by John III. in quality of go- vernor, with orders to build a city, to which he gave the name of San Salvador, Soufa began with reducing the defperate herd, who compofed the greater part of the colony, into a ftate of proper fubordination, and bringing their fcattered plantations clofer together. He next applied himfelf to acquire fome informa- tion refpefting the natives, with whom he knew he muft be continually engaged either in traffic or war. It was no eafy matter to accomplilh this. Brazil v/as full of fmall nationr, fome of which inhabited the forefts •, others lived in the plains, and along the rivers. Some had fettled habitations, but the greater number led a roving life. Moft of them had no intercourle with each other. Thofe who were not divided by hoftilities, were fo by hereditary hatred and jealoufy. Some lived by hunting and fifhing, others by agriculture. All thefc caufes muft have produced a very fenfible diiference not only in the occupations but the cuftoms of the feveral nations, and yet their general charafter was nearly the fame. The Brazilians are commonly of the fame ftature with the Europeans, tho' lefs robuft. They are fubje£t to few diftempers, and it is no uncommon thing a- niong them for a main to live upwards of an hundred years. Originally they wore no cloathing, butfince they have formed a correfpondence with the Portu- guefe, they generaly cover the middle of their bodies. The ornaments of the two fexes are different, tho' thofe of both are fufficiently fanciful to fuit the fe- male charafter. The men wear their hair extremely long, the women theirs quite fhort ; the women wear bracelets of bones of a beautiful white, die men neck- laces of tlie fame; the women paint their faces, the men their bodies*. In an- cient times the food of the Brazilians was very fimple. It might have been ex- pedted to become more varied, after their acquaintance with our domeftic ani- mals, yet thofe who live by the fea continue to feed upon the Iliell-fifh which they pick up on the fhore. Along thi rivers they ftill live by filhing, and in the forefts by hunting. When thofe precarious provifions fail, they feed upon fuch roots as either grow fpontaneoufly or require but little culture. They are .iverfe from all labour, jnd pais their life in a continual round of gaiety, dancing, eat- ing, and drinking -f. This gaiety is not damped by any gloomy apprehenfions of futurity ; for though the Brazilians appear to have fome rude idea of a fuprcme Being, by their occafional ejaculations to the fun and moon, and alfo of a ftate after death, where they fhall revifit their relations J, they are perfect ftrangers to the dodlrine of • Voyage de Lery. Hift. Gen. des Voyager, torn. Xlll. f Id. ibid. J Voyages de Correal, rewards T H E H I S T O R Y O F A M E R I C A. 463 rewards and puniiliments. They have neither temples nor facrifices. In a vv'm\l, CHAP. IV. they are lefs under the influence of fuperlticion than any people upon the face af the earth ; and their ideas of fi;overnment are no lefs faint than thofe of religio;-*. They cannot conceive that any perfon can have the audacity to coniinand, much hk that any one ihould be fo weak as to obey. Hence they have neither kings nor chiefs : they know no diltinftion of ranks ; but they honour ..thofe whom years and experience have rendered refpeclable. They confult thefe fathers re- lative to all deliberations of a public nature; and t'le/ chufe for their leader in war, the man who has killed the greatell number of his enemies *. But though - they feemingly live widiout laws or government, difientions are feldom heard of in their little fociecies. If drunkennefs, however, or any unfortunate acci- dent fhould occafion a quarrel, and fome life be loft, the murderer is delivered up to the relations of the deceafed, who inftantly facrifice him to their venge'- ance. Then both families meet, and their reconciliation is fealed by a joyous- and noify feftivity f. The Brazilians, who thus live in the moft unlimited freedom of the favage flate, like other barbarians, fliew no attachment to their native place. The love of our country, which is a ruling paflion in civilized ftates, which in good go- vernments rifes to enthufiafm, and in bad ones grows habitual, is but a factitious fentiment arifing from fociety, and unknown in the ftate of nature. The moral life of the fava'ge, is the very reverfe of that of the civilized man. The latter enjoys the gifts of nature unmixed, only in his infancy. As his flrength increafes, and his underftanding unfolds itfelf, he lofes fight of the prefent, and is wholly intent upon the future : hence the age of paffions and pleafures, the time deftined by nature for enjoyment is fpent in fpeculation and difappoincment. The heart denies itfelf what it wifhes for, laments the in- dulgencies it has allowed itfelf, and is equally tormented with its fclf-denials and its gratifications. Inceflantly deploring that freedom which he has facrificed, and feeling that reftraint under which he lives, the civilized man looks bade witli regret on hi^ earlieft years, when a iucceiTion of new ohjefts conftantly a- wakened his curiofity, and kept his hopes alive. He recollefls with pleafure the fpot where he pafied his infant days : the remembrance of his innocent de- lights endears them to his imagination, and forcibly attrafts him to his native fpot ; whereas the lavage, who enjoys, though in a more limited degree, all the pleafures and advantages peculiar to every period of his life, and does not ab- flain from them in expedladon of greater indulgence in old age, or from any other motive except that of prefent danger, finds in all places, where the con-- veniencies of life equally abound, objefts fuited to his defires. He feels that the fource of his pleafures is in himfelf, and that his country is the univerfe. This digreffioH on favage felicity naturally leads us to fpeak of the firft focial connexion. The Brazilians in general take feveral wives, and quit them on the irnalleft difguft. But notwithftanding this liberty, adultery in cither fex is held in * Voyage de L?tj'. t Hift, Ge.i, dcs Voyage?, torn. XIV. I the 464 THE K ISTOR Y OF AMERIC a; BOOKir. the greateft deteftation, and in the woman is puniihcd with death. Before mar- riage, however, women not only indulge without ihame or reproach with free- men, but fathers offer their daughters to the firft coiner, and carefs their lovers. It feems to be confidered as a kind of difgrace to enter a virgin into the married ftate, as fuch a fmgularity can only be the confequence of negleft, where all re- ftraint is renaoved. After child-birth, the women keep their bed for a day or two ; then the mother, hanging the infant to her neck in a cotton fcarf, returns to her dcmeftic occupations, v.'ithout any kind of inconveniency *. Though the Brazilians are juftly confidered as the moft unfeeling favages in America, they receive ilrangers with diftinguilhed marks of civility. As foon as they appear, the v,-omen croud about them, wafh their feet, and wel- come them by the moft obliging expreffions, while the mafter of the houfe pro- vides every thing in his power for their entertainment and accommodation; This fpirit of holpitality is one of the moil: certain indications that man was born for focicty. It is the moft valuable dilpofition in the favage ftate ; where, as it is moft necelTary, it is found in the highell perfedion. The tcndernefs of the Brazi- iians for thole in diftrefs is no lefs remarkable. They aflift one another in fick- nefs with more than brotherly kindnefs ; and if any one receives a wound, his neighbour immediately comes and fucks it, and performs every other office of humanity with the fame readinefs. They do not neglecft the ufe of the healing plants, with which their forefts and mountains abound ; but, in moft cafes, they truft more to abftinence than medicine, never allowing the fick to tafte any food f. Far from fhewing that indifference or weaknefs, which makes us fhun the dead, and unwilling to fpeak of tliem, or remain in the place that might recal their image to our minds, the Brazilians behold their dead with tender emotions, recount their exploits with complacency, and celebrate their virtues with tranf- port. They are buried upright in a round grave -, and if the deceafed was the head of a family, his plumes, his necklace, and his arms are buried with him. When a tribe removes to anoiher place, which often happens merely for the fake of changing, every family fixes fome remarkable ftones over the graves of .their moft refpeclable relations-, and thofe favages never approach thefe monu- ments of forrow, without breaking out into dreadful outcries, not unlike the ftiouts with which they make the air refound, when they are ruftiing to battle f,. Motives of intereft or ambition have never prompted the Brazilians to take up arms. Their wars are occalioned only by a defire of avenging the death cf their friends or relations. To thefe hoftilities they are animated by the fcniors of the tribe, who are always confulted on fuch occafions •, who give the fignal for arming, and exert themfelves during the marcli in animating die young .men to deeds of heroifm. Sometimes the progrefs of the army is even fufpended, in or- der to liften to thofe paffionate harangues, which often laft for many hours. The • Voyage de Lery. f Hid. Gen. des Voyages, torn. XIV. J Id. ibid. -com- THE HISTORY OF AMERICA; 465 combatants are armed with a club of ebony, fix feet long, one foot broad, and CHAP. iv. an inch thick. They have bows of the fame wood, which they ule with much dexterity. Their inftriiments of martial mufic are flutes, commonly made of the leg bones of their enemies. When they arrive on an enemy's frontier, tlie women, who carry the provifions, halt, while the warriors advance through the woods. The attack is never made opendy. They conceal themfelves at fome diftance from the habitations of thofe on whom they defign to wreak tlieir fury, and there watch an opportunity of furprifing them : they wait the approach of darknefs ; kt fire to the huts -, and avail themfelves of the confufion which that occafions to perpetrate their cruelties, which know no bounds. If they are difcovered, and routed by fuperior force, they hide themielves in the deepeft re- cefles of the woods ; divide into parties, and lie in ambufJi. Their courao-e feldom confifts in maintaining their ground *. The ambition of the Brazilians is to make a multitude of prifoners. Thele are brought home to the village of the conquerors, where they are flain and eaten with much folemnity. The feaft lafts a long time, and during the continuance of it, the old men exhort the young to become intrepid warriors, that they may ex- tend the glory of their nation, and often procure themfelves fuch an honourable repaft. This inclination for human ReCn, however, is never fo prevalent as to in- duce the Brazilians to devour fuch of their enemies as have fallen in battle; they only eat thofe who have been taken alive, and put to death with certain ceremonies -f. It fhould feem as if the rancour of revenge alone could give a relifh for food that human nature abhors. The treatment of prifoners of war has every where varied according to the degree of perfe(fl:ion that human reafon has attained. The moft civilized na- tions ranfom them, exchange, or reftore them, at the conclufion of a war. Na- tions lefs completely civilized, claim them as a property, and fell them for flaves, or uie them as fuch. The common barbarians maflacre them, v/ithout tor- turing them ; and the moft ferocious favages torture, kill, and eat them. This is their law of war. The Brazilians do not torture their prifoners: they have recourfe to a more refined Ipecies of cruelty, which deferves to be particularly defcribed. The captive is conduced in triumph to the village of the viftorious tribe, and lodged in die houfe of his conqueror, where he is kindly entertained, and attached 10 life by the moft luxurious indulgences. He is not only treated with delicious foods, but fine women are furnifiied him for the gratificauon of lv!s fenfuality. He is even permitted the a- mufements of hunting and fifliing. Meanwhile his doom is irrevocably fixed, though the time is left uncertain. When the fatal day arrives, tlie in- • Id. ibid. Voy. de Lery. This defcription, as we fliall afterwards have occafion to fee, is alike applicable to the natives both of North and South America ; who are not more difiinguiflied f'om the Eurofcans by their copper colour, and the want of a beard, than by their mode of maL- ing war, and their inferiority to our barbarous anceftors in aft;ve COlUBgc. 7 Hift. Gen. des Voyages, torn. XIV. 24. p C habitans 466 THEHISTORYOFAMERICA. BOOK If. habitants of the village arc invited to a feaft : they fpend feveral hours in danc- ing and drinking; and the prilbner is not only among the number of the guefls, but though acquainted with the caufe of the meeting, though not ignoranc of his approaching fate, he affefts to diftinguilli himlelf by his gaiety. After the dance, two ftrong men lay hold of him, without his making the fmalleft refift- ance, or difcovering any figns of fear. They tie a rope about his waift, but leave his hands free, and in that condition lead him through the neighbouring villages. Far from fceming dejefted, he views the fpcclators with a firm counte- nance : he recounts to them his exploits in a tone of exultation ; particularly how often he has led in triumph thofe of their nation, and feafted on their flclh. After he has ferved for fome time as a fpedtacle, and received the in- lults and injuries which are inflifted onfuch occafions, the two guards retire, one towards the right, the other towards the left, to the diflance of eight or ten feet, each keeping hold of the rope. An heap of ftones are then laid at the prifoner's feet ; and the guards, covering themielves, with their fhields, declare to him, that, before his death, he is permitted to take his revenge. He then lifts the ftones, and throws them with fury againft thofe that furround him ; and how quickly loever they may retire, they never efcape without feveral wounds. When he has thrown all his ftones, the peribn from whom he is to receive his doom, and who has not appeared before on the fcene, advances with his club in his hand, and his head adorned with the moft beautiful plumes. He holds fome difcourfe with the captive, and this fhort convcrfation clofes the ac- cufation and the fentence. He afks thedeftined vidim, if it is true that he has killed and eaten feveral of their countrymen.. The prifoner glories in a prompt confefTion, and even lets his executioner at defiance, in a form of words very energe- tic in the language of the country. " Reftore me to liberty !"— fays he, " and I ■will eat thee and thine." — " Well !" replies the executioner, " we will prevent you. I come to terminate your fate, and you fhall be eaten this day." The blow- immediately follows this menace. The moment the captive falls, the woman, who laft Ihared his carelTes, runs to the body throws herlclf upon it, and weeps there a moment. This affcfted forrow, however, does not prevent her from eat- ing part of the unhappy man whom fhe had cheriflied. The other women ad- vance, feize the body, and drefs k for the feaft, befmearing their children with: the blood, in order to inipire them early with a hatred of their enemies *. Ihe heads of the dead are carefully preferved by the Brazilians in heaps, and fhewn to all ftrangers as monuments of victory and valour. They alfo preferve. carefully the leg and thigh bones, of which, as air* ady obfcrved, they make their warlike flutes or fifes, and all the teeth, which, they fufpend round their necks in. the form of beads. Thofe who have taken feveral prifoncrs, .and think their reputation lufficiently eftabliflicd, make incifions in their brcaft, their arms, their thighs, and in the calf their legs, to preferve the memory of their exploits f. Thefe, which procure them reJpeft from their countrymen, arc no golden or • Voyage dc Lery. f Id. ibid. 5 filken THE HISTORY OF AMERICA. 467 filken ornaments, of which an enemv can deprive them. But it is accounted CHAP. IV* ftill moic honourable to be disfigured in battle. Among thole lavages a man may be laid to nk in efteem in proportion as he is mangled with wounds. Such manners did not dirpole the Brazilians to fubmit tamely to the yoke which the Portuguel'e wanted to impofe upon them. At firft, they only de- clined all incerccurfe with the invaders of their country ; but finding themfelves- afterwards purlucd in order to be made flaves, and employed in the labours of the field, thiy took, the refolutiun of murdering all the Europeans, wherever they could feize them. The friends and relations of the natives that were taken al(b ventured to make frequent attempts to refcue them, and were fomctimcs fuccefs- ful. I'his brought an increafe of enemies againft the Portuguefe, who were forced to attend, as already noticed, to the double occupation of labour and of war. Soufa did not bring forces fufficient materially to change the fituation of affairs. By building San Salvador, he indeed gave a centre to the colony, but the honour of fettling, extending, and making it really uteful to the mother- country, was referved for the Jefuits who attended him. Thoie intrepid men, who have always been prompted by motives of religion' or ambition to undertake the greatefl defigns, difpcded themfelves among the Indians. Such of the mifTionaries as were murdered from the hatred of the Portuguefe name, were immediately replaced by others, who appeared to be in* fpired only with fentiments of peace and charity. This magnanimity ccn* founded the barbarians, who had never pofTefTed any idea of forgivenels. By degrees they began to place fome confidence in men who feemed to feek them ©nly with a view of making them happy. Their attachment for their mif^ lionaries grew up into a pafTionate fondnefs. "When a Jefuit was expefted in one of their nations, the young people fiocked to meet him, concealing themfelves in the woods along the road. As he drew near they Tallied forth, played upon their pipes, beat their drums, danced, and made the air relbund with joyful fongs. They omitted nothing, in a word, that could exprefs their fatisfaiSion, At the entrance of the village the old men and chief inhabitants were affembled,. who exprefTcd as much joy, but with more fedatenefs. A little farther on flood the women and young gir's, in a refpedfui polture, fuitable to their fex. Then they all joined, and conducted the father in triumph to the place where they were accuftomcd to hold their affemblcs. There he inllruded them in the funda- mental principles of religion ; exhorted them to regularity of manners, to a- lovc of jultice, brotherly kindnefs, charity, and to an abhorrence of human- blood. After this he baptiled them *. As the Jcfuics were two few in number to tranfaift all the bufinefs them- felves, they frequently deputed idme of the mofl intelligent natives in their ftead. Proud of fo honourable an office, thefe Indians diftributed hatchets, knives, and louking-glafTcs among the lavages they met with, and reprefented the Portuguefe as an hiarmlel;), humane, and good fore of people. TJiey never returned from their * T-re or de P. Jarric. excurfions 4^8 THE HISTORY OF AMERICA; BOOK IF. excuiTions without bringing with them fome of their countrymen, who followed them from motives of curiofity. When thofe favages had once feen the Jefiiits, it was with difficulty that they ever quitted them. If they returned xhome, it was to invite their families and friends to come and fhare their happi- nefs, and to difplay the prefents they had received *. Should any one be inclined to doubt thefe happy effedls of kindnefs and hu- manity over lavage nations, let him only compare the progrefs which the Jefuits have made, in a fliort time, in South America, with what the fleets and armies of Spain and Portugal have not been able to efTcdl in the courfe of two centuries. While multitudes of foldiers were employed in changing two populous and civilized empires into deferts, inhabited chiefly by roving favages, a few mif- fionaries have changed little wandering tribes into great and civilized nations. If thefe adtive and courageous men had been lefs infefted with the fpirit of the church of Rome; if when formed into a fociety in the mofl: intriguing and cor- rupt court of Europe, they had not infinuated themfelves into other courts to in- fluence all political events -, if the chiefs of the fociety had not made an ill ufe of the very virtues of its members, the Old and New World would fl:ill have reaped the advantage of the labours of a fet of men, who might have been made vifelul had they been prevented from being neceflfary, and the eighteenth century would not have had occafion to be afliamed of the enormities that have attended the fupprelTion of the Order of Jefus. The Brazilians had too much caufe of hatred againfl: the Europeans, not to miftrufi: their kindnefs. But this diffidence was in lome meafure removed by a fignal afl of juftice. The Fortuguele had formed the fettiement of St. Vincent on the fea coaft, in the twenty-fourth degree of fouth latitude. Tiiere they traded peaceably with the Cariges, the mildefl; and moft civilized nation in all Brazil. The advantages which they reaped from this intercourie could not redrain them from feizing upon feventy of the Cariges, in order to make flaves of them. The perfon who had committed the ofi^ence, was condemned to carry the pri- foners back to the place whence they had been taken, and to make the proper excufes for fo heinous an infult. Two Jefuits, who were employed to dil'pole the Indians to accept of this fatisfaflion, whicli v;ould never have been ofitred but at their defire, gave notice of their commilTion to Faniacaha, the mofl: refptiitablc man of his nation. He came out to meet them, and embracing them witii tears of joy, " My fathers," faid he, " we confent to forgive all that is pafl:, and to enter into a frefli alliance with the Fortugue.*e; but let them for the future be more moderate and more oblervant of the rights of nations. Our attaclimenc entitles us at leaft to equitable proceedings. We are called barbarians, yet we refpedf jullice and our friends." The miflionaries having engaged, that, for the future, their nation flioukl religioufly obferve the laws of peace and amity, Farnacaha proceeded llius : — '■J If you doubt the faith of the Cariges, I will give you a proof * Id. ibid. of THE HISTORY OF AMERICA. 469 of it. I have a nephew for whom I have a great affeftion ; he is the CHAP. iv. hope of my family, and the comfort of his mother : fhe would die of ^— ^v'"— -> grief if fhe fhould lofe her fon. Yet I will deliver him to you as an hoftage. Take him along with you ; cultivate his young mind j take care of his education, and inftrud; him in your religion. Let his manners be gt ntle and pure. I hope, when you return, you will inftruiSt me alfo, and enlighten my mind." Many of the Cariges followed the example of Farancaha, and fent their children to St. Vincent's for education. The Jefuits were too artful not to take advantage of this circumftance ; but it does not appear that they ever had any intention to enflave the Indians, by inculcating fubmilTion. Avarice had not yet poflefled the minds of thefe miflionaries, and the intereft they had at court lecured fufficient refpedt in the colony at once to gratify their ambition, and to n)ake the fuuation of their converts a comfortable one. This leafon of tranquillity v;as improved to the advantage of the fugar- trade, by means of the ilaves procured from Africa. No fooner had the Portuguefe eftabliflied fettlements on that coaft than they brought away a great number of negroes, who v/ere employed by the mother-country in domeftic lervices as well as in clearing the lands. That pra<5lice, one of the firft which contributed to corrupt the charadler of the nation, was intro- duced much later into the American fettlements, where it was not eftablifhed ' till the year 1530. The number of negroes was now much increafed in Brazil ; and if the natives did not lliare their labours, they did not obftrud them. They rather encouraged them, by devoting themfelves voluntarily to the culture of the earth, and fupplying the fettlement with the means of fubfiftence. This harmony was productive of great advantages. The profperity of the Portuguefe colony, which was vifible in all the markets of Europe, excited the envy of the French. They attempted to make fettlements ^- ^- 'SSS' fuccefTivcly at Rio Janeiro, Rio Grande, Paraiba, and the ifland of Maragnon : but their levity would not permit them to wait the ufually flow progrefs of in- fant eftablifhments -, and merely from inconftancy and impatience, they gave up profpefts that were fufficient to have encouraged any other nation to perfevere. France has, however, derived one advantage from thele fruitlefs invafions ; namely, the honour of making mankind acquainted with the charadler of the Brazilians, in regard to which we fhould otherwife have remained in perfe(5t icrnorance,' as the jealoufy of the Portuguefe government, like that of Spain, ex- ctudes all foreigners from their fettlements, and they have thrown no light upon that fubjed themfelves. The following dialogue, in which Lery, to whom we have already been fo much indebted for information, was an interlocutor, is a valuable monument of the natural good fenle of thole favages, notwithflanding the barbarity of their manners. The Brazilians being greatly furprifed to fee the French take fo much pains to procure their wood, one of their old men faid to Lery, « What reafon can in- duce you Frenchmen to come fo far to get wood for firing ? - Is there none in your own country ?— " Yes," replied Lery, " and a great deal too, but not fuch as yours which we do not burn, but in the fame manner as your people employ 24.' ^ ^^ ''' THE HISTORY OF AMERICA. k, to dye their plumes and bow-ftrings, ours alfo ufe it in dying."-" Likely," faid the Brazilian •,— "but do you require lb great a quantity ?"— " Yes," replied Lery j " for in our country there are Ibnne merchants who have more red and fcarlet clotli than all you ever Taw here. One of thefe will buy feveral cargoes of this wood.""-" Ha !"— faid the Brazilian, " thou telleft me wonders." Then paufino- a little upon the information he had received, his curioiity operated thus:—" but this rich man, of whom thou talkelf, is he never to die ?"--Yes, yes," faid Lery, " as well as others •,"— on which the Brazilian inquired, to whom all his weal tli belonged when he was dead. " It goes," replied Lery, " to his children ; or if he has none, to his brothers, fillers, or neareft of kin." — " Truly," concluded the Brazilian, " I now perceive that you Frenchmen are great fools. Muft you work fo hard, and crofs the fcas to heap up riches for thofe that come after you, as if tlie earth that has fed you were not lufficient to feed them alfo! — We have children and relations whom we love, as thou feell: -, but as we are fure that after our death the earth which has provided for cur fubfiftence will likewife provide for theirs, we give ourfelves no concern about the matter *." This mode of reafoning, fo natural to favages, who have few wants, but lb repugnant to the ideas of civilized nations who have experienced the new train of delircs excited by luxury and avarice, was not likely to make any impref- fion upon the French They were inflamed with that love of riches, which, in thofe days, made all the maritime powers of Europe attempt eltablifhments in the New World, The Dutch, who were become republicans from perfccution, and merchants from necefiity, were more perfevering, and in confequence of that, more fuccefsful than the French in their attempts upon Brazil. Other caufes, however, conlpirrd to favour their defigns. The Portugucfe, in the very meridian of their profperity, when in pofTefTion of a prodigious commerce, and an extenfive empire on the coail of Africa, in Arabia, India, the ifles of Afia, and in one of the moil valuable parts of America, were ftruck down by one ot thofe unexpeded blows, which, in a critical mo- ment, decide the fate of nations. DonSebaftian, one of their greateft prmces, in an unfortunate expedition againfl: the Moors of Barbary, perifhed with the flower of his kingdom, m 58 ». In confequence of that event, the Portugucfe fell under the dominion of Spain. Nor was this their only misfortune. The inha- bitants oi the . ow Countries, whom the tyranny and cruelty of Philip II, had excited to revolt, and who had thrown ofi-' the Spanifh yoke with indignation, not fatis-ficd with ereding themfelves into a free Itatc, and fupporting their in- dependency by a fuccefsful defenfive war, but flufhed with the juvenile ardour of a crowing commonwealth, purfued the Spaniards into the remotelt recefles of their extenfive dominions, and grew rich and powerful by the fpoils of their former mailers. They chiefly fell upon the Portuguefe poflefTions in the Eaft- Indies, not fufficiently defended by the inert policy of the court of Spain, and • Voyage de Lery. made THE HISTORY OF AMERICA. 4;r made themfclvcs mafters of almofl: all the fettlcments of that deprefled nation in CHAP. IV. Afia. Tliey now began to turn their eyes towards America, and the truce of 16^9 gave them time to bring tlieir new defigns to maturity. Thefe defigns were manifeiled in 1621 by the eftabiifiimen: of a Weft India company, from which the fame fuccefs was expected in Africa and America, both comprehended in the charter, as the Eaft India company had experienced in Afia. The capital of this company was five hundred and twenty-five thoufand pounds. Holland furniflied four ninths, Zealand two ; the Maefe and Welt Friefland each one ninth, and Eaft Friefiand and Groningen together one. The creneral meeting was to be held at Amfterdam fix years fucccffively, and then two years at Middl.'burg. But the Weft InJia comjjany diflacisfied that their privileo-es were not i'o extenfive as thofe of the Eaft India company, were in no hafte to be- gin operations. The ftates put them on the fame footing in 1624, and then they made an attack on Brazil. This enterprife was committed to Jacob WiUekens. Prec:;utions had been taken to procure the ncceffary informations. Some Dutch fliips had ventuied to vifit Brazil, in defiance of the law that prohibited the admittance of ftrangus. As they greatly underlbld, according to the cuftom of their countr\', the commodities that came from Spain or Portugal, they met with a favourable reception. At their return they reported, that the colony was in a kind of anarchy ; that foreign dominion had ftifled in the breafts ot the Portuo-uefe the love of their country -, that ielf-intereft had corrupted their minds •, that the foldiers were turned merchants ; that they had forgot the firft principles of war ; and that whoever fhould there appear with a competent force, would infallibly furmount the triHing obftacles that might be oppofed to the conqueft of that wealthy region. Willekens furnilTied with this intelligence, ftood direcftly tor the Bay of All Saints. San Salvador, the capital, betrayed by the cowardice of the governor, furrendered on the appearance of the Dutch fleet. Don Michael de Texeira, the archbiftiop, alone fupported the honour of his nation. Belicvino- that in fuch an emergency, the fervice of his country fuperleded the common obligations of his fundtion, he took arms -, and at the head of his clergy, and a few Jcattered forces, attempted to fet bounds to the progrels of the conquerors. The Dutch, however, found an immenfe booty in San Salvador, and in a fiiort time made themfelves mafters of the whole captainfhip of Bahia, (by which name the capital is alio fometimes called) the largeft and richcft province in Brazil *. The news of this lofs threw Portugal into the utm.oft confternation ; but the Spanifh miniftry were rather pleafed than difcompofed by it : they were comfort- ed for the triumph obtained by the moft inveterate enemies of their country, by refleding on the mortification vvhich the Porcuguefe muft experience, in- conle- quence of that event. Ever fince the Spaniards had given a fovereign to this unfortunate people, they had met with an oppofition in their tyrannies which • Hift. Gen. des Voyages, torn. VIII. XIV. offended THE HISTORY OF AMERICA. ofFended the haughty fpiiit of their deipotic government. An event that might reduce the pride of Portugal, and render her more traftable, appeared therefore to them a fortunate tircumltance. But though Philip IV. had harboured thefe bafc ientiments, he thought the majefty of his throne requiied of iiim fome outward demonftrations of rcfentment and vengeance. He accordingly wrote to the Fortuguele ot the firft rank, exhorting them to make fuch vigorous cflbrts as the prcfent exigencies required. I'his they v/ere already inclined to, as moft of them had pofieflions in Brazil. Self-intereft, patriotifm, the dcfire of throwing a damp upon the joy of their tyrants, all concurred to quicken their alacrity. The monied men lavifhed their treafures ; others, who had more influence than wealth, raifed troops : every one was eager to enter into the fervice. In a few months twenty fix fhips were fitted out, and failed in the beginning of the year 1626, in company witli thofe from Spain, which the fiOW and crooked policy of that court had made them wait for by much too long. They were commanded by the marquis de Valduefa, and arrived fafe in the bay of All Saints. TliC Dutch fince the conqueft of Bahia had fufFered many hardlhips in San Salvador. The archbilliop, at the head of fifteen hundred men, had olten de- feated their parties, had cut off tlieir provifions, and held them clofely blocked up, when death put a period to his generous efforts. This misfortune, how- ever, produced no revolution in favour of the Dutch, who continued in the fame fituation, till the arrival of the united fleets of Spain and Portugal. They difem- barked four thoufand men, under the command of Don Manuel de Menzes. Little force was neceffary to reduce a place already fatigued with a long fiege. The governor would have attempted refiftance, but the garrifon obliged him to capitulate *. The fuccefs of the Weft India company by fea made amends for this lofs. Their fliips never came into port, but when loaded with the fpoils of the Spaniards and Portuguefe. I'heir profperity was fo great as to give umbrage even to the powers moft interefted in the vvelfare of Holland. The ocean was covered with their fleets. 1 heir admirals endeavoured by ufeful exploits to prefcrvc their con- fidence. The inferior officers afpired to promotion by feconding the valour and (kill of their commanders. The foldiers and failors fought with unparalled ardour. Nothing could difcourage tliefe refolute and intrepid men : the fatigues of a feafaring life, ficknefs, and repeated engagements, fecmed only to inure them to war, and to increafe their emulation. The company encouraged this fervid fpirit, by frequently diftributing rewards. Exclufive of their pay, the failors were allowed to carry on a private trade, which proved a great en- couragement, and procured a conftant fupply of men. As by this wife regula- tion their intereft was immediately connc(fted with that of their employers, they v,iflied to be always in adion : they never ftruck to the enemy, nor ever failed to attack their (hips, with that degree of fkill, intrepidity, and perfevering courage, which muft always infure fuccefs. * Hift. Ger. des Voyages, torn. XIV. 3 This THE HISTORY OF AMERICA. This profperity emboldened the Weft India company to make a fecond attack on Brazil. Henry Lonk, the Dutch admiral, appeared on the coaft of Fer- nambucca in the beginning of the year 1630, with forty-fix fhips of war. Thierry of Wardenburg, who commanded the land forces, difembarked with two thoufand four hundred men, and made himielf mafter of the city of Olinda, after an obftinatc refillance. An advantage fo important fpread terror over the whole country, and the Dutch took advantage of it to reduce the reft of the captainfliip. The Portuguefe made a vigorous but inefi'cdlual effort, the year following, to expell the invaders. The Dutch not only kept polledion of Farnambucca, but fubdued the captairiHiips of Tamaraca, Paraiba, and Rio Grande, in the years 1633, 1634, and 163.,-. All thefe furnifhed annually a large quantity of fugar, a great deal of wood for dying, and other valuable commodities. The Dutch were fo much elated with the acquifition of this wealth, which now flowed to Amtterdam inftead of Lifbon, that they determined to conquer all Brazil, and intrufted Maurice of Naffau with the conduft of that enterprife. Maurice reached the place of his deftination in the beginning of the year J 637. He found the foldiers fo well dilciplined, the officers men of fuch experience, and fo much ardour in every one to engage, that he immediately took the field. He was fucceflively oppofed by Banjola, Rocca de Borgia, and the famous Brazi- lian Cameron, the idol of his people, who was pafl'ionately fond of the Portu- guefe -, brave, active, cautious, he wanted no qualification of a great general but a fcientific knowledge of the art of war. Tlicfe feveral commanders exerted their utmoft efforts to defend the places under their protedion -, but their endea- vours proved ineftedtual. The Dutch reduced the captainffiips of Sierra, Seregippe, and the greater part of Bahia. Seven of the fourteen provinces, into which Brazil is divided, had already fubmitted to them ; and they flattered them- A. D. 1640. felves, that one or two campaigns more would make them mafters of all the pof- feffionsof their enemies in that part of America, when an unexpe(5ted revolution gave a new turn to affairs. The Portuguefe had never borne with patience the yoke of Spain, which every- thing confpired to render grievous to them. Philip II. alike cruel, avaricious, and defpotic, had endeavoured vilify them, that he might have a pretext for his cppreffions. His fon, Philip III. who too clofely followed his maxims, and thought it better to reign over a ruined nation than be indebted to their good will for fubmiffion, had I'uffered them, as we have feen, to be deprived of a mul- titude of conquefts, which had proved a fource of riches, power, and glory to them, and which they had acquired by much effufion of blood. Philip IV. the fucceffor of that weak prince, and who had ftill lefs underftanding than his fa- ther, openly and conteniptuoufly attacked their adininiftration, their privileges, their manners, and every thing that was moft dear to them. Thofe repeated out- rages united all the Portuguefe, whom Spain had been labouring to divide. A confpiracy which had been forming for three years with incredible fecrecy, broke out in December 1640, when the Spanilh minifteis were expelled Lilbon, and the 24. 6 E duke THE HISTORY OF AMERICA. duke of Braganza placed on the throne of his anceftors. The example of the capital was followed by that of the whole kingdom, and by all that remained of the fettlements formed in happier times in Afia, Africa, and America. John IV. thenew king, united his interefts and his refentments with thofe of the Englifh, the French, and all the enemies of Spain. On the twenty third day of June 1641, he concluded in particular an offcnfive and defenfive alliance with the United Provinces for Europe, and ten years truce for the Eafl: and Weft Indies, durincr which period each patty was to retain what was then in their poflefllon. Some mifunderftanding, however, arofe relative to this article of the treaty. The Dutch, under different pretexts, refufed to reftore certain places taken after the time mentioned in the truce ; and the king of Portugal, piqued at that con- duft, took the reiolution of pcrmitung his fubjedls in Brazil to aft for their own and his intereft, without feeming to take any part in their proceedings. Hi* officers accordingly aftected to live in perfed harmony with their new allies. Naflau was recalled, together with the greater part of his troops, as an unnecef- fary charge to the company, and the government of the Dutch pofleflions in Brazil was commiitted to Hamel, a merchant of Amfterdam ; to Baflis, a gold- fmith of Harlem ; and Bulleftraat, a carpenter of Middleburg *. In the council formed by this triumvirate rcfided all authority, and their ad- miniftration was fuch as might have been expefted from men of their condition. They readily entered into the ceconomical views of the company. Their own inclinations even led them to pufh thefe views to a blameable excefs. They fuf- fered the fortifications already too much negleded, to go to decay -, they fold arms and ammunition to the Portuguefe, who paid them fuch an exorbitant price for thefe articles as ought to have awakened their jealoufy ; and they granted to all the foldiers vvho defired it, leave to return to Europe. Their whole ambi- tion, in a word, was to amafs wealth by gaining and faving, and by thefe means to increafe the profits of their conftitucnts. In this conduft they were con- firmed by the applaufe which they received from the avaricious and weak men, who were intruiled with the direcStion of the company's affairs. With a view to increafe ftill farther the profits of their countrymen, they began to op- ' prefs fucli of the Portuguefe as rcfided under their government. Tyranny made rapid progrefs ; and was at laft carried to that excels, which is an cxcufe for all kinds of meafures, and infpires the moft dffperate purpofes. The vidlims of thefe proceedings, who had fecret affurances of protedion from the court, wafted no time in complaints. In 1645, the boldeft of them united to take revenge. Their defign was to maffacre all the Dutch, who had any ftiare in the government, at an entertainment in the city of Maurice, the new capital of Farnambucca ; and then to attack the people, who fufpeffing no danger, would be unable to refift their fury. The plot was difcovered, but the confpiratorshad time to leave the town, and retire to a place of fafety f. Their chief, named Antonio Calvalcante, was a Portuguefe of obfcure birth. From • Le Cler, Hi/2, des Provinces Units, f Hi.1. Gen. des Voyages, torn. XIV. a com- THE HISTORY OF AMERICA. 4/ j a common fervant, he had rifen to the rank of an agent, and afterwards become a merchant. His abilities had enabled him to acquire a large fortune •, his pro- bity had gained him iiniverfal confidence, and his generofity had procured him an infinite number of n'iencis, who were inviolably attached to his interefi:. Cavalcante was not difcouraged by the dilappointment he had met with. Acquainted with the wilhesof his countrymen, as well as with the weaknefs of government, he ventured to commence hoRilities without confulting the court. His name, his virtues, and his views, afiembled the Brazilians, the Portuguefe foldiers, and even the colonifts about him. He infpired them with his own ardour, his adivity, and his courage. They determined to conquer or to die with him. He ravaged the territories of the Dutch •, he was frequently victorious in {kirm- ifhes ; but he did not allow himfelf to (lumber over his fuccefs. Some checks which he met with, ferved only to difplay the firmnefs of his fpirit, the extent of his capacity, and the elevation of his mind. He affumed a threatening afpeft even after a difaller, and appeared yet irore formidable by his perfeverance than by his intrepidity. Though never publickly fupported by government, he fpread fuch terror among his enemies, that they dared no longer keep the field. At that period of his glory, the purpofe of his generous efforts was in danger of being defeated, and all the blood fpilt during a ftruggle of ten years of being con- fidered as a libation to the profperity of the United Provinces. The Dutch had frequently complained of the hoftilities in Brazil, and the court of Portugal had as often dila vowed theni, and even declared that it would one day punifh the authors of thefe didurbances. As the republic was then engaged in a war with England, fome regard was paid to thofe evafive anfwers ; but no fooner did any profpedl of peace appear, than efreflual meafures were taken by the Dutch for humbling die Portuguefe both in Europe and America. John IV. unv/illing to rifk the iflue of a war with fuch a powerful people, exerted himfelf inearneftto put an end to the hoftilities in Brazth Cavalcante, who had now no refource for the completion of his defigns but in his fortune, his interefi, and his abilities, did not even deliberate whether he fliould obey. " If the king,'' faid he, " were but informed of our zeal and our fuccefs, and acquainted with *' his own intereft, far from difarming us, he would encourage us to purfue " our undertaking, and would fupport us with all his power." In confequence of this way of thinking, he determined to hafben his operations, left the ardour of his companions fhould abate. Accordingly he made a lafl effort, and with the alTiftance of Baretto, Vidal, and ibme others, who were able and willing to ferve their country, he completed the ruin of the Dutch. Such of thefe repub- licans as efcaped the fword and famine, evacuated Brazil agreeable to a capitu- lation figned on the tv/enty-eighth day of January, 16^4. The peace concluded three months after, between England and the United Provinces, feemed to put the latter in a condition to recover a valuable pofTef- fion, which had been loft by an ill judged parfimony, accompanied with an un- fortunate concurrence of circumftances. But both the republic and the Weft India company difappointed the general expeftation : no attempt was made for that . CHAP. IV. THE HISTORY OF AMERICA. that piirpofe-, and the treaty which atljufted the clauns of the contending powers in 1661, fecLired to Portugal the Ible poflefllon of Brazil, in confideration of the fum of three hundred and fifty thoufand pounds, which that crown engaged to pay to the United Provinces *. Thus did the Dutch part with a conqueft, which might have become tin- richeil of all the European colonies in the New World, and which would have given the republic a degree of confequence it can never acquire from its own territory, nor even from its poffeffions in the Eaft Indies. As foon as the Porcuguefe were entirely freed from the Dutch, they employed themfelves in putting Brazil into better order than it had hitherto been, even be- fore the war. The firlt ftep taken for this purpofe was to regulate the condition of fuch of the natives as had either already fubmitted, or might hereafter be reduced to fubjedion. Upon an attentive examination it was found, that the accounts which reprefented thefe lavages as impatient of any controul, were with- out foundation. The firft imprelTion made U])on them by the fight of the Europeans, was a fenfe of danger mingled with diffidence. The conduft of the Porcuguefe confirmed their fufpicions, and rendered them ferocious. The ditfi- culty of underflanding one another gave ftill more frequent occafion for animo- fity on both fides. If, on more mature acquaintance, the Brazilians fometimes renewed their hofiilities, it was commonly becaufe they were roufed to vengeance by the rapacioufnefs, perfidy, and cruelty of that ambitious power, which was come to diftrub the peace of this part of America. On other occafions they[might perhaps be charged with inadvertancy, in too haftily taking up arms from appre- henfions of imaginary danger, but never with injuftice or duplicity. They were always found true to their promifes, to the faith of treaties, and to the facred rights of hofpitality. The juft idea, which was at length entertained of their character, induced the Portuguefe to colle>51: them into villages, along the coafl:, or fome little way up the country. By this means, a communication was fecured between the remote fettlements of the Portuguefe, and the favages, who infefted the intermediate parts by their depredations, were kept at a diftance. Some miffionaries, m.oftly Jefuits, were intruded with the temporal and fpiritual government of thefe new communities. Thofe ecclefiaftics, accord- ing to the beft information, were abfolute tyrants + -, fuch and as retained any fentiments of moderation or humanity, whether from indolence or fuper- flition, kept thofe little focieties.in a ftate of perpetual infancy. They neither improved their underflanding nor their induftry beyond a certain degree ; and poflibly had they been ever fo willing they might have found it difficult to have been more ferviceable to them ; for the court of Lifbon, while it exempted the Indians from all taxes, fubjeded them to labours of vaflalage. This fatal law made them dependent on the neighbouring commandants and magiftrates; who under the ufual pretence adopted by men in office, of making them work for the public, too often impofed labours upon them for their own fclfifli purpofcs. * Le Clerc, Hift. des Prov. Unies. Hid. Gen. des Voyages, torn. XIV. Aitzema, Refolu- jions Secrete?, toni. II. f Raynal, liv. ix. He made h hli bufinefs to inquire particularly into this matter. I Thofe THE HISTORY OF AMERICA. 477 Thofe who were not employed for them or their fpiritual diredors, were CHAP IV'. generally unemployed. It they fhook off their natural indolence, it was to go a- hunting or lifliing, or to cultivate as much caffada as was neceflary for their own fubfiftcnce. Their manufaclures were confined to fome cotton oirdles or fafnes to cover their loins, and the arrangement of a few feathers to adorn their heads. Thofe among them who were moft induftrious, procured the means of purchafing a few articles of cutlery, and other things of fmall value *. Such was the fate of the Brazilians, who had fubmitted to the crown of Por- tugal, and v.hofe number never exceeded two hundred thouiand. The inde- pendent natives had little intercourfe with the Portuguefe, except by the cap- tives which they fold them, or thofe of their number that were made fuch, for the purpofe of fervitude. A fenfe of mutual intercft made afls of hoflility lefs frequent between the two nations, and a total ceflation of them at laft took place. The Portuguele have not been molefted by the natives fince the year 1717, and have not molefted them fince 17:6. While the court of Lilbon was engaged in regulating the interior concerns of the colony, fome of the fubje^ls of Portugal were devifing the means of ex- tending it. They advanced to the fouch towards Rio de la Plata, and to the north as far as the Maragnon, or river of the Amazons. The Spaniards feemed to be in poflxfilon of both thofe rivers ; the Portuguefe were determined to expel them, or to Jliare the navigation with them. The Maragnon, no lefs famous for its len^^ch ^i courfe, than for that vaft body of water, with which it fwells the ocean, derives its common name, tbe River of Awazcns, from the fabulous relation of Orellana, whom we have fcen fail down it-, and who, among other marvellous particulars, defcribed a re- public of female vvarricis as inhabiting its banks. This abfurd fiftion the fond credulity of the age believed i but what more particularly excited the curiofity of the Spaniards, was another circumftance in Orellana's ftory. He defcribed a nation on the banks of the Maragnon, whole temples were covered with gold. In queft of this rich country, Orellana himfelf embarked in 1644, with four hundred men, and the title of governor over all the regions that he fhould con- quer : but a train of rtiinfters ruined his fliips ; his men perifhed of difeafcs, or were cut off by the natives ; and he himlelf tell a vidlim to his own vain-glori- ous ambition, in attempting to realize fome part of the tale that he had in- vented i". The civil wars of Peru prevented any fecond attempt to take poffeffion of the country bordering on the Maragnon, till the year 1560, when tranquillity being reftored, Pedro de Orfuo, a gentleman of Navarre, diftingui.lied for his wifdom and valour, offered to renew the undertaking. He accordingly let out from Cuzco with feven hundred men ; but thele adventurers being enemies to all perfons of fober charafter, maffacred their commander, who was a man of found morals, and zealoufiy attached to order and regularity, and chofe as their * Id. ibid. t Herrera^ dec, V. lib. i. c. 4. 25. § F leader THE HISTORY OF A M E R I C A." leader Lopez de Aguirre, a native of Bifcay. Widi dicir .confcnc, he afllimed the title of king, and being a man of a lerocious and fangiiine dilpofition, with- out any fcntimcnts of humanity, he promilcd them all die tivaiures ot the Ncw World. Inflamed with kicli flattering hopes, thefe dcl'perate mt-n failed down the Marasnon into the oceiin •, and lanaing at Trinidad, murdered the governor .and plundered the ifland. The coalh of Cumana, Caraccas, and St. Martha, were Itill m re fcverely treated, becaule they were richer. The plunderers next penetrated into New Granada, and were advancing towards Quito and the in- terior parts of Peru, when they were unexpeclcdly attacked and dilperfcd by a body of troops haitily afTembled. De Aguirre, their chit-f, feeing no way to efcape, marked his dclpair by an attrocious a£i:ion. " My child," faid he, to Jiis only daughter who attended him in this expedition, " I thought to have placed thee upon a throne, but the event has not anfwcred my cxpeclations. My honour and thine own will not permit thee to live, and be a Qave to our enemies : die then, by a [athtr's hand !" Having uttered thefe words, he fliot her through the body, and inftantly put an end to her life, by plunging a dagger into her heart. His ftrength foon failed him, he was taken prilbner, and fuftcred the .punifliment due to his crimes *. After thefe unfortunate expeditions, the river of the Amazons was entirely neglected, and feeraed to be totally forgotten for half a century. Some attempts were again made to refume the difcovery ot the countries ftretching along its banks, but with no better fuccefs than formerly. The honour of furmounting every difficulty, and acquiring an ufeful knowledge of that great river, was re- served for the Portuguefe. They had built a town called Para, near the mouth .of the river. At this place Pedro de Texeira embarked in 1638, and with a great number of canoes full of Indians and Portuguefe, failed up the ftream of the Amazons, as far as the confluence of the Napo, and then up the Napo, which brought him almoft to Qtfito, whither he proceeded by land. Notwith- ftanding the enmity fubfilling between the Spaniards and Portuguefe, though at that time fubjeiSts of the fame prince, Texeira was received at Quito with the regard, efl:eem, and confidence, due to a man who had performed a fignal fer- vice. He returned in company with de Acughna and de Articda, two learned Jefuits, who were appointed to verify his obfervations, and to make others f. An accurate account of thefe two fuccefsful voyages were fent to the court of Madrid, where it gave rife to a very extraordinary projcdt. The communication between the Spanifli colonies had long heen found very difficult. The buccaniers at that time infefl:ed both die North and South Seas, and interrupted their navigation. Even thofe Ihips which had got to the Ha- vanna, and joined the fleet, were not perfeflly fafe. The galleons were fre- quently attacked, and taken in whole fquadrons by the Dutch ; and they were always purfued by privateers, who feldom failed to carry off the ftraggling yeiTels. The river of Amazons, it was hoped, would remedy all thefe inconvc; • Rodriguez El Maragnon y Amazonas. + li. ibid. ipiencie^. T H E H 1 S T O R Y O F A M E R I C A. 479 nlenctes. It was thought poffible, and even an eafy matter, to convey thither- p^^^*'- ^Y' the treaiiires of New Granada, Fopayan, Quito, Peru, and of Chili itfelf, by na- ^ vigablc rivers, or at a fmall expence by land -, and that coming down the river, they would find t!ie galleons ready in the harbour of Para to receive t!iem. Tiie fleet from Brazil would then have joined, and confcquentiy ftrengthcned the fleet from Spain i hey would have failed with great lecurity in latitudes little known or frequented, and have arrived in Europe at leail: with a formidable ap- pearance. They might even have been in a condition to furmount any bbllack they could have met with ; but the revolution which placed the &uke of Braganza on the throne of Portugal, put an end to theie important projedls. Each of the two nations was then only intent upon fecuring to itfelf that part of the great river which beft fuited its own fituation. The Spanifh.Jcfuus undertook to fettle a miffion in the country lying between the ftream of the river of Amazons and that of the Napo, as low as the conflux of thefe two rivers. Every miflionary, attended only by one man, took wiili him hatchets, knives, needles, and all kinds of iron tools, and penetrated into the thickeft of the forefts. There they fpent whole days in climbing up the trees, to fee if they could defcry any hut, perceive any I'moke, or hear tlie found of any drum or fife. When they were alTured by fome of thefe tokens that any favages were in the neighbourhood, they advanced towards them. IVIoft of them fled ; but thole whom the miflionary could come within reach of, were eafily allured by fuch prefcnts as were olfered them. This was all the eloquence he had in his power, and all that he had occafion to exert. When he had aflrmbled a few families, he led them to the ipot which he had fixed upon to build a villac^e ; but they were not eafily perfuaded to take up their abode there. As they v/ere accuflomed to rove about, they found it an infupportable hardfhip to re- niuin always in the fanie place. The ftate of favage independence in which they had lived, they thought preferable to the fecial life that was recommended to them ; and their unconquerable averfion againft labour, induced them to return continually to the forefts, where they pafled their lives in idlenefs. Even thofc ■who were reftrained by the authority, or paternal kindnefs of their pious legifla- tor, feldom failed to difperfe in his abfence, though ever fo fliort, and his death always occafioned a total fubverfion of the fettlement. But the perfeverance of the Jefuits at lafl: conquered thofe obflacles apparendy invincible. Their million, which began in 1637, gradually acquired fome degree of firmnefs, and before the difl^olution of the order confifl:ed of thirty-fix villao-es, twelve of which were fituated along the Napo, and twenty-four on the banks of the Maragnon. The number of inhabitants, however, in thefe villages, was very inconfiderable, and the increafe muft always have been flow. The women of this part of America are not fruitful ; the climate is unhealthy, and contagi- ous diftempers are frequent. Thefe obftrudlions to population are augmented by the natural fl:upidity of the people. Of all the Indians whom the Jefuits had colleded, they found none fo untraftable, or incapable of being animated, as thofe inhabiting the banks of this great river. Every miflionary was obliged to t put 4fo THEHISTORYOFAMERICA. BOOK U. put himlclf at their head, in order to make them pick up the cacao, vanilla, and farfaparilla, which nature fponcaneoufly ofFers them. Their whole property confifts of a hut, open on all fides, and covered on the top with palm-leaves ; a few implements of hufbandry •, a lance, a bow and arrows for hunting, and fome fifliing tackle ; a tent, a hammock, and a canoe. It has not been found poffible to inlpire them v/ith defires beyond thefe articles. They are lb well fa- tisfied with what they poflefs, that they wifh for nothing more -, they live uncon- cerned, and die without fear* : — and if happineis confifts more in an exemption from the uneafy fenfation that attends want, than in the multiplicity of enjoy- ments that our wants create, thefe Indians may be faid to be the happieft people upon the face of the earth. While fome mifiionaries were eftablifhing the authority of the court of Madrid en the banks of the Maragnon, others were doing the lame fervice to that of Lifbon. Six or feven days journey below the tettlement of St. Ignacio de Pavas^ the laft under the jurifdiftion of Spain, is that of St. Paul, the firfl: of the fix villages formed by the Portuguefe Carmelites. They are all on the fouth fide of the river, where the ground is higher, lefs liable to be overflowed, and confe- quently more healthful, than on the north fide. Thofe milTions, at the diltance of five hundred leagues from the fea, exhibit a plealant and fingular pro- fpe6t ; churches and houfes prettily built, Americans neatly drefled, and all forts of European furniture ! This the Indians procure at Gran Para, whitlier they go in their boats once a year, to fell the cacao which they pick up along the river fide, where, as already obferved, it grows fpontaneoufly. If the inhabitants of Maynas were at liberty to form connexions with thefe In- dian neighbours, they might acquire, by iiich an intercourfe, many conveniencies * Ulloa gives us feveral inftances of this unconcern, exceeding even floical apathy. " Aa Indian," fays he, " had for fome lime abfented hirofelf from the fervice of the church ; and ilie priell being informed, that it was occasioned by his drinking early in the morning, charged him with his fault on the funday following, when he had been particularly ordered to make his appear- ance, and direfted that he fliould receive fome laflies, the ufual punifhment of fuch delinquents. Aftef receiving this chaftifement he turned about to the piiel), and thanked him for having dealt with him according to his deferts. The prieft replied by fome words of exhortation to him, and the audience in general, never to omit any duty of Chtiftianity. But no fooner had he concluded his pious admonition, th;n the fimple Indian ftepped up to him, and dcfired that he wou'd order him a like number of laj/^ei for next Sunday, as he had made an appointment for a lirinking match, and could not be prefent " Voyage, lib. vi. c. 6. '' i'heir contempt of thofe evils," obfeivea the fame ingenious author, " which make the ftiongeft im^-rrffion on the minds of men, is fuch, that they view the approach of death without any perturbation. The p;.in of thedilkmper aftlfls them moie than the danger of it." Accordingly, " when the priefts pcifo m the hll ' fBces to ^yirg perions, their anfwers are delivered with fuch compofure as leavt s no Gcuht, hut th in ivard ftate of their mind correfponds with thefe external appearances." V/licn the patitp u exhorted, by his fpiritu&l pl-yfician, " to a fincire repen'ancc, and to implore the rrercy c f his Creator, oiheiwiff Ins ioul wiil be puniflied to ^tll eternity," the ufual anfweri>, " So it will be, father !"— And fuch as are condemned to fuiFer punifhment in this world, go to the place of t THE HISTORY O F A M E R I C A. 48; it produced a confiderable quantity of tobacco, which could be difpofed of to CHAP. iv. advantage eitlier in Al^rica or the European markets •, balfairv of Capivi, a bal- famic oil that diftills from incifions made in a tree called capaiba \ ipecacuanha. Well known as a mild emetic ; cacao, which grew wild in fome places, and was cultivated in others •, cotton, fuperior to that of the Levant or the Caribbee iflands, and almofl equal to the finetl that comes from the Eaft-Indies ; indigo, which the Portuguefe have never fufficiently attended to -, hides, the produce of cattle that run wild as in other parts of South America ; and, laftly, Brazil wood *. The tree that produces this wood, which gives its name to the country, is as tall and bufhy as the oak, and proportionally thick. But he who judges of the quantity of the timber by the fize of the tree will be much deceived, as the bark forms the greater part of the plant. The trunk is commonly crooked and knotty like the hawthorn. The leaves are fmall, roundifh, and of a bright green colour ; the bloflbms, which refemble Lilies of the Valley, are of a lively red, and exhale a fragrant fmell. The wood takes a fine polifh, and is very fit for turnery-work, but its chief ufe is for the red dye. The tree generally grows in dry, barren, and rocky grounds. It is found in moft pro- vinces of Brazil, but chiefly in Eernambucca ; and the beft grows ten leagues from Olinda, the capital of that province -f-. In exchange for thcfe commodities, Portugal fupplied Brazil with flour, wine. Brandy, fair, woollen-goods, filks, linen, hardware, and paper: in a word, with ail the articles whii h Europe exports to America, except gold and filver ftufl^s, which the mother-country has, whether properly or otherwife, prohibited in her colonies. The whole trade was carried on by a fleet, which failed every year from Lifbon and Oporto in the month of March, and confifted of twenty, or twenty- two (hips for Rio Janeiro, thirty for Bahia, as many for Eernambucca, and ieven or eight for Para. The (hips parted when they came to a certain lati- tude, and proceeded to their refpedive deftinations. They afterwards met at Bahia to fail for Portugal, which they reached in September or Odober, the year following, under convoy of five or fix men of war, that had efcortcd them in their pafiTage out. This arrangement, refembling that of Spain, has been blamed by many able politicians, v.'ho maintained that it would have been better to permit the mer- chants to fend out their fliips, and order them home when it fuited them beft. Such a fyftem would infallibly have reduced the expence of freight, which muft affeft the price of commodities. A free trade would have employed more fhips, and voyages would have been more frequent. It would have ftrengthened the navy, and encouraged agriculture. The intercourfe between the colonies and the mother- country being more frequent, would have given fuch information as would have enabled government to extend its protedtion more eafily, as well as to fecure its authority : and the court of Lifbon feemed frequently inclined to * Hi.l. Gen. da Commer. par. M. Savary, art. Brazil. t Hill. Gen. des Voyages, torn, XIV. yield 488 THE H I S TOR Y OF A MER IC A. BOOK II. yield to thefe confiderations ; but it was at firft deterred by the fear of feeing the fhips tall into the hands of the enemy, if they failed fcpaiatcly, and after- wards by the obftacles which the viceroys of Brazil oppolcd to this alteration. The increafc of their wealth and of their power equally required that the bufincfs of the colony Ihould be tranladcd in the capital ; fo that after having contrived to attrad it to that fpot, they fucceeded in retaining it there. In confequenceot this regulation, San Salvador, or Bahia, as it is alfo called, became a very flourifhing city. It is built on an high and lleep rock, at the bot- tom of the Bay of All Saints, and commands a fpacious and commodious har- bour. As it has the fca in front, a lake forming a crefcent, almofl: wholly in- verts it on the land fide. This fituation renders it in a great meafure impreg- nable by nature, and the harbour is defended by two ftrong forts. It is divided into an upper and lower town. The lower town is the port, and is connected with what is properly termed the city by three fbreets, which run flantwife up the eminence, as it would be next to impoITible to go right up. The goods are drawn up by the help of pulleys. In the lower town, which is pretty extenfive, is a ipacious market- place, where is kept a continual fair for commodities of all kinds, brought in from the neighbouring country *. The upper town is as re- gular and well laid out as the unevennefs of the ground on which it ftands will permit. It contains upwards of two thoufand houfes, and a proportional num- ber of inhabitants. Many of the houfes are built with great magnificence ■, and the furniture is the more rich and elegant, as extravagance in drefs, fo far as it regards the wearing of gold and filver ftuffs, is ftridly prohibited, as already no- ticed. But their paffion forfhew, which no law can eradicate, has induced the inhabitants to be very expenfive in decorations j fuch as crofies, medals, and dia-, mond chaplets. As the fituation of Bahia does not admit of coaches, the people of rank, who. in every country are delirous of being diftinguiflied from the vulgar, have con- trived to be carried in cotton hammocks. Supinely flretched upon %'elvet cufhions, and furrounded with filk curtains, which they open and fhut at pleafure, ,thofe proud and lazy mortals move about more voluptuoufly, though lefs expeditioufty, than in the molt eafy and elegant wheel machines. But the women fcldoni en- joy this luxury ; for the Portuguefe of Brazil, though luperftitious to a degree of fanaticifm, will hardly allow their wives, covered with a veil, to go to ciiurch on their high teftivals. This reftraint, which is the effciTt of ungovernable jea- loufy, does not however prevent the ladies from carrying on intrigues, though fure of being Itabbed to the heart upon the flighted fufpicion. Yet by a lenity, more judicious than that of many European nations, a girl who yields to the im- portunities of a lover, is ufed with Itfs feverity. But if the father cannot con- ceal her infamy, by dii'pofingof her in marriage, he abandons her to the fcanda- • Trail accompanying the Englifh tranflatipn of Ulloa's Voyagf, by Mr. Adams of Waltham- Abbey, who lefided many years in South America. lous THEHISTORYOFAMERICA. 4S9 Ions trade of a courtezan *. Thus ritliss, efpecially when acquired by rapine CHAP. IV, and bloodfhed, and not preferved by labour, bring along with them a train of vices, and every fpecies of corruption. I'hat want of fociety, which necefiarily flows from the reparation of the fexes, is not the only impediment to the pkalures and enjoyments of life at Baliia. The hypocrily of fome, the fuperftition of others ; parfimony at home, and pompous parade abroad; extreme indulgence, bordering upon extreme cruelty, in a climate wliere all the fenfations are quick and impetuous ; the dif- trufb that naturally accompanies weaknefs, tlie indolence that trulls every thing to flaves, whether it relates to pleafure or bufine's — all the vices that are to be found, either feparately oi- colledively, in the moft corrupt fouthern countries, conftitute the character of tlie Portuguele in this capital. The depravity of their manners, however, feems to decreafe, in proportion as the mother-country becomes more enlightened. ■ Notvvithftanding tliefe vices, which have generally prevailed, though not in the fame degree in all parts of Brazil, it had long been in a profperous way, when towards the beginning of the prefent century, the difcovery of the gold mines gave it an additional luftre, which occafioned univerlal aftonifliment. The cir- cumftances tliat produce this difcovery are varioufly related ; but the moft com- mon opinion is. That a caravan of Portuguefe, who went from Rio Janeiro in 16)5, penetrated into the continent, and meeting with the Paulifts, received from them gold duft, which they underftood was procured from the mines of Parana- Panama, in exchange for European commodities. A few years after, a company of foldiers from Rio Janeiro, who were fent to quell fome Indians in the inland parts, found on ti'ieir march fome gold fifh hooks, and were in- formed, that many torrents, rufhing from the mountains, brought gold into the vallies. On this information, a firift fearch was made ; and though few veins of gold have been found fo rich as to anfwer the purpofe of working for any time, the gold picked up in fuch vallies as have been overflowed, and in the Hinds of rivers, after the waters have fubfided, has exceeded belief. This labour is chiefly performed by negroes. If a flave brings in the quantity of gold required of him, his malrer can claim nothing more. The overplus is his own property. It is fome conlolation to him to be able to alleviate tlie burden of flavery, and have a profpeft of purchafing his freedom, by the very toils that are attached to that ftate. If we were to eftimate the quantity of gold that Brazil annually fur- nilhes, by the fivi!i which the king of Portugal receives, it might be computed at two millions of pounds fterling -, but we may venture to afiert, without beino- fuppofed to exaggerate, that the defire of eluding the duty, deprives the govern, ment of one third of the produce. To this prodigious fum muft be added, the gold drawn from the Portuguefe fettlement of Mozambique on the eaftern coaft of Africa, and the filver acquired by the illicit trade with Buenos Ayres +. * Raynal, liv. ix, f Eurcp, Set. in Amer. 25. 6 1 The 490 THEHISTORYOFAMERICA. BOOK ir. The firft political writers, who turned their thoughts towards the probable confcquences of the difcovery made in Brazil, did not hefuate to pronounce, that the difference of value between gold and filver would be diminiflied. The experience of all countries, and all ages had taught them, that, though many ounces of filver had always been given for an ounce of gold, becaufe mines of the former had always been more common than thofe of the latter, yet the value of both metals had varied in every country in proportion to the abundance of either. In Japan the proportion of gold to filver is as one to eight; in China as one to ten ; in other parts of the Eafl: as one to eleven, twelve, thirteen, and fourteen, as we advance further weft. The like variations are to be met with in Europe. In ancient Greece, gold was to filver as one to thirteen. When the produce of all the mines in the old world was brought to Rome, the moft fet- tled proportion was one to ten. It rofe as far as one to thirteen under Tiberius. Numberlefs variations are to be met with during the barbarous ages. When Columbus difcovered the New World, the proportion was lefs than one to twelve. The quantity of gold and filver which was afterwards brought into Europe from Mexico and Peru, not only rendered thefe metals more common, but in- creafed ftill farther the value of gold above filver, as there was greater plenty of the latter than of the former in thofe countries. Spain, which was in pofiefllon of both, and of courfe the beft judge of the proportion, fettled it at one to fix- teen in the coin of the kingdom ; and this proportion, with fome flight varia- tions, was adopted throughout all Europe. The fame proportion ftill exifts ; but we have no reafon to contemn the fpeculations of thofe, who conjedured that it would alter. If gold has fallen but little in the markets, and not at all in die coin of Europe, fince the difcovery of the mines of Brazil, this Angularity is owing to particular circumftances, which do not aficifl the principle on which the contrary fuppofition was found. A great deal of gold is now ufed in guiJd- ing, and in fetting jewels, which has prevented the value of filver from falling fo much as it would, if our faftiions had not altered. This fpirit of luxury has alfo kept up the price of diamonds, though now become more common. Men have at all times been fond ot mak'ng a parade of their riches, cither becaufe they were originally the reward of ftrength, and the mark of power, or becaufe they have every where obrained that refpefl which is due only to virtue and talents. A defire of attrafling the attention of others, prompts men to or- nament themfelves with the choiceft and moft brilliant fubftances that nature can fupply. This vanity equally prevails among favage and civilized nations. Of all the fubftances that reprefent the fplendour of opulence, none is fo precious as the diamond : none has been of fuch value in trade, or fo ornamental in fociety as this brii^ht gem. There are diamonds of all colours, and of every fliade of the feveral colours. The diamond has the red of the ruby, the orange of the Jiyacinih, the blue of the fapliire, and the green of the emerald. This laft is the dcarcft, when of a beautiful tint. The rofe diamonds, blue and yellow, are the next in value. The vellowifli and the blackilh aie leaft cfteemccl. Tranfpa- rency THE HISTORY OF AMERICA. 49r reticy and clearnefs are the natural and eflential properties of the diamond, to ^ ^^^^^^ ; which art has added the brilliant and fparkling lullre of the feveral faces. There are very few diamond mines. Till of late years we knew of none except in the Eaft Indies : and fome apprehenfions were raifed, that the con- tinual wars in that country would put a flop to this fource of riches •, but thefe were removed by a difcovery that was made at Serrade Ferio, in Brazil. Some flaves who were condemned to look for gold, ufed to find fome little bright flones» which they threw away among the fand and gravel. Some curious miners pre- ferved feveral of thefe fingular pebbles, which were fbewn to Pedro de Al- mayda, givernor general of the mines. As he had been at the Eaft Indies, he fufpefted that they might be diamonds. In order to afcertain this point, the court of Lilbon, in 1730, commifTioned de Acugna, her minifter in Holland, to make the neceflary inquiries. He put fome ot them into the hands of able artificers, who having cut them, declared that they were very fine diamonds. The Portuguefe immediately fearched for them with fuch fuccefs, that the Rio Janeiro fleer, in 17^2, brought home eleven hundred and forty -fix ounces. This produced fuch plenty that their price fell confiderably ; but the miniftry took fuch meafures as made them foon rife to their original value, which they have main- tained ever fince. They conferred on a company the exclufive right of fearching for and felling diamonds ; and even to reftrain the avidity of the company itfelf, it was required to employ no more than fix hundred flaves in that bufinefs. It has fince, however, been permitted to employ as many as it pleafes, on condition that a certain fum, amounting to about fixty five pounds fterling, is paid for every flave. But in both contrafts the court has rcferved to itfelf all diamonds that fliall exceed a certain number of carrats *. It is not known whether the diamonds of Brazil grow in the valleys where they are found, or whether they are brought down by an infinite number of torrents that rufn into them, and by five fmall rivers that flow from the neighbourino' mountains. It is certain, however, that the diamonds do not come from a quarry ; that they are fcattered about, and picked up in greater quantities in the rainy feafons, and after violent ftorms. They are neither fo hard nor fo clear as thofe of the Eaft Indies, nor do they fparkle fo much, but they are whiter. They are bought up in their rough ftate by the Englifli and Dutch, who cut them, and then difpofe of them all over Europe f. * Raynal, liv. ix. t The fineft diamonds in the world are that ofthe great mogul, which weighs two hundred and f.-venty-nine carrats zr^ cne-fixteenth ; that of the grand duke, which weighs one hundred and t^irty-mne carrats ; the great Sjncy, cf one hundred and fix carrats ; and tKe Pitt (now in the pof. feffi >n of the king of Fran;e) which weighs one hundred and thirty-fix carrats three grain. But all thele are tnHmg in regard to fi/.e, compared with the diamond fent fo.-ne years apo from Brazil tothelc.ngofPort.ga!, which weighs one ihoufand fix hundred and eighty carrats or twelve o.T.ces and an h df. We linow of no proportion by which to afcertain the value of fuch a oem, but tc ha. been clrmated at fiAy fix millions fs.en hundred and eigh illudrado y de!e:iJiJo; Hirtoria Natural, Civil y Geopraphica, S:c. por el Padre Joleph Gumiil I, de la C"mpignia de Jefus, &c. Madrid, 1745, 2 vols, 410. f Id. ibid. H-.ft. Gen. des Voyages, torn. XIV. p. 344. [^ J^Book I. chap. ij. p. 30. 4 rem" roo THE HISTORY OF AMERICA. BOOK II. remarkable ciulom in the choice of tlicir ciiiefs. To be qualified to lead fucli a ■people to battle, it is not only ncceffary a man niciild have more flrength, more courage, and more knowledge than the reft of his tribe ; that he fliould be well •acquainted with all the places for hunting and fifliing, and with all the fptings and roads, but that he fhould give evident and public proofs of his ability to 'fullain hardfhips and injuries. All the trials cuilomary in America, when a youth is admitted into the clafs of warriors, or when a warrior is promoted to the dignity of captain •or chief, are accommodated to this idea of fortitude. They are not dil- plays of valour, but of patienc-e •, they are not exhibitions of an ability to offend, but of a capacity to fuffer. Of thefe the moft remarkable is that aniong the Caribs. The warrior who afpires to the rank of captain, begins his probation with a long fafl:, more rigid than any ever obferved by the moft ab- •ftemious hermit. At the clofe of this the chiefs afTemble : each gives him three lafnes with a large whip, applied fo vigoroufly that his body is almoft flayed ; and if he betrays the leaft fymptoms of impatience or even fcnfibility, he is dif- graced for ever, and reje£bed as unworthy of the honour. After fome interval the ccnftancy of the candidate is proved by a more excruciating trial. He is laid in ■ a haminoc with his hands bound fail : an innumerable multitude of venomous ants, whofe bite occafionsexquifite pain, and produces a violent inflammation, are thrown upon him. The judges of his merit ftand around the hammoc ; and while theie cruel infefts fallen upon the moft fenfible parts of his body, a fio-h a groan, or an involuntary motion expreflive of what he furthers, would exclude him from the dignity which he is ambitious to obtain. Even after this evidence -of his fortitude, it is not deemed to be completely afcertained, but muft ftand another teft more dreadful than any he has hitlierto undergone. He is aoaiii fufpended in his hammoc, and covered with leaves of the palmetto. A fire of ftinking herbs is kindled underneath, fo as he may feel its heat and be involved in its fmoke. Though fcorched, and almoft fuffbcated, he muft contint:e to endure with the fame patient infenfibility. Many perifh in this rude eflay of their firmnefs and courage ; but fuch as go through it with appiaufe, receive the enfigns of their new dignity with much folemnity, and are ever after regarded as leaders of approved refolution, whofe behaviour, in the, moft trying fitua- tions will do honour to their country *, Such were the original inhabitants of the greater part of Guiana, which was difcovered 1499, by Alonzo de Ojeda and Americus Vcfpucius. But this ex- pedition, which we have already had occafion to mention -f , afforded only a fu- perficial knowledge of fo vaft a country. Many others were undertaken at a greater expence, but with ftill lefs fuccefs. They were, however, continued from . a motive that ever did, and ever will deceive mankind. A report prevailed, which is fcarcely yet exploded, that in the interior parts of Guiana there was a country, known by the name of El Dorado^ where gold was found in the greateft profu- • Gumilla, ubi fup. . -{- Book I. chap. ii. p. '^i. fion, MALE.itFEiL\LE I]!fHAB ITAIVTS of CHl^S^EA. I^lj)hi30f' remark. Though England was ihen at peace with Spain, he immediately, pillaged the town of St. Thomas, indead of going in quell of the gold mine, which he had propofed to the avidity of his followers. The clamoroufnefs of ihefe, dirappointed in the booty, and otherwife deceived, induced captain Keymis.an old companion of Raleigh, who had favoured the cheat, to put an end to his life. Raleigh hirafclf, lefs fenfibie to reproach, came home, and died upon a fcaffold.' 26. 6 M ^general. 502 THEHISTORYOFAMERICA. BOOK II. general, was drowned as he was ftepping into his boat. Roiville, a gentleman of ^'-' v— «^ Normandy, who was going over to Cayenne as general, was allaffinated in the paflage ; anil twelve ot the principal adventurers, v/ho were the perpetrators ot this violent a<5t, and had undertaken to put the colony in a flourifhing condition, behaved there in a manner worthy of fuch an atrocious beginning. They hanged one of their number •, two died ; three were banifhed to a defert ifland : the reft abandoned themfelves to every kind of excefs. The commandant of the citadel deferted to the Dutch, with part of his garrifon ; and the remainder, iuch as had efcaped hunger, poverty, and the fury of the favages, which had been roufed by numberlefs provocations, thought themfelves happy in being able to get over to the Leeward iflands, in a boat and two canoes. They abandoned the fort, ammunition, arms, and merchandile, leaving alfo behind them the dead bodies of five or fix hundred of their wretched companions, fifteen months after they had landed on the ifland. In I f 6,, a new company was formed under the direftion of LaBarre, mafter of requefts. Their capital did not exceed nine thouland pounds fterlincr. The afiiftance which they obtained from the miniflry, however, enabled them to expel the Dutch ; who, under the condudl of Spranger, had taken pofTcffion of the lands granted to them, after they had been evacuated by their countrymen. The year following, this inconfiderable body made part of the great company which united the pofTefllons and privileges of all the refr. Cayenne returned into the hands of government at that defirable period, which reftored freedom to all the French colonies. It was taken in 1667 by the Englilh, and in 1670 by the Dutch, fince which time it has never been attacked. This lettlemcnt, fo often ruined, was fcarce reeftablifhed, when great hopes were entertained of its future profperity. Some of the famous buccaniers,. laden with the fpoils which they had colledled in the South Sea, came and fixed their refidence there ; and what was of yet greater confequence, refolved to em- ploy their treafurcs in the cultivation of the lands. It was probable that their plan would have been profecutcd with vigour, becaufe their mciins were grear^ and their fpirits ardent. "While this matter was in agitation, Ducalle, one of their leaders, came with fome fhips, and propofcd the plundering of Surinam.. Their natural avidity was excited : they again became pirates, and almoil all A D, i688. the inhabitants followed their example. The expedition proved unfortunate. Some of the befiegers fell in the attack ; and the reft were taken prilbners, and fent to the Caribce iflands, where they fettled *. The colony has never recovered this lols Inllead of extending into Guiana, it has not been in a profperous flate even at Cayenne. This ifland,. which may be about fixteen leagues in circumference, is only parted from the continent by two rivers. In confequence of a particular forma- tion, rarely found in iflands, the land is high near the water-fide, and low in the * Nouvelle Relation dela Erance Equinoxiale, &r, par P. Barrere. Hitt. Gen. des Voyages torn, XIV. middle. THE HISTORY OF AMERICA. middle. Hence it is interfcfLcd by fo many morafles, that ail communication is imprafticablf, without taking a great circuit ; and until the lands which are un- der water can be drained, and ici-urcd Irom future inundations by dykes properly railed, there is no place fit lor culture except the rifing grounds. Among thele, fome trafts of excellent foil are to be found, but the greater part is dry, fandy, and foon cxhauft:td. The only town in the colony, which contains between an hundred and an hundred and fifty houfes, is defended by a covert way, a large ■ ditch, a very good mud rampart, five baftions, and a garril'on of two hundred men. In the middle of the town is a pretty confiderable eminence, of which a redoubt has been made, called the Fort, where forty or fifty men might capitu- late, after the town had been taken. The entrance into the harbour is through a narrow channel, furroundcd by rocks and reefs, fo that (hips can only get ia at high water. The firll produce of Cayenne was the arnotto. This is a red dye, called by the Spaniards achiote, into which they dip the white wool, whatever colour they intend to give it. The tree that yields this dye has a redaifh bark, and large, ftrong, and hard leaves, of a dark green colour. It is as high as a plum-tree, and more bufliy. The flowers, which grow in bunches, not unlike rofes, are fucceedcd twice a year by pods as prickly as the fhell of a chefnut, but fmaller. Thefe pods contain little I'ecds of a pale red, which lerve to make the arnotto. The procefs is as follows. As foon as one of the eight or ten pods that grow in a bunch opens of itfelf, the relt may be gatliered. All the feeds are then taken out, and thrown diredly into large troughs full of water. "When the fermentation begins, the feeds are bruifed feveral times with wooden-peftles, till the fkin is entirely taken ofi\ The whole is then poured into large fieves, made of rulhes, which retain all the folid parts, and let out a thick reddifh, and foetid liquor into iron boilers prepared to receive it. While it boils the fcum is fkimmed ofF, and kept in large pans ; and when the liquor yields no more fcum, it is thrown .iway as u^^lels, and the fcum is poured back into the boiler. This fcum, which is boned for ten or twelve hours, muft be conftantly ftirred with a wooden fpatula, to prevent it from flicking to the boiler, or turning black. When it is boiled enouoh, and is fomewhat hardened, it isfpread upon boards to cool. It is afterwards made up into cakes of two or three pounds weight each, and then the whole procefs> is finifhed. From the culture of the arnotto, Cayenne proceeded to that of cotton, indigo and fugar. It was the firft of all the French colonies that attempted to raife eofFee i the plants of which tree were brought thither from Surinam in i72r, by fome deferters, who had taken refuge there, and purchafed their pardon by this means. Some years after, plantations of cacao were begun; and in 1752, two hundred and fixty thoufand five hundred and forty pounds of arnotto, eighty thoufand three hundred and fixty-cliree pounds of fugar, feventeen thoufand nine hundred and nineteen pounds of cotton, twenty-fix thoufand eio-ht hundred and eighty pounds of coffee, nineteen thoufand nine hundred and fixteen pounds 5 of THE HISTORY OF AMERICA. of cacao, fix hundred and eight trees for limber, and one hundred and four planks, were exported from the lettlement. All thele articles were the rcfult of the labour of ninety French families, an hundred and twenty-five Indians, and fifteen hundred negroes, which made up the whole colony *. Weaker ftill was the Itate of Cayenne in i 763, when the court of Verfailles, by a fyltem that occafioned general aftonifliment, endeavoured to give it a degree of confequence to which it had not even alpired. France had then juft emerged from the horrors of an uriluccelstul war : the dilagreeable fituation of affairs had determined the miniftry to purchafe peace with the ceffion of feveral im- portant colonies : it appeared equally neceflary to make the nation forget her diftreffes, and the errors that had been the caufe of them. Tne prol'peft of better fortune might amufe the people, and filence their clamours, if their at- tention was diverted from the pollcn";ons the nation had loft, and turned towards a new objeft. Guiana, it was pretended, would compenfate all her misfor- tunes. This vaft region, which was long diftinguiflied by the pompous name of Equi- noxial France, was not the fole property of that power as fhe had formerly afferted. The Dutch, by fettling to the north, and the Portuguefe to the South, had con- fined the French between the rivers of Maroni and Vincent Finzon, limits which were fixed by feveral treaties. Thcfe boundaries are equally dirtant from Cayenne, and the extent between them comprehends no lels than an hundred leagues of the fea-coaft. The navigation along this coaft is extremely difficult, by reafonof the rapidity of the currents, and is continually obftruded by fmall iflands, banks of land and hardened mud, and by ftrong mangroves, clolely entangled, that extend two or three leagues into the fea. There is no harbour; few places where fhips can land ; and the lightcft floops often meet with in- fuperable obftrudions. The large and numerous rivers that water this conti- nent, are not more navigable. Their channel in many places is barricadoed by vaft rocks, Wj^ch render it impoftible to fail up the ftream. The fhore, which is generally fiat, is overflowed in moft parts by the Ipring tides, and the lands in the interior country, commonly become morafTes in the rainy feafon. Then there is no fafety but upon the higher grounds. Thefe inundations, however, that fufpend all the labours of hufbandry, con- tribute to render the heat more fupportable, without producing that malignant influence upon the climate which might be apprehended from them. Uncertain conjedures only can be formed of the population of the infland parts : that of the fea coaft' may amount to nine or ten thouland men, divided into feveral na- tions, the moft powerful of which are the Galibis. The miflionaries, by great attention and perfeverance, have found means to fix fome of thofe roving na- tions, and even to reconcile them to the FVench, againft whom they had, with reafon, entertained the ftrongeft prejudices. The firft adventurers who reforted to this country, carried off" by violence, or bought men, whom they condemned • Id. ibid. Raynal, liv, xiii. to THE HISTORY OF AMERICA. 505 to the hardefl: labours of flavery on the very foil where they were born free, or CHAP. V. fold them to the planters in the Caribbee iflands. At firft, their common price was fhxteen pounds a head ; but happily for the natives, thefe ravagers role fo much in their demands that no purchafers could be found. It was thought more advantageous to buy negroes, who were better able to undergo the labours of the field. Guiana, fuch as here defcribed, appeared a very valuable refource to the French miniftrs', reduced as they were to the neceflity of correding paft errors, and of repairing if pofiible, paft misfortunes. A few refledions will enable us to judge of their views. It is of great importance to the fouthern colonies, cfpecially thofe in the Weft- India iflands, to have their refources for population and ftrength in the North, where they may exchange the articles of luxury for thofe of neceflity, and keep open a communication that might afford them fuccours, in cafe they fhould be attacked. Before laft war, the French fouthern colonies enjoyed this advatage. Canada, by its fituation, the warlike genius of its inhabitants, their alliances with the Indian nations in fri-rndftiip with the French, and fond of the freedom of their manners, might in fome degree have balanced New England. The lofs of that great continent determined the French miniftry to feek for fupport from another. Guiana was thought a proper fituation for this purpofe, if a free and national population could there be eftabliftied -, a population, which might enable the colony to refift foreign attacks, and to furnifh fpeedy affiftance to the other co- lonies, if circumftances ftiould require it. Such evidently were the views of the court of Verfailles. It was not ima- gined that Guiana could ever enrich the mother country by the produce of fuch commodities as are peculiar to the fouthern colonies, but that it might become a bulwark, and a necefiary afliftant, both in peace and war, to the French co- lonies in the Weft Indies. It was propoled to people thofe defcrt regions with free-men, not with flaves : but it was not confidered, that Europeans could not undergo the fatigue of preparing lands under the torrid zone ; or that men who quitted their own country only in hopes of hving with greater fatisfaftion in another, would never accommodate themfelves to the precarious fubfift- ence of a favage life in a worle climate than that which they had left. This wrong fyftem, into which the government was drawn by a fet of enter- prifing men, who were cither mifted by their prefumption, or who facrificed the public good to their own private views, was as extravagantly executed as it had been inconfiderately adopted. It is well known, that almoft throughout the •whole torrid zone, the year is divided into two feafons ; the dry, and the rainy. In Guiana, fuch heavy rains fall from the beginning of November to the end of May, that the lands are eitlier overflowed, or at leaft unfit for culture. Had the new colonifts arrived there in the beginning of the dry feafon, and been placed on the lands deftined for them, they would have had time to put their habitations in order ; to cut down or burn the woods, and to plough and fow 26. 6 -N their 5o6 THE HISTORY OF AMERICA. BOOK II. their lands ; but from want of this neceffary forefight, they were tranrported ^""^^ — ' thither in the very middle of the rainy feafon. The ifland of Cayenne might have been a proper place for the reception and refreflimcnt of the nev/ fettkrs, till fuch time as they could have been difpoled of: there they might have found lodging and fubfillence ; but the falfe opinion which prevailed, that the new colony muft not be intermixed with the old, de- prived them of this refource. In conl'equence of that prejudice twelve thou- sand men, devoted to deftrudtion, were landed on the banks of the river Kourou., on a ridge of land amid a number of unwholefome little iflands, and only flicl- tered under a miferable awning. In this fituation, totally inaftive, and weary of exiftence, they gave themfelves up to all the irregularities that idlenefs infallibly produces among men of the loweit clals, far removed from their native coun- try, and placed under a foreign fky. They fell into a ftate of extreme mifery : tJiey were feized with contagious diftempers, the neceffary confequeiices of fuch 3 condition ; and their wretched life was at length terminated in all the horrors of defpair. In order to complete this mournful tragedy, fifteen hundred men who had efcaped the common mortality, were wafhed away by the floods. Dif- iributed upon different lands, that were overflowed at. the return of the rains, they all periflied, without leaving behind them the leaft trace of their me- mory *. The Dutch, who feem to have been born to derive benefit from marfhes, and" who are equally capable oi converting the good or bad fortune of others to their own advantage, have been more fuccefsful in cultivating their portion of this continent. They are in poflrffion of a large territory, which is leparated from French Guiana by the river Maroni, and by that of Poumaron from Spanilh Guiana. It is known by the name of Surinam, the moft ancient and moft im- portant fettlement in the colony. The foundation of it was laid in 1640 by the French, v;ho(e adivity carried them at that time into a variety of climates, and whole ficklcnefs fufFered them not to fettle in any. They abandoned Surinam a few years after tiiey arrived there, and were fucceeded by the Englifh, whofe dilioence began to be attended with Ibme fuccefs, when they were attacked by the Dutch; who finding them difperfed over a vaft trafl of land, experienced little diflicultyin mattering them. Some years after they were, to the number of twelve hundred, \. D, j668, tranfported to Jamaica, the colony being formally ceded to the republic by the peifce of Breda. The Dutch, whofe fole occupation was commerce, had not the leafttaite for agriculture. Surinam was accordingly for ibme time a monument of the pre- judices of its new mafters. At length the Weft-India company, who governed the country, cut down the woods, divided part of the land among the inhabi- tants, and furnifiied them with flaves. All perfons who were defirous of occu- pying thefe lands, obtained grants of them upon an engagement to pay by in- Itallmtms out ot their produce, the price at which the lot was valued : and they • Rajnal,. liv.jiiil, 6 had THE HISTORY OF AMERICA. 507 had the further privilege of difpofing of them to any purchafer, who would agree CHAP. V, to pay what part of the original debt remained due. v»— ^j,'^-.^ The fuccefs of thefe firft fettlemijnts gave rife to a great many others. By degrees they extended to twenty leagues diftance from the mouth of the river Surinam, and of the Commenwine,. which runs into it ; and they would have ad- vanced much farther, if they had not been checked by the fugitive negroes, who,, taking refuge in inacceffible forefts, where they have recovered thtir hberty, never ceafe to infeft the back parts of the colon)\ The difficulties which attended the clearing of thefe lands, required that uncommon refoludon which is ieady to at- tempt, and that perleverance which is capable of furmounting every thing. The- greater part of the lands that were to be made fit for cultivation, were covereci with water every tide to the depth of four or five feet ; but by making great num-- bers of ditches and fluices, the planters fucceeded in draining off the moifture : and thus the glory of letting bounds to the ocean, was acquired by the Dutch. in the New World, as it had been before in the Old.. They contrived even to give to their plantations that neatnefs which is every where charactcriftic of the people, and fuch conveniencics as are not to be found in the mofl- flourifliino- cither of the French or Englifli fettlements. One of the principal cauies of the profperity of this colony has been the ex- treme eaie with which the icttlers pvocuied money to ciirry on their works,- Thcy railed as much as tliey had occafioji for at the rate of fix per cent, but un- der an exprefs condition, thattheir plantations Ihould be mortgaged to their credi- tors and that they fliould be obliged to deliver to them their whole produce, at the price current in the colony, till luch time as the debt fliould be entirely difcharged. With the affiftance of thefe loans, they formed on the banks of the Surinam or at a little diftance from it, four hundred and twenty- five plantations ; upon which, in 1762, were eighty four thoufand five hundred negroes, and four thou- fand white men as overfeers. Among the latter are included French refugees Moravians, and a very confiderable number of Jews. There is perhaps no country upon the face of the earth, where the unhappy- defcendants of Abraham are fo well treated as at Surinam. They are not on!/ permitted to enjoy the exercife of their religion, the propriety of lands, and the determination of fuch difputes as may arile among themfclves : they are likewil'e fufFered to participate in the common right of citizens.; to have a fliare in th& general adminiftration of affairs, and to vote in the eledion of public marriftrates. So great is the influence of the fpirit of trade, that it forces all national and re- ligious prejudices tofubmit to that general intereft, which fliould be the bond of? union among mankind. On this fubjeft one cannot help exclaiming, in the words of Raynal *, " What are thofe ideal nominal diftindions of religion op country ?— Miferable inhabitants of a fpot which ye cultivate with fo much toil and forrow ! — are ye not all men .''r— Why then do ye drive each other from a world, where ye live but for an inftant? — and what a life tools ir * HiU. rhilos. Sic. liv, .YJi. that . -5XJ8 TFIE HISTORY OF AMERICA. BOOK II. that ye have the folly and cruelty to dilpute with each other the enjoymenc of! — Is it not lufficient that the elements, the heavens, and even the earth, fight againft yoti, but ye muft add to tholii Tcourges of nature, the abufe of that little ftrength which flie has left you to refill them ?" Paramaribo, the principal place in the colony of Surinam, is a fmall town, pleafantly fituated upon the river. The houfes are handfome and convenient, though only built of wood, on a foundation of European bricks. Its port, which is five leagues diftant from the fea, has every requifite that can be defired. It is the rendezvous of all the fhips difpatched from the mother-country to re- ceive the produce of the colony. The fuccefs ot- this tlrablilliment fuggelled in 1732, the idea of forming another upon the river Berbi.e, which fails into the fea nineteen leagues weft of the Suri.iam. The iTiores at its mouth were fb marfny, that it was found neceflary to go fifteen leagues up the country, in order to form plantations on its banks, A nation that had made even the ica habitable, it can hardly be fuppofed would be deterred by fuch an obftacle : a new company had the glory oi raifing new produdions in a loll taken from the bed of the ocean, and the oar gave place to the plough ihare. The fame pro- digy has fince been attempted by another afibciacion, and with the fame fuccefs, on the Demerary and Efiequebe, which fall into the fame bay at twenty leagues diftance from the Bcrbice, and upon the Poumaron, at fifteen leagues from the Efiequebe, and twenty-five from the principal mouth of the Orinoco. The two laft fettlements will probably fome time or other equal that of Surinam, but ;at preient they are not luppofed to contain above twelve hundred free pcrfons, at the head of twenty-eight or thirty thoufand flaves. Thefe three fettlements produce exadtly die lame articles -, cotton, cacao, and fugar. Though the lalt of th,;le is by much the mod confiderable, thequandty does not correfpond either to th:- number of hands, or the e:- pily tor her their rulers were lefs attentive to the profpcrity of the people. Every government, however, in proportion as it has become more eniichtened, has alFutncd to itfelf its own branches of commerce. Each Hep that has been taken for this purpofc has been jn additional check upon the Dutch j and we may pre. fume from the preltnt (late of things, that fooncr or later every people will efta. biilh a navigation for themfelves, I'uited to the nature of their country, and to the- extent of their indutlry. To this period the courfe of events in all nations feems to tend ; and whenfoever it fliall arrive, the Dutch, who are indebted for their fuccefs as much to the indolence and ignorance of their neighbours, as to their own oeconotny an'v ^i^iti.^'f^^ ] -Oft Tropic of C an c c r OM Cape Fi-anrou g^** flffM*' s,'?' * fl-rrr. -Sf ^j S.cfuT. JiWf />or/i.Zcridi'n . Jfii£r.tf¥^l-u^ [ b^l ] THE HISTORY O F AMERICA. BOOK III. The West Indies, or Great American Archipelago. CHAP. I. A gcmral View cf the MVft India IJlands, ivith an Acccnnt of the Mariners ana CuJIcais of the Carib;, of the Rife and Difperjian of the Buccaneers, and of iht frincipal military TratifaSions of tht European Poiuers m thofe Latitudes, AMERICA is compofed of two vaft continents ; one towards the BOOK III. north, the other towards the fouth. They are united by an ifthmus fifteen hundred miles long, and only fixty broad at one part. In the gulph that narrows this ifthmus, and which is formed by the projection of the two continents, are fcattered an infinite number of fertile iflands, of various dimenfions, commonly known by the name of the West Indies, Thefe iilands, which enrich the American Archipelago, and render it the moft glori- ous fcenethat was ever offered to the eye of commerce, are divided into feveral clafles ; the moft confiderable of which are the Great Antilles, comprehending Cuba, Hifpaniola, Jamaica, and Porto Rico ; the Caribbees, including the Windward and Leeward Iflands ; and the Lucayos, or Bahama Iflands. This archipelago, according to the theory of Buffon, as well as that of the Eaft Indies, fituated nearly in the fame latitude, feems to have been produced by the motion of the fea from eaft to weft ;— a motion produced by the fame caufc 27. 6 Q^ which 5i8 THE HISTORY OF AMERICA. BOCK in. which occafions the earth's revolution from v.-eft to eaft ; more rapid at the cqu.i- ^"^^/-"^ tor, where the globe of the earth being more elevated, revolves in a larger circle, and in a more agitated zone, and where the ocean feems as it wtre v/illing to break through all the boundaries which nature oppofes to its fury. All the fhores that look towards the eaft, as well as the idands, bear marks of this continual adtion. The Caribbees, in particular, appear only to be the fummits of mountains, the lower chain of which is at prefent under water. This will be iikutrated by a fhort defcription. The direction of the Weft India iflands, beginning at Tobago, is nearly north and north-weft. This diredion is continued trom one ifland to another,, forming a line fomewhat curved towards the north-eaft, and ending at /\n- tigua. There the line becomes at once curved, and extending itfclf in a ftraight direction to the weft and north weft, meccs in its couri'e with Forto Rico, Hifpaniola, and Cuba, which are feparated from each other by channels of vari- ous breadths. Some of thefe are fix, others fifteen or twenty leagues broad ; but the foundings in all of them are from an hundred to an hundred and twenty, or an hundred and fifty fathom. Between Grenada and St. Vincent lies a clufter of fmall idands, known by the name of the Grenadines, where, in lon-rc places, the foundings are not ten fathom. The mountains in the Weft India iflands run in the fame direftion as the iflands themfelves. This direction is lb regular, that if the tops of thefe moun- tains were confidered independent of their bales, they might be looked upon a chain of hills belonging to the continent, of which Martinico would be the moft north- wefterly ridge. The fprings of water which flow from the moun- tains in the Windward iflands run all in the weftern parts of thofe iflands. The whole eaftern coaft is without any running water. Thefe oblervations, which feem to prove, that the fea has feparated the Weft India iflands from the conti- nent, are farther confirmed by others of a different kind, though equally ccnclu- flve in fupport of this conj.dlure. Tob go, Margarctta, and Trinidad, the iflands that are neareft to the continent on the fouth, produce trees whofe wood is foft, and wild cacao, which are rarely found in the rriore northern iflands. In thefe all the wcod is hard. Cuba, fituatcd at tiie other extremity of the archi- pelago, abounds like Florida, from which perhaps it has been fevered, with cedars and cy prefix's. The foil of the Weft India iflands confifts chiefly of a' layer of clay and gravel, under which is a bed of ftone or rock. The nature of fame of thefe foils is better adapted to vegetation than others. In thofe places where the fori is drier, and more friable, "an,c. mixes with the leaves and remains of plants, a layer of earih is formed of greater dej-th, than where the clay is muifter. The fand or gravel has diirercnt properties, according to its peculiar nature. "Whfrever it is.lefs hard, lels compaft, or lefs porous, fmall pieces feparate ihcm- felvcs from it ; which, though dry, preltrve a certain d'rgree of cooimis, ufeiul to vegetation. Whcri. the clay and gravel do not go through fuc!i monifica- lioiii, the loll Ix'comes bi^rren, as foon as the layer formed by the decompufiti n of the original plants isdeftro)xd. I'his is occalioued by the necefllty of weed- ing THE HISTORY OF AMERICA. ing ir, which too frequently expofe its ialts to the heat of the fun. Hence, in thofe ciiltures which require lels weeding, and where the plant covers v/ith its leaves the vegetable falts, the fertility ot the foil has been pieferved *. The climate, in all the Weft India iflands, is nearly the fame, allowing for thole accidental differences, which the feveral qualities of the lands themlelves jiroduce. The inhabitants diftinguilh only two icafons, the dry and the rainy. Nature, whofe operations are unremitted, appears to them to act always uni- formly ; but thofe who attentively obferve her progrefs, difcern that, in the tem- perature of the climate, as well as in all the revolutions and changes of vegetation, Ihe obferves the iame laws as in hLurope, though in a lefs fenfible manner. Thefe changes, however, are no piefervative againft the dangers and inconveniences of fuch a fcorching fun, as muft naturally be expected umler tlie torrid zone. As thofe iflands lie chiefly between the Equator and the tropic of Cancer, the inhabitants are continually expofed to an almoif iniupportable heat. This heat is moderated rather by the winds than the changes in the leafons. Thofe which blow from the foiuh and weft afford fome relief, but they are much lefs fre- quent and regular than thafvvhich comes from the eaft. The eafterly wind depends upon two invariable caufes. . The firft arifes from the diurnal motion of the earth, from weft to eaft, which muft neceflarily be more rapid under the equincxial, becaufe a greater fpace muft be paffed over in the fame time. The fecond is owing to the heat of the fun, which, as foon as it rifes above the horizon, ratifies the air, and caufes it to blow towards the weft, in proportion as the earth revolves towards the eait. The eafterly wind, there- fore, which in the Weft India iflands is icarcely tc!t before nine in the morning, increafes as the Itin rifes above the horizon, and decreafes as it declines. To- wards evening it ceafes entirely to blow on the coafts, but not on the open fea. The caufes of this difference are very evident. After the fetting of the fun, the air from the land, which continues for a confiderabJe time rarified, on account of the vapours that are continually rifng from the heated globe, necef- farily flows back upon the air of the fea. This is wliat is generally called a laud- breezey in oppofirion to the former,- which is termed a fea-breeze. 7'he land- breeze is moft fenfibly felt during the n'7ht; and continues, till the air of the fea, rarified by the heat of the fun, h;ows back again towards the land, where the air hai> been condenfed by the cooincis of the night. It has alfo been ob- ferved, that the eafterly wind blows more regularly, and with greater force in the dog days, than at any other time of the year, becaufe the fun then adts more powerfully upon the air. Thus niture caufes the excefTive heat of the fun to contribute to the relreftiment of thole climates that are parched by his rays. The rain alio contributes to the ttmpcratjreof the Weft India iflands, though not equally in them all. !n ihol places where the eafterly wind meets with no- thing to o|.'pole its progreis, it uiipf-!s the clouds as they begin to rife, and caufes them to break either in the woods or upon the mountains j but wherever the * 'Du Tertre. Labat. Buffon. Raynal • 4 ■ florms 520 " T H E H I S T O R Y O F A M E R I C A." BOOK III. ftorms are too violent, or where the blowing of the eafterly wind is interrupted by the changeable and temporary cffed of the foiithern and weltcrly winds, it then begins to rain. In other iflands, where the eaft wind does not generally blow, the rains are fo frequent and plentiful, efpecially in the winter feafon, whicii lafts from the middle of July to the middle of Oftober, that, according to the moit accurate obfervations, as much water falls in one week, during this time, as in mod European climates in the fpace of a year. Our iieavieft rains are but dews, compared with thofe in the Weft Indies, which are rather torrents of water, poured from the clouds with vaft impetuofity. Thefe rains, fo falutary againft the heat, are accompanied with all the incon- veniencies of moifture, and attended with effedts no Ids difagreeable than fatal. The dead muft be interred within a few hours after they have expired ; meat will not keep frefh above four and twenty hours ; the fruits fuddenly decay, whether they are gathered ripe or before their maturity; the bread muft be made into bifcuits, in order to prevent it from growing mouldy, common v;incs foon become four, and iron rufts in a few days. The feeds can- not bs preferved without great attention and care, till the proper feafon returns tor lowing them. When the Weft India iflands were firft difcovered, the corn that was conveyed thither for the fupport of thofe who could not accuftom themfelves to the food of the natives was fo foon damaged, that it became neceflary to fend it in the ear. This precaution enhanced the price of it to fuch a degree that lew people were able to buy it. Flour was then fubflituted in place of corn -, which lowered, indeed, the expences of freight, but was attended with a new inconvenience : it was fooner damaged. While things were in this difagreeable ftate, it was happily itnagined by a merchant, that if the floLir were entirely ieparated from the bran, which contributes to its fermentation, it would be attended with a double advantage: it might be fold cheaper, and would keep longer. He accordingly caufed it to be fifced, and put the iincit flour into ftrong caflcs, and beat it clofe together with iron haminers, till it became lb firm a body that the air could fcarce enter it. Experience juftified fo rational a contrivance. Tlie pradtice, improved, has become general. By this means flour may be kept for tlie fpace of fix months, a year, or even longer ; an interval fufiicient for tiie adlivity and induftry of the mother-country to iupply its colonies. How troublefome foever thefe natural eff dts of the periodical rains may be, they are connedled with ibme ftill more terrible. Of thefe the moft deftruCtive is the hurricane. The hurricane is a violent wind, generally accompanied with rain, lightning and thunder; fometimes with an earthquake: and it is always at- tended with the moft fatal confequences that the tury of the elements can pro- duce. The fliy, which in the torrid zone is ufually clear, is fuddenly changed into a dark and univerlal night ; and the appearance of a perpetual fpring into the drearinefs and horror of the moft gloomy winter. Trees as old as the world are torn up by the roots, and inftantly difappear; the ftrongefl and moft folid buildings are in a moment buried in ruins : where the eye delighted itfelf with the profpedl of rich and verdant hills, nothing is to be feen but plantations en- tirely THE HISTORY OF AMERICA. ' 521 tirely dedroyed, and frightful caverns-, whole fields of fugar canes being '^^[j^^^- whirled into the air, and fcattered over the face of the country. The labours of many years are deftroyed, and the hopes of the planter perifli, at the very time when he thinks himfelf beyond the reach of fortune. Deprived of their Ible fupport, the unhappy fufferers weep over the carcafies of the dead, or fearch among the ruins for their friends and relations. The noife of the waters, of the woods, and of the winds, accompanied with the dreadful fliock of th*- diun- der ; the cries and howlings of men and animals, promifcuoudy involved in a whirlwind of fand, ftones, and ruins of buildings ! — all thefe horrors combined feem to portend the laft ftruggles of expiring nature. Hurricans, however, though accompanied with fo many awful circumftances, and though in many refpecfts fo deftruflive, contribute to the production of more plentiful crops, and to ripen the fruits of the earth. Whether thefe violent con- cuflions tear up the ground, in order to render it more fertile, or whether the hurricane brings along with it certain fubftances fit to promote the vegetation of plants, is not eafy to determine ; but it has been obferved, that this feeming evil, and temporary confufion, is not only a confequence of the uniformity of nature, which makes even diffolution itfelf inftrumental to regeneration, but alfo the means of preferving the univerfal fyftem, the life and vigour of which is main- tained by an internal fermentation, the fource of partial ill and of general good The original inhabitants of the Weft India iflands pretend to foretel, by in« fallible prognoftics, the approach of this dreadful phsenomenon. They affirm. That when it is near at hand, the air is mifty, the fun red, and yet the weather calm, and the tops of the mountains illuminated ; that in caverns and refervoirs of water, a hollow found is heard under the earth, like that arifmg from pent up winds ; that at night the ftars are furrounded with a fort of bur, which makes them appear much larger; that the fljefti from J'nrther violences on the Englilli. He pref,;rited hinifelf before Tunis ; and hiving there niadu tbe famt demands, the Dey of that republic bid him look to the catiles of Porio-Farino and Go- letta, and do his utmolK Blake needed not to be roufed by fuch a bravado : he drew liis (hips .clofc up to ihe callle.', and tore them in pieces with his .tnillery, while he f^nt a detachment of Tailors in their long-boats into the harbour, and burnt every (liip that lay the e. 'i he Spaniards alfj felt his furv, both on their own coafls and a: the Canaries, where he del'rovid a fleet of fixteen fail, lichly laden witt; the treafures of the New World, in the bay of Santa Cruz, under the cannon cf feven forts, all united by a lire of communication. Lives of the Admirals, vol. li. f BufchsiS Naval- Hil'.ory. Thurloe, vol. III. On. THE HISTORY OF AMERICA. On landing, proclamation was made that every man fhould fhoot his neighbour dead, if he obJerved him to turn his back. As they were advancing towards St. Jago, the capital, which was in no condition to refill luch a lorc^., the governor offered to capitulate, and deliver up the city •, but the difcuffion of thcle articles, artfully prolonged, gave the Spaniards time to remove their moft valuable effcdts, and to fly themfelves to the mountains ; fo that when the t-nglifn came to take poffeflion of St. Jago, they found nothing there but bare walls. As a confola- tion for this difappointment, they found themfelves not only in pofuflion of the capital, but in fad of the ifland itklf; for though the Spaniards, in parties, fometinies attenipted to furprife them, they never appeared in a body, anu at hift found it necefiary to tranfport tliemfelves and their effects to Cuba, I'hcre they were received with fuch marks of difgrace as the weaknei's of their defence de- fcrved, and lent back with a force that was fuppofed to be fufficient to expel the invaders : but the Englilli now beliaved in fuch a manner, as not only to wipe off the ftain which their valour had fuffcred in Hifpaniola, but to eftablilh themfelves in the quiet poffeffion of Jamaica ; the Spaniards being driven from place to place, and at length obliged to embark on board their fliips, and return with new fliame to Cuba *. It was long before the eftablifhment of the French in Hifpaniola, or the con- queil cf Jamaica by the Englifli, that the Freebooters made themfelves mafters of Toituga. The adventurers of both nations, who had taken refuge on the northern coaft oi Hifpaniola, on being expelled from St. Chriltopher's in 1630,. judged it prudent to fecure a retreat. For this purpofe they pitched upon Tor- tuga, (a fmall ifland within two leagues of the great one) and the few Spaniards who were left to guard it, retired on the firfl: fummons. They now found them- lelves abfolute lords of an ifland eight leagues long, and two broad, with moun- A. D. 1632^, tains covered with valuable woods, and plains that only wanted the hand of a cultivator. The northern coaft appeared to be inacceffible : the fouthern had an excellent harbour commanded by a rock, which required only a battery of cannon to fecure the entrance of the ifland. This precaution was not negleded.. So happy a fituation foon brought to Tortuga a multitude of defperados of all nations. ' The moft moderate applied themit Ives to the cultivation of the ground ; the more aclive went to hunt wild cattle in Hifpaniola, in the manner and for the purpofes already defcribed •, while the moft intrepid became corfairs f , and performed luch exploits as will ever be remembered with an equal mixture of admiration and horror. This is the true origin of thofe pirates, formerly diftinguiflied in England by the appellation of Freebooters, and in France by that of Flibuftiers J. But as. * Wijer. Pen and Venablis reiurned to England, they were boih fent to the Tower by the Pro-- teftor. He had made a conqued of greater confequence than he was then aware of, but much in- ferior to the valt proiptfts which he liad fo.-med. 'I'hurloe, vol. II!. f Hi:K Gen. d-.s Voyages, torn. XV. l:v. vii. c. I. Chaslevoix, Hift. de St, Dominique. X Flihuflitr is by foine derived from Flyboat, in aliufion to ihs light vefl'eis in Ahxh thofe pirates made their firlt excurfions : oihers deduce ii, with no kfj appearance of reaion, from the Eaglifli word Freebooter, which indicates one who makes war for the purpofe of pillage. Hi.l. Gen., des Yojiagss,, torn. XV. p. 376. (l they- THE HISTORY OF AMERICA. they are now generally known in this country by the name of Buccaneers, which probably began to be applied to them foon after their jundion with the hunters of wild cattle, properly lo denominated, wc fhall continue that name, as more exprefTive than any other of their ferocious character, whether men or animals were the objeift of purfuit. Nothing could appear lefs formidable than the firft armaments of the piratical •Buccaneers. Having formed themfelves, like the hunters of wild cattle, into fmall focietics, who took the name of the Brothers of the Coajl, they made their cxcurfions in an open boat, which commonly contained between twenty and thirty men, exposed night and day to all the inclemencies of the weather. Thefe incon- veniencies arifing from their fituation were augmented by their licentious dil- pofition. A love of freedom, which, duly regulated, cannot be fufficiently cheriflied, rendered them averle from a'l thole reflraints which civilized men vo- luntarily impole on each other for their common conveniency : fome of them chofe to fing, wliile others were defirous ot going to fleep ; and as the authority which they had conferred on thtir captain was confined to giving orders in battle, they lived in the greateft confufion. Like favages, having no apprehenfion of want, nor taking any care to guard againft famine by a prudent oeconomy, they were frequently expofed to all the extremities of hunger and thirft. But deriving, •even from their diltrefles, a courage fuperior to every danger, the fight of a fhip tranfported them to a degree of Ircnzy. They never deliberated on the method of attack, but their cuftom was to board the veflel as foon as pofTible. The fmall- nefs of their own velTcls, and their dexterity in managing them, prefervcd them from the fire of the enemy, one broadfide from whom muft have fent them to the bottom. They prefentcd only the prow of their boats or (lender barges, filled with mufketeers, who fired at the enemy's port- holes with fo much exacfnefs as con- founded the molt experienced gunners ; and when tiiey had fixed their grappling, the largeft fhips feldom cicaped them *. Tliough the Buccaneers, in cales of extremity, attacked the fliips of every nation, thofe belonging to the fubjeds of the crown of Spain were the principal objeft of their piracies. They thought that the cruelties which the Spaniards had exercifed on the natives of the New World, were a fufncient apology for every ■violence that could be committed againft them -, and indeed the ravages of thefe plunderers, confidered v.'itii an eye to die fcr.eme or Providence, may be regarded as the chartilements of an Almighty arm. Their hatred of that nation was far- ther roufed by motives of private refentment -, by the indignation they felt, as in- dependent men, on feeing themfelves debarred the privilege of hunting and filh- ing, whicli they juflly confidered as natural rights. Accommodating their con- fcience to thefe principles of religion and equity, they never embarked in any cx- peilition without publicly praying to Heaven for its iuccefs -, nor did they ever re- turn loaded with booty, without lolemnly returning thanks to God for their good fortune -j-. • Hil. Gen. des Voyages, toin. XV. liv. vii. c. i. Hift. Buccancerf, part I. chap. vi. t Id. ibid. This THE HISTORY OF AMERICA. This booty was originally carritrd to the ifland of Tortuga, their common ren- dezvous, in order to be divided ; but afterwards the French went to loinc ot the Ports ot Hilpaniola, and the Eiigliih to thole of Jamaica, where they ccjuld dif- pofe of it to more advantage, either in bufinels or pleafure. Before the ciftri- bution, each peribn held up his hand, and protefted, that he had iecreted no- thing of what he had taken ; and if any one was convidted of perjury, a cafe that feldom occurred, he was degraded, and left, as toon as an opportunity of- fered, on fome defert ifland, as a traitor unworthy to live in fociety. Such among them as had been maimed in tlie expedition were fiift provided for, according to an agreement before fetting out. The recompenle was proportioned to the in- jury. If any one had lolt, for example, a right-arm, he received fix hundred dol- lars, or fix flavts, if a left-arm five iiundred dollars, or five flaves, and the fame for a right leg *. The wounded were allowed a dollar a day for two months, in order to enable them to have their wounds drcifcd. if they had not money enough to anfwer thefe feveral demands, the whole company was obliged to engage in fome frefh expedition, and to continue till they had acquired a fufficienc ftock, to enable them to iatisfy luch honourable contrails. After this aft of juftice and humanity, the remainder of the booty was divided into as many (hares as there were adventurers on board. The captain could only claim a fingle fhare along with tlie refi: -, but they generally complimented him with tjjree, four, five, or even fix, according as he had acquitted himfelf. "When the vefTel was not the property of the company, the perfon who fitted ic out, and furnifhed it with necelfary arms and provifions, was entitled to a third of all prizes. Among themfelves, favour had no influence in the diftribution of the booty, every fliarc being determined by lot. Inftances of fuch rigid juftice are rarely to be met with among any body of men. The attention of the Buccaneers to this principle, extended even to the dead. Their fhare was o-iven to the man who v, as known to be their companion when alive, and therefore their heir, as fuppolcd, according to inclination. If the perfon who had been killed had no intimate, iiis part was fcnt to his relations, when they were known ; and if they knew of no friends or relations, it was diltributed in charity to the poor, and in benefaftions to the churches, that they might pray for the eternal wel- fare of the deceafed. When thefe duties had been complied with, the Buccaneers indulged themfelves. in all kinds of profufion. Unbounded liccntioufnefs in gaming, wine, women every kind of debauchery was carried to the greateft excefs, and was limited only by that want which fuch profufion occafioned. Hence, however, rich on their return, they were in a fiiort time perfedly needy, and deftitute of either cloaths or provifions. They again went to fea -, and the new fupplies which they acquired were laviflied in the fame inconfiderate manner. If they were afked what fadsfadtion they could find in difilpating fo rapidly, what they had Gained with fo much jeopardy, they made this very ingenuous reply. " Expofed as we are," faid they ; " to fuch a variety of dangers, our life is- totally dif- • Hift^ Buccaneer?, part I. c. vi^ 2 7* 6 U ferent 53+ THE HISTORY OF AMERICA: BOOK III. ferent from that of other men. Why fhould we, who are alive to-day, and run the hazard of being dead to-morrow, think of hoariiing ?— We reckon only the day we have lived, but never think of that which is to come. Our concern is rather to fquander life away, tlian to preferve it *." The fliips that failed from Europe to America feldom tempted the avidity of the firft Buccaneers, as the merchandifc which they contained could not eafily have been fold in thofe early times ; but they always watched them on their return, ■when certain they vvere laden with gold, filver, precious (tones,- and other rich produftions of the New World. They commonly followed the galleons and riota as far as the channel of Bahama •, and as foon as by any accident a fhip was feparated from the reft, they inftantly attacked her, and fhe leldom efcaped them. They even ventured to attack with luccefs feveral fhips at a time. The Spaniards, who called them daemons, trembled at their approach, and generally furrendered, if they came to clofe quarters -f. A remarkable infxance of this timidity on the one fide, and temerity on the t3ther, occurs in the hillory of Peter Legrand, a native of Dieppe in Isormandy, who being cruifing in thofe latitudes with a fmall veflel, which had no more than twenty-eigiit men and four guns, ventured to attack the vice-admiral of the gal- leons. Being refolved to conquer or die, and having exafled an oath from his crew to the fame purpofe, he ordered the carpenter to bore a hole in the fide of his own vcfTel, that all hope of efcape might be cut off. This was d,one accord- ingly ; when, with a piftol in one hand, and a fword in the other, he climbed up the fides of the Spanilh fliip, and bearing down all oppofition, entered the great cabin attended by fome of the moft dclperate of his affociates. There he found the admiral and fome of his officers playing at cards ; prefented a piftol to his breaft, and ordered him to furrender. Meantime the reft of the Buccaneers took poficfTion of the gun-room, and feized the arms, while the Spaniards, ftruck v-ith terror and amazement, demanded quarter J. Like examples are numerous. Michael de Bafco had the boldnefs to attack, under the very cannon of Porto Bello, a galleon valued at a million of pefos, -which he took with very little lofs. Nor muft the attempt of Captain Law- rence be forgot. Being unexpeftedly overtaken by two Spanidi ftiips, carrying each fixty pieces of cannon, and feven hundred men, " You have," laid he, addieffing himftlf to his companions, " two much experience not to be fenfible of your danger, and too much courage to fear it. On this occafion we muft avail ourfelves of every circumftancc; hazard everything-, attack and defend at the fame time : — valour, artifice, rafhncis, and even dclpair mull, now be employed 1 — L.et us dread the ignominy of a defeat; let us dread the cruelty of our enemies ; and let us fight, that we may efcape them." After this fpeech, which was received with general applaufe, the captain called to one of the braveft of his crew, and in the prefence of the reft ordered him to fct fire to the gun- • Id. ibicf. Hid. Gen. dcs Voyage, torn. XV. liv. vii. c. i. Such has ever been ihe Ian. guage of men familiar with danger, and expoftd to ptiil. The dtfi c 6f enjo)irg life feems to ir.crtafe in proportion to the the hazard of lofmg it. ■J- Id. ibid. t HJil. Buccaneers, part I. c. vi. powder. THE HISTORY OF AMERICA. 5S5 powder, on the firfl: fignal for that purpofe ; giving them by this to underftand, CHAP. i. that they muft either die or conquer. He then ranged his men on both fides of his veflcl, and raifing his voice, in order to be more diftindtly heard, " We niuft," faid he, " pais between their fhips, and fire upon them from every fide." This plan of operation was executed with equal courage and diipatch. The galleons, however, were not taken ; but the Spaniards were fo much reduced in number, that they either were not able, or had not courage to continue the com- bat againfl: an handful of refolute men, who even in their retreat, carried away the honour of the viftory *. Reduced almofl: to defpair by finding themfclves a continual prey to thefe ra- vagers, the Spaniards diminiflied the number of their lliips, and the colonies gave up their connexions with each other. They relinquifiied all the power, conveni- encies, and fortune which their mutual intercourfe procured them, and formed themfelves in a manner into fo many diflind and independent fl:ates. They vvere fenfible of the difadvantages refuhing from iuch a conduul, and avowed them ; but the dread of falling into the hands of rapacious and favzge men, had greater influence over them than the didiates of honour, intereft, and ambition. Hence that languid inadivity by which they are ftili diftinguifiicd. Thefe humiliating precautions, however, ierved but to increafe the ardour of the Buccaneers. They had only appeared hitherto in the Spanilh fettlements, in order to carry off fuch provifions as they were in want of; but they no fooner found their captures diminifh, than they determined to procure by land what tlie fea denied them. The richefl: and moil populous countries in the New World were plundered and laid wafte : the culture of the fields was no lefs negledled than the exercife of navigation ; and the Spaniards were as much afraid to appear beyond the walls of their citits, as their fliips without the mouth of their harbours f . Among the Buccaneers who firft fignalized themfelves in this new fpecies of piracy, was IVIontbais, a gentleman of Languedoc. Having by chance, in his infancy, met with a circumltantial, and perhaps exaggerated account, of the cruel- ties praflifcd by the Spaniards in tlie conquefl of the New World, he conceived an antipathy againft the nation that had committed fo many enormities, which rofe even to a degree of frenzy. The ftrength of this averfion is exemplified by an anecdote. Being engaged when at college, in playing in a dramatic piece, the part of a Frenchman, who had quarrelled with a Spaniard, he threw himfelf with enthufiaftic fury upon his antagonift, and would have killed him unlefs prevented. A pafiion capable of fuch excefs could not eafily have been moderated. Mont- bars fl:rove only toroufe it. His heated imagination, which he loved to indulge, continually repiefented to him innunxrable multitudes of innocent people, mur- dered by a fet of favage monfters nuried in the mountains ot Caftile : the unhappy victims, whole names were ever prefent to his memory, feemed to call upon him for vengeance : he longed to imbrue his hands in Spanifh blood ! — and no fooner * Hilh Gen. des Voyages, ubi fup. Hid. Buccaneei'S, f HiiL Buccaneer?, parti, c. vii. was 536 TI^EHISTORYOF AMERICA. BOOK III. wp.s war declared between France and Spain, towards the middle of the (even* leenth century, than he embarked on board a flnp, in order to purfue the Spani- ards on the lame coafts where the firft conquerors had perpetrated their barbari- ties ■". In the pafTage they met with a Spanifh veflcl ; attacked it ; and, as was iifual in thoie times, immediately boarded it. Montbars with a Tabre in his hand, fell furioufly upon the enemy ; broke through them -, and hurrying twice from one end of the fhip to the other, levelled every thing that oppofed his vio- lence. W'hen he had compelled the enemy to furrender, he lc:t to his com- panions the happinefs of dividing the rich booty, fatisfied himfeif with the cruel pleafureof contemplating the dead bodies of the Spaniards, againft whom he had vowed eternal hatred, lying in heaps befmeared with blood. Humanity in him becamethe iburce of the moft unfeeling barbarity. Fre(h opportunities foop occurred, vv hich enabled Montbars, to gratify ftill fan- ther his favourite paffion. The (hip in which he failed arrived on the coaft of ■ Hifpaniola, where the Buccaneers on land immediately propofed to barter fome pro- vifions for brandy. As the articles which they offered were of fmall value, they ■ apologized for this inferiority by faying, that the Spaniards had laid wafte their fcttlements, and dcfpoiled them of every thing worth carrying off. " And do you," replied Montbars, " tamely fuffer fuch infults ?"— " No !" anfwered they in the fame tone :— " the Spaniards have experienced what ibrt of men we are and have therefore taken advantage of the time when we were cnoaoed in hunt- ing to pillage our dwellings. But we arc going tojoin fome of our companions, who have been no better treated, and then there will be warm work."—" If you think proper," faid Montbars, " I will head you : not as your commander, but: as the foremofl: to expofe myfelf to danger. Perceiving from his appearance that he was fuch a man as they wanted, tiiey chearfully accepted his offer. The fame day they overtook the enemy, and Montbars attacked them with an im- petuofity that aftonifhed the braveft and moft experienced Buccaneer. Scarce one Spaniard efcaped theeffcds of his fury. The remaining part of his life cor- refponded with thefe firfl: exploits ; and the Spaniards fuffered fo much from him,, both by fea and land, that he acquired the name of the Exterminator f. In coniequenceof this new method of carrying on war, which required fuperior forces, the affociations of the Buccaneers became more numerous. The firfl powerful affocialion was formed by Francis Lolonois, who derived his name from that territory in France which is called the Sands of Olone, the place of his birth. From the abjeiSt condition of an engage or bondfman, he had gradually raifed hinifelf to the command of two canoes, and twenty men. With thefe he was fo fuccefsful as to take a Spanifh frigate on the coaff of Cuba. After the eno-age- ment, he ordered fuch of the enemy as were wounded to be put to death. This. bang obferved by a negro, who fearing that he might fhare the fame fate, attempt- ed to fave himfeif by a perfidious declaration, but very ccnfiftent with the pare which he had been deftined to ad. He affirmed, that he had been put on board • Hift. Gen. des Voyages, torn. XV. liv. vii. c. i. f Id. ibid. 6 by J THE HISTORY OF AMERICA. 537 by the governor of the Havana, in order to ferve as executioner to the Bucca- CHAP. I. neers, whom he had fentenced to be hanged, not doubting but they y/ould be all ^-— ^/~—- ^ taken prifoners. The favage Lolonois, fired with rage at this information, com- manded all the Spaniards to be brought before him, and cut ofF tlieir heads one after another, fucking at each ftroke tlie drops of blood that trickled down his fabre! - He next repaired to Puerto del Principe, in whicli were four fhips, fitted out on purpofe to fail in purfuit of him. Thefe he took, and threw every per- ' fon on board into the fea, except one man, whom he fent with a letter to the go- vernor of the Havana, acquainting him with what he had done, and declaring that he fhould never henceforth give quarter to any Spaniard -, not even to the governor himfelf, fliould he fall into his hands, as he hoped would yet be the cale. " Thus," added he, " have I retaliated the kindnefs, which you intended me and my companions*.'' After this enterprife, Lolonois ran his canoes and prize-fliips aground, and failed with his frigate only, to the ifland of Tortuga. There he met with Michael de Bafco, who had fo much diftinguifhed himfelf, as already mentioned, by taking a Spanifh fliip of great value under the cannon of Porto Bello, and other adlions equally brave and daring. Thefe two adventurers gave notice to the whole body of pirates, that they propofed to embark in an expedition from which the greatcfl advantages might be expected. In confequence of this intima- tion, and their high reputation for courage and fuccefs, they colleded in a (hon time, by their united interefl:, fix hundred and fixty followers. This body of men, the largeft the Buccaneers had hitherto been able to mnfter, failed for the gulph of Venezuela in eight vefi^els, the largefl: of which carried only ten guns. This gulph runs a confiderable way into the country, and communicates with the lake of Maracaybo by a narrow ftrait. That ftrait is defended by a caftle called la Barra, which the Buccaneers took, after an obllinate defence, and nailed up the cannon. They then reimbarked, pafled the bar, and came to the city of Maracaybo, built on the weftern coaft of the lake, at the diftance of about ten leagues from its mouth. This city, which had become populous and fiourifhing by its trade in hides, tobacco, and cacao, they found entirely deferted. The inhabitants informed of the danger that threatened them, had retired with their efFefts to the other fide of the bay. If the Buccaneers had not fpent a fortnight in riot and debauch, they would have found at Gibraltar, a town near the extremity of the lake, every thing that the people of Maracaybo had carried off, in order to prevent it from being made plunder. On the contrary, by their delay, they met with fortifications newly erefted ; which they had, indeed,- the fatisfaftion of reducing at the expence of a great deal of blood, but without any other confolatory advantage, the inhabitants having removed to a diftance the nioft valuable part of their property. Exafperated at this difappointment, the Buccaneers fet fire to Gibraltar, and Maracaybo would have fliared the fame fate • Hid. Buccaneers, part If. c. i. Some particulars, which the author has not elfewhere met with, in this and other (lories relative to the Buccaneers, are borrowed rrom Raynal, on a fiip- pofition that he is well informed, though he has not produced his authorities. 28. 6 X had 538 T n E H I S T O R Y O F A M E R I C A. BOOK in. had it not been ranfomcd. Bdides the lum they received for its ranfom, they alfa ^■"^ v"*"— ' canied with them all the crolTcs, piclures, and bells of the churches*; intcndino-, as they faid, to build a chapel in the ifland of Tortuga, and to confecrate this part of tiicir fpoils tofacred purpofcs. Like other ravagers of more exalted charafter, they had no idea of the abl'urdicy of offering to Heaven thofe things which had been procured by a violation of its laws — the fruits of robbery and murder! While Lolonois and his followers were idly difllpating at Tortuga, the fpoils which they liad acquired on tlie coail of Venezuela, Morgan, the moft renowned of the Englifh Buccaneers -f, failed from Jamaica to attack Porto Bello. flis ineafures were lb well concerted, that he lurprifed the centinels, and made him- lelf mafter of the city, before the Spaniards could put themfelves in a poilure of defence. In order to reduce with the fame facility the chief caftle, into which many of the principal citizens had retired with their moft valuable effects, and all the plate belonging to tht churches, Morgan bethought himfelf of a ftrata- gem that difcovers his knowledge of national charadlers, as well as of human na- ture in general. He compelled the priefts, nuns, and other women, whom he had taken pn'foners, to plant the fcaling ladders againft the walls, from a per- Juafion that the gallantry and fuperftition of the Spaniards, would never fuffer them to fire at the objedts of their love and veneration. But he found himfelf deceived : the governor, who was a refolute foldier, ufed his utmoft endeavour to deftroy every one who approached the works. Morgan, however, and his four hundred followers, who on this occafion were all Knglifhmen, carried the A. D. 1668. place by ftorm, after an obftinate refiftance from the Spanilh garrifon, many of ■whom died by the governor with their fwords in their hands. The plunder and ranfom amounted to two hundred and fifty thovifand pefos in filver, befides a vaft quantity of valuable merchandife J. With this booty Morgan returned to Jamaica, where he immediately planned a new entei-prife. Underftanding that Lolonois had been difappointed in the plun- der of Maracaybo, by his imiprudent delay, he refolved to furprife that place. For this purpofe he colleded fifteen fmall veflels, and nine hundred and A. D. 1669. fixty men. Thefe entered the gulph of Venezuela unobferved, filenced the fort that defended the paflage to the lake of Maracaybo, and found the town as formerly deferted. But they were fo fortunate as to difcover the principal citi- * Hid. Buccaneers, part II. chap. i. f Henry Morgan, afterwards Sir Henry, was a native of the principality of Wales, and the ion of a rich yeoman of good family ; but having a diflike to the tranquil life of a farmer, he wandered, while a youth, towards the fea-coad, and engaged himfelf on board a (hip bound for Barbadoes. The captain there fold him, according to the cullom of thofe times. When the term of his fervitude was expired, he went to Jamaica, and joined the Buccanceii., among whom he foon acquired fuch reputation as to be chofen captain ; and his life was dillingu /; the coaft, they were attacked by eight hundred Spaniards, who were routed and '^ " " ' ^* purfued to the town, where both parties entered at the fame time. The cannon found there was inftantly levelled againft the citadel, though without much effecf ; and the Buccaneers were contriving fome ftratagem to enable them to become maf- ters of the place, when intelligence was brought that it was abandoned. There remained in it only a gunner, an Englilliman, and a man of fuch fignal courage, that he chofe rather to expofe himfelf to the rage of the Buccaneers, than to de- fert his poft. Grammont received him with marks of diftinflion ; generoufty re- leafed him -, gave him up all his efrefts, and befides made him fome valuable prefents : luch influence have valour and fidelity on the minds even of thofe * A ftronger image of the dirtrefs, which thofe adventurers experienced, cannot be offered to the mind than that drawn by Raveneau de Luffan, who does not appear to have had lefs fortitude than any of his affociates. " I could not," fays he, " for the fpace of fifteen days, take my re- turn for any thing but an illufion ; and it proceeded fo far with me, that I fhunrifd flcep, ieli I fliould find myfelf, when I awaked, again in thofe countries, out of which I was fohapp'Iy de- livered." Voy. des Flibuft. c. vi. 28. 6 Z who 546 T H E H I S T O R Y O F A M E R 1 C A, BOOK III. who feeni to violate all the laws of fociety, and to fport with the rights of humanity ! The conquerors of Campeachy fpent two months in fearching all the environs of the city, for the diftance of twelve or fifteen leagues, and fcizing every thing that the inhabitants thought they had fecured in their flight. When all the plun- der was depofited on board the fhips, the Buccaneers made a propofal to the governor of the province, who ftill kept the field with nine hundred men, to ranfcin the capital. His refufal determined them to burn it, and demolifh the citadel. Meantime the French, on the feflival of St. Lewis, being celebratino; the annivcrlary of their king, in the tranfports of their patriotifm, intoxication, and loyalty, burnt an immenfe pile of logwood ; a part, and no inconfiderable one of their booty *. After this fingular and extravagant inftance of folly, they returned to Hifpaniola, which about that time they began to diftinguifli by the name of St. Domingo, formerly applied only to the capital. The little advantage which the Englifh and French Buccaneers had derived from their late expeditions upon the continent, had infenfibly led them to have recourfe to their old piratical excurfions upon the fea. Both were employed in attacking fuch fhips of all nations as they met with, when a particular train of circumfl:ances engaged the French a new in that courfe, which every thing had confpired to render difagreeable to them. The powerful influence that the words glory, country, and gold carry with them, determined twelve hundred of thefe daring adventurers to join a fquadron of feven fhips that failed from France in 169-, under the command of Monf. Pointis, to attack the famous city of Carthagena. This was the mofl: difficult enterprife that could be attempted in the New World. The fituation of the port, the ftrength of the place, the in- temperature of the climate, were obftacles that fcemed infurmountable, without a vafily fuperior force. Nothing, however, appeared impoflible to Buccaneers. The place was taken, and all mankind agreed in conferring upon them the honour of the conqueft ■, but they were bafely deprived of the advantage refulting from it. The rapacious commander, who had gained a booty eftimated at two milli- ons of pounds fterling, fcrupled not, as foon as he had fet fail, to offer forty thou- fand crowns, as the fliare of thofe who had been the chief inflruments of his fuccefs. Exafperated at this treatment, the Buccaneers refolved immediately to board tlie admiral's fliip, which was at that time too far diftant from the reft to receive immediate fuccour from them ; and Pointis was in danger of being mafTacred, when one of the pirates, who had pofTibly fome regard for that officer, ex- claimed, " Brethren I why fhould we attack this ralcal ? — he has carried off^ no- thing that belongs to us. He has left our (hare at Carthagena, and there we muft go and recover it." This propofal was received with general applaufe. A favage joy at once fucceeded that fullen melancholy which had overcalf them, and without farther deliberation, they failed towards the place which they had fo • Hift. ilibull. recently THE HISTORY OF AMERICA. recently plundered. As foon as they had entered the city, which fiurcndereii CHA without refinance, tliey fhuc up ail the male inhabitants in the great church, and '' addreflcd them in the following words. " We are renfible that you confider us as people void of faitli, and of all reli- gion ; as devils rather than men. The opprobrious language which you affed to ule, when you fpeak of us, and the reful'al you have made to treat with us con- cerning the furrender of your citv, are ftrong indications of the fentiments you entertain in regard to our charailer. Be not, however, too obftinate in vour opinion. You fee us here armed, and capable of avenging ourfelves. The palenefs vifible in your countenances convinces us that you exped the moil; fevere treatment, and your confcience tcftifies that you deferve it. We fhall foon undeceive you with refpeft to ourfelves, and convince you, than we do not merit the infamous appellations with which you ftigmatize us, but that they be- long rather to the commander under whom we lately fought. The traitor has deceived us. Though he owes the conqueft of diis city to our valour, yet he rcfufes to fhare the fpoils of it with us, and by this inftance of injuflice has com- pelled us to return to you. We do it with regret, and the moderation we fliall lliew will be a proof of it. We pledge our faith to you, that we will imme- diately retire, after you have paid us five millions of livres*. This is our uc- moft demand : but if you refufe a requeft fo reafonable, the greateft- diltrcfics await you ; the caufe of which you muft afcribe to yourfelves, and the in- famous Pointis, whom you are at liberty to load with all kinds of execra- tions f." After this difcourfe, the moft venerable pried in the city mounted the pulpir, and exerted all the influence which his charader, his authority, and his elo- quence gave him, to perfuade his hearers to yield up, without referve, their gold, filver, and jewels J but the coUedion which was made, in confequence of his oration, not furnifhing the fum required, the city was ordered to be plundered, from the houfes, the Buccaneers proceeded to pillage the churches, and even the tombs, but not with that fuccefs they expeded ; and they concluded by tor- turing the chief citizens. At length, dcfpairing to add any thing to the booty they had already acquired, by thefe various means, they fet fail. But unfor- tunately they met with a fleet of Dutch and Engliih fliips ; and as both ihofe nations were then in alliance with Spain, rnoft of their velfels were either taken or funk, with all the riches they had on board. Tiie reft efcaped in a- miferable condition to Hifpaniola;]:. This was the laft memorable event in the hiftory of the Buccaneers. The entire reparation of the Englifli and French, when the war on account of the prince of Orange divided the iwo nations; the fuccefsful means which both made ufeof to promote the cultivation of land in their colonies, by means of thofe enter- prifing fpirits, and the prudence they lliewed in fixing the moft difl:inguifhed a- * About two hundred and eighteen thoufand, feven hundred and fifty pounds Ilerling-, t Hill. Fliball. Rayr.al, li/t x. % Id. ibid. mong V 548 T H E H I S T O R Y O F A M E R I C A. EOOK ITf. mongthem, by intrufdng tliem with civil and military emplgyments — all thefe, and various other circumdances, befides the difficulty of lupplying the place of the remarkable pcribns who were daily dropping off, concurred to put an end to the moft extraordinary fociety that ever exifted among men. "Without any re- gular fyftem of government, without laws, without any permanent fubordina- tion, and even without any fixed revenue, the Buccaneers fubjefted to their arms cities and ftrong holds v;hich liave baffled the greateft efforts of national force. They fupplied the want of numbers and of power by their aftivity, their vigi- lance, and bravery. If conqueft, not plunder, had been the objedl of their en- terprifes, they could have conquered all America. In a word, they were a peo- ple wholly difliind in hiftory ; but a people whofe duration was fo tranfient, that their glory, as it were, lafted only for a moment. Tlie deilruclive wars that raged in Europe towards the end of the laft and the beginning of the prefent century, prevented any vigorous efforts being made by the contending powers in America ; and the treaty of Utrecht, which terminated their differences, put a flop to the depredations of the French and Englifh colo- nies on each other. The years that fucceeded this treaty revived the ideas of the golden age in the world ; which would generally enjoy fufficient tranquility, if the Europeans did not dilfurb its peace, by carrying their arms and their diffentions into every quarter of the earth. The fields were now no more covered with dead bodies ; the liarveft of the hufbandman was not laid wafle-, the mariner ventured fo fail in every fea, without dread of pirates or of enemies -, and mothers no more law their Ions forced from their arms, to lavifh their blood at the caprice of a weak monarch, or an ambitious minilter. Nations no longer united to gra- tify the pafuons of their fovereigns. Mankind lived together for fome time like brethren, as far as their pride, their prejudices, and their interefls would let them. Though this general happinefs may. chiefly perhaps be afcribed to thofe who held the reins of government, the progrefs of reafon alfo contributed in part to produce it. Philofophy then began to be laid open, and fentiments of univerfal benevolence to be adopted. Some writings of a liberal kind had appeared, which contributed to polifh and refine the manners of the people. A fpirit of modera- tion, thus communicated, had infpired men with a love of the more uftful and plealing arts of life, and abated at leafl the defirc which they formerly pofitfTed, of deftroying each other. The thirfl of blood feemed to be afluaged ; and all nations, profiting by the difcoveries they had made, ardently fet about the im- provement of their population, agriculture, and manufaftures. This fpirit of adivity exerted itfclf more efpecially in the Well India iflands. The ftates on the European continent can fubfift, and even flourifh, when the flame of war is kindled in their neighbourhood, and on their frontiers, becaufe the principal objeds of their attention are the culture of their lands and the en- couragement of their manufactures, in order to iuppiy their lubfiflence and internal confumption ; but the cafe, is very different with regard to thofe fcttlements, which different nations have made in the great archipelago of America. There life and property are equally precarious -, few of the requifites for fubfiftence are X the THE HISTORY OF AMERICA. 549 the produce of the foil; and neither wearing apparel, nor the inftruments of CHAP. I. hiifbandry, are fo much as made in the country. All the commodities of thefe colonies are intended for exportation ; and nothing but an eafy and fafe commu- nication with Africa, with the northern coafts of America, and with Europe, can procure them that plentiful fupply of the neceflaries of life, and that free cir- culation of thofc fuperfluities which they give in exchange for them, that is nc- ce/Tary to their profperity. The more they had fuffered from the efFefbs of that long and defolating war, which had thrown every thing into confufion, the more eager they were to repair their lofles. Their progrefs, however, would have been comparatively flow, had not the hopes entertained that the general weak- nefs would infure a lailing tranquility, encouraged the European merchants to furnilh them with goods in advance. Thefe alfiftances rapidly increafed the profperity of the Weft India iflands, till a ftorm that had been for fome time gathering, broke out in 1739, and difturbed once more the peace of the world. The Englilh colonies, but chiefly Jamaica, had carried on a contraband trade with the Spanilh fettlements in South America, which cuftom had long made them confider as lawful. Meantime the court of Madrid, becoming better acquainted with its interefts, concerted meafures for putting a ftop to this pernicious intercourfe, by appoint- ing Guarda Coftas, in the manner already explained *. This precaution was cer- tainly prudent, but it ought to have been put in execution with equity. If the fhips intended to prevent that illicit traffic had only feized upon fuch veffcls as were concerned in it, the meafure would have merited approbation. But the abufes infeparable from violent councils, the eagernefs of gain, and perhaps too a fpirit of revenge, incited the Spaniards to ftop, under various pretexts, many fhips which had a legal deftination, England, whofe fecurity, power, and glory is founded upon commerce, could not very patiently fufFer even her ufurpations to be reftrained ; but ftie was now particularly incenfed, when ftie found that thefe reftraints were converted into hoftilities, and carried to an excefs inconfiftent with the laws of nations. In Lon- don, and in both houfes of parliament, general complaints were made againft the authors of them, accompanied with inveftives againft the minitter who fuf- fered them. Sir Robert Walpole, who had long ruled Great Britain, and whofe charafter and abilities were better adapted to peace than war, and the Spanifh miniftry, who fhewed lefs refolution as the ftorm increafed, concerted together terms of reconciliation, which were figned at Pardo, in January 1738. Thofe terms, which were equally inconclufive and inglorious, excited the general refentment of the Englifh nation, and of the more virtuous and dif- cerning part of both houfes of parliament, who called aloud for vengeance. But the minifter appeared cold, phlegmatic, and timid, though Britain was in a condition that ought to have left few apprehenfions with regard to the ifllie of a war i though her magazines were filled with military ftores, and her dock-yards f Book II. chap. i. p. 368. z8i 7 A in ^50 THEHISTORYOFAMERICA. BOOK in. in the mod flourilhing condition-, though I>er fleets were all manned and ready for fcrvice, and commanded by experienced ofiicers, who waited only for orders to fct iail, and fpread the terror and glory of her flag to the extremities of the earth. Walpole, however, mud not be fufpeded of diredly betraying his country, though his pufillanimous condu(5t had nearly the fame eff^edt. He knew that war would involve him in fuch difliculties as muft inevitably endanger his adminiftration. The treafure, v/hich he now employed in domeftic purpofes mufl in that event be expended in foreign armaments -, the wheels of corrup- tion, that vafl: machine on which he hud railed his influence, would no longer move ; the oppofition in parliament would of courfe gain ground ; and the im- pofition of frefli taxes, nccefl"ary for the fupport of the war, fill up the meafure of popular indignation againft his perfon and miniitry. Moved by thefe confiderations, without being bribed, as his enemies affirm- ed, by the court of Madrid, Walpole not only induRrioufly avoided a rupture with Spain by memorials, negociations, and by agreeing to terms unworthy of the dignity of the Britifli crown, but ventured to defend that convention in par- liament. He aflerted, that the minifl:ry had reconciled the peace of their country with her true interefl: ; that this peace was attended with all the advantages which the mofl: fuccelsful war could have procured ; that future ages would con- fider the period of which he fpoke as the mofl: glorious in hiftory, and do juftice to the counlels that produced the happy event *. He was obliged, however, at laft to give way to the voice of the nation ^ and admiral Vernon was fent to the Weft Indies, in order to aflume the command of thefquadron in thofe latitudes and to annoy the trade and fettlements of the Spaniards. This gentleman had rendered himfelf confiderable in the houfe of commons, by loudly condemning all the mcafures of rhe minifter, and bluntly fpeakin^ his fentiments upon every occafion, without any refpeft of perfons, or even regard to decorum. He was accounted a good officer, and this boifterous manner feemed to confer on him a particular merit with many of his countrymen. As he had once commanded a fquadron at Jamaica, he was perfedly acquainted •with the coafts of America ; and in a debate upon the Spanifli depredations he affirmed, that he would undertake to reduce Porto Bello with fix iLips. This offer was ecchoed from the mouths of all the members in the oppofition, and refounded from every corner ot the kingdom. Vernon became the idal of the people : and the minifter, in order to appeafe their clamours, fent him to fulfil his bravado ; pleafcd with an opportunity of removing fuch a troublefome cen- for from the houfe of commons, and not without hopes, as may be fuppoled, that he would fail in his enterprife, and draw difgrace on himfelf and his party. The event, however, proved otherwife. Admiral Vernon failed from Jamaica ■with no more than fix ffiips, and two hundred and forty fold iers; yet fuch was the pufiUanimity of the Spaniards, and the romantic bravery of the tnglifli • Parliamentary Debates for 1738. tarsj •i5*»-.v. , _, THE HISTORY OF AMERICA. SB^ tars, who fcaled the walls in a manner thought impradlicable, that he made him- CHAP. I. felf matter of Porto Bello almoft without bloodlhcd, Thejoy of the nation was exceflive on this occafion : the two houfes of parliament congratulated his ma- iefly on the fuccefs of his arms ; the people were confirmed in their opinion of Vernon, and his good fortune determined the government to fupport him. The taking of Porto Bello was only a prelude to greater enterprifes. Nothing lels was rcfolved upon than the entire deftruftion of the Spaniards in the New World. For this purpofe, a fquadron was difpatched to the South Sea under commodore Anfon, in order to ravage the coafts of Peru and Chili*; and a fieet of twency- fevcn fail of the line, commanded by Sir Chaloner Ogle, befides frigatfs, fire-fliips, bonib-ketches, tenders, ftore-fhips, and tranfports, with upwards of ten thouland land forces on board, was fent to the Wefb Indies to reinforce admiral Vtinon. The land forces were commanded by lord Cathcart, a noblem.an of approved ho- nour, and great experience in military affairs. The ardour of both foldiers and failors to come to adlion was exceflive. This ardour drew from Lord Cathcart the following letter to admiral Vernon. " In the troops 1 bring you, there is fpirir, there is good will; which, when properly conducted, will produc'e, I hope, what the nation expeds from us; will make us the glorious inftruments for finiHiing the war, with all the advantages to the public that its happy beginning promifes ; ^nd with this dittinguifhing circumftance, that thofe elfcfts have been owing to aperfeSi harmony between the fea and land forces f ." The want of this harmony proved the ruin of the armament. Lord Cathcart ■died foon after his arrival at Jamaica, and the command of the land forces un^ fortunately devolved upon brigadier-general Wentworth ; an officer without ex- perience, refolution, or authority, and a man without abilities, but artful and plaufible. He had nothing in common with Vernon but his obftinacy,, and as oreat a contempt for the fea, as the admiral had for the land-fervice. Thefe two commanders, whole powers were difcretionary, determined to attack Cartha- gena, after being reinforced with fome troops from the Englilh colonies in America. A defcent was accordingly made on the ifland of Tierra Bomba, near the mouth of the harbour, known by the name of Bocca Chica, orLittlemouth, from the narrownefs ©f the entrance, which was fortified in the ftrongefl: manner with caftles, batteries, booms, chains, cables, and fhips of war. Several of the fmaller forts were reduced by Sir Chaloner Ogle, a gallant officer,, to whom that fervice was committed. Batteries were now ereded againfl: the principal fortifica- tions, and the Barradera-battery, and fort St. Jofeph were fucceffively taken by ftorm. A breach was made in Caftillo Grande, and the Britifh troops, fup- ported by the fcamen, advanced to the alTault. Contrary to all expedation, they found the works abandoned. The Spanilh fhips, which lay acrofs the • Anfon's fleet was ruined in paffing Cape Horn, which fome months fooner rright have b'en doubled wiihout any danger ; but if one may judge of what he could have performed, with his whole fquadron, from what he aftually executed with a fingle Ihip, it feems highly probable,' that he would have fhaken, at leaft, the empire of the Spaniards on the South Sea. t Hirtory of Jamaica, ^ , mouth to cci T H E H I S T O R Y O F A M E R I C A. Hi)0 K III. mouth of the harbour, were either taken cr deftroyed ; the paflage was opened j ^^'-'-y—^ the flj-et c-ntercd v^ithout farther oppofition, and the troops were difembarked within a mile of the city. After furmouniing fuch incredible difficulties, the Englifli thought that Httle remained but to take poflcffion ot Carthagena. A fhip was lent exprefs to Lon- don with intelligence to this purpofe, and public rejoicings were held at Jamaica, and over all the Britifli Weft Indies. But the animofities which had broke out between the admiral and general, and which every day ferved only to inflame, difappointcd tlie hopes of the nation, as well as of ihofe engaged in the expedition. Each feemed more eager for the difgrace of his rival than zealous for the honour of his country. The admiral was always putting the general in mind of the neceffity of cutting off all communication between the city and the country, and of attacking fort Sr. Lazarus, by which it was defended. Refolutions in a council of war were taken for that purpofe, but nothing was done in confequence of them. A moft unaccountable langour, which perhaps in fome meafure pro- ceeded from the climate, feems to have poffeffed the troops. The general threw the blame upon the admiral, in not landing their tents, (lores, and artillery. Both were doubtlcfs to blame : but if Wentworth, on landing, had immediately at- tacked the Spaniards, before their panic was over, the Englilh muft unqueftion- ably have become mafters of the place; whereas the delay of the army gave them time not only to recover their fpirits, but to complete a very ftrong fortification, and to take other precautions for their defence. Nor was the admiral lefs remifs in his duty, in not fending his fhips to batter the town by fea. Meanwhile the army was employed inerefting a bomb-battery, in order to make a breach in fort St. Lazarus. But the artillery not being yet arrived, nor the bat- tery near completed, the chief engineer gave it as his opinion, that the place might be rendered fo much ftronger, before the battery could be opened, as to over- balance its advantages. This abfurd opinion, which was moft likely delivered with a view to fave his own reputation, feconded by the importunides of Vernon, determined Wentworth to hazard an aftault againft the mouths of the Spaniih cannon, without difcharging a fingle gun to difmount them, or to open a breach in the walls of the fortification. A wilder refolution could not have been embraced by an army of favages, ignorant of the art of war, and of the deftrudlive power of artillery. Such, however, was the ardour of the Britifh troops, that, if other in- ftances of mifcondudt had not accompanied this unfoldierlike attempt, there is reafon to believe that Carthagena would have been taken. The attack, inftead of being made in the night, was delayed till near fun-rifing; the fcaling-ladders were too fhort -, the wool-packs and granado-fhells were left in the rear ; and the admiral negkfted to divert the attention of the enemy, by battering the city by fea, or even making ufe of his bomb-ketches. In confequence of thefefeveral blunders, and others connedted with them, the Englifh troops were expofed to the whole fire of the fort, without the leaft power of defending themfclves, or of annoying the Spaniards. A mere carnage enfued j and though a retreat was foon THE HISTORY OF AMERICA. foon found neceffary, colonel Grant, who commanded the grenadiers, and fix hun- dred brave men were left dead on the field. The oflicers of the land forces knew not whether to accufe their oenera! or the admiral ; but the number of the troops was now lb n,uch reduced, that thev perceived all farther hopes of reducing the place niult be very doubtful. Pe- fides, ihe rainy feafon had begun with fuch violence as rendered it impoffible for them to live on (hore j they were therefore reimbarivtd, and the enterprilc was relinquifhcd. Vernon, however, in order to vindicate himlclf from the re- proaches of Wentworth, who affirmed that the town might be taken by fea fitted up the Galicia, one of the Spanifh fhips which he had taken, as a floating battery. On trial it was found, that fhe could not approach lb near the walls as to make any impreffion upon them ; but her ihot, and the bombs froin the tenders did confiderablc damage to the houfes and churches ; and it was with difficulty that the Spaniards prevented their principal magazine from beino- blown up by a bomb, which fell into a church where it was lodged. Many conjedlures, very unfavourable to the charadter of Vernon, were formed on ac- count of his defifting from this kind of bombardment, which, in the end, micrht have rendered the city untenable by the inhabitants. It was farther affirmed yet more to his prejudice, that the Galicia did not lie in the proper ftation for annoying the enemy ; that the water there was indeed too fhallow to admit larae fhips near enough to batter the town with any profpect of fucccfs, but that a little towards the left, he might have ftationed four or five of his fliips of orcateft force, within piftol /hot of the walls. However this may have been, ic is cer- tain, that the admiral ordered the men to be brought off from the Galicia in boats, and the cables to be cut; fo that fhe drove with the fea-brecze upon a fhoal, where fhe was foon filled with water *. After this impertinent experiment, and the reimbarkation of the troops, the diftempers peculiar to the climate and feafon began to rase wuh redoubled fury Nothing was heard, from fhip to fhip, but complaints and execrations ; the groans of the dying, and thefervice for the dead : nothing was leen but objeds of woe, and images of dejedlion ; and the commanders, who had ao-reed in no- thing elfe, were unanimous in the expediency of a retreat from this fcene of mi- fery and difgrace. The fortifications of the harbour were demclilhed, and the fleet failed for Jamaica, to the aftonifhment and confufion of the i ngliffi nation. The people were deprefled, in proportion to that exuberant hope by which they had been elevated. Nor was any thing afterwards done by the condi.dlors of this unfortunate cnterprife, to retrieve the honour of the Britilh arms. Though Vernon was reinforced with three more lliips of the line, and V\ cntworth with three thouland Ibldiers from England -, and though they fucceffivcly threatened St. Jago de Cuba and Panama, they returned home, without effecting any thing of confcquence, after the lofs of twenty thoufand men f . * Smolitt, HiftofEng. bookix. Hift. of Jamaica. Mod. Univ. Hift. vol. XV. folio edit. t Id. ibid. 28. 7 B . Such 554 THE HISTORY OF AMERICA. BOOK III. Such was the iflue of the greateft naval armament that had ever been fent from Britain. Enghind, however, had ftill fufficicnc refourccs to have fhook the power of Spain in America-, and notwithftanding the alTiftancc of France, to have diiflaced her own conditions, had not a war broke out on the continent of Europe, in which fhe unhappily took a fhare. The difallers and difgraces of that war, together with the JolTcs fulfained by her allies, obliged her to conclude a peace, by which (he gave up the original obje<5t of the war with Spain. In that treaty no mention is made of the right of Britifli fubjecls to navigate the American feas without being fubjedt to fearch. But humiliating as the peace of Aix-la-Chapelle was to England, it was not fulikient to quiet tiie reftlefs ambition of her enemies. The French feem only to have confidered it as the means of making encroachments more fecurely on her back-fectlemcnts in America. Thefe encroachments produced a new war in i'/^.y. In the beginning of this war the Englifli were unfuccefsful in every quarter ; in America, the Eaft Indies, in Germany, and the Mediterranean. The lofs of Minorca occafioned univerfal confternation ; and Byng, who had been fent to relieve it, fell a facrifice to the blunders of the miniltry, and the difcontents of the people. He was fhot on board his own fhip. The news of this event, which feemed to revive the memory of the ancient republics, filled all Europe with admiration and horror. The death of Byng, guilty or other, wile, proclaimed in the molt alarming manner to thofe who were employed by the nation, what fate they muft expeft if they betrayed the confidence repofed in them. Every officer faid within himfelf, when ready to engage, " On this field I will die, rather than with infamy upon a fcaffbld." The blood of one man accufed of cowardife, feemed to have appeafed the God of War, and was pro- dudlive of a fpirit of heroifm. This fpirit, however, would have been of little avail had it not been properly direded, and acompanied with a principle of union. DilTipation, pleafure, indo- lence, and often vice and a corruption of manners, occafion warm and frequent connexions in moft kingdoms of Europe. The Englilh have Icfs intercourfe and connexion with each other, and perhaps lefs tafte for focial life than fome other nations ; but the idea of any projcdf that may be ferviceable to the ftate, in times of danger, immediately unites them, and they feem as it were animated by one foul. All ranks, parties, and fefts, contribute to infure its fucccfs, and with fuch ardour and liberality as cannot be paralleled in thofe countries where the people have no fhare in the government. This zeal is more remarkably diflin- guilTied, when the nation has placed an implicit confidence in the miniftcr who has the diredtion of public meafures. Such a confidence the nation had placed in William Pitt, whom the voice of the people had obtruded on the throne- Pitt had been a favourite in the three kingdoms from his youth, on account of his difinf^reftcd patriotiim, and his indignation againfb corruption. He had a foul formed for great dcfigns, and was diftinguilhed by a Ipecies of eloquence that never failed to captivate the minds of his hearers, and by a charafter equally firm and enterprifing. 3 Such THE HISTORY OF AMERICA. Such was the man deftined to wipe off the difgraces of England, and exalt "her glory above that of all other nations. He planned fuch prudent and ufeful defigns ; his preparations were conduced with fo much forefight and difpatch ; his means were fo well adapted to the ends he wanted to obtain ; he made fuch a prudent choice of the perfons whom he intruded with his defigns -, he eftablilli- ed fuch harmony between the land and lea forces, and raifed the fpirit of the people to fuch a height, that his whole adminiftration was a feries of conquefts. Thefe conquefts we have only occafion, at prefent, to confider fo far as they relate to the Weft Indies. Senfible of the importance of the French fugar colonies to the mother-coun- try, and of the advantage's which muft accrue to England from the conqueft of them, that wife minifter ordered an armament to be fitted out, towards the end of the year 175?, for the reduflion of Martinico. It confided often fliips of the line, under commodore More, and five thoufand land forces, commanded by general Hoplbn ; an officer of judgment and experience, but dellitute of affivity. The attempt upon Martinico w:asr abandoned as impradlicable ; tho* feemingly with litde reafon, as the governor poflelTed neither courage nor capa- city, and the inhabitants were in a moft miferable condidon, in ccnftquence of their communication with France being interrupted by the Britifh fleets. Be that, however, as it may, the troops were reimbarked within four and twenty 'hours after their landing, and the armament directed its courfe towards the ifland of Guadeloupe •, a lefs fplendid, but not lefs important objed. The Englifh fleet appeared before the town of BafTe Terre, the capital of the ifland, on the 23d of January 1759, and next day the place was taken, after a terrible cannonading, accompanied with inceffant fhowers of bombs. Never did the commanders of the Englifli navy exert themfelves with more intrepidity and judgment, than on this occafion. They left the land forces nothing to do but take polTelTion of the town. The reduction of BalTe Terre, however, was not immediately followed by the fubjedion of Guadeloupe. The flownefs, timi- dity, and irrefolution of the operations by land, afforded the fugitive garrifon, afTifted by the inhabitants, leifure to fortify themfelves in a ftrong pafs, that ob- ftrudled the communication with the more fertile parts of the illand ; and the Enghfh, defpairing of making themfelves matters of icon this fide, proceeded to attack it in another quarter, known by the name of Grande Terre. Fort Lewis, its chief defence, was taken fword in hand, by the marines and Highlanders, after a fhort but vigorous cannonading from the fleet. But the conquerors were again guilty of the fame error as formerly : they did not take advantage of the enemy's terror-, and they differed the fame inconveniences from their negled. The event of the expedition was even doubtful, when general Barrington fucceeded to the command, in conlequence of the death of Hopfon, and changed the plan of operations. Though an officer of greater aftivity and enterprife than his predeceflxir, he gave up the idea of penetrating into the country : he reimbarked bis foldiers, and fuccelTively attacked the towns and villages upon the coafts. Every 556 THE HISTORY OFAM ERIC A. BOOK III. Every confiderable place was reduced-, but as every hour was diminifhing the fmall nuniber of the Britifh troops, it was not thought advifable to drive the inliabitants to defpair. Very honourable terms of capitulation were there- fore granted them, and Guadeloupe was lurrendered to his Britannic majefly on the 2iftday of Apiil i'ji9- Marigalante, and fome other fmall iflands in the neighbourhood, (ubmicted on the fame conditions *. The principal of thcfe were. That the inhabitants fhould be allowed the free and public exercife of their religion ; that they fhould be indulged in the continuance of their own civil government, and in the poflenion of all their property and privileges ; that they fhould be fubjetft to no impolls, but thofe which they had paid under the French government, unleis the ifland was finally ceded to his Britannic ma- jefty, in which cafe they were to pay the fame taxes and impoils as the inhabi- tants of the Englilh Leeward iflands. After the reduction of Guadeloupe, and its attendant ifles, no farther attempt was made, againft the French Well: Indies, till the year 1 76;, when another arma- ment was fent againft Martinico. This armament, confilting of eight battallions, under general Monckton, and eighteen fliips of the line commanded by admiral Rodney, appeared before the capital of the ifland on the 16th day of January, 1762. The landing of the troops was effeiSted without much difficulty, and with no confiderable lofs. To take poflefllon of the eminences which were flrongly fortified both by nature and art, and which prevented their approach to Fort Royal, in itfelf formidable, feemed to be an attempt not fo eafily to be ac- compliflied. Thefe obftacles however were furm.ounted, after fome warm en- gagements, and the town, which would foon have been reduced to afhes by the bombs from the higher grounds, capitulated on the 9th of February. The fur- render of the capital was foon followed by that of the whole ifland ; which was probably induced to this flep, that certainly might have been delayed longer, by the profperity of Guadeloupe under the Britilh government. Granada, and the other Leeward Iflands that were fubjed to France, as well as fuch as were neutral, though peopled by Frenchmen, furrendered without re- fiftance. Even the French colony in Hifpaniola, and the only one that the mo- ther country retained in the archipelago of America, feemed ready to fall into the hands of the Englifh. It was generally known to be without any means of de- fence, either within or without, and therefore incapable of making any refiftance. It was fenfible of its own weaknefs, and would have furrendered on the firft fummons •, but the Britifh arms were turned againft a more formidable, though perhaps not a more important objeft. Meanwhile the court of France was equally aftoniihed and alarmed at the lofles it had fuftained, and at thofe it fore- faw. It had expeded fuch an obfliinate defence from its fugar iflands as would have • If it ftould be obferved, that the author quotf s ro auihorities for thcfe more recent tranfafli- ons, his anfwer is. That in fuch events as fall wi hin his own memory snJ obfervation, he thinica authorities unneceffary. They may have been lelaied nearly in the fame manner, but they are a- dopted on the telUmony of no particular writer. been THE HISTORY OF AMERICA. been fuperior to every attack. The defcendants of thofe brave adventurers, who had fettled thcfe iflands, feemed a rampart fufficient to repel all the force of the Britifli empire; and they almoft felt a lecret fatisfaclion, that the enemy were diredling their efforts tovvards that quarter. The plan of attacking Martinico was laid by Mr. Pitt, but he was not in the miniftry when it was conquered. The refignation of this great man drew the attention of Europe, and deferves to be confidered by every one who invefti- gates the caufesand effefts of political revolutions. An hiftorian who ventures to write the tranfaftions of his own age, hath feldom, it muft be owned, lufR- cient lights to guide him in regard to the intrigues of (late. The councils of kings are fo myfterious, that time alone can gradually wididraw the veil that furrounds them. Their minifters faithful depofitaries of the fecrets with wliich they have been intrufted, or interefted to conceal them, explain them no further than is neceflary to midcad the curious inquirer who wilbes to difcover truth. Whatever penetration he may ponirfs in tracing the fource and connexion of events, he is at laft reduced to conjefture. If his conjcflures happen to bejud, ftill he is ignorant that they are fo, or cannot depend upon them ; and this degree of uncertainty is fcarcely more fatisfadory than total ignorance. He mult there- fore wait till caution and intercft, freed from the reftraint of filence, fhall lay open the fecrets of courts : — in a word, till fome valuable and original records, wherein are unfolded the latent fprings on which the deftiny of nations hath de- pended, can be produced tor public infpecftion. One thing we know, that Mr. Pitt refcued England from the lowefl fink of mis- fortune, and raifed it to a height of iuccefs that aftonifhed the world. He confidered the moderation of former ftatcfmen as only a pretence to conceal their indolence or their weaknefs : and though the people, of whom he was the idol, were fome. times alarmed at his vaft and uncommon enterprifes, he was not in the leaft dif- quieted on that account ; becaufe the multitude, in his eyes, was like a torrent, v.hofe courfe he could dired which way loever he inclined. Perfectly indifferent with refpe<5l to fortune, he was by no means fo in regard to power. His fucceffcs had rendered his adminifbration abfolute, and he availed himfelf of the fuperiori- ty which he had acquired, in order to excite the ardour of the nation. Little in- fluenced by that fpecies of chimerical philofophy, which pretending to divelHt- felf of the prejudices of country, extends its views to the welfare of the univerfe, he kept up in the breafts of Englifhmen an enthufiafm of patriotifm, and a violent averfion againft the nation he wanted to humble. France, no lefs difcouraged by this fpirit of inveteracy, which conftantly per- fued her, than by the lolfes fhe had undergone, found herfelf obliged to make overtures of peace to Great Britain. This flep, however, was not taken before a fecret alliance had been concluded widi Spain. .The peace iblicited was there- fore no more than a temporary expedient ; and both courts were apprehenfive that Mr. Pitt would penetrate their viev/s. He did fo, yet confented to enter into a negociation. But the event fhewed, as all men of difcernment had con- jedtured, that he did not intend to continue it. His defign was only to furniih 29, 7 C himfelf 55S THE HISTORY OF AMERICA. BOOK III. himfelf with fufficient proofs of the engagements which the two branches of the houfc of Eourbon had entered into againft Great Britain, and to lav them before his country. As loon as he had perfefted his intelligence, he broke off the negociaiion, and propofcd an immediate declaration of war a^ainll Spain. The fuperiority of tlie naval power of tngland above that of both thofe icingdoms, and the affurance he had that it would be infinitely better directed, inlpired him with this confidence. Mr Pitt's fyftem appeared to diftinguifhed politicians, the only efl^edual, and indeed the only reaionable one. Delay Teemed to him a work of weak- nefs, perhaps of treachery ; but he found in the privy council, men who were Vv-illing to aft with more deliberation, and who defired a certainty of offence, be- fore they demanded reparation. " Spain," faid they, " has yet given no proofs of her hoftile intentions ; and the Englifh minifter at Madrid ftill continues to affure us of the pacific difpofition of that court." Thel'e remonftrances were anfwered by the miniller, but without producing the defired conviction. De- fpairing of being able to raile themfelves upon a level with a man lo highly elteemed, or of making him ftoop to them, his rivals united their forces in or- der to cfi^eft his ruin. As declared attacks would only have turned againft them- lelves, they had recourfe to more artful methods : they tried to four his temper. The natural fire of his charader laid him open to fuch a Inare, and he fell into it: he threw up the feals with indignation. If this refignation, as there is too much reafon to believe, was the efied: of mere peevifhnefs, Mr. Pitt expofed himielf tojuft cenfure, in not having exerted more ielf command : if he hoped by that expedient to humble his enemies, he fhewed that he pofleflcd more know- ledge of bufinefs than of men -, and if, as he allerted, he refigned, becaufe he would not be rcfponfible for meafurcs vvhich he was no longer allowed to guide, men of cool tempers will be difpofed to think he was more ftrongly attached to his own perfonal glory, than to the interefis of his country. But whatever may have been the caufe of his refignation, nothing but the blindeil, moft unjuft, and violent party-lpirit, can induce any writer to afTert, that the extraordinary fuccefs of the Britirti arms, under his adminiftration, v,as merely the effeft of chance. The council of George III. was divided into parties, who were alike pleafed at the refignation of this great man. One party confiiled of thole, who were at the head of aftairs during the former, the other of fuch as h.;d been taken into favour in the prefent reign. Difunited, however, as the new miniftery were, tliey loon agreed in the necefTity of a declaration of war againit Spain. I'his was a kind of homage which they were compelled to by the luperior genius of Mr. Pitt. As experience had evinced the danger of any attempt againft the Spanifti fettlem.ents on the continent of Amvrica, the Weft Indies were deftined to te the fcene of thofe new hoftilities, and Cuba their particular object. It was readily perceived, that the conqueft of this ifland would ftcure the command of the Gulph of Mexico ; that Spain, whole revenue anlts chitfi\ Ircm her cuftoms, would be deprived of her principal rcluurecs •, that ihc whole commerce of Spanifh THEHISTORYOFAMERICA. 559 Span ifh America would fall into the hands of the Englifh, as the inhabitants CHAP. I. ■would chufe r-cz'ner to deliver up their riches to the conquerors of their country, a''d?776z' thai; io dcnv thcmklves thofc conjiriodiiits which they had been accudomed to receive iron- Europe : in a word, that the power of Spain would be lb much reduced by this blow, that ftie would be obliged to fubmit to any conditions. Confoimable to this idea, a fleet of nineteen fliips of the line, eighteen frigates, and about an hundred and fifty tranfports, with ten thoufand land forces en board, whirh were to be reinforced by four thoufand more from North America, aflcmbkd off" the north weft point of Hifpaniola, and fet fail for the Havana. Tlie command of the fleet was intrufted to admiral Pocock, who had diftinguifhed himieif in the Eaft Indies, and the land forces were under the diredtion of the earl of nlbem.arle. This formidable armament, which for the fakt ot expedition, was conduded, with uncommon ieamanfhip, through the Old Cnanncl of Bahama, arrived in fight of thofe dreadful fortifications that were to be fcormed, on ihe 6th day of June, 1-/61. The city of Havana, the principal place in the ifland of Cuba, and the ftrongeft in the Spanifli Weft Indies, ftands towards the bottom of a fmall bay, that rorms one of the fafeft harbours in the world, and lb capacious, that a thoufand fliips of the largeft fize, might there commodioufly ride at anchor^ The entrance into this harbour is by a narrow channel, ftrongly fortified on every fide for about half a mile, which is its length. The mouth of that channel, when vifited by the Englifh, was fecured by two ftrong forts ; one on the eaft fide, named the Moro, and another on the weft, called the Puntal. The Moro had towards the fea two baftions, and on the land fide two others, with a wide and deep ditch cut out of the rock The Puntal, alfo furrounded by a ditch, cut in the fame manner, was provided with cafemates, and every way well calculated for co- operating with the Moro in defence of the port. It had likewife feveral batteries which opened upon the country, -and flanked fomepart of the town wall. That wall, which was good for little, twenty-one baftions not much better, a dry ditch of no confidcrable depth, and a kind of covered way almoft in ruins^ formed the only defence of the city iticlf. It has therefore been thought by fome military men, that the operations ought to have been begun with the at- tack of the town by land. But lord Albemarle thought otherwile •, and to attaclc it by fea was utterly imprafticable before the redudfion of the forts, as the entrance of the harbour was not only defended by thele, but by fourteen Spanifli fliips of the line, three of which were afterwards funk in the channel, and a boom laid a- crofs it. Such was the place, which every motive of intereft, glory, ambition, impelled the Englifli to fubdue, and the Spaniards to defend. The landing, covered by commo- dore Keppel, brother to the earl of Albemarle, with feven fhips, was efFcCled with- out lofs, about fix leagues to the eaftward of the harbour, while the admiral with J"*"^ T' the reft of the fleet, amufed the enemy, by making a feint of landing to- wards the weft. Next day, about fix thoufand Spaniards, drawn up very ad- vantageoufly, attempted to dilpute the paflage of the Englilli army to the vil- iage THE HISTORY OF AMERICA: lage of Guanamacoa : but they were foon difperfed ; and Albemarle meeting with no farther interruption on his march, began to form the fiege ot tiieMoro; which he juftly confidered as the grand object of the armament, as the redbdtion of it muil: infallibly be followed by thefurrender of the city ; whereas, if he at- tacked the city firil, his army might be io much weakened, as to be unable to furmount the vigorous refiflance of the fort, defended by the flower of the inha- bitants, zealous to fave their own and the public treafure. A poll was accord, ingly feized upon the higher grounds, and a battery ertded with infinite labour. ■ The hardfhips which the BritiOi troops fuftained in this fervice are altogether in- credible. The earth was fo thin on the furface of the ground, that it was with the greateft difficulty they could cover their approaches. Meantime the artillery and (lores were landing, and the tatigue of bringing them to the works was ex- ccfilve. The cannon and carriages were obliged to be dragged up a bold decli- vity, from a rough rocky fhore -, and many of the men in this painful operation, and in cutting out communications through thick woods, while parched with thirft: beneath a burning fun, dropped down dead. At length, every obftacle was furmounted -, and the batteries, diipoled along a hill on a level with the June 29. Moro, were ready to be opened, when two dttacliments Irom the garrifon, each confifting of five hundred grenadiers and chofen men, llipportcd by a body of mulattoes and armed negroes, attempted to deilroy the woij^s of the befiegers. The attack of the Spaniards was vigorous ; but they were repulfcd with the lofs of above two hundred men. Ihis advantage encouraged the Englifh, July I. and the batteries were opened with good efled. At tlie lame time four fhips of the line were ordered -to lie as near as poflible to the north-eaft fide of the Moro, with an intention to difmount the enemy's guns, and to beat down the wall of the caftle. A dreadful cannonading enlued, which was kept up for feven hours, with equal fteadinefson both fides j but the elevated fituation of the caftle gave it vaft advantages over the fliips, whicli were fomuch damaged in their hulls, marts, and rigging, that they were obliged to be towed off. Never however was a defperate Icrvice performed with more courage or coolnels, than both officers and men difcovered on this occafion ; and though it failed of the dcfirtd effeft, yet -by diverting the memy's fire from the land fide, the general obtained a deci- five iuperiority in the number of guns. Tliis circumftance, it was hoped, would put a fpeedy period to the toils of the befiegers ; but an unforfecn accident foon deprived thtm of that profpeft. The enemy having found means to replace their guns, the Englifh were obliged to play their artillery in fo furious a manner, that their grand battery unfortunately >ly 3. took fire, and all endeavours to ftop it proved ineffeftual. The labour of fix hun- dred men for feventeen days was confumed in a few hours. This accident was peculiarly difcouraging, at a time when the hardfiiips of the fiege, and the difeafes peculiar to the climate, had rendered two thirds of the army unfit for fervice. The condition of the feamen was very little better ; yet both officers and foldiers applied themfelves with as much ardour to reftore the works, as if the fiege had been juft begun. Unliappily thole again took fire, to the inex- 2 preffible THE HISTORY OF AMERICA. 561 preffible grief of the befiegcrs, who had nothing now to truft to for fuccefs but CHAP. L the arrival of the reinforcements from North America ; for whatever loffes the )r^ 7^ Spaniards fiiftained in the day time were replaced in the night, by reafon of the ' communication which was ftill kept open between the caftie and the town. The /pirit of the Englifh, however, did not fail them. Animated by that adtive and perfervcring courage, which fo remarkably diftinguifhes the Britifh troops, they laboured with as much alacrity as if fuccefs had been within their reach ; and though obliged to work entirely above ground, flieltered only by bags of fand or bales of cotton, inftead of wool-packs, they replaced all their batteries, and renewed their fire fo brifkly, that they were foon in poffefilon of the covered ]u]y ig. way, before the right baftion made a lodgment, and continued their operations fo fuccefsfully, that the place v/as almoft taken by furprile. This circumftance deferves to be particularly noticed. The miners being ad- vanced about eighteen feet under the right baftion, a ferjeant and twelve men were ordered, between dawn and fun-rifing, to obferve the enemy's v/orks, and Jjly 22. if poffible the ftate of the garrifon. By the afilftance of ladders, which had been planted the evening before (by two engineers, who had retired on fuppofin^- them- felves difcovered) they got over the ditch, and up to the top of the parapet ; where fome Spaniards lying clofe on their facts, fprung up, ran into the ram- part, and gave the alarm. The feijeant immediately returned, but was fenc back to fulfill his orders more perfedly. Meantime the alarm-bell rung in the Moro. All the drums in the city beat the call to arms, and day began faintly to break from the eaft. Convinced that a laft effort was now neceflary, fifteen hundred men from the town made a fally in three parties, in order to relieve the caftie, by deftroying the works of the befiegers, or beating off the aflailants, in cafe of the laft extremity. But they were repulfed with the lofs of four hundred men, and the Englifh renewed their operations with frefh vi- gour. As a farther encouragement to the befiegers, brigadier Burton arrived with julv 27. the firft divifion of the troops from North America. By this time the miners had reached the foot of the wall ; and although the fort ftill held our, no attempt had been made from the town to fave it, fince the repulfe of the grand Tally, Another experiment was now tried : a floating battery was fent out of the har- bour, to fire grape Ihot and fmall arms into the ditch, where the EngliOi miners were at work ; but the party appointed to cover the approaches, plied the Spaniards fo brifkly, that they were obliged to retire. This was the laft effort of the enemy for the relief of the Moro ; for by two in the afternoon that fame day, a mine was fprung, which threw down part of the wall into the ditch, and left a breach thought pradlicable, though fmall, and the troops were ordered to j.,iy ,0, ftorni it. The Spanifli garrifon was ftill confiderable, and the brave defence they had made left the befiegers no room to doubt of the valour and refolution of their commanders ; but danger itfelf was only a ftimulus to troops who had fo near a profpeft of terminating their dreadful toils. They prepared themfelves for the affault with the greateft alacrity : and mounting the breach, under the 29. 7 D com- 562 THE HISTORY O F A M E R I C A. BOOK III. command of major-general Keppel, entered the fort with lb much intrepidity ''^T'^ T' and order, as entirely difconcerted the Spaniards. Four hundred of them were A. D. i;6^. . .' n , • • 1 1 • r 1 I cue in pieces, or penflied m attempting to make their elcape by water to the city, and four hundred threw down their arms, and received quarter. The marquis de Gonzales, wlio was fecond in command, bravely fell in endeavour- ing to flop the fhameful flight of his countrymen ; and Don Lewis de Velafeo, the governor, whole gallant refiftance will long be remembered, died like a pa- triot hero, in defending the enfign of Spain, which no entreaties could induce him to refign. No fooner did the Spaniards in the town and Puntal caftle, perceive the Eng- lifh to be in pofleflion of the Moro, than they dircfted all their fire againll that place. Meanwhile the Britifli troops were employed in eredting batteries upon an eminence which commanded the city ; and the arrival of the fecond reinforce- ment from North America, encouraged them to proceed with ardour. Every obftacle was furmounted -, the batteries were completed -, and fixty pieces of cannon were ready to play upon the town, when lord Albemarle, willing to Augull 10. prevent an unneccflarv carnage, fent his aid de camp with a flag of truce to fummon the governor to furrender, and to lay before him the unavoidable ruin that was ready to fall upon the place. The governor detained the meflengcr for fome hours, but without fuffrring him to appreach the works, and at lall de- clared, that he was refolved to hold out to the lafh extremity. Next morning the batteries were opened with fuch effeft, both againft the town and fort, that flags of truce appeared in every quarter of the Havana foon after noon, and a deputy was fent to the camp of the befiegers, in order to fettle the terms of ca- pitulation. A ceflation of hoftilities now took place, and the ( ity of Havana, the Puntal caftle, and the fleet in the harbour, were furrendered to his Britannic majefty, on the 14th of Augufl:, 1762. Without violating the articles of capi- tulation, which fecured to the inhabitants their private property, the conquerors found a booty computed at two millions of pounds fl:erling in filver and valu- able merchandife, befides arms, artillery, and military fl;ores. The lofs of the important citv of Havana, and eventually of the whole ifland of Cuba, the centre of the wealth and power of Sp,;in in the Nev/ World, made peace as neceffiiry to the court of Madrid, as it could pofTibly be to that of Ver- failles, whofe diftrcfles were now arrived at their greateft extremity. The Englilh miniflry, at this time, confented to trent of peace -, but it feemed a matter of no fmall difficulty to fettle the terms. The fucceflcs of Great Britain had been aftonifhing in North America and the Weft Indies. She could not however hope to retain all the conquefts fhe had made. It was therefore ncceflary that fhe fhould make a choice -, and it was by many fuppoled, that flie would give up parr of her conquefts on the continent, and rcfcrve to herfelf the valuable fugar-idands. This hftem would have been attended with a very confiderable increafe of her cuftoms, whicli the exhaufted ftate,of her finances feemed to re- quire : but file preferred future fecurity to prtlent advantage; and fcorning the jealoufics 01 thofe, who infiiiuated that the French colony of Canada was necef- 3 f^ry THE HISTORY OF A iM ERIC A. fary to keep New England in a more clofe dependence on the mother country, fhc relii.qiiifhtd htr moft valuable acquifitions in the Weil Indies, in order to-rc- tain the poffefiion of a boundlefs empire in North America. We fliall after- wards have occafion to enter more fully into the nierits of that peace : at pre- fent it will be fnfficient to obftrve, that Cuba, Martinico,. and Guadeloupe were reftorcd, and that France ceded to England the iflands of St. ViJicent, Tobago, Diminica, Granada, and theGranadines, which now compofe part of the Britifn Weft Indies. Thus England loft an opportunity, which may never perhaps return, of feiz- ing all the revenues, and becoming maftcr of all the wealth of. the New World. Mexico was in her power, as the Englifli were in poflcflion o! the gulph that opens the way to it : this valuable continent muft, therefore, foon have become their propel ty. It might have bien allured, either by offers of an eafier government, or by the flattering hopes of liberty : the Spaniards might have been induced to fhake off the yoke of the mother-country, which took up arms to opprefs its colonies, rather than to prote<5t them ; or the Indians might have been tempted to break the chains which enflaved them to an arbitrary Iway. The whole face of America might ptrhaps have been entirely changed ; and England, more free and more cqi.itabic than other monarchical powers, muft have benefited itfelf at the fame tmie that it refcued the human race from the oppreffions they fuffcred- in the New World. C H A P. II. An Account of the Slave Traae, luiihjiich Particular j relati've to the original State of the Negroes as a'e necfjruri to render flat Aciunt inuihgib.'e ; jome FefUBions on the Aduar.tcgei and Dijadiiantages of introducing, fuch a Ruce of Men into the Nf* Wo Id, as tuell as of employing them ii the Culli'vaiion of the Ground ; a Fieav of their luretched Condition there, and an Attempt at the Cha> aSler of their in^ptrious I'.'h-fers. LE T US now confider, by what means the nations, who have divided among them the great archipelago of America, have been able to raife it to that degree ot opulence, which has made it the objedlof fo many wars and ne- gociations. Gold and Giver were originally looked upon as the only valuable pro- dudions, whicn Europe could derive from the New World ; but when it was found that ihe precious metals had either never exifted in many of thofe countries, or were no longer procured in fufficient quantities to repay the ex- penfe of work; g the mines, certain fpeculative men fuperior to vulgar preju- dices, conjedt'.red that a foil and climate, fo totally different from ours, might either fLrnifi us with commodities to which ve were ftrangers, or which we were obliged to purchafe at an exorbitant price. They accordingly applied them- felves. 564 THEHISTORYOF AMERICA. B OOK III. felves, efpecially in the Weft Indies, to thefe foreign cultures. They met how- ^—"^^^^'•^ ever, at firft, with fome obftacles, apparently infurmountable, in the execution of this plan. The natives were either entirely deltroyed, or the weaknefs of their conftitutions, their habit of indolence, and their invincible averfion againft la- bour, rendered them very unfit inftruments for executing the defigns of their opprelTors. They funk under their new toils, or fell martyrs to their love of freedom ; and Europeans, born in a temperate climate, could not fupport the labours of agriculture under a burning and unwholefome fky. Avarice, ever fruitful in expedients, devifed the plan of procuring cultivators from Africa, a country where the deteftable and inhuman cuftom of felling its inhabitants hath at all times prevailed. We have feen this experiment very early, and fuccefsfully attempljed in Hifpaniola* ; and as foon as the other European nations had efta- blifhcd colonies in the American archipelago, they followed the example of the Spaniards. All the inhabitants of the weftern coaft of Africa, from the Straits of Gibral- tar to the Cape of Good Hope, are black. The caufe of this Angularity hath given rife to a variety of fyftems. Some have abfurdly fuppofed, that the ne- groes being the defcendants of Cain, have bad this mark of infamy ftamped upon them, as a punifhment for the fratricide of their anceftor : if it were fo, it muft indeed be allowed, that his pofterity have made a fevere atonement for his crime ; and that the defcendants of the peaceful Abel, have thoroughly a%'enged the blood of their innocent father. Waving, however, the difculTion of fuch wild fancies, begot by ignorance upon fuperftition, let us inquire whether it is poffible that the negroes fhould derive their colour from the climate they inha- tit. Buffon and other eminent naturalifts are of this opinion. " There are no neoroes, fay they, but in the hotteft countries. Their colour becomes darker, the nearer they approach to the equator, and lighter towards the extremities of tlie torrid zone. The whole human race, except in regions of exceffive rigour, con- traft whitenefs from their vicinity to the fnow, and brownnefs from their expofure to the fun. Various fhades may be obferved from white to black, and from black to v;hite, marked out as it were by the parallel degrees, which cut the earth from the equator to the poles." It is fomewhat remarkable, however, that nature, which has lavifhed the brightell and moft beautiful colours on the fkin and plumage of animals, on vegetables and metals, fliould, properly fpeak- ing, have left man without colour, fince black and white are nothing but the be- ginning and the abfence of all colour. But whatever may be the origin, and radical caufe, of that divcrfity of com- plexion obfervable in the human fpecies, it is agreed that among anatomifts, that this complexion is immediately owing to a glutinous fubftance which is lodged between the cuticle and the flcin. That fubftance is blackifli in negroes, brown in olive- coloured or fwarthy people, white in Europeans, and diverfined with reddifti fpots in people who have extremely light or red hair. Anatomy hath • Book I. chap. iii. p. 42. further. THEHISTORYOFAMERICA. 565 further difcovered, that in negroes the fubftance of the brain is blackifli, and CHAP. If. their blood is of a much deeper red than that of white people. Their flan is ' -~^'~~^ always hotter, and their pulfe quicker. 'I'he fweat of the negro diffufes a ftrong and difagrteable fmell ; becaule it is impregnated with that thick and rancid oii, which hath been long lodged, and flowly oozes out between the cuticle and the fkin. 7>.is oil is l"o palpable, that one may diflinguifh in it with a microlcope a fediment lormed in little blackifh globules. Hence the perfpiration of a ntgro, when copious, tinges the linen cloth which wipes it off. Anatomy hath even difcovered the origin ot the blacknefs of negroes in the principles of generation. Nothing more, it fhould feem, can be neccflary to prove, that negroes are a particular fpecies of men •, for if any thing difcrimi- nates the fpecies, or the clalfes in each fpecies, it is certainly the difference of fcmcn. The colour of the negroes is therefore falfely fuppofed to be owing to the climate, as other circumllances confpire to demonftrate. The eaftern coaft of Atrica, under the fame parallels with Guinea, produces no negroes : white people are even found there ; nor has the heat of the fun ever produced any blacks in America. Though it fliould be allowed, that the wcftern coaft of Africa is the hotteft region on the face of the globe, the only inference to be deduced from this would be. That there are climates proper only for certain races of men, or certain races adapted to particular climates ; but not that the difference of climate would change the fame race or fpecies from white to black. The fun has not the power of altering the germina of reprodudtion. White people never be- come black in Atrica, nor negroes white in America or in Europe. There have been four complete generations of negroes in Penfylvania, without any vifible change of colour : they continue jet black as originally. Thofe who afcribe all to the fun, ought to confidcr how little probable it is, that the colour which it impreffes on the parents fhould be communicated to their infant offspring, who never faw the fun. The Hottentots are continually at work, and have been for ages, to darken their complexion ; but that operation has no effed on their chil- dren. From the adion of the lun it is poffible to explain, why a negro, like an European is born with a ruddy Ikin, which turns jet black the eighth or ninth day*? The climate inhabited by the negroes exhibits no palpable variations, except fuch as are occafioned by lands or marlhes. The almofl infupportable heat of their days is fucceeded by very cool and refrefhing nights ; with this difference only, that they are kfs cool in the rainy fcalons than in the times of drought. The dew, lefs profufe under a cloudy fky than under a ferene horizon, is un- doubtedly the caufe of this Angularity. From the frontiers of Morocco, as far as the river Senegal, the land is entirely barren. Some Arabs, the defcendants of thofe who conquered Barbary, and fome Moors, the ancient inhabitants of * See on this fubjeA Lord KAims's Sketches on Man, book I. (ketch i. 9nd Ra>'oars HiS. Piiilos. &c. liv. xi. 25. 7 E the ^65 THEHISTORYOF AMERICA. BOOK III. the country, lead a miferable wandering life amid thofe burning and dry fands, wliich are finally lofl. in the lolitudes of Saharah. The banks of the Niger, Gambia, Sierra Ltona, and thofe of fome lefs confiderable ftreams, which flow in the long fpace that intervenes between thefe principal rivers, exhibit proofs of the greaiell fertility. Maize grows there without much cultivation, as well as all the fruits tiiat are natural to America, and in the care of flocks confifts al- moft the lole employment of the natives. The inhabitants of Cape Monte, environed on every fide by fands, form a n.ition entirely diftindl: from the reft of Africa. In the rice of their marfhes con- fills all th;;ir nourifliment, and their only riches. They fell to the Europeans a Imall quantity of this grain, for which they receive in exchange brandy and hardware. P'rom Cape Palmas to the river Volta, the negroes are traders and hulbandmen. They are hufbandmcn, becaufe their land, though ftony, abun- dantly requites the neceflTury labour and expence of clearing it : they are traders, becaufe they have behind them nations which furnifli them with gold, copper, ivory, and tlaves -, and becaufe nothing obftrudls a continued communication between the people of the country and thofe on the coafl. Between the river Volta and that of Calbary, the coaft is flat, fertile, populous, and cultivated. The country which extends from Calbary to Gabon is very different : almofl totally covered with thick forefts, it produces iittle fruit, no corn, and may be faid rather to be inhabited by beafts than men. Though the rains there are very frequent and copious, as they mufl: be under the equator, the foil is fo fandy, that im.Tiediately after the heavictt ftiower, there remains little or no appearance of moifture. To the fouth of the line, as far as Zara, the coaft prefents an agreeable prof- peft. Low at its beginning, it gradually rifes, and exhibits a fcene of culti- vated fields, intermixed v.'ith woods always verdant, and of meadows covered with palm-trees. From Zara to Coanza, and yet farther, the coafl: is in general high and craggy. In the interior parts of this country is a celebrated plain, the foil of which is compofed of a large, thick, and fertile fand. But a little be- yond Coanza a barren region intervenes, of about two hundred leagues in ex- tent, which is terminated by the country of the Hottentots, In this long fpace there are no inhabitants except the Cimbebcs, with whom no intercourfe is kept up. The varieties obfervable on the fhores of the weft of Africa, do not prevent them from enjoying a very extraordinary and perhaps a Angular advantage. On this immenfc coaft, thofe ftupendous rocks, fo alarming to the navigator, arc- no where fcen. The fca is univerfally calm, the wind regular, and the an- chorage lecure. Several excellent harbours are there to be met with, in which the mariner may cafily puri'ue unmolcfted, the labours which the refitting of Ihips require, after a voyage fo long. During fix months of the year, from April to November, the winds and currents have nearly the fame dire<5tion. 1 o the fouth of the line, the fouth-eaft wind predominates, and the diredion of the currents 4 THE HISTORY OF AMERICA. 567 Currents is toward the north j but to the north of the line, the eaft wind pre- CHAP- If. vails, and the direftion of the currents is toward the north-eaft. During the a^d^''"^ fix other months, ftorms by intervals change the diredion of the wind, but it ' ' no longer blows with the fame violence. The fpring of the air feems to be re- laxed. Vague conjed;ures only can be formed with regard to every thing that rtjfpecls the interior parts of Africa ; but it is a i'a.£t lufliciently authenticated, that, throughout the whole extent of the coaft, the government is arbitrary-. Whether the ibvereign afcends the throne by right of birth, or by eledion, he is equally dcfpotic : the people have no other law but his will; But what may perhaps feem more extraordinary to the inhabitants of Europe is, that, in Africa, the countries which are leaft liable to revolutions, are thofe that have preferved th» right of elcifling their chirfs. Th;- choice commonly fails upon lome old man, whole wildom is generally known. Every freeman has a rij.'ht to vote ; and there are even fome tribes among whom the women enjoy this privilege. The hereditary kingdoms of Benin and Whidah excepted, fuch is the manner in which that little groupe of Hates to the north of the line is formed. To the fouth of the equinoctial we meet with i\4ayumba and Cilingo, where the chiefs aie admitted among the minifters of religion ; and with the emoires of Loanrro and Congo, where the crown is perpetual in the niale line, by the female fide; that is, the eldcft fon of the king's eldeft filler inherits the throne, when it be- comes vacant *. Thefe people, with good reafon believe, that a child is much more certainly the fon of his mother, than of the man to whom fhe is married : they trufl: rather to the aft of delivery, which they fee, than to that of con- ception, of which they know nothing. The negroes live in a total ignorance of that fcience fo much valued among us, under the name of politics. They do not, however, negleft to obferve Ibme of its formalities. The cuftom of fending embafTies is familiar to them ; whe- ther to folicit aid againfl: a powerful enemy, to requeil a mediator in their dif- ferences, or to congratulate others upon their fucceffes — on the birth of a child, or the falling of a n::ower after a great drought. Their fyftem of war is as little complicated. as that of policy. None of thofe nations retain any troops in pay. Every freeman is. by condition a foldier. All take up arms to guard their fron- tiers, or to make incurfions in queft of booty. The officers are chofen by the foldicrs, and the eledion is confirmed by the prince. As they have no maga- zines, their hnftilities are bur of (hort duration : it would prove a oreat mifor- tune to them, if they were obliged to keep the field for fifteen days together. The day after the battle, each party redeems its rcfpedtive prifoners. They are ex* changed for merrhandize or for flavcs. No portion of the territory is ever ceded : the whole belongs to the community, whofe chief fixes the extent which each . perlon is to cultivate, in order to reap the fruits of it. * La Croix, vol. Ill, Nor .6$ THE HISTORY OF AMERICA. COOK. 11'. Nor is this manner of terminating differences confined merely to the fmaller Hates, whole chiefs are too prudent to alpire after enlarging their dominions, and too far advanced in years not to be fond of peace. Great empires are obliged to conform to thele principles with neighbours much weaker than themlelves. The fovercign has never any ftanding army -, and though he difpofes ac pleafure of the lives of the governors of his provinces, he prefcribes them no rules of adminiftration. Thefe are petty princes ; who, from fear of being fulpefted of ambition, and punifhed with death, live in concord with the elcdive governments which furround them: and this unanimity between the more confiderable po\\crs and the fmaller flates, is prcfervcd as much by the great authority which the prince hath over his fubjeds, as by the impoffibility of exerting it as he plcafes. He can only flrike a fingle blow, or caufc a fingle head to be llruck off. His power againit individuals is unlimited, but he can do very little againft the col- lective body ; becaufc, in fuch an attempt, he would find no psrfon to execute his orders. Another reafon which prevents the fmall ftates from being enflavcd by the great cnes is, that the negroes annex no idea of glory to the achievement of conqucfts. The only perlon who appears to have been animated by this dedruftive fpirit was a flave- broker, who from his infancy had frequented the European veffels, and who in his riper years had made a voyage to Portugal. Every thing he faw and heard fired his imagination, and taught him that a great name was tre- qucntly acquired by being the author of great calamities. On his return to his native country, he felt himfelf much humbled in his own eyes at being obhged to obey people lefs enlightened than himfelf. His intrigues railed him to the dignity of chief of the Achonis, and he prevailed on them to take up arms againft their neighbours. Nothing was able to oppofe his valour ; fo that his dominion extended over an hundred leagues of coaft, of which Anamaboa was the center. At his death no one dared to lucceed him in his ufurped authority ; all the fup- ports of which falling to pieces, every thing returned to its former fituation *. The Chriftian and Mahometan religions feem to have taken poffclfion of the two extremities of that part of the weft of Africa, which is frequented by the Europeans. The muffulmen of Barbary carried their theological iyftem to the people of the Cape de Verd iflands, who have extended it ftill farther. But thole tenets have every where undergone an alteration in proportion to their dif- tance from their fource ; infomuch that each kingdom, each village, and fre- quently each family, maintains a different fyftem. Excepting circumcifion, which is univerfal, it would fcarce be imagined that thefe people profeffed the fame wi rfhip. This religion does not penetrate beyond Cape Monte. What the Arabs had done to the north of the line for the Koran, the Portuguefe after- wards did to the fouth of the equator for the gofpcl. Towards the end of the fifteenth tcntury, they tftablifhcd it from the country of Benguela to Zara, A mode of woiihip, which offered fure and eafy means for the expiation of Bofman. Des Marchais. all THEHISTORYOFAMERICA. 569 all crimes, was perfedly agreeable to the tafte of nations, among whom the greateft enormities were common, and whofe religion afforded them no fuch com- fortable profpeft. If Chriftianity was afterwards profcribed in fever^I ftates, it was owing to the practices of thofe who propagated it, not any diflike to the religion itfelf. It is now totally difguifed even in the countrks where it has been tolerated, h few trifling ceremonies are the only remains of it. The coafts in the center have preferved iome local fuperltitions, which muft be very ancient. Theyconfift in theworlliip of that innumerable multitude of divinities or/f/zf^w*, which every perfon makes after his own fancy, and for his own ufe. The negroes not only believe thefe material fubftances endowed with intelligence, and the power of doing them good or evil, but alfo that the prieft ov fsticber, being of their council, is privy to all that thofe divinities know, and thence acquainted with the mod fecret thoughts and hidden adions of men f . Their veneration for their priefts, as may be imagined, therefore approaches to adoration ; and the commillion of murder is a fmaller crime than the eating of any kind of prohibited food, in dilbbedience to their commands. J. Tlie different religions fpread over the weftern coalt of Africa, have not how- ever changed the manner of living. The influence of climate is there fo pre- dominant, that opinions have but little effed upon manners. The houfes are all built with the branches of the palm-tree, mofl commonly of earth, and covered with ftraw, ofiers, or reeds. The furniture confifl:s folely of baikets, earthen pots, mats, which ferves as beds for the inhabitants, and calabaflies, of which all their diflies and plates are made. A girdle round their loins is their only ap- parel i they live on yams, fifh, fruit, rice, or on bread made of maize ; their drink is the wine of the palm-tree •, arts are almofl: unknown among them ; and all their labours are confined to certain rufliic employments. Scarce one hun- dredth part of their country is cultivated, and that in a very wretched manner, either by poor people or by flaves. There is a greater variety obfervable in the character of the Africans than in their wants. On the banks of the Niger, the woman are generally handfome, if beauty confifl:s in fymmetry of parts, not in colour. Modeft, afl^able, and faithful, an air of innocence appears in their looks, and the foftnefs of their voice is an indication of their bafhfulnefs. The men are of a proper fize ; their flough there are fome marks on their faces, they are free from thofe Ihocking fears, common amon» their northern neighbours. Their food is fimple, and their life frugal. They love eafe, and are averfe from labour. Their fcafts are accompanied with military fports, which revive the idea ot our ancient tournaments ; with this difference that in Europe thofe txercifes conftitutcd tl-.e amufements of warlike nations, whereas in Africa they are the recreations ot a timid people. The women are not admitted to thefe public diverlions. A flembled together in certain houles appropriated for their ufe, they fpend the day in private, and no man is ever admitted into their lociety. The pride of rank is the ftrongeft paflion of this people, who are naturally inoffenfive. A certain degree of ceremony obtains 3 both THE HISTORY OF AMERICA. 571 both at: the court of princes, and in private life. On the moil trivial occurs CHaP. n, rcnccs, they haften to their friends, either to congratulate them, or to condole v'~~— ' with them. A marriage occafions vifiting for ieveral months, anti the funeral obfequies of a perlbn of diftindtion continue fometimes a whole year. Thofe who are connefled, in any degree, with the deceafed, carry his remains through fevera! provinces. The crowd gathers as they proceed, and no perfon departs till the ccrpfe is depofiteU in the tomb, with ail the detnonftrations of the deepeft forrov/ *. Such, according; to the mofl: authentic teftimonieSj are the people whom the. Europeans have dcftin.-d to the tafks of beafts of burden, in cultivating their lands in the American archipelago, and on feveral parts of the continent. The property which fome men have acquired over others in that part of Africa called Guinea, is of very high antiquity. It is generally eflablilhed there, fome fmall diftricls excepted, where liberty hath as it were retired, and is (lill maintained. No proprietor, hov/ever, has a right to fell a flave who becomes fuch merely in confequence of the iervile Hate of his parents. He can only difpofe of thofe flaves whom he acquires -, whether by war, in which every prifoner is a flave in- le.fs exchanged ; as a compenfation for fome injury, or as an exprclTion of benefirs received. This law, which feems to have been made in favour ot thoie who are born in a ftate of fervitude, in order to indulge them with the enjoyment of their country and kindred, is become ineffeftual fince the Europeans have ex- pofed their tempting luxuries on the coalfs of Africa. It is every day eluded by concerted quarrels, which two proprietors mutually dilTemble, in order to be reciprocally condemned, each in his turn, to a fine, that is paid in perlbns born in fervitude, or flaves by birth, the transferring of whom is allowed by the fame law. They may afterwards be fold. Corruption, on thefe coafts, contrary to its ordinary progrefs, hath advanced from private perfons to princes. The defire of procuring flaves has given fre- quent occafion to wars-, and a cuftom hath been eftablilhed of punithing with flavery, not only fuch citizens as have attempted the lives and properties of others, but thofe alfo who are incapable of paying their debts, and thofe who have violated conjugal faith. In a word, the lofs ot liberty, which was originally adjudged only for the greateft crimes, has been extended to the moft trivial of- fences. Prohibitions even of things indifferent have been conftantly multiplied, m order to increafe the revenues arifing from the fines, by increafing the number of offences and of flaves. Injuftice hath known no bounds. At a great dubnce from the coaft, there are chiefs who give orders for carrying off perfons of all ages and fexes found in the villages of certain diftricfs. The children are thrown into facks, and the men and women are gagged to flifflc their cries. If the ravagers happen to be feized by fuperior force, they are conduded before the prince, who always difavows the commilTion he had given ; and under pretence * Bofman. Barbot. Defmarchais. Hift. Gen. des Voyages, torn. VI. of 37a THEHISTORYOFAMERICA. BOOK III. of doing juftice, inftantly fells his agents to the fhips they were to furnlfii with "^-^"^/--^-^ flaves *. Notwithftanding thefe infamous pradices, the people of the coafts have found it impoffible to lupply the growing demands of the merchants. They have expe- rienced what every nation mull, that can trade only with 'its nominal •flock. Slaves are to the commerce of the Europeans in Africa, what gold is in the com- liicrce we carry on in the New World. The heads of the negroes reprefe;it the flock of the ftates of Guinea. Every day this flock is carried off, and nothing is left them but articles of confumption. Their capital gradually vaniflies-; bc-caufe it cannot be renewed in proportion to the fpeedy confumptibns. The trade for blacks v/ould therefore have been long fince entirely loll, if the inha- bitants of the Goafls had not imported their luxury to the people of the inland countries, from whom they now draw the greater part of the flaves that are purchafcd by Europeans. In the fpace of fifty years this circumflance has raifed the price of negroes to almofl four times their former value. The reafon is ob- vious. The flaves are chiefly paid for in Eafl India commodities, which have doubled their value in Europe : a double quantity of thtfe commodities mufl be given in Africa ; hence our American colonies, where the tranfadions of the flave trade are ultimateliy concluded, arc obliged to fupport thefe feveral aug- mentations, and conlequently to pay four times the price which they formerly did for their negroes. The diflant African proprietor who fells his flave, receives however a lefs quantity of merchandife, than the perfon received fifty years ago, who fold his flave in the neighbourhood of the coafl. The profits intercepted by pafTing through .different hands, the expenfes of tranfport, the impofls, fomctimes of three per cent, that .mufl be paid to thofc princes through whofe territories they pafs, fink the difference between the original fum which the proprietor receives and that which the European trader pays. Thefe expenfes continually increafe, by reafon of the great diflance of the places where there are yet flaves to be fold. The more remote the place ot the firft fale is, the greater mufl be the expenfes attending the journey ; and they w'ill become fuch, that of the fum which the European merchant can afford to pay, fo little will remain to the firft feller, that he will chufe rather to keep his flave, than accept of fuch an equivalent. All trade of this kind will then be at an end. In order to fupport it as long as pofTi- ble, our traders muft therefore pay an exorbitant price, and iell in proportion to the colonies ; which on their part, not being able to difpofe of their produce but at a very advanced price, will no longer find a confumption for it. But till that time arrives, v>(hich is perhaps not fo diflant as thofe interefted imagine, they will, without die leafl remorfe, make the lives and labours of the negroes fubfervient to their avarice : they will find navigators wiio will pilot the ocean, and run every other hazard, in order to purchafe them ; and thefe will meet with tyrants, who will fell them. • Ibid. Slave- THEHISTORYOFAMERICA. 573 Slave- merchants colkifl themfclves into companies, and forming a fpecies of CHAP, u, caravans, condudt feveral files of thirty or forty flaves, all laden with the water '— ■'A'"-— ^ and corn necelTary to their fubfiftence, in thofe barren deferts through which they muft pals. The manner of fecuring them, wiilrout much incommoding their journey, is ingenioufly contrived. A fork of wood, from eight to nine feet long, is put round the neck of each flave. A pin of iron rivetted fecures the fork at the back in fuch a manner that the head cannot difengage itfelf. The handle of the fork, the wood of which is very heavy, falls before, and fo em- barrades the perfon who is tied to it, that though he has his arms and legs at li- berty, he can neither walk nor lift up the fork. When they get ready for their march, they range the flaves on the lame line, and fupport and tie the extremity of each fork on the fhoulder of the fortmoft flave, and proceed in this manner from one to another till. they come to the firft, the extremity of vvhofe fork is carried by one of the guides. Thus they proceed ; and in order that they may enjoy the retrclhment of flccp without anxiety, they tie the arms of every flave to the tail of the tork which he carries. In this condition, he can neither run zway nor make any attempt to recover his liberty. All thefe precautions have been found indifpenfable j becaufe, if a flave can but break his chain, he becomes free. The public faith, which fecures to the proprietor the poflcfllon of his flave, and which at all times delivers him up to his mafter, is filent with regard to a flave and a trader who exercifes the moll defpicable of all prOfcfllons. Great numbers of flaves arrive on the coaflis toge- ther, efpecially when they are brought from difl;ant countries. This manac^e- ment is neceflary, in order to diminifli the expenfe, which is unavoidable, in conduding them. The intervals between one journey and another, fufficiently diftant, in confequence of that fyfl:em of oeconomy, is often rendered greater by particular circumrtances. The moft ufual ot thele are the rains, which make the rivers overflow their banks, and obltrufl travelling. The feafon moft favourable to intercourle in the interior parts of Africa is from February to September; and hence it is, that the return of the flave-merchants, produces the grcatefl plenty in this traffic from September to March *. The flave-trade is carried on by the Europeans both to the north and the fouth of the line. The firft coaft, known by the name of Angola, hath but three ports which are equally free to all nations. Thele are Cabenda, Loango, and Malemba. There are other two, of which the Portuguele arc the Idle m^afters ; St. Paul de Loando, and St. Philip de Benguela. This coaft nearly fupplics one third ot the negroes that are earned to the Weft Indies, who are neither the moft intelligent, the moft induftrious, nor the moft robuft. The fecond coaft, known by the gt ncral name of the Gold Coaft, abounds more in harbours, but they are not equally favourable to commerce. The reftraint occafioned by the forts which the Europeans have there ercdt^d, in different places, drives away the dealers in flaves : they are therefore to be met with in greater plenty at Anama- boa and CaiOary, where commerce is entirely free. * Snelgrave. Bofmaiu Atkins. 29. ; G 9^ 574 THE HISTORY OFAMERIC A. BOOK III. In the year 1768, there were exported out of Africa an hundred and four tlioufand, one hundred flaves. 1 he EngliAi bought up fifty-three thoufand, one hundred of them, for their Weft India iflands ; the Enghih colonies on the continent, fix thoufand three hundred ; the French, twenty-three thoufand five hundred; the Dutch, eleven thoufand three luindred-, the Portuguefe, eight thoufand feven liundred ; and the Danes, one thoufand two hundred *. It muft not however be fuppofed, that America regularly receives die fame number of negroes. Independent of the diminution in the number of voyages to Guinea during the war, the arrangements of laft peace have occafioned new lands to be cultivated, which required extraordinary fupplies : the number of men, of which the African coafts are annually deprived, may therefore be reduced to fixty thou- fand. Granting that each of thele llaves colls on the fpot fifteen pounds, thofe barbarous regions receive every year about a million fterling for fo horrid a facrifice. The Portuguefe excepted, who, as already obferved f, make great part of their exchanges in tobacco, all nations pay for their flaves with the fame com- modities. Thcfe are fwords, mufl