THE ANTIQVITIES OF MAGNA GRAECIA. WILLIAM WILKINS, Jin. M.A. F. A. S. FELLOW OF GONVILLE AND CAIL'S COLLEGE, CAMIiRlniir:. CAMBRIDGE: PRINTED AT THE rMl'liKSlTi' PnES.iter Panhellenius in the island of Aegina, of Jvipiter Olympius at Athens, and those dedicated to tlie same deity at Olympia and Selinus, were all hypaetliral. A Temple of Jupiter at Thebes, most accurately describeil by Diodoriis Siculus, appears also to have been hypaethral. KccTK U /io-oy Tov ire^t'a-TvXov mQ^xwv Qc^i^ov KctTitrMMity^ar " The attar is placed in the middle perutyle, open to the heavens.'" Diod. Sic. lib. i. c. 4S. The Temple of Jupiter Capltolinus at Rome was hypaetliral. The statue of Terminus iiaving previously occupied the site, it was not removed when the temple was built by Tarquinliis Pri^eus. Tliat the t^acrifices to this deity might be xitb dio, the temple was of the hypaethral form : " Nunc quoqiie, se supra iicciiiid nisi siilcr.i cental, Exigiivim U-m|.li lecta foramen Uabenl." Ovid. Fast. IE. 671. The Temple of Jupiter Pulverius at Athens was hypaethral. " Ko'viof ^of, id est, ut Domitius apud Patisanlam interpretatur, Pulverius Jupiter, cujus templum Athenis fuit sine tecto." Gyraldi, Hist. Deor. Synt. lib. ii. Several temples are mentioned by Pausamas, which, at the time they were seen by him, were w ithout roofs. His words aeem to imply that the temples were in a state of dilapi.jAcc oJjc 'i^ov, oJJe 'a^o'ps; tireiTTw sr' xCtL Ibid. lib. iii. c. 22. iv INTRODUCTION. hypaethral. To this end he endeavours to prove that the latter temple was octastyie in front : but in comparing the proportions, as they are given by Pausanias, with those of another oclastyle temple, the Parthenon at Athens, he finds llic dimensions of the length and breadth to be too inconsiderable for the height. He therefore rejects them both, and offers what he imagines to have been the true admeasurements, retaining only the height assigned to it by Pausanias, as a genuine measure. Had there been any authority to induce us to he of opinion that the Temple of Jupiter at Olympia was octaslyle in the fronts, we might have felt inclined to support the conjecture of Stuart; because we shall find, without questioning the accuracy of the admeasurements of Pausanias, that the width of the Cella would have been sufficient to have admitted of internal peristyles, even although the temple were dipteral ' . The diameter of the columns would liave been 5.9.4, and the width of the inter- col unuiiations 7.3.7; hence the distance between the antae of the Pronaos would have The same Author mentions the Temple of Jupiter Pulvenus and that oF Jupiter N^enieus, the first of which appears to have been without a roof: KiJii Aiog Koviou vxtg ouk £%!iiv o^otpov. Lib. i. c. 40. 'Ev Se aurjj Ne^ei'ou tou Aioj rccof £irj-i d'lx; a^is;' jrA^c cTov xxTsf^u'^Kei tc o "c^ofpoq, Kal aya.Xfia. oiiTiti etj Ih^TreTo. Lib. ii. c 15 The roof in the latter of tliese temples, which he mentions as having fallen off, might have been that of the Pruiiaos and Poaticum, and the roof which covered the outer peristyles and the lateral porticoes of the Cella. The Temple of Apollo Didymaeus is. mentioned by Strabo as remaining without a roof, on account of its magnitude: i^'if^uvi n x'^?'; -^Vp^S J'* " l^h^So;- (lih. xiv. p. G34.) but it is not necessarily inferred that the temple was of the hypaethral form. One instance of a temple, which was not dedicated to Jupiter, having columns within the Ceila, is mentioned by Pausanias lib. viii. c. 45. This was the Temple of Minerva at Tegea. It had two orders of columns within the temi)le, probably for the support of the roof, since Pausanias informs us it was the largest temple in the Peloponnesus. I If inaccuracy must be attributed to any of the dimensions of Pausanias, it is preferable to attach it to one of them only Let us therefore deduce the diameter of the columns and their intervals from tliose of the Parthenon, assuming the width of the temple to have been what Pausanias states it; and then enquire upon what conditions the stated length maybe made to agree with the width. The diameter of the columns 5.9. 4... n 6 ... 46 . 3.2 The width of the intercolumiiiations 7.5. x5 ... 37. 4 5 The width of the angular ditto 5 . 5 , 85 . . . x 2 ... io . 1 1 . 7 Projection of the step — .2, 3... x 2 ... . 4 (J The whole width 95 . . Had there been eighteen columns in the flanks of this temple, the aggregate of the different admeasurements would have been as follows : Eighteen columns 104 .1.2 Fifteen intercolumniations 112. 1 5 Two angular ditto 10.11 7 Projection of the step . . 4 The whole length 2-2J ~ y . — The result for the length differs only 2.5.0 from the length assigned to it by Pausanias. INTRODUCTION. V been about 34 feet'. Now tbe same distance in the temple at Paestum is 32 . 6 . 0, and in the temple at Aegina it is less than 21 feet, yet both of these had columns within the Cella. Hence the corrections, which Stuart wishes to introduce in the dimensions of this temple, as they are given by Pausanias, will not appear necessary ; and so long as the admeasurements of the Greek Topographer can be reconciled with the Doric proportions, we ought to esteem them correct; more especially as he complains of the inaccuracy of preceding writers who professed to have given the dimensions of this temple^. If Stuart's liypothesis, that " the constituent parts of this temple and those of the Parthenon were similar," be allowed, it will follow, that the dimensions given by Pausanias will not militate against the probability that the temple was octastyle in front. The Grecian vctog sv 7ra§a.tained into the Cella or the Sanctuary through the apertures between the triglyphs. The temple of Ceres at Elcusis was in Antis before tJie portico was addctl, which nuide it prostyle'. The temple of Minerva Polias at Athens is likewise prostyle. ' In hexastyle temples, the Antae of the Pronaos are not placed opposite to the columns which are second in order from the angles in the front, but are made to approach nearer to each other ; whereas in dipteral temples they are placed immediately opposite to tlie third columns from the angles of the front, in order to preserve an equality in the width of the double peristyle. > Paus. lib. V. c. 2. • Eurip. Iphig. in Taur. v. 1 13. > Vitruv. in Praefat. lib. vii. vi INTRODUCTION. The Ionic temple of Ilissiis, M liicli is given by Stuart in the Antiquities of Athens, was an example of an Amplilpiostyle temple. Another occurs in the temple of lackly' near Mylassa. The general princi]jles, v, liich are given ])y Vitruvius in the fourth chapter of the fourth hook, for the division of the acdes, or temple within the peristyle, of the Romans, will be found, upon investigation, to fail entirely in their application to the temples of the Greeks. No further proof of this position is necessary than a perusal of the chapter Be mteriore Ccllarum cl Pmnui dMbutwne, and a comparison of the description there given with the plans ol' those GiTcian temples svliicli ha\ e been made known to us. That the Greeks aditered to established rules for determining the proportions of the several divisions of the nk, cannot be doubted The great similarity which is discernible in the plans of most of the temples with which we arc acquainted, warrants the conclusion that they studiously follo«ed some one great model, and deviated from it as little as circumstances would allow them. In order to ascertain the accuracy of this conclusion, we must have recourse to some of the earliest temples of which there is any authentic account, and consider what resemblance can be traced in the plans of such as were erected at periods not very distant, in countries remote from each other. T„B TEMPLE .T JERUSALEM is the earliest of which we have any written documents. Upon its claims 1o attention, as it is connected with our holy religion, it were surely needless to expatiate. But, independently of the interest excited by its Antiquity and .sanctity, we shall hnd that an enquiry into the arrangement and dimensions of its component parts will be amply repaid by the l.ght which it tends to diffuse upon the history of Architecture in general. Let us t],cn compare the plan and proportions of this celebrated structure witli those of some of the earliest Grecian temples, sucli as at Paestum and Acgina. So great a resendjiance will be found, upon investigation, to subsist between them, as to afford a presumptive proof that the architects both of Syria and Greece were guided by the same general principles in the distribution and proportion of the more essential parts of their buildings. 1 Antiq. of Ionia, vol. ii. ■ Tl,e woris «J.- .„d ,,re oftcllme, indiscriminately used to signify „ temple. The word mi, in its mn.t cxtemled sense, signifie. no more than the temple, proi»ly so called, and the peristyles immediately connected with it. The word l.fi, generally means the peribolus surrounding tlie mj;, although it i. often used to signify hoAx temple and peribolus. Distinguunt Ufi, et mi;, et posteriore fan., priore ipsum locum .ive r',,^,,,, in quo aedificatum ij templum, designant " Wess. Annot. ici Biod. lib. i, 9. " To ^'lEfW Kai rov vnjv tov a AiX'paTi tbu 'AttdAAwi-o;. Scholiiistes Cass, ad h. 1. hoc discrimen statuit; 'U^aii, inquit, I'asu TWf 7r£f,/3o'xou,- T^y vKuv esse dicit. In Pausania Tfjaevof potest esse lucus, quomodo saepe apud alios sumitur." Duk. in Thucyd. iv. 90. INTRODUCTION. VII To render the proof of this proposition more easy, a Plan of the Temple at Paestum is here subjoined, reduced from real admeasurements. In the upper part of this Plan, such deviations as can be ascertained to have occnrred in the Jewisli Temple are expressed by a lighter shade; and a conjectural disposition of the cliambers surrounding the Cella and Oracle is given'. To determine how nearly the proportions of the temple agreed with those of the temple of Solomon, the widths of both are here assumed equal : from thence it will be discovered how far the proportional iengtl^s, and the arrangement of the interior of both, coincided. Some deviations will be found to occur, but such only as might naturally be expected in temples ljuilt for the celebration of rites differing so much as did the Jewish and the Heatlien. The Vignette given at tiie head of the Introduction is intended to represent sections tltrough the Pronaos and Cella of the Temple of Solomon. The proportions are taken from tlie Temple at Paesitum. The extent and position of tlie peristyles of the latter temple are shown by dotted lines. The height of the columns of the Pronaos is divided into eighteen parts, which serve as a scale for the measurement of the heights ; and the width of the Cella into twenty, as a scale for the widths. ^ 'J : ... «:: 11 iUL 1 - 0 O d-O o o o n n n r, n C o o 'I'he (.■hamljers a. a. h. b. are arranged very nearly after the idea wlilch Sir Isaac Xcwton entertained of their disposition about the vccU of the temple. The three ranges of chambers are represented in the Section which forms the Head-piece of the Introduction; and are distinguished by the letters B. B. B. VIll INTRODUCTION. 20. VII. 15 The following exlracls from Sacred Hislory will be found necessary to the explanation of the Plan and Section : 1 Kings VI. 2. " The House which King Solomon Ijuilt for tlie Lord, the length thereof " was threescore cubits, and the bj eadlh tliereof twenty cubits, and the " height thereof thirty cubits. 3. " And the Porcli before the Temple of the House, twenty cubits was the " length thereof, according to the breadth of the House ; and ten cubit,s " was the breadth thereof before the House." 17. '■' And the House, that is, the Temple before it, was forty cubits long." 19. " And the Oracle he prepared in the House within," And the Oracle in the fore part was tii cnty cubits in length, and tivcnty cubits in bieadth, and twenty cubits in lli. Ctia!i(iler, in tiie Ionian Antiquities, as ttie only uistancos knouii of the kind ; viz. Tiie temple of Apollo Didymaeus, tlie temple of Jupiter Xenieus in Aeliaia, the temple on the llissus at Athens, and the temple at laekly near Mylassa. INTRODUCTION. IX If the necessity therefore of the Sanctum were obviated, and, in lieu of it, the Posticum or second porch adopted, a great and unnecessary loss of room would be occasioned by appropriating the whole of the Oracle to such a purpose. It was therefore left to circumstances to decide, whether the extent of the whole temple within the peristyle, in regard to its width, should be contracted, or, retaining the same proportion of extent and width, the CclUi be elongated. The Greeks in the instance before us adopted the latter method, although they were sometimes induced to give a preference to the former, as will be noticed in the sequel. To begin with the Porch, which, in the passage cited from tlie Book of Kings, was twenty cubits long according to the breadth of the temple, and ten cubits in breadth before the house ; l)y which it is to be understood, that the greatest measure of the Porch was the width of the temple, and that it extended half that width before the Cella. In the Temple at Pacstum, the distance from the Antae of the Posticum to the transverse wall of the Cella, is 17 . 7 . 25, and half the width of the temple is 18 . 1 . 25; the extent therefore of the Posticum falls a little short of half the width of the temple. Supposing the diameters of the columns in both temples to have been proportioned to the breadths of the vestibules, we shall have the following ratio: The diameter of the columns in the Posticum of the Temple at Paestum, or 6.8, is to tiie width of the Posticum, or 36 . 2 . 5 as llie diameter of the columns of Solomon's Temple, to twenty cubits, the stated width of the temple. Tiie diameter resulting from this ratio will be 3.682. Now the circumference of these columns is .stated to have been twelve cubits ; their diameter would therefore have been 3.819 cubits, dlHering ouly-j{f^ of a cubit from the diameter obtained by means of the foregoing proportion. Pursuing a similar process, we obtain for the height of the columns 16.574, being less than the height given them in the Book of Kings, by 1.426 cubits; and less by of a cubil tlian the height given them in the Book of Chronicles \ We ought not however to be surprised that the proportion of the height to the diameter of the columns does not more exactly correspond : among the early Greeks, it does not appear that there existed any rule for detenninhig the height of columns from tJie diameter'. 3 From the Book of Chronicles it appears that the height of the columns was thirty-five cubits ; the Book of Kings gives eighteen cubits eac/( ; we are to suppose, therefore, that thirty-five cubits was the altitude of both together; this would make the height of each column 17.5 cubits. " At liber Paral. utramque simul scapi utriusque conipiexus est altitiidinem, denipta lamen utvaque plintho, atque earn rejierit fuisse cubitorum 35, qui locus unicuique columnae cubitos tribuit 17^: tot enini precise altus fuit scapus coiumnae, sublata plintho et capitello." Excerp. Villalp. c. 5. (Walton. Bibl. Appiirat. p, 15J),) J The proportions of the columns of the Jewish Temple do not difier much from those of the Temple of Juno at Agrigentum, Tlie following scale shews the height of columns in various Grecian temples of the Doric order of architecture, the diameter being supposed unity. Temple X INTRODUCTION. Wiien we adopt this ratio, wc suppose that the capitals are iiulLifled in tlic heiglit of the columns given in the Book of Kings. It cannot be thought that the chapiters were the capitals, if their height were five cubits. AVe should ofiend against every just idea of proportion, were we to imagine tliat ihc capitals of the columns were little less than one third the height of the shaft; for, even in the Doiic order, such a proportion would be nearly that of the whole entablature. The word chapiters has been adopted by the English translators of the Septuagint, tliroiigh ignorance of tlie precise meaning of the architectural terms. The STriUfioLToi were not the capitals, but the epistylia, or perhaps the several members forming the entablature, which were placed upon the capitals of the columns: Krti Svo sTriUfJ-arci iitoimi SoZvai im ret? }is(pct?\0L? Tav (ttuAwv ^biVivTci', This interpretation of the Avord is adopted by the commentators upon the Old Testament'; and in the Vulgate version tlie word imU^O-JcL is translated epistijUa: " Hoc est cohuiinas duas et epistijliu et capita, et quasi quaedam retiacula, quae capita tegcrent super epistvha^" It is probable tiiat the epistylia, like what is observed in all Grecian tenqiles, \^'ere formed of two stones in width : upon tliis supposition, five cubits, the height of each, would be very nearly a proportional height for the entablature; for, the height of the columns in the Pronaos and Poslicum of the Temple at Paestum, is to 7 - H ■ 7^, the height of the entablature above them, as 18 cubits to 5.002 cubits, or, the proportional heiglit of the entablature over the porch of the Jewish Temple. Since the proportions of the columns of this temple did not vary very considerably from those of the colunms in several Grecian temples which are well known to us, it is fair to conclude that they were of that order which was subsequently called the Doric*; and that the hov:Js, mentlonet.! in the Book of Kings, were the circular parts of the Temple of Solumon \ ( 4, 582 Jupiter Pan li el! en ill!" 5., '197 Jupiter Nemeus 6.515 at Corinth 4.0ij5 Segesta 4.434 Paestum 4.302 of Minerva at SjTacusc 4.410 Juno at Agrigentuni 4.695 Minerva at Athens 6.566 Sunimn 5.899 Theseus at Atliens 5.66'9 . I Reg. vii. 6. a " Quae omnia illis oriiamcntis conveniunt, quae columnarum styHs iniponuntur, capitelhs ninilruni, epislyhis, zophoris, coronis." Excerp. Villalp. c. 8. (Walton. Bibl. Apparat. p. itJl.) 3 Paralip. ii. 4. ■1 " Perimetrum 14 cubiti eircumdabant earn, crassitiem columnae 4 digitorum cavitates. Quos secutus Comestor, Stylus columnaa 1 S eubitos habebat altitudinis nou phnae, sed valliculatus, habena in circuitu caiuiles cavationis 4 digitorum." Exc. Villalp. c. J. (Walton, ib.) INTRODUCTION. XI capitals', "whicli in the columns at Paestum have a great resemblance lo antique bowls or cups, called by the Italians Tazzc. The French style this member, in tlie capitals of Doric columns, the Vase dii chapiteau^. The height of the Temple given in Chap. VI. v. 2. of the First Book of Kings is thirty cubits'; which agrees very nearly with what it woiiid be, supposing tlie pediment to have had the same inclination as that of the Temple at Paestum. This will be understood from a reference to the section, in which the columns are divided into eighteen parts ; each of which, in estimating the height, is to be considered a cubit'. The staircases to the middle chambers were in tlie rigiit shoulder (&^ia) of the house'. The breadth of the a^tti'a, or the iT^bSfjii?, as it is called in Ezekicl, was five cubits'"- which corresponds very accurately witii the breadth of tJie transverse wall of the Cella in the 9 The hoivls of the columns are rendered by the English translators the bowls of the chapiters ; by whicli many have been led into the mistake of connecting the bowls with the chapiters. SruAouf Sua, xa.) T» o-t^stttu run cttuT^uv sttj tuv K£(pa,\Zv ruv >TT\)Xm Sua. 1 Rcq;. vii. 41. s No better explamitinii of the net-work and the poniey;ra nates, whii;h arc said to have covcrsd the chapiters, can perhaps be given, than what has been offered by Lamy, in Ins elaborate work Dc Tubeniaado FoederU ; jroni wliich the Ibllowing are extracts : " Imprimis ne foedaretur illud pretiosum velum expansum ante fores, rem Salomon excogitavit ad aves expeliendas idoneam. Usum istum praestahant malogranata aenea, quae pendula ex subtilibus catenis, facile commovebantur vento, cni pervium iliud reticulum) quo vas cii-cumdatum malogranatis operiebatur. Cum essent numero centum vel ad minus nonaginta sex in uno ordine, sic sibi vicina, statim ac levi motu impellebantur, sese invicem percutiendo edebant soniim ; qui ideo fere continuus erat quia omnibus ventis malogi-anata obnoxia ab aliquo ex illis impellebantur ; itii perpetuo resonabant. Inter omnia enim metalla aes vocalius est, et tinnit clarius, et sanitus ejus lange lateque d'lffunditur. Ut observat B. Hieronymus in caput tertium Danielis. Vera, inquam, erant tintinnabula ista malogranata ; unde vocem tJ*JlDT Rimmonim, quae proprie significat ilia mala. Graeci 2 Paralip. cap. iv. v. 13. vertunt naSmxc, id est, tintinnabula, quae interdum referunt illorum fifuram. Ea consuetude pervetusta est, etiam in templis Gentilium, ut aliqui arte ind^ arcerentur foedae aves. Talem adhibuerant Pei^meni, referente C. Julio Solino, lib. iii. cap. 30. Ut aedein ApeUis mmtu insignem, nempe tabulis ejus exornatam, Jiec araneae intexerent, nec uHtes involarent, cadaver Basilisci seriientis, cujus reliquias ampio sestertio comparaverant, reticitlo aitreo sitspensum ibidem lacavenmt. Non ahenum ab hoc loco quod memorat Plinius, lib. xxxvi. cap. 13. de monumento prope tlusium, ubi erant pyramides, < ita fastigiatae, ut in summo orbis aeneus et petasus unus omnibus sit imjiositus, ex quo pendeant catenis tintinnabula, quae, vento agitata, ionge sonitus referant, ut Dodonae olim factum.' " Lib. vi, c. 8. sect. 4, " . . . . Apud eum (Eusebium) sic loquitur Eupolemus, lib. ix. c. .■J4. enarrans quae opera a Salomone in Templo perfecta fueriiit Kcst v^oirx^BfieuTat ejcctoTi) Siktvv, KmSuvx; xctkum^ ToXaxra-lwi; TETfaxofft'ouj. Keel ■jtor^ira.t oAaf Tci; SixTua;, w^of TO T^otpsTv ToSg KieSmag, xx) Kmiro0eTv to. o^vea, oiruq ft.^ KciSt'^'^ etti tou h^oZ, /^^iSl vcinnm fVi roi> ipxrvmftain tui/ 71\jKZv KKi armv, kui ^oXuvit toT; ajrssraTij^airi to Ib^ov," Ibid. "....Tintinnabula referre similitudine malogranata discimus, ex eo quod dicit Scriptura fuisse pennixta inalooranata in veste pontificia cum tintinnabulis." Ibid, Pausanias informs us, that brazen vases or bells were suspended in the fastigia of the Temple of Jupiter at Olympia, lib. v. c. 10. The Temple of Jupiter Ton an s had likewise bells suspended in the fastigium. " Immo etiam Suetonius tcstatur ab Augusto fuisse Jovis Tonantis aedis fastigium tintinnabulis redimitum, kuScum^ xutZ tts^i^iJ'e. id ipsum exprimente Dinne in libro Liv." Gronov. Annot. in Steph. Frag, de DodonS. " Ita ut quatuor fuerint in toto templo tabulata singula alu 30 cub. atque ita tota altitudo assurrexit ad 120 cub." Walton. Bibl. Apparat. p. l?/. It is to be observed that the columns are made to serve as a scale for the difterent heights, and the breadtli of the temple for the different widths and lengths. 1 Reg. vi. 8. Ezck. xli. 2. xii INTRODUCTION. Temple at Paestiiin. This wall is termed to cd?\cLf/. tov vdov, and measured six cubits on each side of the door-way; whicli also corresponds with the width on each side tlie entrance into the Cella of the Grecian temple. If the transverse wall of the Posticum, ia the Temple of Paestum, were removed so as to contract tlie Cella, and make its extent double its width, which was the proportion of the Cella of the Temple at Jerusalem, the interval between it and the sixth column will be ver}'^ nearly equal to the distance of the first from the wall of the Pronaos, So remarkable a circumstance affords grounds for the conjecture, that the Grecians had some motive in observing that particular proportion of the diameter of the columns to their intervals, which would have admitted of six columns with their intercolumniations, when the extent of the Cella was douljlc the breadth '. It would Incline us to believe that the Jewish Temple had inner peristyles ; and this belief is strengthened, when we consider that the number of the columns may have had some reference to the number of the tribes \ In addition to this, we are informed that Solomon made ten tables, which were placed within the Cella, five on the right hand, and five on the left: might not these have been placed next the walls, over against the intervals, between column and column, like the altar-tal>les of Roman- catholic churches? if so, tlie intervals were no more than sufiicient to admit of just so many as are here represented. Whosoever is ac([uainted with the history of the Temple built by Solomon, and of tJjat which was begun l>y the Jews after their return from captivity, cannot doubt that the second temple, if not executed upon a scale of magnificence equal to the first, was nevertheless constructed upon the same principles, and upon the same plan. Indeed it appears from Joseplius^ that, for some centuries after the completion of Zerubbabers Temple, the Jews strictly adhered to the same plan in designing tlieir places of public worship. If, therefore, it can be made to apj)ear, that llie second temple Iiad the very same form whicli in after ages was peculiar to ihe temples dedicated to Jupiter, it will aiford a strong presumption that tlie temple built Ijy Solomon was also constructed with porticoes within the Cella. Now we are possessed of authentic documents, whicli prove 1 Ttie width of the door-way leading from i Tlie disposition of the inner jjerisivles wi admeasurement of the door-way wv.jv nu suggested itself to Villalpandus, who had n< wise militate. " vero ea omnia aedihc exstrui." Excerp. Villalp. c. 4. (^\ ailon a Among the Ancients, it appears thac ihe ii lib. iii. c. 20. = Lib. : bl le Po >uld 1 luded > pom ;ia mdicai. quae . Bibl. Apparat. umber of colun ad portae digni p. 140.) ,ns had frequeiil to have been ten cubits. ingress, nless, in the . Tliis idai appears to have II- the door-way would in any- imentum solent circa jxirtam Terence. Kiave; i Pausan. lib. xii. c. 10. lib. xi. c. 4. INTRODUCTION. that the second temple, as well as that at Gerizun, which Josephus' states to have been built upon the same plan, were bf this particular form; for when Antiochus attempted to compel the Jews to al>jure their religion, he gave orders that the Temple at Jerusalem should thenceforward be consecrated to the worship of Jupiter Olympius, and the Temple at Gerizim to the worship of Jupiter Hellenius'. The thickness of the transverse wall of the Cella is not noticed in the Book of Kings. As it is merely stated that the posts of the door-way were of squared timber % let us assume that it was of the same proportional thickness as that in the Temple at Paestum. We have now therefore to shew the length which would have remained for the Oracle, when the aggregate of the admeasurements of the Portico, Cella, and walls, was deducted from the whole extent of the temple within. Supposing the western wall of the Oracle to have been of tiie same thickness as the lateral walls of the temple, the interior face of it will be in the line of the axes of the columns. The distance from the columns of the Pronaos to this line is 137 .7-17; and twice the width of the temple, for the extent of the Cella, added to 29 . 5 . 5, for the extent of the Porch, and the thickness of the walls within, are together equal to 101 .10.5; which, deducted from the above distance, leaves 35 . 8 . 67, or very nearly the width of the temple, for the length of the Oracle. The floor of the Cella at Paestum is considerably aljovc that of the vestibules : this difference in the levels nearly corresponds to three cubits in tlie Jewisli Temple : hence, if the ceiling of the latter temple had ranged with the upper part of the entablature, its height from the floor would have been very nearly equal to the widtli of the temple, since the height from the floor of the Porch to the upper part of the entablature must have been twenty-three cubits. The Cherubim were in all probability placed over the door-way of the Oracle ; from whence to the ceiling there ^vas a distance nearly equal to half the width of the temple, corresponding to ten cubits in the Jewish Temple'. The walls of the Cella and Oracle are described as having been five cubits in thickness, and to have been constructed with narrowed rests of one cubit each, for supporting the 4 Joseph. Antiq. lib. xi. c. S. oiKsumj Aiog Eekou. 2 Machab. vi. 2. Kal TO ■jraj' kCtoT? h^m xctSxTre^ •^^luxa.iri, TTfOtroij-flsEuS^'™ Aios'EXXiiviaij, Joseph. Aiitiq. lib, xii. c. 5. s K«l raj Svaaj^xTi toZ f«/3E(f livaty^iTs 86^az ^uKuiv ix^xeuQtvuv, .... trroai rsr^cnrJ^Z;, I Reg. vi. 31, &c. The thirty-third verse is wanting to this chapter in the Septuagint. From the other versions we are enabled to ascertain, that it contained a description of the door-posts of the Cella, which were similar to those of the Oracle. The posts are said, in Ezekiel, to have been two cubits in thickness, or of a proportion somewhat greater than those in tJic Grecian Temple, Kal Ss^eTjiiff-s to ctlXay. tou Su^ui^aTog, 'tttixuh Ju'o. Ezek. xli, 3. 7 This S£^ce is marked D, in tlie Section. XIV INTRODUCTION. beams of llie cliainl)crs surrouiuJino; the temple ' : the width of tlie lower range of chambers was also five cubits. These two admeasiirements together would have added ten cubits on each side to the width of the temple ; and thus the distance between the outward walls of (he chamliei-s, measured across the temple, would have been equal to twice its width. This proportion obtains in the distance between the axes of the columns of the peristyle, and the width of the Temple at Paestiim'; and, if we suppose the exterior w all (a) of the chaudjers, which does not appear to have been constructed « ith rests for the beams, to have been equal iu thicliuess to the walls (b) of the Cella and Oracle, exclusive of the rests", tile outward face of the wall will fall a very inconsiderable distance beyond what would be the proportional extent of the upper step in the Tcnqjle at Paeslum'. It is probable, therefore, that the Ijoundary of this wall ' may have suggested the line of the peristyles of temples erected in subsequent ages. Having thus shewn the great precision which obtained in the proportions of these interestnig monumenis of ancient tasle, I proceed to add a few observations tending to confirm the assertions advanced in the course of the preceding inquiry, and to strengthen the proposition that the Temple at Paestuin, as well as other Grecian temples of the same aera, were actually designed after the model of the Temple at Jerusalem. One of the instances above allude The whole thickness of the walls of the Cell, below was five enbits : above the clambers the walls were only two cubits, or one tenth of the width of the temple, on account of the deduction of the three rests of one cubit each. The wall, of'the Temple at Paestum are 3 . G . 2S, which admeasurement diBbs only i . 2 from one tenth of the width of the temple. . It seems probable that the temple built by Herod was snrronnded by a peristyle. n.fisAii^fo.s SI ri, .„.r^, ^f,, r„ .,.x.yU. „.r,S.i.,. Jose,,,. Antiq. lib. xv. e. 1 1 . The porticoes herein alluded to could not be the cloisters ol the i„riboln, ; for these appear to have been constructed on the east side only. K.ri ^J, fi„., .V™^., „- raptf. trr..,. J„l,,, „ „; „»! r.ruzwln;, if,fr„ „;„;. Ibid. . Tlie thickness of the outer wall of the exterior range of chamber, was five cubits, (Ezet. xli. .9.) most probably m order to aibni, rests similar to those in the tiall of die temple. INTRODUCTION. XV and referred even to the time of Aeacus. This temple, like the one at Pae&tum, was hypaethral : the remains of three of the interior columns are to be seen to this day. Tlio proportions of the Cella of this temple are nearly the same as those of the Cella of the Jewish Temple. Half its length is 21.5.5, which differs only 7-3 from its actual width. The width of the Cella being 20.10.8, the length of tlie vestibule ought to have been 10 . 5 . 4, in order to correspond to the Porch of Solomon's Temple : its actual length is, however, 11.6.05, which differs 1.0.65 from that dimension. If the Posticum of the temple had been enlarged so as to have made its length equal to its width, the excess above its actual lengtli would have been just suiheicnt to have admittetl of two addilional columns and their intervals; and thus the number of the columns in the flanks of the temple would have been augmented to fourteen, as in the Temple at Paestum. In the same manner, if reference be made to the plans of tlie Temples of Juno and of Concord at Agrigentum, we shall And the same proportions of Vestibule and Cella adhered to; and particularly in the former, which appears to be the most ancient of the two. Had the Oracle or Sanctuary been adopted in the plans of belli these temples, they would have been ienglliencd by a space accurately etpiai to the ^vidth of one intercolumniation and one diameter; and the number of columns in the Hanks would then have been fourteen, as in the foregoing instance. It appears therefore to be clearly established, that there existed a connection between the plans of ancient Grecian temples, particularly that of Paestuin, and the Temple of Solomon. The proportions of this latter may therefore be assumed as the standard, by which the early Greeks were directed in the construction of their temples ; and which was followed, with little variation, by the Greeks of later times. It now remains for us to ascertain the probable channel through whicli this form of temple might be transmitted to Greece, and afterwards introduced into Italy. The Temple of Solomon appears to have been founded one thousand and fifteen years before Christ": very soon afterwards, temples were built in Greece, and in some of the islands of the Archipelago, by colonies sent by Minos from Crete'. Minos was cotemporary with Solomon, and had succeeded in the establishment of a powerful fleet for the purposes of a commerce in wliich his subjects were engaged with Sir Isaac Newton's Clinniolugy. 1 Strabo. Geojjr. lib. v. p. 338. XVI INTRODUCTION. most of tlic neighlTOuring states. The most friendly intercourse seems at this period to have prevailed hetween the Cretans and Phoenicians; which latter are .stated by Herodotus' to have manned the navy of the former. Tlie religious adoration of both nations was addressed to the Divinities consecrated by the same theology; and Jupiter was regarded by both as the Deity to whom the greatest divine honours were to be paid'. Tlie worship of .Jupiter had probably its origin with the Cretans, among whom it is pretitndcd that he was born; and to tlie intercourse, which subsisted between this people and the Phoenicians, may perhaps be attributed his apotheosis by the latter'. So early as the time of Hiram, had temples been erected in Phoenicia in honour of Jupiter. Meuandcr the historian, <[uoted l)y Joscphus, says of this prince: "He " annexed the field, wliich is called the Great Field, unto the island, and consecrated " a golden pillar in Jupiter's Temple : he caused also a great quantity of wood to " be hewn down in the mountains of Libanus, to make covers and roofs for temples ■ " for, having pulled down some ancient temples, ho built that of Hercule:j, and tliat " of A,starte'." Dion also, quoted by the same author, makes mention of Hiram in these terms- " After tlic decease of Abibalus, his son Hiram reigned ; he it was that fortified the city " to the eastward, and enlarged the same, and joined the Temple of Olympian Jupiter " to the city." Thus the worship of Jupiter may with great probability be supposed to have been transmitted through the Cretans to the Phoenicians; but as these latter were considerably more advanced in the sciences and in the knowledge and practice of Architecture, the temples of Phoenicia doubtless furnished the model according to which those in Crete were afterwards erected. For, according to the genius of primitive simplicity, the place of worsliip among the Cretans was merely a cavern, as we find mentioned by Cyprian and Minntius Felix. 1 Herod. lib. i. c. 71. s " Quidam Jovem apud Cretenses primum Templa dicasre ferunt, atquo ob id inter Deos primum ipsnm locum fuijs; sortitum." HospiN. de Origine Templorum. "Polydorm Vergilio. de Inventiooe Rerun,, lib. iii. e.g. ita scribit: • Delubr. Epiiuenidem Creteosem primum ,c,lir.c_. • auctor est Diogenes Laertius, lib. i.' " Jijid. . Gaza, a city of Phoenicia, wa. called M».'«. from Minos, who is reported to have carried thither the worship of Jupiter. ™m„ «As„.. 'ErSsr rt riZ Kf,™/™ A,.; otj'™™; iji^,,mf,m, K^ra^rrJ. Srapii. de Urb. in voce Ti^,. » Joseph. Aiititj. lib. viii. INTRODUCTION. It is probable that the colonies sent out by Minos would institute religious rites to this favourite Deity of the Cretans, in any island of which they took possession. Certain it is, that the Carians, who were expelled from Crete about the time of those migrations, carried with them the worship of Jupiter inlo Syria, auti there consecrated a temple to him, under the title of Jupiter Carius \ Among the islands of the Archipelago which the Cretan emigrants inhabited, were those at the mouth of the gulph of Argolis : wc may therefore presume, that the worship of Jupiter was soon afterwards propagated through the sliores of the Argolic Chersoncsus", and that temples, built in honour of this divinity, jjore a very marked resemblance to those of Phoenicia and Crete. The great antitpiity of the Temple of Jupiter, in the island of Aegina, has already been noticed. It is even supposed to have been built by Aeacus, one of the first among the Greeks who employed the conveniences and decorations of architecture in the service of religion ^ The similarity which has l)een shewn to exist in the proportions of the temple erected by him, and the Temyjle at Jerusalem, favours the supposition that the same principles of construction obtained in both; and, if we consider at what periods and under what circumstances they were built, it will appear still more evident that a relation, too particular and exact to have been the efieet of chance, subsisted between them. Aeacus, according to Sir Isaac Newton's chronology, flourisiied nine hundred and eighty-eight years before Christ; that is, about twenty-seven years after the founding of the Temple of Solomon. We know that the Aeginetae were intimately connected with the Cretans, to whom they were indebted for the knowledge of many arts and sciences, which Minos and Daedalus invented and promulgated. The whole peninsula of Argolis soon becauie acquainted witli the manner of building adopted by the Aeginetae and the islanders of the Archipelago. There still exist in Corinth, and near Argos", very ancient Grecian temples, whose style of architecture is precisely similar to that of the Temple of Aeglua. The Aeliaeans, who afterwards sent colonies into Magna Graecia, were inliabitants of Argolis, and the country about Corinth. From ihence they were expelled by the s Ilcrod. lib. i, p. 11 Strabo mentions that Megara, ttie citadel of Argos, was also called M^vux, from Minos. 1 Amob. Advent. Gent. lib. vi. p. igi. e The Temple of Jupiter ISenieus, there can be no doubt, like the Temple at Paestum, had fourteen columns in tlie flanks. The plan of this temple, given in the Antiquities of louia, is represented with thirteen only : such a number would not admit of a proportionate length for the Posticum and Prothyrum before it. The space intervening Ix^tween the columns of the Pronaos and the end wall of the Cella, is 93 . 0' . 5, whicli is to the same distance in the Temple at Paestum, in the proportion of the widths of their respective Cellae. F X\11I INTRODUCTION. Hcraclidap, and soiiglil slu'llor on llie soiilliern sliores of t]ic gulpli of Corinlli. Tlicy bfcanic a very powerful nation, and llieir eilies were celebrated for the number and mag-nifieenee of tlicir slirinis and tejnples. Tlie proportions and plans of these edifices were doubtless sngg-psted by those ol' the countries frour wlicnee they originally came; at least, in later times, Me lind that the lem|iles of Elis, Acliaia, and Phocis, were constrnetcd n|Kiii principles similar to Kh-.ii is observed in those of j\rgos and Corintli. From the descriptions of Enripides, \\c are enabled to ascertain, that the Temple at Delphi had not only a Porch and a CVlla, bnt also a Sanctuary, which, like the Oracle of the Jewish Teni|ile, was the most holy place. Pausanias informs us that this temple ^^as designed by a Corinthian architect. The Aehacans, in conjunction iiith a colony fiom Troezenc, are acknowledged by historians to have been the founders of Sybaris in the Jjay of Tarentum ; and when the latter were expelled, through the cautious policy of their former associates, they are conjectured to have wamlered acro.ss the Apennines towards the gulpli of Salernnni, and to have /i.\ed themselves upon its shores, where they built the city of Posidonia. To the .same sources may be traced the aetpiirenient of that art which enriched the cities of Sicily, anti jiarticnlarly Agrigcnttiin, numerous and magnificent specimens of aiieieut tasle. Ijefore the arrival oi' the Greeks, Daedalus had been employed in many considerable undertakings for Cocalus, king of the Sicani, who resided at Ompliaee, the aneieut Agrigentuni. A Cretan and Rliodian colony, led by Antipheinus and Entitniis, afterwards settled there, and erected temples to Minerva and Jupiter upon the Acrojudis. The Agrigentines had therefore, at a very early period, a considerable intercourse with the Cretans; and it may be snpposetl that they acijuircd a knowledge of iheir arts, by means of iheir eonnectlon \\h\\ Daedalus and Minos. Heraelea was built by the Cretans, wdio are said to have accompanied the latter in the pursuit of Daedalus. The foregoing investigation into the form and construction of temples, leads me to offer a conjecture on the aspect and species of that of Diana at Epiicsus, the plan of which has engaged the attention of several learned authors. Among these are Mr. \\ indhaiii and Mr. Falconer, whose opinions upon the subject have been published in the si.'cth and eleventh volumes of the Archaeologia. The former of these gentlemen has suggested an alteration in the punctuation of the passage in Pliny, which alludes to the number of columns in the peristyles of the leiiiple. Tlu- passage, as it now stands, is as follows ; " Universo templo longitude est ececxxv pedum, latitude ecx.x columnae "centum viginti septem a singulis regibus factae lx pedum altitudine ex his xxxvi INTRODUCTION. XIX " coelatae, una a Scopa'." Mr. Windham introduces a comma after the word centum, which however, with equal propriety, may be placed after the word viginti ; and the sense of the passage will be thus rendered : " The whole length of the temple is four " hundred and twenty-five feet, the breadth two hundred and twenty: the columns are " in number one hundred and twenty, seven of which were presented by as many " individual kings, sixty feet in height : thirty-six are sculptured, one of them by " Scopas'." We have before proved, from various instances, that the number of columns in the flanks of the Grecian temples did not bear any settled proportion to the number of those in the fronts. Where the number is double, it is evident that the length of the temple must exceed twice its breadth, by the width of one intercolumniation. Therefore, in the Temple of Diana, whose length was not equal to twice its breadth, the number of the columns in the flanks must have been less than twice their number in the fronts. If the temple had been dccastyle, with nineteen columns in tlie flanks, the disposition of the columns might have been precisely similar to that observed in the Temple of Jupiter Olympius at Athens'; and the number of columns employed, oue hundred and twenty*. We must now proceed to enquire, whether tlie length and breadth would have authorised such a disposition of the columns as is liere supposed. The order of the columns is known to liave been Ionic. The Temple of Minerva Polias at Athens, of the same order, and planned at the time when the Ephesian Temple was 1 Nat. Hist, lib. xxxvi. c. 14. ! An ingenious correction of the latter part of this passage is nliR?re<] by W'Inkehiiann, in his Observations upon the Arcltitecture of the Ancients. In the Roman edition it is thus expressed : " Fra le tante colonne che I'ornavano, trentasei ve n'erano, il fusto delle quale era tutto d'un pezzo. In questo senso, ed non aftrimenti, credo che debba intendersi un luogo di Piinio, che in vece della lezione ricevuta in tutte le edizioni defia di lui opera : ex iis xsxvi covlatae uno (altri leggono nnii) a Scopa, mutando due lettere lo leggo uno e scapa, d'un sol fusto." 3 See the plan of this temple given by Stuart, in the third volume of the Antiquities of Athens. * Sir Christopher Wren has supposed that the peristyles of this temple were composed of one hundred and twenty columns, and that the number of columns in the flanks was nineteen. The manner however in which he arranges the columns, admits of one hundred and sixteen only ; he therefore adds the four antae to complete the number. It appears, from the plan which is given in the Parentalia, that Sir Christopher was not acquainted with that principle for the arrangement of columns which allowed of a triple range in the fronts, when there were two in the flanks. The Temples of Jupiter at Athens and Selinus had each three ranges in the fronts : to these we may add the Temple of Jupiter Capitolinus at Rome, which appears also to have had a triple row of columns in the fronts. Dion. Haucarn. lib. iv. c. 6l. Piiny does not include the antae in Llie number which he assigns to the columns. Where he has occasion to speak of antae as well as columns, he makes express mention of butli, as in the following passage: " Sed et iUius anreae, et argenteae trabes narrantur, et coiuuinae atque parastaticae." INTRODUCTION. building, afi'orcls a Ijeaulifiil example, from wliicli we may deduce tlie proportions which ihe Greeks observed between the columns and their distances at that period. The diameter of the columns of the Temple of Minerva is 2 . 3 . 8 ; and tlie projection of tlie step before the shaft of the columns, is i . 3 . 6. If therefore the diameter of the Ephesian columns were 7 • 6, one eighth of their height, the proportionate projection of the step would have been 4 . 1 . 33, which, together with one diameter of the columns, must be subtracted from the hole length and lireadth, if we would obtain with aecuraey. the distance between the a.xes of the columns at the angles. In the ilank, therefore, this distance will be 413.4.47; and in the front, 208.4.47: the former divided by eighteen, and the latter by nine, leave 22 . I'l . 8, and 23 . i . 8, respectively, for the distance between the axes of U\u adjoining coUnnns. The distance from center to center of two a.ljoinlng columns, obtained from a projiorlion of the inteival between the axes of tuo in [he 'J'eniple of Minerva Polias, and their diameter, would be 22 . 3 . 6/5 ; which does not differ materially from cither of the two foregoing results. Hence it follows, that if the Temple of Diana had been decastyle with nineteen columns in the flanks, the proportions of the columns to their intervals would have been very nearly the same ivilh those of the Temple of Minerva .■ Both the above-mentioned gentlemen have considered the introduction of a second range of columns within the Pronaos as necessary, when the width of the Cella exceeded forty feet. It does not however appear that such an opinion is sanctioned by the practice of the Greeks. The Temple of Minerva at Athens furnishes an instance, although indeed the only one in existence, from which we are enabled to ascertain that an additional range v^ as not considered necessary by the Greeks, notwithstanding the width of the Cella far exceeded foi ty feet. The proporlions of the columns of this celebrated edifice are given in the following passage: "In Ephesiae Dianae aede, de qua prius fuit senno, primum clunnns " spirae subditae, et eapitula ai]i "e^u^ t6 kkI "VLyttTTce. Thl'cyd. lib. vi. c. 2. T^v Si klyiirrav K.riir&r,va.i (peirrtv Cito Tiuv |M£t« ^'Adxt^tdu Si»(ia.i/rt-i)) £ij Tr,y K^OTUviixriv, xa.9a.Trf^ w to7; 'iraXiKoTg eiofjrai, TTKf' xuTou inaXtVTm el; T>jv 'S.iXiXtxv fura AtyiTTou tou Tji^oj. Strabo, lib. vi. p. 2^2. : " OppiduTn pervetuH in Sicilia est, quod ab Aenea fugiente a Troja, atque in liaec loca veniciite, coiulituiu denionstrant." Cic. in Verr. IV. * 3 Lib. i. c. 1. » " Jnterca Aeneas urbcm designat aratro, Sortiturque donios," Aen. \. 755. 5 Apollo Archegetes, or The Coniluctor. Upon the coins of Tauromenium, anticntly Naxos, the head of Apollo occurs with the word APXAFETA. 6 Thncyd. lib. vi. c, 3. T Now called La Brucca. 3 At (ilv BUI/ TfcXeig ouxiT Eitr!' to t^j "TpXfj; cs/ai^ct trui^^B'jsi Sid t^c d^sriiv tou 'TpXctio-j ^eAjtuj. Strabo, lib. vi. p. 267. 5 ViXct TToAif S(it£A»'af xxKETrai Ss ut7o Tvorct^oZ V'tXx, 0 II -Trorotf^o;, oVi -TToXkttv 'holxw yt^'^va.. Steph. de Urb, — Terra Nuova now stands upon the site of Gela. Swinburne mentions having found some Grecian remains near the town. SICILY. 3 in tlieir edifices render it probable that the impression made by the symmetry of the monuments ot Greece was yet recent. The foi'm of government adopted by them was at first aristocratic : this, however, was of short duration. Individuals, impatient of controiil, usurped the reins of government, and tyranny rose to a great height. History makes Phalaris'" of Agrigentum one of the first who succeeded in the attempt to abridge the liberties of the people, and assume despotic power. The story of his brazen bull serves to shew to what extent his caprices were carried. The example afforded by the tyrants of Agrigentum soon became general, and every petty state in the island groaned beneath the iron rod of its particular despot : yet, notwithstanding tht; oppressions under which the people laboured, their settlements conti- nued to improve rapidly; and their possessions, now rendered desirable by the unceasing exertions of the inhabitants, excited the envy of their more powerful neighbours. The settlers on the African coast were the first who were induced, by tlie desire of plunder, to entertain hostile designs against the diflFerent Grecian colonies; and these, being united Ijy no bond of general union, seemed to offer an easy prey to the invaders. Tlie Carthaginians, at different intervals, equipped considerable armaments in this spirit of unjust aggrandisement. They ultimately succeeded in expelling the inhabitants from the western sliores of the island, and compelled tlieni to seek new settlements on the eastern and southern coasts ; the ancient Siculi still retaining possession of the interior. Under the command of Hamilcar, son of Hanno, a powei-ful expedition sailed from Carthage", liaving for its object the reduction of Sicily: the fleet was however driven by storms towards Panormus, where the damages it had sustained were repaired previous to the destined attack upon Hiraera, which Theron of Agrigentum had annexed to his own territory, after expelling Tcrillus its tyrant'\ The rumour of this threatened invasion spread the greatest alarm throughout that part of the country, against which its efforts were known to be directed ; and Theron, dreading the loss of Himera, sent ambassadors to Gelo'', the reigning prince of Syracuse, from whom he demanded assistance against an enemy who menaced the whole island. 10 Phalaris was a Cretan born, and acquired the sovereignty of Agrigentum in the time of Solon, about six hundred years before the Christian aera. 11 Diod. Sic. Hb. xi. c. 20. u Herod, lib. vii. p. 165. " Gelon rendered himself master of Syracuse four hundred and ninety-one years before the Cliristian aera. At tlie time of the Carthaginian invasion, Agrigentum was the only Grecian city of importance which was not in some measure subject to Syracuse. 4 SICILY. Gelon li;ul at thai period en(!(?ared himself to the Syracusans hj his amiahle quahties ; though in possession of unHniitcd power, he ohserved sueh moderation in his measures, that the reality of siibjeetion was almost lost in the temporary enjoyment of freedom. The free indulgence allowed to the people during his reign generated such habits of liberty, and such a distaste to any aliridgenient of it, that we may trace to this, as its source, the utter loss of the island, when the subsequent restrictions of their liberties created schisms and rebellions in the state. Gelon having thus acquired the confid(;nce of his subjects at the period of Theron's embassy, they readily concurred with h\m in his determination of sending assistance to Himera'. He put himself at the head of his troops, and by his prudence antl valour obtained a decisive victory, which increased his popularity \\ith tlie Sicilians, whilst his forbearance procured liim the esteem of the Carthaginians'. His conduct on this occasion was so meritorious, that by some antient writers it was paralleled with that of Thcmistocles, whose exertions in the cause of Grecian independence are so deservedly celebrated. Tlie release of flimera seems to liave been the sole oliject of" Gelon ; nor, in consequence of his victory, (lid lie attempt to disturb the tranquillity of the Phoenician settlements, Panormns and Soloeis. The spoils of the Carthaginians were divided among such as Jiad distinguished themselves, although the far greater portion was reserved for the decoration of the temples at Syracuse. The prisoners taken in battle, whose number was very considerable, were left to llie tlisposal of the Agrigeiilines, and were employed by them in the execution of the great national ^\ orks they had projected. The Carthaginians, after this defeat, made overtures of peace, wJiich were accepted by Gelon, who dis[)layed great moderaliun in ihc conditions. In their subsequent attempts 1 The naval force furnished on this occasion was far superior to any exertions which had ever taken place in Sicily. According to Herodotus, it consisted of two hundred trireme galleys. The command of this fleet was committed to Hiero, who obtained a victory over the Carthaginians by sea about the same period that the combined Syracusan and Agrlgentine armies routed the forces of Hamilcar. This engagement took place near Himera, Herodotus pretends that the victory was gained on the same day that the Greeks overcame the Persians at the battle of Salamis ; but Diodorus refers it to the day on which Leonidas made an irruption into the camp of Xerxes at the Streights of Thermopylae, Herod. lib, vii. p. l6G. Diod. Sic. lib. xi. c. 24. " ria^ct Si TO,!/ iwo^ov iMTav IfiS^a, 'TTuiSeira-ii/ vftvov Toil ISe^xvT' app' a^sret, UoKifiiajv dvS^uv xxfioyruv. Find. Pyth. I. 152, SICILY. 5 to sulijugate Sicily, they were vigorously opposed by Gelon, whose wisdom and prudence frustrated all the projects which they formed during his life-time. Tlie Syracusans, at the death of Gelon, paid that tribute to his memory which was due to his yarious and distinguished virtues. The monument they erected to his honour was at once worlliy his great merit and the magnificence of the people ; it was, however, in great measure destroyed by the Carthaginians ; and Agathocles, fearing lest the memory of his name should outlive his own, completed the destruction which the Carthaginians had begun. But neither the hatred of the Carthaginians, nor the envy of Agathocles, availed in erasing from the minds of the Syracusans the memoiy of this great man ; and long afterwards, in the heat of a revolution, when the fanaticism of the people threatened to subvert the monarchy, and even to destroy every trace of its existence, the statues of Gelon alone were spared in the general destruction '. Gelon was succeeded at his death by his brother Uiero, wlio at first exercised his power with hauglitiness and rigour. Finding, however, that he was losing the popularity he inherited from his brother, he studiously employed himself in regaining it; which he effected by pursuing the laudable example held out to him by his predecessor. Tcm ards the latter part of his reign he made war against Thcron, and took Himera. Before his death he founded the city of Catana, at the foot of Mount Aetna. Thrasybulus, the brother of Hiero, succeeded to the government of Syracuse at the death of the latter. The commencement of his reign was marked by a series of arbitrary and cruel acts. His tyranny proceeded to sucli excesses, that at length his subjects revolted, and, obtaining assistance from Gela, Agrigentuni, Himera and Selinus, compelled him, with a few Catanians whom he had retained in liis service, to shut himself up in the island Ortygia. Here he made overtures to the Syracusans, and expressed himself willing to submit to exile. To this proposal they acceded ; and thus vi as Syracuse left w ithout a ruler. A popular government being established in this city, every other Greek settlement in the island, which before had been cither controlled by its power, or influenced by its example, now asserted its separate independence. Finding, however, that they should be better able to resist the attacks of foreign invaders if they acted in concert, they agreed to unite in one common league, founded upon principles of general expediency. A public meeting of the states was convened for this purpose. The resolutions there entered into seemed at the outset to threaten the stability of the new government. The chief •- Plut. ill Timol. h 6 SICILY. inhabitants of Syracuse, being excluded from all share in the public offices, naturally refused assent to these proposed regulations ; and a civil war ensued, which however was soon terminated by mutual concessions. Tyndarion, during this period of confusion, had attempted to assume the reins of government, but failed in the attempt, which cost him his life. After tliis event the Syracusans exercised all the privileges of a free republic. This interval of enjoyment, unalloyed by Intestine dissentions, lasted for sixty years; in the course of which time they undertook to pimish the Tuscans, who had taken advantage of their civil commotions, and committed great depredations upon them by sea as well as by land. The result of this expedition proved highly honourable to the Syracusans, who returned to Sicily laden with spoils and prisoners Foreign aggressors were not however the only enemies with mIioui tliey had to contend. The Siculi, who on the arrival of the Greeks had been driven into the interior of the island, united under the command of Dueetius', and commenced hostilities against Agrigentum and its dependencies. The Syracusans hastened to the aid of their allies; but the combined armies were, notwithstanding, defeated. Finding the enemy more formidable than they expected, the two states united all their efforts, and in the end forced Ducetius to seek refuge at Corinth. The Agrigentines in their turn grew jealous of the power and influence of the Syracusans, and formed a pretext to declare war against them. The issue of these hostilities only tended to confirm the independence of Syracuse, which now became confessedly the most powerful of the Greek settlements, and, availing itself of the superiority it had acquired, claimed tribute from the inferior states. Its wealth increased in proportion to the extent of its autliority ; and riches flowed i'j apace from tJie contributions which were exacted from such of the colonies as were considered in the light of its dependencies. The Peloponnesian war, which commenced at this period of their history, first inter- rupted the repose they had begun to enjoy. In the contest between the inhabitants of Selinus and Aegesta, the Syracusans sided with the forniei*, and obliged the latter to call in the aid of the Athenians. For this purpose endjassadors were sent to Athens to claim its protection. The Athenians, deluded by the hopes of obtaining possession of Sicily, resolved to assist the Aegestans; and thus originated tlie memorable expedition against Syracuse, \\ hich sailed from the Piraeus under the command of Alcibiadcs ^ Niclas, and Lamachus, Diod. Sic. lib. xi. c. 7- = Ibid. c. 8/. ' Thucyd. lib. vi. c. fi. SICILY. 7 which terminated so fatally to the forces engaged in it. Almost the whole of the Athenian army, together with a reinforcement of more than five thousand men under Demosthenes and Eurymedon^, was either cut to pieces, or obliged to submit to the Syracusans. The generals Lamachus" and Eurymedon" were slain in battle, and Nicias^ and Demosthenes were taken prisoners, and afterwards treacherously and cruelly put to death ^ By far the greater number of prisoners perished miserably in the stone quarries of Syracuse : the few remaining were considered as private property, and dispersed over the island. To them is in some measure attributed the revival of that love of literature among the inhabitants of the different cities of Sicily, which had been gradually expiring since the death of Hiero. Plutarch' informs us that some of these unfortunate captives obtained their freedom by their knowledge of the works of Euripides, whicit they taught to the inland Sicilians, who gave this honourable and decided testimony of the value they set upon his productions. Thus did the charms of his exquisite poetry, twice in the course of the same war, render his countrymen the most essential service ; by releasing the prisoners in Sicily, and afterwards by preserving Athens from destruction, and its inhabitants from vassalage'". The Sicilians now began again to enjoy the sweets of independence. Yet the dream of liberty proved but of short duration; and it was soon afterwards entirely dissipated by Dionysius the Elder, who usurped the sovereign authority, and commenced his career with every species of tyranny. The whole period of his long reign was marked with acts of oppression and cruelty. Dionysius the Younger, wlio succeeded his father, inherited all the vices w hich had rendered him the object of hatred to the Syracusans. His unbounded extravagances and violence excited rebellions among the people, who sent a deputation to Corinth to implore assistance against hini. His expulsion immediately foUo^ved the arrival of Timoleon, whom the Corinthians had sent to restore the tranquillity of the city, and re-establish the ancient form of government. Through the interference of Timoleon, a peace was concluded between the Carthaginians and the Sicilians; and by his exertions the island became one of the most flourishing of the age. To testify their gratitude for the brilliant services this hero had rendered them, the citizens of Syracuse caused his obsequies to be celebrated with great pomp, and instituted public games in honour of his nicJiiory. Yet this state did not long enjoy the advantages it liad derived from the talents and exertions of Timoleon; for, soon after his death, Agathocles, dispersing the council of Six •> Tiuicyd. lil). vii. c. 42. i Ibii.l. lib. vi. c. 101. s IbiJ. lib. vii. c, 52. 7 Ibid. c. 8(). e Plut, in Nic. ( Ibid. Plut. in Lysand.— To this last circumstance, Milton has made a very beautiful allusion in his eiglitli sonnet. 8 SICILY. Hundred, usurped llie throne. His reign was marked hy some of the most important events that are recorded in tlie annals of Sicily, and which were occasioned Ijy the war in which he engaged against the Carthaginians. The soldiers of Cartilage, led by Hamilcar, embarked in great force for Sicily. This numerous fleet was separated in a storm, in which a considerable part was lost: the rest, being collected by Hamilcar, snceeeded in effecting a landing near Agrigentum, whither Agatliocles hastened to meet him. The invaders occupied a position on a hill near Agri- gentum, which was called "Envof^og ' from the castle of Phalaris which formerly stood there, in which was deposited the brazen bull of the tyrant. Agathocles encamped near the river Himera, and a warfare begun with inconsiderable advantages to either party, until at length a general engagement took place, whose consequences involved the fate of the whole island. A foraging party of the Carthaginians had seized some plumhir, and \\ ere carrying it off to the camp ; the Syracusans fell upon them as they were crossing the river, and tlirew tliem into confusion by this unexpected attack. Agathocles, seizing' this as a favourable moment, led his army towards the enemy, but was repulsed by Hamilcar, who slew great numbers of the Syracusans, and many were drowned in their flight across the river. After this loss Agathocles withdrew to Syracuse, whither he was followed by the Cartb,aginians; nor had he any prospect of saving the city. In this (.lllemma he formed the resolution of sailing for the coast of Africa with a great part of his force; \vliei-e, ellecLing a landing, he destroyed his lleet, that no other alternative hut that of victory or death might be left to his followers. This desperate resolution so animated his soldiers, that the Carthaginians were unable to withstand them, and suffered a tolal defeat in the engagement which took place after his landing. Hamilcar in the mean time had made his approaches towards Syracuse, whicJi he prepared to besiege. Relying upon the prediction of his augurs, who had promised him that he should sup the following night in Syracuse", he gave orders for a general assault, in ^vhich he was taken hy the citizens, who put him to death, and sent his head to Agatiiocles in Africa. Ill tlie second expedition of Agathocles to Africa, he obtained considerable advantages, ^\hich, lio\vever, he was prevented from pursuing, in consequence of disscntions in the Sicilian camp, which obliged him to escape privately, and return to Syracuse, where he 1 Diod. Sic. lib. xix. c. 108. s Ibid. lib. XX. c. 30. "Apud Agathoclem s-criptuin in liistoriii est, Ilaniilcarem Carthaginieiisem, cum oppugnaret SjTacusas, visum esse audire vocem, se postridie coenatuniiii Syraciij.is." — Cic. dt; Div. lib. i. SICILY. 9 afterwards perished. At his death the Syracusans, unable to decide upon any particular form of government, found themselves under the necessity of asking the interference of Pyrrlius king of Epirus\ Pyrrlnis, unmindful of the purpose for whicli he was invited into Sicily, took advantage of his situation, and assumed the chief power; but his excesses induced the Syracusans to take up arms and espel him, after a short possession of the kingdom. Tlie hrst Punic war began soon afterwards, at llie time when Hiero the Second was reigning at Syracuse. Hiero had entered into an alliance with the Carthaginians, and engaged them by treaty to act in conjunction with him in opposing the progress of the Romans in Sicily, where they had already landed for the express purpose of giving succour to the Mamertines, who, by a base but successful union of treachery and violence, had established themselves in Messina. The Romans, having espoused the cause of the usurpers at Messina, defeated the Cartliaginians, and obliged the Syracusans to ratify an alliance with tliem. Hiero faithfully performed all the engagements into which lie had entered with the Romans, and succeetled so well in obtaining their confidence, that at the conclusion of the Gallic war it was deter- mined to send a portion of the spoils to him at Syracuse'. Hannibal, son of Hamilcar, seizing a favourable opportunity, began a second Punic war. Pro\ing successful in the early part of the contest, he was induced to lay claim to the ^\holc island of Sicily; the capital being at that time divitled by tlie factions which had followed the death of Hieronymus, the successor of Hiero. Upon this Marcclius was sent to lay siege to Syracuse, which he took, notwithstanding the brave resistance of the citizens, and in spite of the example and tlie inventions of Archimedes, whose deatli took place in the confusion which ensued upon the capture of the city^ Marcclius returned to Rome, carrying witli him tlu^ i-ich spoils of Syi'acuse. To the success of this expedition some later writers have attributed the subsccpient degeneracy of the Romans; the statues and pictures with which Rome was now adorned, gradually introduced a taste for the fine arts, and led to that etleniinacy of manners wliich tcj'mi- nated in the subversion of tlu:ir empire. ^Diod. Sic. ElI. xi. lib. xxii. * Ibid. . Diod. Sic. Fntg. lib. xxvi. CHAP. II. SYRACUSE. This city received its appellation from the Marsh Syraco upon tlie horders of which It stood. It appears indeed to have been so called even lieforc the acra of the Trojan war-. The Greeks, after expelling the Siculi from their possessions on the coasts, divided the lands among themselves. That portion on which Syracuse now stands fell to the lot of Aethiops ; and if we may believe an ancient tradition, that he exchanged his portion for the mere consideration of an honey-eake', it is a circumstance w hich may give rise to many 1 'Atto T^g D^ofsu Xif^vyi; Xafinuirav rowo^a roj vZv ^u^xnoiirxg -ua.^ auroi'^ ^Ltx.'KoVjj.ii/Kq. Marc. Heracl. 280. 2 Aeliaii. Var. llist. lib. x, c. IS. lev nX-Tjoov, 6V h SuffifiKOiJtraif tjj,iKK£v e'reiv. Atiien, Ueipiioa. lib. iv. c. IQ. SYRACUSE. 11 important reflections in the minds of those who are accustomed to trace the history of nations. Tlu: person with whom he is said to have made this memorable exchange was Archias, a Corinthian of the family of the Heraclidac, and header of a colony. By him was Ortygia^ founded, upon the island of the same name; and for some time the residence of the colony was confined to that spot. Syracuse in after-times consisted of five distinct parts. The first was Ortygia upon the island, the original city of the emigrants, separated from the main land by a narrow channel^ : this, upon the subsequent enlargement of the city, l>ecame the citadeK. Acradina and Tyche were next added, and afterwards Ncapolis and E|)ipolae ; hence the whole city was called Pentapolis'', although Epipolae was not inclosed within the city walls until the time of Dionysius. Cicero, in his enumeration of the cities which formed Syracuse, omits Epipolae"; and other authors have passed over Nassos, or Ortygia'. Acradina was contiguous to the island, hoinided on the east by the sea, and separated from Tyche by a wall which extended from the Portus Maximus to the Portus Trogiliorum. Tyche, Neapolis, and Epipolae were situated on the heights to the north of Ortygia. The two former were divided by a wall, which extended in the direction of east and west from Acradina. Epipolae, at the extremity, was Jjounded on three sides by the declivitieSj and on the fourth by the walls of Tyche and Neapolis. The marsh Syraco extended from the foot of the declivity to the Portus Maximus: through this the river Anopus winded, and discharged itself into the Portus Maximus. The city of Olympia was situated on its southern bank, not far from its mouth. Ortygia, which is now the only inhabited part of ancient Syracuse, has but few remains of its former splendor. Tiie most consideral>le monument of ancient magnificence is the T<'mple of Minerva, to which, as well as to that of Diana, frequent allusion is made by Cicero, in his orations against the praetor Verres. Speaking of the temples in Ortygia, he says, " In ea sunt aedes complures ; sed duae quae long^ caeteris antecellunt, Dianae una, et altera, quae fuit ante istius adventum ornatissinia, Minervac." 4 Nicander, an oUl author qviotcd hy Fazzclliis, Dccad, I. lib. iv. says, that the name Ortygia was first given to this island by a colony of AetoUans, who settled here long before the expedition of tlie Argonauts ; that being the name of tlie cajiital of Aetolia. i Strabo, lib. vi. p. 2/0. Cic. in Verr. iv. I Plutarch, in the Life of Dion, calls Ortygia ' AK^omXig ; Acropolis, i. e. The Citadel, T Strabo, in loco cit. ! Cic. in Verr. iv. tieK-n-oXi;, 'EOTjroAat, xk) Tu^jij, Schol. in Find. Pytli. ii, i. 10 This city is mentioned by Diodorus, lib. xiii. c. 6. During the siege of Syracuse, the Greeks enteitid tlie harbour and obtained possession of Olympia, but afterwards abaadoaed it, on account of its unhealthy situation. 12 SYRACUSE. The Temple of Minerva is undoubtedly one of tlie most ancient in Sicily ; and akhongli the period of its construction cannot he precisely ascertained, we may venture to affirm that it is co-eval with the first appearance of the Greeks in Sicily. The columns, and the contour of their capitals, resemble those of the most ancient temples of Greece; and they have a marked affinity with tliosc of a temple at Corinth", whose claims to the most remote antiquity are indisputable. From the great similarity of character which prevails in the pans of these two temples which arc yet existing, we may conjecture that the dedication of tlio temple of Minerva followed almost immediately npon the foundation of the city, before any other proportions, than such as are observed in llie Corinthian edifice, were ado])tcd in the Grecian temples of Sicily. We are indebted to Cicero for a very miinitc description of lliis building. He informs us that the doors were of gold and ivory, and of most exquisite workmanship, adorned with apiece of inimitable sculpture representing the head of Medusa. The doors and sculpture existed prior to the praetorshij) of Verres, who converted both into gold for his own private emolument; as appear.s in the sequel of Cicero's invective. The orator further mentions, that the temple contained twenty-seven pictures of the tyrants of Syracuse, and a representation of the equestrian figlit of Agalliocles, executed on so large a scale as to cover one wall of the temple Upon the fiistigium of the temple was placed the shield of the Goddess. It was the custom of mariners, on leaving the port, and losing sight of this shield, to offer sacrifices and perform other sacred rites, in order to ensure a prosperous voyage\ This temple is now converted into a church, and dedicated to Saint Mary of the Coluuuis. I'he ptu tico lias given way to a facade in the taste of the present day. In ihis, however, simplicity, tlic great characteristic of the Grecian style, does not appear to liave been unich consulted. Agio, the tenth Ijishop of Syracuse, was the first who applied the venerable .structure to tlie purposes of a Cliristian church. The spaces between the columns have been filled up with a modern wall, which only leaves a portion of caeli column e.Kposed both within and without the church. In tlie same manner the columns of the Pronaos and their Antae appear beyond tlie face of the modern intenallalion. The old walls of the Cella have been perforated by several openings, to connect the nave with the ambulatories. . Delineatiom and adinensnremeiitj of tills teinple are given by Stuart, in the third volume of the Antiquities of Athens. It is very much dilapidated since lie .saw it. This is the only piece of antiquity existing in Corinth which is noticed in that Wort. There ai^, besides this temple, considerable remains of an amphitheatre, and some fragments of the Temple of the Isthmian Neptune, not far from the famed walls of the Isthmus. 2 Cic. in Ven-. iv. Tei;^ouf, 6(r;ta^o;i- rW Eo/aii, a^' ?f r'cu KuXata vauaTaXal^riv a^aTrAt'o^rf,", toZ yeii^Sxi t^v ett! tou t^; "aV^? «rfii|T«>, irra ^1T« nirm i(ifmja. Atheh. Deipnos. lih. xi. c. 2. SYRACUSE. 13 The order of archiLecturc is tlie Doric. The columns, originally forty in niimljer, are fluted. Some vestiges of the architrave and frizc are still to he seen on the north side of the temple, but there are no remains whatever of the cornice. The columns of the Pronaos, contrary to what is ohservahle in the generality of Grecian temples, are of greater diamcLer and height than those of the peristyles'; their capitals diiler considerably from the Grecian form, and they are placed upon bases. From these circumstances it would appear that these columns must have been introduced subsequent to the l)uilding of the temple ; although the antae are of a corresponding height, and do not difter from those of the earliest Grecian temples. The posticum has been removed in order to give extent to the nave ol tlie modern church, so that the length of the Cella cannot be precisely ascertained: its width is rather more than 32 feet. The diameter of tJie columns of the peristyles is 6 : 6 : 04 ; their lieight, inrlnding the capital, 28 : 8 : 0. The height of the columns of the Fronaos, including the ba:se and capital, is 31 : 6 : 75, and the diameter 6:9:3. Few traces of the temple of Diana are to be discovered : sufficient, however, still remain to enable us to judge of its former importance. Two columns with th(Mr capitals, very much defaced, appear inserted in the wall of an obscure house in the city: these nearly resemble those of the temple of Minerva, but their proportions are considerably greater. The whole island of Ortygla %vas considered as under the ijnmedlatc protection of Diana', who was worshipped under the title of Paospnonus, The Bearer or Giver OF Light \ t " Dans le rang interieur de ces colonnes on pent distinguet une singularite assez rare parmi les temples antiques, c'est qu'il s'y trouve deux colonnes qui ont deux pieds de liauteur de plus que les autres." \'oyage Pittoresque en Sicile. 3 Diod. Sic. lib. V. c. 3. I'ausan. lib. V. c. Pindar. Pyth. ii. 12. ^ifiiiiov 'A^TefiiSo;. PiND. Nern. I. 1. 0 I'lie fhief Divinities of the Pagan, as well aa of the Christian world, seem to have been distinguished by the title of " Light." "e?jiio-e Ss, or. 4fiS, l^iiccv riy Al^i^a, Itp^TK^i riiv Tr,v, ku\ ■na^ra.v KtiVii/- 'ExeTvo tl-jrm " TO $riS," to 'TnEPTATON ■TTuvruv, tS " AnP05ITON," to TvaoTo. REPIEXON- "Ottj^ i^M^atrs EOTAHN, ZfiHN. Sl'id. de Orph. " Mirus sane et fere incredibilis consensus hie obaervandus cum libris evangelicis. Nam ' Deus est Lux,' 1 John \. 5. ' Lucem habitans inaccessihUem," 1 Tim. vi. l6. Et Jesus Christus est ' Lux Mundi/ John viii. 12." And Milton, Par. Lost III. lliiil. Holy Light ! Oftspriiig of Iluaven fust-bom, Or of eieriial coeternal Beam May I express thee unLlam'd I Since God is Light. D'Orville, in his Sicula, quotes tlie following passage from an unedited epigram of Diotiinup : AvTa, am yecEii te wot su^a^Ef, e 14 SYRACUSE, Golfzius, describing the island Ortygia, says, " H4c in regione duae aedes sacrae erant, ut it may Avilh greater probability be imagined lo be part of the stream which formed the Aretluisa of the ancients, and which, meeting with some obstrucliou in its course, has here fouiid a new passage. It is called L Occhio dclla Zilica. Acradina", the greatest and most uuignilicent of the cities which formed Ancient Syracuse, is very deficient in monuments of antltjuity. The calacoiidjs alone remain of the numerous and considerable works of the Greeks. These are of great extent, and not inferior to those of Rome and Naples. The plan of these excavations Is similar in all respects to wliat has been adojJted in most of tlie sublerraneous vaults witli whicli we are 0 " Che anche da Siracusani quasi per miracolo di natura si racconta, ch'il f'ontc Aretu.'^n nella citta Siracusa di Sicilia porta le sue acque da lontanissimi paesi, e vogliono, che le istesse acque fossero quelle del fiuuie Giorduuo del paese di Palestina, nel quale da Gio. Battista, fu battezzato Cristo nostro Sigiiore. E tutto cio coujetturaiio ])er niolti evidenti segni, uno dei quali e, che, nel tempo degV Autuuno il fonte iiianda fuori alcuiie frondi d'alberi inai vedute iii questi nostri paesi, ma solo conosciuti negH alberi delle ripe del fiume Giordano. Anzi per miracolo si dice che la natura fa trapassare le istesse acque del ibnte Arctusa per sotto I'onde del mare, e quelle dopo si uianifestano per dentro la citta senza menar seco punto di salsitudine mescolatogli dal mare ; e questo e scritto da Moacho nella sua buccolica dove queste sono le sue parole. eS'jx e iiilcri-etl Ironi llic remains of cliannels cut to receive rings of metal, ii hose rust is still perceptible. D'Orville' observes tbat ibere Is notbing- remarkable In tbe form of tbis excavation, or to distinguish it from the otliers in its neigbbourbood. The Abbe Chopi, in his Travels througli Sicily, imagines tbat it Avas intended as a Rumaforio to the theatre above it. There are other considerable excavations in these Latomiae, one of which is supposed to have been anciently tbe Bath of Dionysins, It probablv owes the origin of its name to the water \vliich exudes from the fissures of the rock, after escaping from the neglected aipieducls "vvhicb once sup})li(M] the city. Tbe vestiges of a street in the cpiarter of Tyche exhibit tlie tracks of chariot wheels: besides these, little more is to be found in tbis division of tbe ancient city. Here stood the gate Hexapyla, by which Marcellus with his forces entered the city\ This quarter was named from tbe temple of Fortune, which was erected ^vilhiii its boundaries^ In EiMPOLAE may be traced the foiindalions of tbe famous wall ^vilb which Dionysius the Ekier inclosed the city and annexed it to Tyclie. Tbis wall, according to Diodorus, was tliirty stadia in length, and w as completed within the space of twenty days. Tbe citadel ofEuryalus, the acropolis of ibis city, i\ as deemed impregnable in those days. There are some remains of foundations near the Lalomiae of this quarter wliicli are conjectured to have belonged to the castle of Lal)dalum, mentioned liy Tbiic\ dides and Diodorus. Tbe river Anapus flows into the barliour at the distance of ten stadia from the city" it is now called // Fiume Alphco. On tlif sm.lliern l,ank of this river was situated tlie city of Olynipia, in wliicli was the temple of Jui>itcr Olynipiiis', on whose magnificence and splendor Cicero and Plutarch' have largely expatialc}ect of care with the projectors of this fa^-ade. In the lateral wall of the church the ancient Doric colunnis appear supporting tlie epistylium and zophorus of the original entablature. It seems that the whole of ibis part has suffered from the effects of the eartbcpiakcj which threw down u third story of the modern front. PLATE 11. PLAN OF THE TEMPLE. The plan of the temple was a parallelogram of six colunms in fronl l)y fourteen in the flanks. The cobuims now remaining are tlislinguished by a dark lint. Tlie transverse walls of the Cella are addett from conjecture. The faint shade over the Portico and Pronaos sliows the space occupied by the modern additions. PLATE III. ELEVATION OF THE FRONT OF THE TEMPLE. Tuts elevation is in great measure restored from conjecture; the ancient portico having been destroyed, either through the mistaken zeal of modern improvers, or by those concussions of nature lo which the whole island of Sicily has been at different period.s of time exposed. The columns are restored from those of tlie north peristyle, and the entablature supplied from what remains on that side. SYRACUSE. 91 PLATE IV. SECTION THROUGH THE PRONAOS AND OUTER PORTICO OF THE TEMPLE. Tuts ^-eclioM cxliiblts the columns oi' the Proiiaos, winch are conjectured to liave been orected after the re^^t of the temple. The Pronaos is raised a lillle above the level of the ambulatories, after the custom of the Greeks. In the alterations which, took place, when the temple was converted into a church, the floors of the Cella and Pronaos were lowered to the level of the ambulatories, PLATE V. THE ORDER AT LARGE OF THE COLUMNS OF THE PERISTYLE. The columns are raised u])on a s([iiare [)linth, whicii lias by some been mistaken for the upper step of the slylobate. The lise is bowever mucli less than llial of the other stc[>s, whicli, on ihenorlh side, may be tracetl to some extent. An inecpialily in tlie beighl of lhe steps is not only contrary to tlie genei-al practice, but would ha\X' rendered the asccuL awk^vard and unpleasanf. PLATE VT. Fi<^. 1. Capital and l)ase of the columns of lhe Pronaos. Pig. 2. Section of the interior mouldings of lhe entablature. PLATE VIT. VIEW OF 1'HE THEATRE. PLATE V III. REMAINS OF THE TEMPLE OF JUPITER OLYMPIUS. Two mutilated shafts are all which now remain of this magnificent structure. The shafts at the bottom were plain ; above, they were hollowed into sixteen flutings. Tlie city, on tlie island Ortygia, is seen in the (listance. Between the city and the fore-o-round is the Portus Maximus. -4 1 CHAP. III. AGRIGENTUM. Aguigentum appears to have been founded one Iiundred and eight years after the building of Gela, Ly a colony from that city, conducted By Ariston and Pistillus. It derived its name, as did most of the Grecian cities of Sicily, from a river', which had its source among the mountains in tlie neighbourhood, and wliich, from the fertility of its banks, had been denominated Acragas'. This river held its course on the southern side of the acclivity, on which the city was built. The Hypsa, which had likewise its source in the heights on the north of the city, watered it on the north and west". On the east the I "Ax^xyxs -TTtXi? X'KtXiixg aTTo rrorxi^au ■rrx^a.^'^tovTog. yx^ Aou^ig, on at 7rXe7ly ascertained l>y the remains of lliose magnificent works, whicJi have hitherto survived the ravages of war, and the more slow, although no less certain, devastations of time. These ruins lie in one of the most beautiful s This event took place in the third year of the ninety-thiril Olympiad. ( Diodorus and I'olybius assert that Scipio tbund at Carthage a brazen hull, with a door in its side, which was said to have been sent to Carthage among the spoils oF Agrigentum. t Strabo, lib. vi. p. 272. h S6 AGRIGENTUM. situations whicli the island affords. At the foot of the high mountains, which bound tlie plains of the Acragas, a low ridge of hills extends from east to west. The southern side gently slopes towards the river, whilst the northern and western sides fall more abruptly towards the Hypsa', which still flows, although with a current much diminished. The Acragas, after winding in the plain among plantations of olives and carob-trees, discharges itself into the Mediterranean, near the site of the ancient emporium \ Tlic still and solemn calm, which pervades the whole extent of the ancient city and its environs ; and the olives, whose venerable roots have spread themselves over the prostrate habitations of the ancient Agrigentines, give an additional air of dignity and grandeur to these noble edifices: whilst their imposing style of architecture tends to strengthen the impression, which a mind of genuine taste nmst have imbibed, of the superior effect of simplicity in buildings devoted to the purposes of religion. Even a heart but little susceptible of the feelings of devotion might liere experience .sensations of awe, which the gorgeous pageantry of St. Peter's would fail to inspire. At the soutli-east angle of the ancient city, upon a rocky eminence which bids defiance to all approach, except through the town, stand the majestic remains of a temple formerly dedicated to Juno Lucina. This building, like the greater part of the monuments existing m hicily, is of the Doric order of architecture ; it followed the general form of hexastyle- peripteral temples, and had six colunms in each front, and thirteen in the flanks, including those at the angles. Tlie Pronaos and Posticuni had each two columns intervening between tJie Antae which terminated the walls of the Cella. All the columns of the north peristyle, and part of tlie entablature, are yet remaining enlire, as are two at the south-east angle: the rest are more or less dilapidated, and have lost, with their capitals, courses of the frusta which composed the sliafts. Only two, however, one in the north and the other in the east iiont, iiave entirely disappeared. Both the longitudinal and transverse walls of the Cclla are remaining to a certain height: that which divides the Pronaos from the Cella seems, from its thickness, to have contained staircases, which are sometimes to he met with in Grecian temples, for tlie purpose of conducting to the apartments over the vestibule. The stylobatc consists of three steps, wJiich went completely round the temple : on tlie north, where the ground falls, it is raised upon a plinth or plain substructure. The remains of a Periholus, or court, are visible before the cast front. It appears 1 Tlie Ili/psa is now called II F'tinnc Drago. 1 The Acragits is now denominated // F'mme d'l Santo Blaggia. AGRIGENTUM. 27 to have extended to the brow of the declivity, which on that side parttcidarly is steep and craggy. Tlie length of llie temple, measured from the outside of the angular columns, is 124 : 5 : 0, and ihe breadth 54 : 7 : 0. The Cella is 48 : U : 0 long, and 25 : 5 : 0 wide ; the columns, including the capital, are 21 : 2 : 0 in height, and 4:6:0 in diameter. Fazellus' calls this The Temple of the Goddess Piidicitia, and tells us that in his time it was called The Tower of the Virgins. The name of Juno Lucina he attributes to another temple', no remains of which arc now to be discovered. Proceeding in a direction west of this temple, along the walls which crowned the summit of the hill, we arrive at the Temple of Concord', which presents itself in all the majesty of ancient simplicity, heightened by the retired solitude of the spot and the beauty of the surrounding scenery. These indeed are advantages it could not have possessed in ils former state, when surrounded by habitations in the busy neighbourhood of the Formu. The dimensions of this building do not much differ from those of the temple of Juno, whose form and plan it nearly resembles. All its columns are remaining, and very perfect. The entablature and pediments over the porticoes have suffered little ; but nearly the whole of the entablature, above liie epistylia of the north and south sides, has disappeared. TJjis .-i " Sextum erat templum Pudicitiae sacrum, oirinium, excepto Jovis fano, maximum celeberriniumque, quod Iiodie sexcciitos ferme passus a Coiicordiae tempio distaiis, et ait urbis angulum orientem spectantem situm cernitur, Turris Pucdlm-um vuU'o appcllatuiii." Faz, de Reb. Sic, lib. vi. ) " Quintum erat tcmpliirn Jiinoni Lucinae sacrum, cujus mcminit Diodorus, in quo tabula erat, eximio Junonis simulacro insignis." Ibid. i Fazellus and some subsequent writers have imagined that this temple was dedicated to Coucord, and that its construction was subsequent to the occupation of the city by the Romans. From a passage in Strabo, he concluded that the Grecian temples were demolished hy the Carthaginians. He applies to this temple an inscription found inserted in a wall of the modern city; which is as follows : " CONCORDIAE AGRIGENTINORUM SACRUM, RESPLBLICA LILYBITANORUM. DEDICANTIBUS M. ATTERIO CANDIDO PROCOS. ET L. CORNEUO MARCELLO. Q. PR. PR." Pancrazi, in bis Observations on the Antiquities of Agrigentum, is also of opinion tliat the aera of its building was subsequent to the time of Diodorus. This he infers from the following passage of that autlior: Tuv fiiv -yce^ aWuv le^uv ret [th KKTeKceuSr;, T« SI TtKiiuq xxTetrxa^ri, Six to voXXdxii '^hUKtveei rijv TfcMV lib. xiii. c. 82. Upon this subject Carlo Fea, the Italian translator of Winkelmann, observes, " Dice questo, che i tempi furono o distrutti o abbruciati. Che ci prova, che per distrutti, intenda rovinati affatto ? In quelli che furono arsi, essendo tutti fabrieati con quel massi di pietre, che cosa poteva consumarsi se non se al piu il soffito, se era di legname, e il tetto Or se tanto furono le angustie di quei cittadini in tutto quel frattempo da non poter compire quel resto di tempio (meaning that of Jupiter Olj-mpius) e di tempio si famoso, e magnifico, e da non poter restaurare gli altri, verremo credere che in pochi anni dopo Diodoro, e sotto la dominazione dei Romani abbiano avuto il comodo d'alzare 11 tempio supposto della Concordia di un spesa, e di un lavoi-o anch' esso sorprendente ? E di piu si avrebbe a credere, che poco prima di Augusto durasse ancura ii piacere di fere le colonne di una proporzione cosi bassa." Osserv. sull' Antico Tempio di Girgenti. AGRIGENTUM. niiiy in some degree be owing to those inhabitants of the modern city, wlio, when they converted the temple into a place of Christian worship, determined to throw a roof over it. In executing such a design, the entablature of the temple might have proved very inconvenient. The holes for the reception of tJie rafters may he traced along the epistylia, throughout the whole extent of the Cella and Vestibules. The triglyphs are disposed according to the method practised l>y the Greeks, who invariably placed trigiyphs at the angles of the zophorus'. The angular intercolumniations are contracted so as to admit of an equal interval between the trigiyphs, T^^'o staircases'" leading to the roof are inclosed in the transverse wall of the Pronaos. TliL^ wall of the Posticum was destroyed when the temple was converted into a church. The entire length of ihe temple, from the outside of the angular columns, is 128 : 5 : 0, and its breadth 54 : 10 : 5. The height of the columns is 22 : 0 : Jo, including the capitals; and their diameter, at the base of the shaft, 4:7:7- The lengtli of the Cella is 48 : 2 : 0, and its width 24 : 9 : 0. In order to give greater width to the modern church, the intercolumniations were closed in a manner similar to what we now see at Syracuse, and several arched openings were made in the \\alls of the Cella, in order to connect the nave with the aisles. These openings are so well contrived, that they have every appearance of being part of the original design. They have even induced some to conjecture, with F azellus, that the temple was erected subsequently to the Grecian aera ; no arches occurring in bulldhigs of true Grecian origin. Upon a nearer examination, however, these arches are found not to be constructed with key-stones, nor placed at equal intervals from each other; the joints of the stone having determined the openings. The restoration of the temple to its original design lias lately taken place, by order of the present King of Naples; and great attention has been bestowed upon such repairs as were necessary to its preservation. The directors of this work, fully aware of the merit of the undertaking, and anxious that a meutorial of the Prince's munificence should vie with the temple itself in duration, have therefore recorded it in letters of bronze upon a glaring white marble tablet, inserted in the face of the architrave. This compliment, 1 The Romans generally placed trigiyphs over the centre of the angular columns, leaving half a metope between them and tiie angles of the zophorus. The only instances, in which trigiyphs at the angles occur, are to be seen in the Sarcopliagua nf Scipio Barbatus, in the Museum of the Vatican, and in the front of an ancient temple of Peace at Rome, which is given in Cipriani's Fabbriche Antkhe dl Roma. 1 These staircases probably conducted to the chambers over the portico. Pausanias (lib. x. c. 34,) mentions clianll)c^:^ over the porticoes of the temple of Minerva at Elatea. AGRIGENTUM. 29 iillhoLigh deserved, is injurious to the very end it was designed to promote: for its injudicious and ostentatious appearance, on the very front of this venerable pile, takes off froni the simplicity and general effect, and consequently lessens the value of this particular act of Royal munificence : at the same time, it is executed in a manner so costly, that the expencc would have assisted materially in the restoration of some other monument of antiquity. At Agrigentum, subjects would not have been wanting for the exercise of this Prince's taste and liberality. The whole tract of ground, between the two last-mentioned temples, appears to have been excavated for catacombs; one entrance to which is in the side of the hil), immediately below the Temple of Concord. These excavations are similar to those of Syracuse. The passages are intercepted by arched vaults, whose sides are hewn into niches of various dimensions. The air was admitted into the chambers through circular openings in the roof; and several of these apertures may be distinguished above ground in the interval between the tw o temples : they ha\ e indeed been mistaken for the orifices of cisterns, which are imagined to have been long since fdled up. At a little distance to the west of the Temple of Concord, we perceive a confused heap of capitals and shafts of columns, and other disjointed members of a fallen temple; but the portion of one shaft alone retains its position at the north-west angle. This was the Temple of Hercules, which Cicero informs us was near the forum. The columns of the south peristyle appear to have all fallen together in a direction from north to south, and several portions of their prostrate shafts are seen at regular intervals. It is impossible to offer any probable conjecture upon the dimensions and form of this temple, from the great confusion in which the parts He scattered. The diameter of ihe columns enables us to decide that the temple was considerably larger than any other wliich is yet remaining at Agrigentum, excepting that of Jupiter Olympius, to which all the others bore no proportion whatsoever. The situation of this temple is not far from the opening in the city walls, through which llic road to the emporium passed. Cicero accuses Verres^ of having violated the sanctuary and sent armed men in the night to force the doors of this temple. The Agrigentines were however alarmed, and ran from all parts of the city to the protection of the treasures. The sacrilegious attempt was thus frustrated, and the plunderers succeeded only in carrying off two small seals, and those of inconsiderable value. .1 CIc. in Verr. iv. 30 AGRIGENTUM. Leaving the gale of llie emporium [o tlic left, we arrive at a mi^;sb;ipen mass, which at a little distance appears to ofler more attractions to the naturalist than the antiquaria ii Upon a nearer examination, it is found to consist of the remains of the magnificent Temple of the Olympian Ju])iter, concerning ivliich tite Sicilian historian has left such a surprising account, and detailed the particulars of its construction with so much precision. Upon our first approach to these rains, we are little aware of their extent and importance : we see them covered with the productions of the vegetable world ; and olive- trees, the growth of centuries, find nourishment for their roots in the tiepth of soil which, in so many ages, has been accumulating upon them. With difficulty we are persuaded that such an extensive circuit of hill and valley can be formed by the demolition of a mere effort of luunan exertions, and that nature has had no part in causing the great inequality of the ground before us. Where the ruins have fallen more en masse, we still perceive, appearing above the soil, the ponderous bloclis wliich constituted the capitals and epislvlia of this vast building : from these we are enaliled to form some conjecture as to the original bulk of the fabric, and to determine that the account given of it by the historian is by no means exaggerated. " The Temple of Jupiter," says Diodorus, " is by far the most considerable in the "island: the others were either burned or destroyed in the repeated sieges of the city. " When the Agrigentines were on the point of putting on the roof, war put an end to their operations; and after tliat time the cily was so far reduced in circumstances, that they " had no longer the means to fniish it. rhe length of the temple is three hundred and " forty feet, and its breadth sixty; the height, exclusive of its basement, one hundred and " twenty. This temple is the largest in tlie whole ishuid ; and the magnitude of its " substructure deserves particular notice. Two methods of building temples are practised "by the Greeks: the one allows of making the Naos the whole width of the temple, " and the other of surrounding it with coluuin.s. Eitlier method is adopted in this "building; fur the columns are inserted in the walls of the Naos, appearing circular " without, and square within : their periphery without is twenty feet, within it is " twelve feet. The grandeur anil height of its porticoes are stupendous : they are "embellished with exquisite sculpture; on the east is a representation of The contest " of the Giants ; and on the west. The siege of Troy." The breadth of the temple, as here stated, would be very disproportionate to the length, if the plan were similar to that of other temples of the same and previous ages. The proportions, which were at that period commonly observed, are found to have obtained in the Temple of Concord; whieh> it is not impossible, might have served as the AGRIGENTUM. 31 model of this temple'. To obviate the ohjeolloii, which the measure given liy Diodorus fur the hreadlh seems to furnish against such an hypothesis, we have only to imagine that some error in the symbols of notation crept into the early transcripts of this author. If we suppose the numbers in tlie original to have been 160 for the breadth, the proportions will then be nearly the same with those of the Temple of Concord ', which, as was before observed, might have been its archetype". 1 We .linll be confirmed in tliis opinion, if we com|,.ire tlie .linicnsions of sueli of Uie respective pirts as are still remaining in both. The upper diameter of the shalt of the columns of the Temple of Jupitek is 9 . i'l . 6 i that of the columns of the Temple of Concoud, 3.&.75. Hence, upon supposition that the heights of these temples were proportional to their respective diameters, we shall have the following ratio ; 3 . 6 . J-5 : 9 . U . 5 41 . 8 . 575, which is the height of the Temiile of CoNCOao. including the four steps of the stylobate : height of the Temple of JtipiTER in English feet, which, by this proportion, would be 116 . ? , 2, or in Greek feet, 115 .9.4, difTering litUe more than four feet from the height which Diodorus assigns to it. This result favours the supposition, that nearly the same proportions obtained in the parts of both temples. Assuming the heights of the columns to be in proportion to the whole heights of the temples, we shall obtain for the height of the columns of the great temple S3 . 10 . 9, in English feet. And upon another supposition, that the heights of the columns were in proportion to the upjier diameter of the shafts, the diameter of the columns of the great temple being obtained from the capitals yet remaining, we shall have for the height of the columns of the Temple of Jupiter 6.3 .4.6. The results, upon two different suppositioni, coinciding so nearly, render it very probable that the real height differed little tiom either of them. ^ The lower diameter, from a similar mode of reasoning, will be 12 . I'l. 7 ; its semicircumference would therefore have been 20 . 4 . 57 English feet. The outer circumference, given by Diodorus, is twenty Greek feet, or 26 . 1 . 68 feet English. The difference will be lessened when we consider that the columns were not quite semicolumns , and therefore the semicircumference is too much to allow for the external periphery. The dimensions of a triglyph, resulting from a similar ratio, will he 10.0.9 for the height, and 5 . 7 . 3 1 for the breadth, differing very inconsiderably from the actual admeasurements of one found among the ruins, which are accur.itely 1() . 2 . 5, and 5 . 10 . 3. The Barok de Reidsel, in his Trai-eli through Sicilg, states the dimensions of a triglj-ph, found among the ruins, to he twelve palms by eight; or, in English feet, lb . 3 . 82S by 6 . l"o . 65. The latter dimension far exceeds that here given. He says, also, that he found a portion of the cornice four palms in height. Tire whole height of the cornice, to be in proportion to the epistylium and zophorus, would have been S . 4 . 99. . If we suppose the widths of both temples to have been proportional to their respective heights, that of the Temple of Jupiter, measured upon the upper step, would have been 158 . 9 . 81 Greek feet. The extent of the great temple, upon the supposition that the lengths were also in proportion to tlieir heights, would have been 357 . 5 . 14 Greek feet; differing more than seventeen feet from the traditional length. We are, in consequence of this great difference, induced to believe that the Temple of Jupiter had not so many as thirteen columns in the flanks. Supposing there to have been only twelve, the length would have been the aggregate of the following admeasurements ; the proportional distance between the axes of two adjoining columns in the flanks being thirty Greek feet. Nine intervals between the axes 270 0.0 Two angular ditto 5- (; Q One diameter of the columns 12.11 7 Projection of the upper step beyond the line of the cohmms —.11.5 Total length .... 341 . 5.8 In the foregoing calculations, I have supposed the admeasurement, tvhich Diodorus assigns to the height, to have included the steps of the stylobate. The height be states to have been one hundred and twenty feet •' z'i'S i™ «{W«>«"c,- or without the substructure, which the inequality of the ground might renilcr necessary, as is the case in respect to the temples of Juno LuciNA and Concord. It has been supposed, from the width which the text of Diodorus assigns to the Temple of Jupiter, that it was in ArUh, or of that species whose front presentetl only two columns between the Antae. But even this supposition will not assist in reconciling the seeming want of proportion between the breadth and the length. In this case, the width of the Cella alone, supposing it in proportion to the diameter of the columns, would have been 94 . 6 . 5. In this case, too, the entrance would have been termed ^rafao-T-a;, and not trroa; which is the word used by Diodorus to express the portico. See Vitruvius, lib. iii. c. 1. Winkelmann says, that the MSS. of Diodorus, which he inspected at Rome and Florence, aa well as those of the Chigi Library, which are supposed to be the most ancient, all agree with the printed copies. 5 Carlo Fea, in his AnndMions upon Winkelmann, is decidedly of opinion that the Temple of Concord was built before that of Jupiter. He says, " lo tengo dnnque per fermo, die questo tempio sia state eretto prima di quello di Giove Olimpico." 3-2 AGRIGENTUM. Concerning: llic two methods of building temples, Diodoriis i?iiys, " llic one is makin"- the Naos the whole width of the temple," by -which he is to be understood as alludinij to that species of temple which we term apteral, or without a peristyle; and by the other is meant, ^hat is called peripteral, where the walls of the Naos are surrounded by a peristyle. The latter plan has been adopted in by i'ar the greater proportion of the temples which are known to us. The Temple of Jupiter may therefore be said to be of a form which is a compound of the two, or pseudoperipteral : for the peristyle is formed by columns inserted in the walls of the Naos. Tiie columns of the east and west fronts were however insulated, because Diodorus expressly mentions porticoes. The word (Ttoo., used by him, was never applied in any other sense, but that of open porticoes with relieved columns. The Yiya.noy.^xx^A, or War of the Giants against Heaven, and The siege of Troy, \\ ere probably sculptured in the pediments', in a manner similar to the representation of The birth of ^lincrva, and her Contest with Neptune, in tlie fastigia of the Parllieuon at Athens. This sculpture, so highly praised by Diodorus, no doubt gave rise to the name by which the temple was dislinguished in later ages; and it is still known in Sicily by the appellation of The Temple or the Giants. Some writers have indeed imagined that il owed the origin of its name to the giants, who, as they conjecture, supported the capitals, iu the manner of Cariatides% Such a de\ialion from the general mode of ljuilding would not have escaped the observation of the accurate historian, who relates v\ith so nmch exactness whatever was remarkable in the construction of this temple. The fracjments of cajulals and of ihe entablature, which now exist, confirm the account which Diodorus has left us ol the surprising magnitude of the difierent parts. The capitals, of which tliree remain, are each constructed of two blocks, jointed vertically: the height of these blocks, comprehended between the upper part of the ovolo and eighteen inches of shaft below the fillets, is 5.5.25; their breadth, wliicii included a portion of the intervallation 3.1.0 in thickness, is 10 . 4 . 75, and their length 8.4. 75. The abacus consists of three distinct pieces, the larger of which is placed directly over the centre of the shaft, and is nearly of the same width as the upper diameter; its height is 2 . '6 . 0. I Denon, the author of the I'reiiLi. work on Egypt, and the f^iiija^e Pittorcsquc ihs Deux Sidles, in his observations nn this temple, imagines that no such sculpture ever existed . " Since," he says, " in temples built ailer this iHi;iiiiei-, no plane-surface is left to receive a biis-rellef, but in tlie pediment, where the Greeks never placed any sculpture." » Of this opinion is Denon, who adduces, in favour of sucli a suppositinn, ihe total absenee of every portion of shaft belonging to these columns. The same reasoning would equally apply to those inserted in the walls, since no portion whatever of a shaft can now be seen, excepting what is attached to tiie capital ; and we might with equal propriety doubt the existence of any columns whatever, although their circumference at the base is given by Diodorus, who adds, that a man might stand in the flutings. AGRIGENTUM. 33 The epistylla were formed of tliree layers of stone of unequal depLlis, in the uppermost of which were comprehended the listel, and the gutlae helow tlic triglyphs : the height of these together was nearly eleven feet. A single triglyph only could l)e discovered among the ruins, the dimensions of which were ascertained with the greatest accuracy, as it yet retains great sharpness of sculpture ; it is one entire stone, in height 10 . 2 . 5, in width 5 . 10 . 5, and 4 . 10 . 0 in thickness. Great mechanical powers must have been employed to raise these ponderous blocks to their destined situations. The Agrigentines appear to have relied solely upon their machinery for this purpose ; although the Greeks had sometimes recoui-sc to means less mechanicar. We find grooves cut in every block to receive some part of the machinery; each of those which form the capital has two, five inches in depth; they extend from the top to the bottom, and are continued under the capital, and made to issue at the centre of two flutings : besides these, each block has four mortise-holes, to admit other parts of it. In each side of the block of the triglyph are two parallel grooves of this kind, which unite in a sciiiieireuhu- form near the bottom. The difficulty of procuring a number of cpistylia of a sufficient length to extend from centre to centre of two adjoining coluuuis, probably induced the Agrigentines to adopt the plan of inserting the columns in the walls ; by which expedient the architrave, resting in part upon the wall itself, might be formed of several pieces, instead of one entire stone, in length thirty feet ; for this must ha\e been the distance between tin; axes of the columns of the south and north fronts. Wo cannot doubt that stones of such magnitude might have been procured, when we view the enormous masses strewn over the extensive tract whicli the ruins cover; and such may probably have been used in the east and west fronts, upon which all tiie jjowers of decoration seem to have been employed. The Agrigentines appear, from the description of Diodorus, to have made such advances towards the completion of their temple, that nothing l)ut the roof was wanting, when the Carthaginian army before their walls called oil' their attention from a work of such cost and labour. The necessary expences of a protracted war so drained their finances, that their funds were afterwards inadequate to its entire completion. That a building, upon which the revenues of a principality must have been expended, should be suffered, in this stage of forwardness, to remain unfinished, leads us to suppose that something more than the mere roof was wanting. If we imagine that the first J See Pliny's aceount of the manner of laising tlie epistylia of the Kphesian Temple. Nat. Hist. hb. xxxvi. It 3* AGRIGENTUM. design was to have mt.odnccfl ,,c,islyles williin the Cella, and 1„ liave made the temple hypaethral, whiel, form was generally adopted in temples conseerated to Jupiter, we can easily coneeiNe lhat the exertions recpiisite to complete it were too great for the harassed Agrigenlines. The vast ^vidlh of tlie C<.|la renders this s„ppositio„ probaljle. The admeasurements of such of ihe portions of ihis building as are yet to he found upon Ihe spol, coincide so very nearly will, wluit ihey ,,ould he, upon the supposition thai the same proportion of parts obtained in this temple and in that of Concor.l, that we n.ay venture to supply what is wanting in the description of the historian as to the minute details of the building, by adopting those of the latter temple, enlarged by a scale of proportion. With these ,lala it ,,ill not he difficult to give the plan of this celebrated ed,fice: and it will In. no great d..gree of rashness to affirm, that what I have offered as such can diffi-r but little from the original design of its architect. Descending inlo (he plain ihrough the emporium gale, at ihe dislance of a furlong from the walls of ihe city, we arrive at the remains of a len,ple formerly dc'dicaled to Aescuh.pius. They now conslilule part of a mo.lern farn.-house. From the little which remains, nothing can be clearly ascertained as to its former extent; and of its breadth ,ve can only form some probable conjectures. Two seniieolumns, and one of the Antae at the west end, are the only aids for guiding our enquiries: these however are sufficient to dclcrunne that this was a te„,ple of the description first mentioned by Diodorus, or /„ The columns, like those of the last-u.entioned temple, were inserted in the wall, ,,hich precluded access from the west: ihe only entrance could Ihercfore be 0,1 the easl, where it is probable the columns were insulated. A small portion of the wall of ihe Cella ren.ains at the north-west angle, with two of the steps which surrounded it. The position of these steps sufficiently indicates the species of temple; since the circumslance of the wall resliug iuunedialciv upon ihc.n affords every reason to believe that the ten,ple was ,,ilhcH,t a peristyle." By sindlar reasoning we may conclude that it was nol amphiprostylos ; the steps at the west end commencing at the base of the columns. The columns, in eonlradi.stinction to those of the 'J'emple of Jupiter, were ralher more than semicolumns. Their diameter, at the height of 4 : 6 : 0 from the third step, is 3 : 5 : 5; at their base they ivcre too much sealed to admit of accurate measurement. The distance betvveen the Anlae, upon supposition that only two columns intervened between them, would have been 2-2 : 8 : 0, which must in that case have been nearly the width of the Cella. The intervallation betsveen the columns of the west end was probably to give length to the Cella, by uniting it wilh the Posticum. The motives which induced the Agrigentincs AGRIGENTUM. 35 to insnit tlio columns of llie Tciiiplc of Jiipilcr in llic wall of the Cella, are not applicable to the temple hcfore lis, since tlie distances hchveen the axes of llie columns are less than those in the Temples of Juno ami Concord. That part of the sidnuh in wliicli this leiiiple stood, appears, from the testimony of ancient authors, to have been near the Imrial-place of the Agiigmtines : and althougli the fanes of the Deity of Medicine Mere generally without the city", it is extraordinary that a more ajipropriate situation than this, amidst tombs and sepulchres, was not found for it. Rclurning to the gate, we pass on the left an edifice of singular coiistruclion, wliich has been generally called The Tomb of Tlieron, tyrant of Agrigentum; although by some it has been supposed to be the sepulchre of the horse of Phalaris. Tlie f ormer name has been given to it for these reasons. The Tomb of Theron is known to liave been near the gate of the emporinm; and when the other tombs were destroyed by ihe Carlhaginians, during the siege of the city, in order to fill up the ditch and facilitate the ajijiroach of their towers, that of Theron alone escaped the general destruction. Hitherto we have met only with buildings of the Doric order. In fact, so near a resemblance exists between the respeeti\e parts of the temples already mentioned, that it would appear as if the Agrigenlines, and indeed llic Sicilians in general, rallicr sliidied than avoided similarity of design, and the adoption of one order of architecture in their public buildings. We know however that the Ionic order was not unknown among them; and although the Tomb of Tlieron can llarill\ lie urged as a proof of it, yet it may have been built soon after the introduction of tliat order, and when the want of a perfect knowledge of its peculiar cliaracterislics caused them to overlook the absurdity of surmoiinling cofimms of a ilifl'ereiit order wllli llic fiimiliar entalilalLirc of the Doric. This singular structure is siliialcd al ihe distance of an hundred yards from the city walls, towards the south. Its order of aichilecliire is a sliaiige mixture of tlie Doric and Ionic. The base is cpiadrangular ; and the whole building rises in a pyramidal form, to the height of twenty-live feet, from the substructure to the top of the zo[iIioriis. The cornice is cpiite destroyed, and it is dilllcull to conjeclure in what manner the buihiiiig was terminated. The heiglit is divided into Imo parts or stories, the lower of which is a jdain stylobate, crowned liy a projecting cornice; from this rises the second, having a blank windo\v, surrounded by iiiouklings, in each of the fronts. The angles are terminated by llutcd cobimns, \\ilh Ionic capitals and bases. The v\liole is surmotinted tiv an entablature ' " Cur extra urljeii! acdes Aescutapil poslta est ? an quod locis salubrius quam in iirbe tiabitare crediderunt ? Nam Gracci quoque in excetsis tcjcis Aescuiapii tempta ptane cutlncant sed prncul ab Epidauro Aescuiapii tempturn est." Plut. Quaest. Rom. TxZrd tffriv tv uttxiS^^, Xi'Ssu Uajioy. P.^us. lib. ii. c, '2Q. 30 AGRIGENTUM. whicli bears tlic distinguishing eharacterisfies of the Doric. The coUimns partake of tlie inclination of the walLs, and the lines of the triglyphs converge to the vertex of tlie pyramid, of which the whole building is a portion. Tlie inclination of the entablature seems to indicate that it is not, as has been supposed, a modern restoration. The windows, like those of the Temple of Minerva Polias at Athens, diminish from the bottom to the top; and the opening is closed by stone-work, sculptured into pannels. The flutings of the columns meet at an angle, like those of Doric columns. Tlie volutes of the capitals are very much scaled, but their form may notwithstanding be distinguished, as well as part of the echinus-moulding which has been protected by the projection of the volutes. The cornice over the windows is very much decayed; in all other respects the building is in good preservation, and easily admits of restoration upon paper. There was no regular door-way to this edifice, which was undoubtedly meant for a place of sepulture; in which, as soon as the sarcophagus was deposited, the entrance was clo,sed: and, as it had no distinguishing marks, it remained in the same state until some few years since, when, it is said, an autupiary, in searching for vases, discovered the entrance, and had the stones removed. It was as supported. From the style of its architecture it may be ranked among the most ancient remains of the Grecian city, and was probably the tomb of the prince whose name it still bears. The memory of Tlieron was cherished by the Agrigentines. He is represented by Diodorus' to have been the most humane and virtuous of the Sicilian kings. On the approach of the Carthaginians to destroy this tomb, it was struck by lightning; a circumstance which was interpreted to indicate the interference of the Gods in Its preservation. To appease the Divinities, whose anger was thought to have been excited by the sacrilegious violation of the abodes of llie dead, Ilamilcar, we are told by the llistorian, performed sacrifices to Neptune and Saturn. The restoration of this sepulchre, in the lueservation of which the hand of Divinity was supposed to be visible, would probably have been the first atonement. Theron died in the seventy-sCN entli Olympiad', not long after the battle of Himera ; at ,vl,icli time the Agrigentines were particularly attentive to Horks of this kind. Descending iu the direction of the ^y„\U towards the north-west, we arrive at the PrsciNA, in the formation of which the prisoners taken in the battle of Himera were ' Diod. Sic. Excerp. 8 Wessel. Annot. in Diod. lib. xi. l\ 5.J. AGRIGENTUM. 37 employed. This was an undertaking whicli rivalled that of the Temple of Jupiter; and it is probable that the materials for the one were supplied by the excavations of the other : certain it is, that its vicinity to the temple would necessarily facilitate the transportation of the huge blocks used in its construction. The form of the Piscina is clearly distinguishable ; and its apparent extent favours the veracity of the historian, who gives it a circumference of seven stadia, and a depth of twenty cubits % The Cloaca of Pheax, equal in celebrity to this work, was constructed at the same time by the Carthaginian captives, whose numbers were so considerable, that many private individuals are said to have possessed five hundred slaves. The area of this immense basin is now converted into a garden. At a little distance from the Piscina, on a gentle acclivity, are seen the remains of a Temple formerly dedicated to Castor and Pollux. They consist of two mutilated columns, and a portion of the wall of the CelJa, against which the cottage of a wine-presser has been erected. This temple was of the Ionic order, as is evident from the bases of the columns, and the method of fluting the shafts, whicli is similar to what is generally adopted in this order; the nundier of the flutings is however limited to twenty, whereas in the Ionic it is generally twenty-four. No portion of a capital could be found among the ruins, which are overgrown with brush-wood, and almost concealed by plantations of the caruba, or locust-tree. The bases are so much worn, that the form of the mouldings is scarcely discernible. The chapel of the Franciscan convent was formerly a temj)h', altJioiigh of a date much more recent than those already mentioned. The temple was in Antis, or without a peristyle. The entrance was towards the east: this is now walled up, and the chapel is approached by an aperture made at the west end. These are the principal remains of ancient Agrigentum ; although nmnljerless columns and entablatures arc found every wliere dispersed over the extensive tract whicii the city formerly occupied. The pretended site of a Circus is distinguished by innumerable fragments of this kind. In some particular spots, in the environs of the ancient city, the labourers are continually discovering, a little below the surface of the ground, vases and pateras of Grecian workmanship, decorated in a manner similar to those found at Herculaneum and Pompeii, with orange-coloured figures and foliage upon a dark ground. The Acropolis of Cocalus, upon which tlie modern city is built, does not abound in remains of antiquity. Of the few yet existing, the sarcophagus in the cathedral is by far s Diod. lib. xi. c. 25. 38 AGRIGENTUM. the most interesting. It has heen so frequently described, that any further mention of it would be unnecessary. Denon, in his Votjage Pittoresque, has given representations of it, which serve to convey a very just idea of its style of sculpture. It is reported to have been the Tomb of the tyrant Phintias, who was killed in a boar-chace near Tunis, where he took refuge when exiled by the Agrigentines, They add, that it was sent over from Carthage, together with the brazen bull of Phalaris, on the capture of that city by Scipio. PLATE I. GENERAL VIEW OF THE RUINS OF AGRIGENTUM. This View is taken from a hill to the south of the city, overlooking the Acragas, which flows in the valley between tliis and the acclivity upon which Agrigentum stood. The foremost temple cut by the line a. a. is the Temple of Juno ; the line b. b. passes through the Temple of Concord ; c. c. the Temple of Hercules ; d. d. the site of the Temple of Jupiter; e. e. the Tomb of Theron; (. (. the Temple of Aesculapius. PLATE II. VIEW OF THE TEMPLE OF JUNO LUCINA. This View is taken from the south-east angle of the temple, upon the brow of the declivity. The Mediterranean is seen in the distance. PLATE III. PLAN OF THE TEMPLE OF JUNO LUCINA. PLATE IV. ELEVATION OF THE TEMPLE. PLATE V. ORDER AT LARGE OF THE PORTICO. AGRIGENTUM. 39 PLATE VI. Fig. 1. Profile of the capitals. Fig. 2. The annulets, half the original size. Fig. 3. Section of the steps. Fig. 4. Plan of the remains of the Temple of Aesculapius. PLATE VII. VIEW OF THE TEMPLE OF CONCORD. This View is taken from the south-east angle of the temple. The walls of the city, which crowned the summit of the hill, were in a direction nearly parallel to the south side of the temple. The rock has however given way at different periods, and thus the temple appears to approach nearer the brow than in its original position. The ground falls rapidly to the north. The modern tablet, which now deforms the architrave, is purposely omitted in this View. PLATE VIII. PLAN OF THE TEMPLE. PLATE IX. ELEVATION OF THE TEMPLE. PLATE X. SECTION THROUGH THE PRONAOS AND OUTER PORTICOES. The door in the transverse wall of the Pronaos, which appears above the entablature, probably gave entrance to the chamber over the Pronaos. PLATE XI. ORDER AT LARGE OF THE PORTICO. 40 AGRIGENTUM. PLATE XII. Fig. 1. Profile of the capitals. Fig. 2. The annulets at large. Fig. 3. Capital of the Antae at large. Fig. 4. Capital of the columns of the Pronaos and Posticum. Fig. 5. Section shewing the levels of the floors of the Cella, Vestibules, and Peristyles. PLATE XIII. CAPITAL OF THE ANTAE, WITH THE ENTABLATURE OVER THE ANTAE AND COLUMNS OF THE PRONAOS AND POSTICUM. Fig. 1. Section through the entablature and pediment of the fronts. Fig. 2. Plan of the triglyphs in the entablature of the Pronaos and Posticum. PLATE XIV. VIEW OF THE RUINS OF THE TEMPLE OF JUPITER OLYMPIUS. The principal features in this View are two portions of capitals of the columns. Each of these immense masses formed one fourth only of an entire capital. PLATE XV. THE CAPITAL OF THE COLUMNS, AND THE ENTABLATURE AT LARGE. PLATE XVI. Fig. 1. Plan of the capitals. Fig. 2. Section through the capitals. Fig. 3. Profile of the capitals. Fig. 4. Profile of the annulets. AGRIGENTUM. PLATE XVri. PLAN AND ELEVATION RESTORED OF THE TEMPLE OF JUPITER: SHEWING THE COMPARATIVE MAGNITUDES OF THIS TEMPLE AND THE TEMPLE OF CONCORU. PLATE XVIII. VIEW OF THE REMAINS OF THE TEMPLE OF AESCULAPIUS. PLATE XIX. VIEW OF THE TOMB OF THERON. PLATE XX. ELEVATION OF THE TOMB. PLATE XXI. Fig. 1. Half tKe plan of the tomlj. Fig. 2. The capital of the columns, and the entablature. Fig. 3. Elevation of one of the windows. Fig. 4. The mouklings of the windows at large. PLATE XX IT. VIEW OF THE TEMPLE OF CASTOR AND POLLUX. i7i,i/i:i.j-/..i ¥ m P 0 CHAP. IV. S E L I N U S. The volume of History exhibits, in the same page, the rise and decline of the City of Selinus. An intervening period of more than two centuries is passed over with a slight mention of tlie continual disputes between this city and its rival Aegesta. From Thiicydides' and Strabo' we learn that it was first peopled by a colony from Megara, a city on the eastern coast of Sicily; so called from the Megara of Attica, whence its inhabitants first migrated. It was founded one hundred and seven years after Syracuse, and took its name from the river Selinus^, which owed its appellation to the wild parsley with which its banks abounded. I Thiicyd. lib. vi. = Strabo, lib. vi. s Now called The Modlun. 44 S E L I N U S. The jealousy, which in every age has heen found to suhsist between two neighbouring powers, gave rise to unceasing contentions l>etween the Sebnuntincs and Aegestans. The history of these disputes is distinguished by no memorable event, until the commencement of that new and important aera in the ailViirs both of Sicily and Greece. The Aegestans, unable to obtain redixss, through the interference of Syracuse and Agrigentum, for the grievances they suffered from the Sebnuntincs, invoked the aid of Athens. This people, induced by the hope of annexing Sicily to their empire, determined to afford protection to the Aegestans, as a previous step to the subjugation of the whole island. The failure of the Grecian expedition left Aegesta exposed to the attacks of the Sclinunlines, wlio had supported the cause of the Syracusans during the continuance of the Athenian war. Di.strnsting their own resources, the Aegestans declared themselves dependent upon Carthage, which engaged to shield them against the threatened attacks of the Selinuntines. The command of the Carthaginian forces, dispatched to the aid of the Aegestans, was committed to Hannibal, grandson of Hamilcar, who was slain at the siege of Hiniera, Personal resentment induced Hannibal to accept the command, in order tliat he might seize some fiivoiirable opportunity to revenge the death of his father Gisco, who perished at Selinus, ^vhither he had sought refuge when exiled from Carthage. Hamilbal, on his landing, was joined by the Aegestans; and the combined forces immediately proceeded to besiege Selinus. Tlie Selinuntines, in daily expectation of obtaining succours from Syracuse, protracted the siege to the utmost. Unable however to resist the numbers which were opposed to it, the city was at length carried by assault, the inha}>itants were put to the s\\-ord, and the walls of the city razed The night previous to the assault, two thousand and six hundred of the inhabitants escaped to Agrigentum, where tliey were sheltered by the citizens'. From Selinus, Hannibal proceeded to Himera, where the same success attended him ; for this city also was razed to the ground, and the inhaliitants massacred. After these exploits he returned to Carthage. A few years after the dispersion of the Selinuntines, Hermocrates repaired the walls of the city, and assembled the wandering natives from the different towns of Sicily, as well as from Ephesus, wliilher .some of them liad retired". From this period Selinus again flourished, and had begun to re-assume its importance among the rival states of Sicily, when it was a second time taken by the Carthaginians, and destroyed. The temples, which 1 This event touk pluce two huixired aiu! fifty years after the foundation of tlic citv. •- Diod. Sic. lib. xiii. c. 5S. 1 Xenoph. Hist. Grace, lib. i. S E L I N U S. 45 in the first pillage of tlie city liad only been despoiled of tlieir treasures*, were now thrown down'. After this second siege, the city was entirely abandoned; and Strabo" classed it with the ruined cities of Sicily. No description can accurately paint the deserted appearance of the once populous environs of Selinus. As we draw near to the site of the ancient city, by the road from Agrigentum, the remains of its magnificent temples are the only objects by which we are led to conclude that we are approacliing the former residence of man. The towering coUimns of the larger of the ruined temples arc distinguished on entering the extensive plains, in which the city was formerly situated. The mind is in some measure prepared, by the vast bulk which admits of their being seen from a great distance, for the admiration which awaits a nearer approach. After the contemjdation of the stupendous remains of Agrigentuui, we expect to view the ruins at Selinus ^\ ith diminished wonder ; ljut in this instance the expectation is surpassed by the reality. The temple indeed produces an effect pre-eminently striking ; but this advantage is immediately accounted for, when we can witlidraw our attention from the ruins, to contemplate the ground on which they lie extended. We no where discover those groupes of olives wiiich end^osom, nor that fertile soil whose accumulation has buried, the more gigantic columns of the Agrigentine temple. To their absence, however, wc are Indebted for tlie more perfect knowledge of the plans and proportions of the edifices of Selinus- and the only impediment to a complete investigation is, that many parts are rendered inaccessible by the fallen masses whose magnitude is such as to brave every effort which could be made to remove them. The great temple probably stood in tlie ancient forum of the city : for there, as Herodotus relates, was a temple dedicated to Jupiter, in which tiie tyrant Pythagoras was slain by Euryleon. The worship of Jupiter was very prevalent at Selinus. Pausanias', in recording the expulsion of the Selinuntlnes by the CartJiaginlans, relates that before their dispersion they Inid dedicated a treasury to the Olympian Jupiter. This Doric temple, like the generality of those dedicated to the Supreme Deity of tiie Pleathen Mythology, was hypaethral. Its form was octostyle- dipteral, having eight columns in each front, and a double row surrounding the Cella. The number of columns in the flanks was sixteen. The columns of the cast front were fluted ; and it appears to have been the design of the architect that they should all have been so : some however are cjuite * Dlod. in loco cit. 0 Strabo, lib. vi. p. 2/2. s Diod. Eel. 24. 7 Paus. lib. vi. c. g. n SELINUS, plain, while others exhihit preparations for the flutings more or less advanced. The method of fluting the cohiinns of the east front was unlike what we find observed in every other specimen of the Doric order: the flutes do not meet and form an angle, but are separated by a fillet, after the method adopted iii columns of the Ionic order. Within ihe Cclla was a double row of plain columns : on the north side we perceive eleven of these columns lying prostrate. It was not possible to ascertain ^vhether the internal ranges consisted of more than this number, since all, beyond the eleventh column towards the west, lies buried benealli the fallen blocks of the walls of the Cella. It is scarcely possible to conceive ihc obstruction which the prostrate masses oifer to all progress within tlie circuit of the i iiius. Every attempt to proceed in a uniform line of direction from east to west is fruitless; for, to attain this end, we should be obliged to cross the fallen shafts of the columns, each of which presents a height of more than ten feel. When this dilficulty is surnjoiiukHl, we find that v\ c have to pass a chasm made by the interval which two neiglibouring columns have preserved in their fall. In some instances where the shafts lie one upon another, or where the entire subversion of the coliimus has been prevented by the walls of the Cella, all further progress is denied. We now seek, by making a circuit, to discover the columns of the viest front and find that for the most part they are concealed by the fallen epistylia and frieze of the peristyle. Tlie only method left of ascertaining [he diuiensioiis of this fabric is by a calculation of the number of columns which may be probably hidden under a certain extent of ruins ; and having previously ascertained the diameter of the columns, and the general interval between two, it is fiiir to suppose thai the aggregale of the measures thus obtained will give the whole length and breadth ^\ilh some degree of accuracj^ The whole lenglh of the temple obtained by these means is ihree hundred and thirty-one feet; its breadth, one hundred and sixty-one. The length of the Cella, upon supposition that the number of the columns in the inner peristyles did not exceed eleven, would have been 110 . 5 . 6; its width, incbuling the walls, is 6/ . 3 . 0. The diameter of the columns of the peristyles is 10 . 7 . 3 at the base of the shaft, and 6 . 3 . (S below the capital : their height, including the capital, was 48 . 7 . 0. The capitals are each forjued of a single block: the length of the abacus is 12 . 10 . 0, and the height of the whole capital is 4.9.5. The epistylia, which extended from the centre to centre of two adjoining columns, are in one entire stone, nearly 21 . 6 . 0 in length, 9 . 2 . 25 in height, and five feet in thickness. The Temple which occurs next is the least of the three. Its form was hexastyle- peripteral, having six coluunis in front; the number in the flanks, including those at the angles, was fourteen. Its length is 180 .4.0, and its breadth 70 . 2 . 0, measured upon SELINUS. 47 the upper step. The diameter of the cohimns at the base of the shaft is 6.6.9, and below the capital 4.1.9. Tlie abacus of the capital is formed of a single stone, which measures 7 • H ■ ^^9 in length. The proportions of the columns and their capitals, and such other parLs as yet remain, are precisely similar to ihose of the Temple of Jupiter. Two or three of ihe courses wliicli consliluled the sliaft remain in almost every column; the rest, together with all the capitals, excepting two or three, have disappeared. No traces of the walls of the Cella are discernible ; and of the whole entablature, one small portion of the cornice alone remains. The Third, or most soutlierly temple, has not experienced a demolition so complete as the second : yet not one column even of this temple is standing entire, and many of them have experienced a total subversion. One of the Antae of the Postieum, and part of the wall of the Cella, appear rising above the ruins, which, at the west end in particular, lie heaped in the greatest disorder. Although the difficulties of ascertaining the plan of this temple are less formidable than what occur in tracing the ichnography of the Temple of Jupiter, they are not le.ss fatal to the progress of accurate enquiry. We nevertheless discover, without much diihcully, that its form was hexastyle-peripteral : the number of the columns in the ilanJcs, including those at the angles, was sixteen. Besides the Cella and Vestibules, this temple appears to have had an Opisthodomos, or second Cella : the foundation of the wall which separated them may be traced, and from its thickness it is probable that it contained staircases. The length of the temple, measured upon the upper step, is 232 . 11 .0; and its width, 83 . 10 . 0. The hciglit of the columns, collected from the fiillen frusta, was 32 . 8 . 13, including their capitals : their diameter at the base is 7 ■ 5 . 9, ;ind below the capital it i.s 5 . 9 . 2. The Jieight of the epistylium and zophorus together was 11.4. 25. No portion of the cornice could be discovered. These temples lie in the same line of direction, from north to south, and are placed within less than an liuiidrcd paces of each other. Besides the three temples already mentioned, there are the remains of three others upon what is supposed to have been the Acropolis; these are so completely overthro^vn, and lie in so great disorder, that any attempt to give a just idea of tlieir plans and proportions is vain, without the aid of nnich conjecture. The perioly belonged to the Interior of the temple. PLATE III. PLAN OF THE TEMPLE. Those parts which are di.rtinguished by the dark shade belonged to the original structure : those which are lighter are supplied from conjecture. If the Cella had been a double scpiare, the wall which bounded it towards the west must have been about four feet beyond the eleventh column of the inner peristyles ; and a space, rather less than half the width of the Cella, would have remained for the Postieum. SELINUS. 49 PLATE IV. ELEVATION OF THE TEMPLE. The height of the columns was ascertained from the fallen courses of the shafts. The entablature is restored from the triglyphs and the vast blocks of the epistylia, numbers of which are to be found among the ruins. The cornice is supplied from a small portion of that belonging to the smaller temple, the proportions of which appear to have the same as those of this temple. PLATE V. ORDER AT LARGE OF THE PORTICO. PLATE VI. VIEW OF THE MOST SOUTHERLY TEMPLE. PLATE VII. PLAN OF THE TEMPLE. It is impossible to distinguish what columns are in part standing ; they are all therefore shaded. Those parts of the Cella walls which are shaded, and one of the Antae of the Posticum, are yet standing to a considerable height. PLATE VIII. ELEVATION OF THE TEMPLE. PLATE IX. THE ORDER OF THE TEMPLE AT LARGE. PLATE X. THE ANTAE OF THE POSTICUM. 50 SELINUS. PLATE XI. PLAN OF THE LESSER TEMPLE. Portions of most of the columns remain standing. The walls and divisions of the Cella are added from conjecture. It is unnecessary to give the details of this temple, since their proportions are the same as those of the Temple of Jupiter. o o o o u o o o o ^ O' \ o \ 1 o o o o o Q o - • - 1 o o o o' ■ o o o c o o 1 o o o J J O'O o ' _ o n o o o""6"o CHAP. V. AE G E S T A. Ancient History refers the origin of the city of Aegesla to a period not far distant from the conclusion of the Trojan War. Aeneas, in search of some place of abode for himself and his followers, is represented to have landed in the Island of Sicily, at the foot of Mount Eryx, where he was hospitably received by Acestes. Prior to the arrival of Aeneas, Elymus and Aegestus, who abandoned Troy when taken by the Greeks, had formed a settlement in Sicily ; these were joined by the Trojans who accompanied Aeneas ■ and the united colony was named Elymi, after the first founder. The city ', which was founded by the Trojan prince, was called Aegesta, after the companion of Elymus'. The name was subsequently changed to Segesta". 1 Tlie city appears to have been placed at the conflux of two rivers, which were called Simois and Scamander, after the rivers of Troy. StrabOj hb. xiii. p. 905. a Dion. Halicam. p. 42. > " Oppidum in Sicilia est, quod videtur Aeneas condidisse praeposito ibi Eyesto, qui earn Egestam noniinavit. Sed praeposita est ei 5 httera, ne obsceno nomine appellaretnr."' Fest. Po.mp. in Segesta. P 52 AEGESTA. After the defeat of tlic Athenian forces in Sicily, the Aegestans, who were the immediate promoters of that expedition, dreading tlie resentment of the Selinuntines, threw themselves into the protection of the Carthaginians, and assisted them in their liostile designs against the neighbouring Grecian states. In a treaty between the Syracnsans and tlie Carthaginians, the possession of Aegesta was secured to Carthage; and Selinns and Himera, which had yielded to her arms, were annexed to her empire in Sicily. The Carthaginians, after this, withdrew their forces. Dionysius, who had formed the project of seating himself upon the throne of Syracuse, entered into this engagement in order to obtain time for effecting his purposes. His plans being crowned with success, ho thre^v ofl' the mask, and declared war against Carthage. He opened the campaign by laying siege to Aegesta. Upon the approach however of the forces under Imilcar, he abandoned the siege, and retired to Syracuse. Aegesta remained in the possession of llie Carthaginians until the time of Agathocles, who was prompted by his ambition to aspire to the dominion of all Sicily. Having made liiniself master of this city, he first plundered it, and then changed its name to that of Diceapolis". Upon the arrival of the Carthaginian auxiliaries, he retired to Gela, and thence to Syracuse, leaving them in possession of all their former settlements. These, with the exception of Lilybaeum and Eryx, yielded to the forces under Pyrrhus, w bom the Syracnsans had invited to their assistance. Aegesta, and every other settlement possessed by Carthage before the approach of Pyrrhus, fell again into her power, when he wa.s compelled by the Syracnsans to fly from Sicily. This city appears to have survived the many vicissitudes of fortune which it experienced, and to have retained its importance until a very late period. The Saracenic contpiest, which'involved all Sicily in ruin and desolation, extended its fatal consei|uences to Aegesta; and it was then entirely destroyed. One magnificent monument of the taste and piety of the Aegestans has survived the overthrow of the city. This is a Doric temple, whicb stands upon the brow of a craggy precipice to the east of the ancient boundary of the city. Any opinion, as to the period in which this building was erected, must rest upon conjecture; unless it be allowed that this is tlie temple mentioned by Dionysius Halicarnassensis, as the one which was built by the Trojans who remained in Sicily after the departure of Aeneas'. The solidity of its I Dioil. ,Sic. lib. xs. i'ejot, Twt unaKiUp^ivTm uttd tdu rrroXau [i'Jiifi^ rofj TucravTo; iripcc^ amSij/^x Tronjira^Etw^. DlON. ItALrcARN. lib. i. 53. AEGESTA. 53 construction affords ground for classing it among tlic earliest of the existing monuments in Sicily: and if simplicity lie a cliaracteristic of age in architecture, this temple may claim a title to the highest antiquity. It is of the liexastyle-peripteral form, there Ijcing six columns in the fronts, and fourteen in the flanks, including those at the angles. The colunnis are unlike those of every other Grecian temple in Sicily, inasnmch as they are without flntings ; nor are we led hy any circumstance to helieve, that there ever was an intention of supplying this additional ornament. Their diameter at the base of the shatt, is 6 . 7 . 2; and below the capital, 4 .11.1. A groove is made at the bottom of every shaft; with what intent it is not easy to conjecture, although it has been supposed that they were made for the reception of bronze bases, which, it is imagined, were occasionally affixed. The coUunns all remain, and are very entire. The stylobate consists of three steps, the upper one of which is sculptured in a very singula]- niatmer. Each stone has a projecting knob, similar to what is observed in those ivhich form one of the walls of the Propylca at the Athenian Acropolis. It might ap])ear that these were left for the purpose of assisting in elevating the stones, wei c it not that they observe a certain order of disposition, which indicates that something more than mevc convenience was consulted in leaving them. Some of the stones «liicli formed the upper step have disappeared from the intervals between the coUunns, which circumstance has given the colunms the appearance of being placed upon scpuu-e plinlhs. The entablature has suflered very little; and the fastigia, excepting some portions of their cornice, are still very entn-e. While our admiration is excited by so perfect a preservation of the ivhole of the exterior, we are at a loss to account for the absence of every trace of the walls of the Cella: the demoUtion has extended to the floors of the temple and the peristyles ; these have been removed so as to expose the very surface of the rock, which appears to have l>een levelled, in order to serve for the basis of the whole fabric. The comparative smallness of the stones which formed the walls of the Cella, doubtless admitted of greater facility in their removal, for purposes in which the less civilized possessors of the city might choose to employ them, without respect for their sanctity, or regard for their anti.piity. On the summit of a neighbouring hill, to the ncn-th of the teu.ple, the vestiges of an ancient theatre are still to be seen. The ascent to the theatre, which at all times must have been arduous, is rendered almost impracticable from the entire destruction of the road which no doubt existed in ancient times. The form of the seats, and the extent of the Proscenium, may be traced. Compared with the n.agnifieent structures already described, this w as a building of little importance. I"' \ CHAP. VI. POSIDONIA, OR PAESTUM. Concerning the origin of the City of Posidonia, historians have left us no determinate account; although many of the ancient writers acknowledge its existence and importance at the periods in \^ liich they wrote. Before the arrival of tiie Greeks in Italy, the part of the continent called Lucania was inhabited by the descendants of the Picentines and the Samnites. These people, it is conjectured, were driven from their possessions by the Achaeans and Troezenians, who, on their first settling in Italy, established tlieniselves at Sybaris, on the shores of the gulph of Tarentum. Strabo' supports the opinion that a colony from this new-founded settlement, either expelled by their fellow-citizens, or with a desire of extending their Strabo, lib. V. 5 56 PAESTUM. dominions, crossed the Apennines of Lucania, and, induced by the mild climate of tiie plains of Posidonia to fix their abode there, drove the inhabitants inLo the mountaius, and seized upon the town, \\liieh they enlarged and fortified. The name of Posidonia, which they gave to their newly-acquired city, was what induced the historians of later times to suppose that its founders were the Troezenians, who accompanied the Achacans into Italy, and assisted them in the reduction of Lucania; deriving it from Poseidon, by which title Neptune was worshipped in Troczene At ihis period the Grecian adventuiers had acquired a considerable territory in the south of iL^ily, being actually in possession of Sybaris, Crotona, Locri, Caulonia, Metapontum, and Tarentum. Posidonia, soon after its occupation by the Sybarites, became equal in importance to the most powerful of these settlements. The spot thus possessed by the Troezenians was the most fertile and flourishing in Lucania: the mildness of the climate, and the productions of the country, continued in after-ages to be the topics of praise ^vl^h the. Lai in Poets. Martial, Virgil, Propcrtiiis, and Ovid, have celebrated its fertility and natural productions. The situation of Paestum was most happily adapted to the purposes of agricidtnre and commerce, placed as it was in the centre ol a widely-extended plain, bounded by the rivers Silarus and Accius on the north and south, sheltered on the east by tlie mountain Alburnus, and open to llie bay on the west. The port Alburnus was near the mouth of the Silarus: some remains of it are said to be yet discoveral)le This port, from its situation, was highly advantageous to the interests of the city, and was frequented by the merchants of distant nations. Strabo' informs us that Jason visited this port in the ship Argo, and erected a temple on the shore to Juno Argiva\ During a period of more than two centuries from their first eslabhshment, the Posidoiiians enjoyed a state of happiness and tranquillity in their possessions. The first serious attempt to disturb them was made by Dionysius tyrant of Syracuse, who undertook to invade the Grecian territories in Italy. Having joined his forces to the Lucanians he gained several advantages over the dlfiferent Grecian states which had united to oppose him. Being obbged to return to Sicily without obtaining any decisive victory, ho left I Strabo, lib. viii. p. 3/3. J " Son' anche visibile presso al fiume alcune acque stagnante e profonde; i paesani le cliianiano Scle morto, sotto le quale suno sepolte delle fabriclie, residui di moli, e d'aiitichi construzioni." Paoli, de Paest. Topog. ' Lib. V. p. 252. * Pliny says that the Temple of Juno was erected in the neighbouring territory of the Piccntini, which was only sejiarated from that of the Posidonians by the river Silarus. Nut. Hist. lib. ili. c. 5. PAESTUM. 57 the harassed Greeks to contend ^^ith the Lucanian Aborigines. Posidonia fell into the power of the latter soon after the coninienceniciit of the war between the Romans and the Samnites, which took place in ihc 4l3th year of Rome'. The Lucanians, having obtained several advantages over tlic united states, and gained possession of Crimissa and Metapontum, compelled the Greeks to implore tlic assistance of Alexander king of Epirns, who, acceding to their reqnest, laid siege to Posidonia : bxit, notwithstanding his successes in two pitched battles, he was finally obliged to raise the siege, and leave the Liicanians in the undisturbed possession of the city. This they retained until the 480 th year of Rome, when the defeat of Pyrrhus, who had been induced to assist them against the Romans, lost them Posidonia. Most of the Grecian states were soon afterwards reduced to Roman colonies. Posidonia became a nmnicipal town, and was inhabited by a colony sent from Rome, in tiic iSlsl year of the city. The new possessors clianged its name to Paestum*. Wiien Hannibal had become forniidal)le ])y his brilliant victories in Italy, Rome, notwithstanding her late rejection of the proll'rred assistance of some of her newly-formed colonies, now found herself in a situation to demand their co-operation'. Paestum was amongst those which continued true to their allegiance, and the foremost to comply with the demand of the Romans. From tliis time, until the reign of Augustus, all mention of it ceases to be made; and it only then occurs in the works of the Poets, who celebrate its fertility, and extol its miraculous roses. During the interval between this period and the invasion of Italy Ijy the Saracens, little more is known of it, than that it was one of the first, among the cities in the south of Italy, to receive the Cliristian religion. The Paestans, from this circumstance, were distinguished by St. Paulinus as a good and virtuous people. The Saracens, crossing from Sicily about eight hundred and forty years after the Christian aera, took possession of the country about Pa(!Stam, and settled at Agripoli, in the immediate vicinity of tlie city. When they were obliged to abandon that part of Italy, they plundered the city, and destroyed the dwellings. The see was then removed to Cappaccio, the bishops retaining the title of Paeslum. What was spared by the Saracens, was carried off by Roliert Guiscard in 1080, who stripped the temples at Paestum in order to decorate the church he had founded at Salernum. Paestum, after this, became a very inconsiderable town, and experienced a rapid decline of its population. From the neglect of proper cultivation, and other causes, the marshes surrounding it s Strabo, lib. vi. p. 254. 6 Veil. FattTc. I. 14. T Livii Decad. III. lib. xxii. 36. 33 PAESTUM. ceased to be drained, and the stagnant waters emitted a vapour so prejudicial to the inhabitants, that by degrees tliey retired to the mountains. Tluis deserted, the remains of its former importance were consigned to oblivion; and the people of Italy appear to have been ignorant of their existence, until the baron Joseph Antonini, in 1745, published a work upon Lucania, in which he particularly dwelt on the magnihcent ruins of Paestum. Tlie present town lies within the circuit of the ancient walls : it retains the Roman name, with the Italian termination. La Citta rli Pesto consists of a few scattered cottages, and tlie deserted residence of the former bishops. Its distance from Naples is computed at sixly Engbsh miles, the road following the sinuosities of the bay of Salernuni. Tile plains of Paestum are entered by passing the Silarus a few miles above its mouth, at a place called La Scqfa, where a ferry has been established. The river is still very considerable ; and the torrents which, after a fall of rain, descend from the mountain Albiirnus, render it extremely rapid. From hence to the site of the ancient city are six miles, across plains now desolate and barren, although formerly so celebrated for their fertility. At the foot of the city walls, a small branch of the Salsus, descending from the heights of Alburnus, flows into the plain, where it divides itself into several small streams, and overruns the levels between the city and the sea: its original channel lias been choked up by the sand, which the sea has been continually raising. This interruption of its natural course, which, in the time of the ancient possessors of Paestum, was prevented by the industry of tlic inhabitants, has been for ages suffered to gain bead: the stream, thus driven into new channels, wanders in various directions over the plain; and from the stagnant pools which are formed, unwholesome exhalations arise ; insomuch, that in summer tlie most fatal effects are experienced by those who sleep in the immediate neighbourhood. Tliis was probably the occasion of tlie total desertion of the city in 1580. The walls are in many places existing to a considerable height: some of the towers also, placed at the angles, still remain, as well as some vestiges of the ancient gates. One of these, on the east side, is nearly perfect, and its arched opening entire. The walls form an irregular polygon, whose circuit is about three English miles. The air of desolation which reigns in the environs of this once populous city, heightened by the deserted aspect of the ruins, is in no degree relieved by the appearance of a few wretched hovels, which serve as temporary habitations to the keepers of the PAESTUM. 59 numerous herds of buffaloes. The uncouth wild appearance of these animals impresses more strongly the idea, tJiat we are here far removed froui the abode of civilized man. The principal ruins of the ancient city consist of the walls, the remains of three temples, vestiges of an amphitheatre, and two spots distinguished by heaps of stone, which point out the site of buildings of some importance. Of all these, perhaps, the only one which has claims to Grecian origin is the Great Temple', supposed to have been dedicated to Neptune. This indeed possesses all the grand characteristics of that pre-eminent style of architecture. Solidity, combined with simplicity and grace, distinguish it from the other buildings, which, erected in subsequent ages, when the arts had been long on the decline, in a great degree want that chastity of design for which the early Grecian is so deservedly celebrated. There can exist little doubt, in the minds of those who are accustomed to contemplate the features of ancient architecture, that this building wna coeval Vvith the very earliest period of the Grecian migration to the south of Italy. The Grecian character is too strongly marked to admit of any argument, whether its origin was prior or subsequent to the possession of Po.'sidonla by tiiaL people. Low columns with a great diminution of the shaft, bold projecting caplLals, a massive entablature, and triglyphs placed at the angles of the zophorus, are strong presumptive proofs of its great antiquity. The shafts of the columns diminish in a straight line from the base to the top, although at 6rst sight they have the appearance of swelling in the middle. This deception is caused by the decay of the stone In the lower part of tiio sliafts, which there has taken place in a greater degree than elsewhere. The sharp angles of the flutes are within the reach of every hand ; and as tiiey offer little or no resistance to the attacks of wanton or incidental dilapidation, they have not failed to experience the evils to which tliey were exposed by their delicacy and siluatlon. 1 Paoli, whose ideas of Grecian proportion are founded upon the authority of Vitruvius, has endeavoured to prove that the temples of Paeslum neie built prior to the aiTival of tlie Greeks in the south of Italy. His chief arguments for believing them to liave been of Etruscau origin are contained in the following passages: " Le colomie vengon poste in gnindissima vicinanza non solo fra loro, ma anche per rispetto a' muri delle Celle interne. Quest' insolita prossimita, per la quale troppo si diminuiscono le distanze, sappiamo beniasimo, dallo stesso Vitruvio, che non poteva convenire ne a' tempi piii moderni, ne a qualunque ordine Greco. Poiche parlando egli in generate deila distanza delle coionne lascio acritto, clie se lo spazio posto tra loro fosse quanto un diametro e mezzo delle medesime, ed anche se avesse corrisposto a due diametri, sareblie stata questa un viziosa proporzione, e da tacciarsi per molte ragioni come biasamevoie ; Finalmente o niuno spazio o angusto assai rimarebbe pel passagio intomo alle Celle. Or che avrebtw detto, e quale sconcezza ed incomodo non avrebbe trovato il Romano architetto in un tempio, ove non fossero le distanze fra le coionne, che d'un sol diametro delle medesime? Questa proporzione non fu usata mai da' Greci, come lo attestano generalmente i profeasori benemeriti dell' architettura, assicurandoci (Paltadio di Arch. Hb. iv. c.31,) di non aver trovato mai o tempio o edificio alcuno, nel quale fossero gl' intei-colunni piCi ristretti delle misure Vitruviane sopra riportate." Paoli de Maj. Tempio Diss. 60 PAESTUM. Excepting the circumstance that this temple was hypaethral, its plan differs but little from those of the hexastyle temples already described. It has six columns in the fronts, and fourteen in ihe flanks, including- those at the angles. The upper step of the stylobale is a parallelograui, in lengtb 195 .4.0, and in breadth 78 ■ 10 . 0. The intervals between the angular columns, like those in every Grecian temple of the Doric order, are made less than the others, in order, that by placing the Irlglyphs at tlie angles of the zopliorus, the metopes might be of equal width. The columns have twenty-four flutings^ conlrtay to what is observed in every other instance of the Doric order, where the number of the ilutings does not exceed twenty: the nmiiher in the cobimns of the lower range within the Cella, is, however, only twenty; and in those of the upper range, sixteen. TJie plan of the flutes, at the base of the shafts, is a segment of a circle: below the capital, the plan is a portion of an ellipsis. The drops Ijelow the triglyplis are conical, as were also those in the mutules, if we may judge from the lonn of the holes cut in the under surface to receive them. It is singular that not one remains in this situation; a circumstance which has led some to infer, that they were formed of stucco, or some other perishable composition. The stylobate consists of three steps: five others gave access to the Cella; the floor of which is nearly five feet above the level of that of the peristyles. The Cella was appi'oached both by the Poslicum and Proutios. In the transverse wall of- the latter were inserted the staircases which conducted to the roof and the apartments over the vestibule. Part of this wall is remaining at the south-east angle of the Celia; and a portion - of the door-\\ay, by wiiich the staircase on that side was approachct.!, is clearly to be distinguished. The Cella was separated into three divisions, by a double range of colunnis, two tiers in height: these were intended for the support of the roofs which covered the lateral peristyles; leaving the center division exposed to the air. Tliis circumstance is sufficient to justify the conjecture that the temple was dedicated to Jupiter; and not to Neptune, as has been generally supposed. The knowledge that the city received its ap|)ellalion from a title of Neptune, is certainly in fiivour of the latter supposition, although it is by no means conclusive. On the other hand, it appears that hypaethral temples were generally, if not universally, dedicated to Jupiter. Not a single column, either of the outer peristyles, or of the vestibules, is wanting; and the entablature, with the exception of a few places, is perfect all round. The columns are 6 . 10 . 35 in diameter, and 28 . 1 1 . 5 in height, including the capitals: the whole entablature is 19.9.2 in height. The columns of the interior ranges are 4.8.1 diameter, and 19 ■ 9 . 0 high, including the capitals. The diameter of those in the upper ranges was determined by the diminution of the shafts in the lower; since eacli upper and PAESTUM. 61 lower column may be considered as a frustum of the same cone, continued through the epistylia. All the lower columns are yet remaining, togetlier with seven of the upper, four on the soutii, and three on the north side. Tlie lateral walla of the Ceila have almost entirely disappeared, excepting such parts of them as were immediately contiguous to the antae of the vestibules. ■ The stone used in the construction of this and the other temples wfis brought from tlie quarries in the mountain Alburnus. It is a stalactite, formed by a calcareous deposit of water, of the same nature as the Travcrf'/no, with which St. Peter's, and many of the modern buildings at Rome, are constructed. A thin coaling of stucco was laid over the whole, to fill up the interstices erf this porous stone: small portions of it may still be seen attached to different parts of the temple. Age has given to this temple a deep tint of reddish brown; whilst that of the other temples is a grey, approaching very nearly to that which we observe the walls of the city to have assumed. The colour of llie stone of tJie latter, seems, as it i\ere, a mean between that of the Great Temple and of stone lately taken from the quarries. ']1ie form of the second temple was pesudo-dipleral, and differs from every otiier existing, inasmuch as it has nine columns in the fronts'; the. Pronaos has, consequently, three columns placed between the antae. Three columns of a range which divided the Cella are still remaining; the use of which was probably to support the roof. The position of these columns has led to a variety of conjectures about the purposes to which this building was appropriated. Paoll calls it a Basilica; and Piranesi distinguishes it by the title of The College of the Amphictyons. Delagardette follows llie opinion of Paoli ; but Major diflers from ijolh, and speaks of it in the following words : " It does not seem to " exhibit the form of a Basilica, because its portico is on the outside; whereas those " described by Vitruvius were on tlie inside : nor can he suppose it simply to liave been " a portico, as the ruins of the walls of the Cella are still visible. All its other parts (the " odd nund)cr of the pillars in the front excepted, and the al>ove-mentioned range of " colunms in the mi ^' e'l-Df anoZ xx] (TTiy^q KaXuTTTOj^eyoi. Dion. Halicarn. \ih. iv. 2^^. PAESTUM. 63 considered as a variety of that wliich admitted of interior columns ; and the deviation from tlie ride generally ohsei-ved of placing an even niunher of columns in the fronts to have arisen from the determlnahon to ado[)t a single instead of a doiihly range of coUinins M illiin the Cella for the support of the roof. Such a striking deviation from the simple style of ancient architecture can only he atlributed to the vitiated taste of the age in which this temple was designed. 1'iiis observation leads to the consideration of the probable period of its construction. From the great similarity of the capitals of this and th(; lesser 1cm[>h', and the general character of the mouldings, we may adopt the opinion so generally prevalent, that they were coeval. Delagardette considers the colnnms of these temples as the production of Grecian workmen; and the superstructures of botlj, a restoration by the Romans. In order to reconcile the want of grace in the columns of the pseudo-dipteral temple with the well-known symmetry of the Grecian shaft, he imagines their form to have been altered from that originally given to them; and that ihey have undergone a gradual reduction from the centre to the base of the shaft. But since, in this case, the shafts of the colunms must have projected before what is now the face of the third step, he conceives the whole stylobale to have experienced similar treatment. This idea is so extravagant, tliat it is needless to controvert it : we need only remark, that the diameter of the columns, as long as they retained what he conceives to have been tlielr original form, umst have been greater than the width of the Inlcr- columniations, as he himself allows; whereas, among tJic Greeks, they were invariably less. Tliere does not appear- to be any reason ^vhatever for the supposition that the superstructures were of a date more recent than the oilier parts of the two buildings: on the contrary, the forms of the capitals, the mouldings of the epistylia, the ba.ses of the columns in the Pronaos of the lesser temple, the disposition of its triglyphs, the mouldings of the cornice, and the pannels in its sufhte, together with the equi-distance of the columns in the fronts of both temples, too plainly evince a uniformily of style to leave a doubt of the originality of every part. If this be admitted, we shall no loiiger hesitate in deciding, from the manifest predominance of the early Roman style o\er the borrowed features of the Grecian, that their origin is to be looked for in an age subsequent to the aera of the Roman conquest. It must l)e apparent that the Romans had means and abilities to undertake jmd execute structures of equal magnificence, if we reflect upon the size and extent of the walls which surrounded the city; for that these are of Roman origin is clear, from many circumstances, and parlienlarljr from the adoption of the arch in the gateways. It is not improbable, that, upon obtaining possession of the place, the Romans immediately began ihe work of circumvallatton, with the view of securing their conquest. This supposition will bring the 64 PAESTUM. date of the temples within the 481st year of Rome, ahout which time arches appear to have been first introduced into Roman hiiihiings'. The flourishing state of the colony may be inferred from tlie account given of it hy Livy", who relates, that, after the fatal battle of Cannae, the Paestans voluntarily contributed the supplies for the Roman army; and afterwards ecpiipped a considerable fleet, which was sent to the relief of Tarentum". The form of the first of tliese temples may be considered as a species of the pseudo- dipteral, the distance between the cotunms of the peristyles and the walls of the Cella being sufiicient to admit of anotlicr range of columns. It differs from the pseudo-dipteral of Vitruvius in the number of the columns in the fronts and flanks; having in each of these eighteen, and nine in each front, reckoning those at the angles. Its length, measured upon the upper step, is 17fi .9.0, and its breadth 80 . 6 . 0. The diameter of the columns at the base of the shafts is 4 . 9 ■ 75 ; and their height, including the capitals, 21 . 0 . 0. The shafts diminish from their base to the top, although not in a straight line, like those of the Great Temple, ])ut in a curve, which diverges more rapidly from a vertical line as it recedes from the l^ase. The capitals of the columns differ from those of any temple yet described, both in tlie form of tlie ovolo, and the necking below it. The lower part of the ovolo is ornamented with sculpture, which is not alike in all the capitals : in some it is altogether omitted. The shafts are channeled into twenty flutings, which terminate in a semi-circular form at tlie top. The necking recedes from the face of the shafts, and is enriched with sculpture. Tlie antae of the Pronaos, contrary to the uniform practice of the Greeks, diminish in the same manner as the columns, and are crowned with a projecting capital of a singular form. The form of the monldinsjs which surmounted the epistylium cannot be accurately ascertained: it is however very evident that the iistel and drops, which are always found to accompany the triglyphs of the Grecian zophorus, could never have existed; although we are not to infer, from this circumstance, the total omission of triglyj^hs ; since, in the lesser temple, where the reujains of triglyphs are yet to be seen, the same style of moulding is preserved above the epistylium. The zophorus was originally formed of two vertical layers of stone, the exterior of which, together with the whole of the cornice, has disappeared. 1 KlNL.'s Muliiill. Antiq. Vol, III. This chapter was written long before Dutens' pamphlet, ' On the earhest adoption of the iirch among the Ancients,* liad appeared. This is not a proper place to enter into a refutation of what Dutens advances : it will be sufficient here to state, that among the many examples, quoted by that autlior, of the adoption of the arch in Sicily, there is no one instance in which it is scteiitlfically constructed, excepting in the Odeum of Catania, which is avowedly of a date subsequent to the Augustan age. With regard to the bas-relief of the Syren in the centre stone of the arch at Paestum, which is Dutens' grand cheval de hataille in the state in which it now appears, it would be bold, even in t!ie most experienced antiquary, to venture an opinion as to the style of sculpture which it most resembles. « Liv. xxvii. 10. 3 Ibid. xx. SJ). PAESTUM. 65 The lesser temple is hexastyle-peripteral, having six columns in tlie fronts, and thirteen in the flanks, reckoning those at the angles; and in these respects it agrees with the received idea of a Grecian hexastyle temple. The plan of the interior, so far as can be ascertained from such parts as are now existing, differed however very considerably from that of any Grecian temple known to us. The temple within the peristyle appears to have consisted of an open Vestibule, a Cella, and an Opisthodomus or Sanctuary. Instead of a continuation of the walls of the Cella, ihe Pionaos was a portico, open in the front and sides, and terminated by the transverse wall of the Cella. The foundations of this wall may still be traced, and indicate the entrance to the Cella. It is not possible to ascertain whether the temple had any approach from the west. The columns of the Pronaos are altogether difterent from those of the peristyles ■. the shafts are channeled into twenty-four shallow ilutings, and were placed upon circidar bases projecting only in a small degree. The height of the columns and the form of their capitals cannot be ascertained, since the bases of four, with a small portion of shafts attached to them, alone remain. The lengtJi of the temple, measured upon the upper step, is 107 ■ 9 . 93, and its breadth 47.7.9. The columns are 4.2.9 in diameter at the base of the shaft, and 20.4.95 in height, including the capitals: they are ccpii-dlstant in all the fronts, and their intervals are little more than a diameter. The shafts diminish in a straight line, and terminate against the astragal, below the necking of the columns : they have twenty flutings, whose plan, both at the base and at the top, is the segment of a circle. The capitals are somewhat similar to those of the pseudo-dipteral temple, although their projection is not so great. The upper part of the epistylium is formed by a course of stone, 11.5 inches in depth, the mouldings of which are almost wholly obliterated, through the scaling of the stone. The epistylla over the columns of the angles are jointed diagonally, a mode which does not appear to have ever been practised by the Greeks. The method of placing the triglyphs immediately over the axes of the angular colutnns is peculiar to the Romans, who, with scarcely a single exception, left half a metope at the angles of the zophorus. A Iriglypli, in the centre of the east front, is the only one remaining; all the others have experienced an utter decay ; this is owing to the nature of the stone used in their formation, which is a species of soft tufa. The grooves which were left in the frieze for a partial insertion of the triglyphs, show the manner in wliich they were disposed. The only triglypJi which still retains its original position is of greater width than the groove, so that it lies in part upon the face of the adjoining metopes. 66 PAESTUM. The cornice has no resemblance whatsoever to tlic Grecian Doric ; it is without mutuies : instead of these, pannels are sunl^^ in tiie soffite of the principal member. Between the greater and the smaller temples, the vestiges of three several buildings are distinctly to be perceived. The most easterly was probably an Anipliitheatre ; bat as little more than the general form of it remains, no accurate admeasurements of its extent can be possibly obtained. A little to the west is a confused pile of ruln^, coinposetl of broken entablatures, and other portions of an edifice of the Doric order of architecture. Several metopes and triglyphs are scattered about the ruins: the former are embellislied with sculpture. The whole appears to have been the production of later limes; and the capitals of some Corinthian pilasters, found amongst the ruins, are of very rude workmanship. This building is supposed to have been formerly a Circus. Between the two last-mentioned piles of ruins, a great inequality of the ground is perceptible : this arises from the fallen fragments of some considerable edifice, of wliat description it is impossible to say. The great accumulation of soil precludes the posslbllily of investigation, without the aid of labourers to remove the eartli, which It would be dillicult to procure, on account of the remote situation of the spot. These, with the ruins of the walls of the city, and considerable remains of one of its gates, are all that is left of Ancient Paestnm. A mineralogical description of the stone with which these buildings are constructed is given by Delagardette, who submitted tlie specimens be procured to the inspection of M. Le Sage, Professor of Mineralogy. With this Analysis we shall close our account of Paestnm. " Pjerres ue i.a Muraili.e et des Acqueouos de Paestum. " Depot calcaire mamelone, dun blanc gri^atre forme a la maniere des stalagmites; " on y trouve des impressions des feuilles. Ce depot, de la nature de I'alb&tre, a de la " solidite, quoiqu'ii ait des interstices." " Pierres des Colonnes des Temples. *' Depot calcali'e d un blanc grisatre en partie compose de stalagmites mamelones " ofTre encore des interstices, des pores, et des cilindres creux, dus a la destruction " des substances vegetales. " Une cassure de cette pierre offrc une petite coquille contourn^e en spirale, comme la " corne d' Ammon." PAESTUM. 67 " Entitjit de Stfc Calcaire qui recottvue les Edifices. " Get enduit est forme d'un mortier fait avec line espece de sable tres-fin agglutm6 par la chaux ; mortier sur lecjuel on passe plusieurs couches de chaux eteinte, qu'on polit ensuite par le frottement." PLATE I. GENERAL VIEW OF THE RUINS OF PAESTUM. PLATE II. VIEW OF THE HYPAETHRAL TEMPLE. The town in the back-ground is Cappaccio Nuovo, upon Mount Alburnus. PLATE III. PLAN OF THE TEMPLE. PLATE IV. ELEVATION OF THE FRONT OF THE TEMPLE. PLATE V. SECTION THROUGH THE PRONAOS AND OUTER PORTICOES. PLATE VI. SECTION THROUGH THE CELLA AND OUTER PORTICOES. 68 PAESTUM. PLATE VII. LONGITUDINAL SECTION OF THE TEMPLE. PLATE VIII. ORDER AT LARGE OF THE PORTICO. PLATE IX. CAPITAL OF THE ANTAE, AND THE ENTABLATURE OF THE PRONAOS. PLATE X. ORDER AT LARGE OF THE INNER PERISTYLES. PLATE XL Fig. 1. Profile of [he capiliil of tlic columns. Fig. 2. The annulets at large. Fig. 3. Plan of the flutings. Fig. 4. Profile of the capital of the columns in the upper range. Fig. 5. The annulets of the same at large. PLATE XII. VIEW OF THE PSEUDO-DIPTERAL TEMPLE. PLATE XIII. PLAN OF THE TEMPLE. PAESTUM. 69 PLATE XIV. SECTION THROUGH THE PRONAOS. PLATE XV. ORDER AT LARGE OF THE COLUMNS OF THE PORTICO. Profile of the necking of the columns. Plan of the shaft below the capital, and the different ornaments with which the capitals are enriched. PLATE XVI. Capital of tlie antae of the Pronaos. The contour of the shafts of the columns, shewing the diameters at different heights. PLATE XVII. VIEW OF THE HEXASTYLE TEMPLE. PLATE XVIII. PLAN OF THE TEMPLE. 'nosE parts which are shadowed lighter, are, in a great measure, added from conjecture. Fig. 1. Fig. 2. PLATE XIX. ELEVATION OF THE TEMPLE. i p1 •If 1' APPENDIX. That part of llic Introduction -which relates to Stuart's construction of the dispuled passage in Vitrnvius was already printed, wlieu I hecame acquainted with some particulars which tended to throw considerable light upon the sulyect. Tiicse particulars I obtained from Mr. Gell, who was just returned from his second tour in Greece. The persevering assiduity of this gontleraan led him to undertake a minute investigation of the whole of the Peloponnesus, and particularly those parts of it which are the scenes of important events in the annals of Grecian History. At Olympia, this Traveller's attention was directed, amongst other things, to the site of the famed Temple of Jupiter. Plaving succeeded in his search, he was enabled to obtain, from the few traces of it yet remaining, some admeasurements, which he has obligingly permitted me to apply to my own purposes. These admeasurements are, The width of the Cella; the extent from the antae of the Pronaos to the wall which separated the Cella and the Posticum; the length of the 72 APPENDIX. Poslicum ; and the diameter of one of the angular columns. These, in addition to the general dimensions given by Pausanias, are sufficient to determine that the temple was he.xastyle in the fronts ' ; and, consequently, if Vitruvius did indeed allude to two temples, that this building could not have answered the description of either. The proportions observed in the several parts of the front of the temple appear to have been very nearly the same as those of the Temple of Theseus at Athens : had they been precisely the same, the diameter of tlie angular columns, at the base of tlie shaft, would have been 7 . 2 . 37. Mr. Gell discovered that they were 7.1.0. The proportional interval between the columns at the angles would have been 9.10.6; and between the others, 11.1.6. Had the same intervals been oijserved in the flanks, the length of the temple would have been the aggregate of the following admeasurements: Ten intervals between the columns 1 1 1 . -t . 0 Two ditto at the angles ... * 10.9.2 Thirteen columns 92 . 3 . 0 223 ..1.2 Tlie length of Pausanias, reduced to English feet 231 .5.0 Difference 8.0.8 To account for this difference, we have only to consider that this temple required a greater extent, in order to admit staircases in the transverse walls of the Cella, which the Temple of Theseus wanted. In the Temples of Juno and Concord at Agrigentum, and in the hypaetliral temple at Pacstum, the whole thickness of the walls in which the staircases are placed is nearly equal to one fourtli of the width of the Cella. If, therefore, the thickness of that part of the transverse wall which was next the Cella had been 2.10. 5, half the proportional thickness of the loiigitu