Digitized by the Internet Archive in 2015 https://archive.org/detaiis/manuscriptsofear00grea_2 7"W^n^'- '*>''"\fY' *' . ''■' '•'S ’, r [S'-f„ ;v .If ■r ' =•■ ^.>s-''"-'''''V'7 -.;,tf -r|v?^^->''V^'r^?0;'.;^'^s>'‘’:-i>vA' -v;-, r.?><^.i^^;';^^ -,,i-- ' •' -if .!.■ ■• '- -y.S -.i-i f - f, _ , , -I ,v - v.^ ' .'I vV. 'V ' ■ . V-'- , ' ' V ■ ' ', V . ‘"^ ' - ' ■>.'''' --I Sr . „ ^ ^ , m^V: '^• :flS . ■ ->- : .-£.r :ip^,- HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION. THIRTEENTH REPORT, APPENDIX, PART VII. THE MANUSCRIPTS OF THE EARL OP LONSDALE. PcejSeiitetf to of parltameiit Bg C0inmaittf of Wt LONDON: PRINTED FOR HER MAJESTY’S STATIONERY OFFICE, BY EYRE AND SPOTTISWOODE, PRINTERS TO THE QUEEn’s MOST EXCELLENT MAJESTY. And to be purchased, either directly or through any Bookseller, From EYRE AND SPOTTISWOODE, East Harding Street, Fleet Street, E.C., and 32, Abingdon Street, Westminster, S.W. ; or JOHN MENZIES & Co., 12, Hanover Street, Edinburgh, and 90, West Nile Street, Glasgow ; or HODGES, FIGGIS, & Co., Limited, 104, Grafton Street, Dublin. 1893. [C.~7241.] Price Is. SALE OP GOVERNMENT PUBLICATIONS. Tho ucder-mentioued Firms have been appointed sole Agents for the sale of Goremment Publications, including Parliamentary Eeports and Papers, Acts of Parlia- ment, Record Office Publications, &c., &c., and all such works can be purchased from them cither directly or through retail booksellers, who, under the provisions of the sale agency contracts, are entitled to a discount of 25 per cent, from the selling prices IN ENGLAND For all publications excejpiing Ordnance and Geological Maps, the Hydrographical Works of the Admiralty, and Patent Office Publications : — Messrs. Byre Aun Spottiswoode, East Harding Street, E.O. For Ordnance and Geological Maps : — Mr. E. Stanford, Oockspur Street, S.W. For Hydrographical Works of the Admiralty : — ^Mr. J. D. Potter, 31, Poultry, E.O, Patent Office Publications are sold at the Patent Office. For all Publications excepting the Hydrographical Works of the .Admiralty and Patent Office Publications ; IN SCOTLAND: — Messrs. John Menzies 3d Oo., 12, Hanover Street, Edinburgh, and 90, West Nile Street, Glasgow. IN IRELAND; — Messrs. Hodges, Figgis, & Co., Limited, 104, Grafton Street, Dublin. The following is a list of some of the more important Parliamentary and other publications recently issued : — Parliamentary : Statutes : Public General, Session 1892. With Index, Tables, &c. Cloth. Price 3g. Second Revised Edition, By authority. Yol. I. A.D. 1235-1713. Vol. II. A.D. 1714-1800. Yol. III. A.D. 1801-1814. Yol. IV. A.D. 1814-1830. Yol. V. A.D. 1830-1836. Yol. YL A.D. 1837-1842. Roy. 8vo. Boards. Price 7s. 6d, each Revised Editions. Tables showing subsequent Repeals, effected by Acts of Session 65 & 56 Yict. 1892. Roy. 8vo. 34 pp. Stitched. Price 6d. Statutes in Force. Index to. Twelfth Edition. To the end of the Session 65 & 56 Yict. (1892.) Roy. 8vo. 1,332 pp. Cloth. Price lOa. StoMtory Rules and Orders other than those of a Local, Personal, or Temporary Character. With a List of the more important Statutory Orders of a Local Character arranged in classes ; and an Index. Roy. 8vo. Boards. Issued in the years 1690, 1891, and 1892. Price 10s. each. Statutory Rules and Orders in force on 1st January 1893. Index to. Price 10«. Public, Local, and Private Acts, Session 1893, arc now being published. Labour Commission: — Reports of the Proceedings of the three Committees, classed : Groups “ A,” “ B,” “ C.” Subjects, viz. ; Mining, Iron, Shipbuilding, Railways, Canals, Docks, Agriculture, Clothing, Chemical, Building, and other Trades — are in course of publication. [0. 6990.] Trade Unions. Fifth Report, with Tables, 1891. Price 2s. 4d. [C. 7060 and 7060—1. and ii.. 7086 and 7098.] East Indian Currency Committee. Report, Correspondence, Evidence. &c. Complete, price 3s. 9|d. [C. 7101.] Railway Returns of tub United Kingdom. 1892. Ill pp. Price lid. [0. 7137.] Agricultdral Education. Report on the Distribution of Grants for. 1892-3. 162 pp. Price %\d, [C. 7138.] Potato Disease, 1893. Further Experiments in Checking. Price 6|d. [C. 7142.] Railways, Share and Loan Capital. Report. 42 pp. Price 4|d [C. 7143.] Statistical Abstract (U. K.), 1878 to 1892. Imports, E.vports, &c. Price Is rc. 7172.] Metropolitan Water Supply Commission. Report. 76 pp. Price 7^d. AND BeCHUAN aland. dealing with Price Is. lid Correspondence Price lOd Price l\d 48 pp. Price 6d. [C. 7182 and 7182-1.] Labour Department. Reports on the methods for the Unemployed. [C. 7196.] Mashonaland, Matabeleland, respecting. H.L. Bill No. 281. Employers Liability (as Amended). H.C. Bill No. 274. District or Parish Councils, Bill to constitute. Census, England and Wales, and Scotland and Ireland. 1891. Reports and Popu lation Tables are in course of publication. [0. 6986 and 6986 — i.-xii.] Mines. Reports of Her Majesty’s Inspectors for the Yeai 1892, with Summaries of the Statistical Portion, under the provisions of the Coal Mines (regulation Act, 1887, Metalliferous Mines Regulation Acts, 1872-1876, Slatd Mines (Gunpowder) Act, 18^2, are published in thirteen separate parts. Price 6s. 4d. (complete). HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION. THIRTEENTH REPORT, APPENDIX, PART VII. THE MANUSCRIPTS OP THE EARL OF LONSDALE. tn 0f parXiamcnt fiji <(D0mman0 of LONDON: PRINTED FOR HER MAJESTY’S STATIONERY OFEICE, BY EYRE AND SPOTTISWOODE, PRINTERS TO TRE QUEEN’S MOST EXCELLENT MAJESTY. And to be purchased, either directly or through any Bookseller, from EYRE AND SPOTTISWOODE, East Hardino Street, Fleet Street, E.C., and .32, Abinodon Street, AVestminster, S. W. ; or JOHN MENZTES & Co„ 12, Hanover Street, Edinburgh, and IX), AVest Nile Street, Glasgom' ; or HODGES, FIGGIS, & Co., Limited, 104, Grapton Street, Dublin. [C.— 7241.] Price D. Hr/. INTRODUCTION. Two collections of historical letters and papers belonging to the Earl of Lonsdale are calendared in the following pages. The larger and more important is that preserved in Lowther Castle, in the neighbourhood of which the possessions of the Lowther family have lain from a very early period of English history. In the reign of Edward I. “ Hugo de Louthre, miles,” was sitting in Parliament for the county of Westmorland ; and from that date down to the present the family name appears constantly in the returns of members from that county or from Cumberland. The other collection is in the Castle at White- haven, with which town a branch of the family became connected in the seventeenth century. At Lowther Castle are two manuscript note-books of pro- ceedings in two of the parliaments of Charles I. The first of these extends from 24th April to 12th June 1626, when Charles’s second parliament was hastily dissolved, on its determination not to proceed with the question of subsidy until the charges against tlie Duke of Buckingham, and other grievances, had been properly considered. The greater portion of the notes appear to have been made during the time the debates were going on — the handwriting is therefore some- what cramped, and the meaning of the entries at times rather vague, but a careful transcript of the whole has been made, which will be found a very important addition to the printed Journals of the House of Commons and to the other known sources of our information about parliament at that period. The subjects mainly under discussion during the six or seven weeks that this record was kept were the proceedings of the select committee on the charge against the Duke of Buckingham and the doctors’ evidence before that committee touching the alleged poisoning of King James; the terms of the remonstrance to Charles on his imprisonment of two of the members, and of the re- presentation to be made to him of the abuses which had crept into the government. A comparison of one entry under June 1, 1626, with an entry of the same date in the printed Commons’ Journal, o 69070. Wt. 5262. a 2 IV shows that “ Mr. Lowther ” was the compiler of these notes. There were, however, two members of that name then sitting in the house, John, member for Westmorland, who was knighted a few days after the above date, namely, on June 6th, and Richard, probably a younger brother of John, who was member for Ber- wick. The second note-book is written with greater neatness and regularity, and is probably compiled from memory or from rougher notes made during the debates. It reports some of the proceedings of the parliament succeeding that dissolved in 1626, between 4th June 1628 and its adjournment on 26th June ; and again between its meeting on 20th January 1629 and the 20lh February, when it was adjourned and subsequently dissolved. The petition of right and the bill of tonnage and poundage were among the chief matters debated ; and among the speakers it is interesting to note the names of many members who have not hitherto been chronicled as taking any active or prominent part in establishing the principles of parhamentary government which were then being mooted almost for the first time. The third manuscript volume described in the following Calendar is an account of a little tour through the lowlands of Scotland to Edinburgh made in 1629 by C. Lowther (probably Christopher, afterwards rector of Lowther) and two others, which is not only of much topographical interest, but also gives amusing pictures of the social habits of the people with whom, sometimes by necessity and sometimes by choice, they were brought into contact. Among the districts most fully described is that of Selkirk, the remarks upon the natives of which are not flatter- ing ; in the town the travellers had for their lodging “ a choking, “ smoky chamber, and drunken, unruly company thrust in upon “ us called for wine and ale, and left it on our score.” At Galashiels they stayed with Sir James Pringle, and narrate many curious customs observed at his hospitable table. Under Edinburgh they describe the law courts, and give a plan of the interior of the building, which is reproduced on p. 80 of this volume, and endeavour, perhaps not successfully, to show the manner in which the sittings were conducted and j ustice adminis- tered. Here and there in the journal are notes on the method of bleaching linen, the measures of corn and liquids, and the coinage and dialect of the country. V Among' the miscellaneous seventeenth-century papers are some relating to the proceedings taken against the Quakers in West- morland, and giving the names and abodes of those imprisoned in the gaols of Appleby and Kendal in 1665 ; some letters from Queen’s College, Oxford, showing the classes of students and the nature of the education in vogue there about 1670 ; and letters of Sir Thomas Osborne, afterwards Earl of Danby and Duke of Leeds. To the time of the Devolution belong some curious letters to Sir John Lowther from Carlisle, detailing the manoeuvres by which Sir Christopher Musgrave secured possession of that garrison in December 1688 ; and among the many correspon- dents of the first Yiscount Lonsdale, temp. Will. III., are the king himself. Lords Nottingham, Shrewsbury, and Godolphin, and Sir George Rooke, whose letters, though not of great historical importance, are interesting for their references to the events of much moment then passing. The letters of Bentinck, the first Earl of Portland, which belong to the same period, are more remarkable for the quaint French in which they are written than for any light which they throw on public affairs. Of the reign of Queen Anne are letters to and from Thomas, Lord Wharton, two of which give brief but graphic accounts of de- bates in November, 1705, on the Union with Scotland; others were written at the time of his being Lord Lieutenant of Ireland. In September, 1723, Lord Lonsdale writes a curious narrative to his cousin, James Lowther, of the conduct of the Duke of Wharton and Sir Christopher Musgrave. These personages paid a visit to the Duke’s estate in Swaledale near Richmond, in Yorkshire, and there compelled the country people to drink the Pretender’s health, themselves pulling off their coats and waist- coats and falling upon their knees to do due honour to the toast. The matter was quickly brought to the notice of a neighbouring justice of the peace, but he, whether from sympathy with the sentiments expressed or from fear of such great men, did not care to meddle with the matter. Under the year 1733 will be found a long letter of the Duke of Newcastle upon the state of Europe generally, and in 1745 is a curious minute by the same Duke about George II. ’s treatment of his brother Pelham. Three or four letters about the rebellion in the latter year will also be read with interest, as well as some from Henry Fox, VI when holding office in 1755, 1756, and 1760. In 1757 the active politician John Robinson was at work in Whitehaven and Appleby settling election matters there, and his letters to Sir James Lowther from those places give an amusing picture of the methods adopted to conciliate both the electors and the mob. Illustrating the history of the early years of the reign of George III., we have letters of the Earl and Countess of Bute, Lord North, and George Grenville, one from the Duke of Rut- land in July 1779 requesting Sir James Lowther’s interest on behalf of “ Lord Chatham’s son, Mr. Pitt, a particular friend of mine,” who has declared himself a caudidate for Cambridge University, and one very long letter and two short ones from Lord Rockingham in 1780 on the proposed measures of parlia- mentary reform. In March 1781, the Duke of Rutland writes to congratulate Sir James Lowther on the success of Mr. Pitt’s first appearance in the House of Commons, and Sir Michael le Fleming in an undated letter appears to refer to the same occa- sion when he writes that Mr. Pitt, your member,” was beyond anything he could have had an idea of, and that the whole House was astonished and pleased. There are many interesting though not historically important letters of Pitt to Sir James Lowther, afterwards Earl of Lonsdale, and to his kinsman and successor in the title. Sir William, between 1783 and 1805. The correspondence in December 1788 and January 1789 is much concerned with the severe illness of the King, and includes letters and a memorandum by the Prince of Wales on his pro- posed regency. A letter from Robert Thoroton, in Dublin, gives a glimpse of the state of Ireland in 1796. A long letter from Sir John Beckett, from Leeds, touching the supplies of corn and the cost of living in 1800, compared with previous years, is worthy of special notice. Among Sir William Lowther’s corre- spondents was his old tutor and connexion by marriage. Dr. Thomas Zouch, of Sandal, near Wakefield, a learned divine and author of repute in his day. Tlie Rev. Henry Zouch, an elder brother of Tiiomas, was a correspondent of Horace Walpole, and Walpole’s letters to him are in Lord Lonsdale’s possession ; they are, however, all printed in Cunningham’s edition, with the exception of two of slight importance. Henry, too, was a very active magistrate, and carried on a good vu deal of correspondence on public affairs with persons of more or less prominence. Among the letters written to him were one or two from Wilberforce ; David Barclay, of Ked Lion Square ; Samuel Glasse, of Greenford, Middlesex ; W. Weddell, member for Malton ; Sir Richard Hill, who writes from Harley Street in 1789 ; and Archbishop Markham. These letters, however, have little interest at the present time, and are therefore unnoticed in the following Calendar. To students of the personal and political history of the opening years of this century two bundles of correspondence, entitled “ Correspondence relating to Mr. Pitt’s death ” and “ Negociations with the Grenville party ” respectively, will be of surpassing interest. In dealing with letters of such com- paratively recent date and touching upon topics not without their bearing upon controversies of the present day, it has been thought best to print the large majority of the letters at full length, and to leave each reader to draw his own conclusions from them. The names of Lord Lowther’s correspondents at this time will suffice to show the great value of the views expressed by them on the political crisis of 1806 ; among them are : — the Earl of Essex, Lord Mulgrave, Lord Camden, the Earl of Westmorland, W. Spencer Stanhope, George Canning, George Rose, Charles Long, afterwards Lord Farnborough,Lord Melville (Dundas), and Lord Grenville. Contemporary with this corre- spondence, but found in another bundle, is a remarkable letter of William Wilberforce to Lord Lowther, with which a note from Henry Brougham, then comparatively unknown, is enclosed. In this note Wilberforce is asked whether Lord Lowther would be likely to lend his support to bring Brougham in for Westmor- land, where a vacancy had just occurred. Wilberforce is not at all enthusiastic in the matter, rather the reverse, but the account which he gives of Brougham’s career up to that date is note- worthy. Lord Lowtlier’s reply is very brief and emphatic. This little episode in the life of a remarkable man appears to have been unknown to his biographers. The selections from the correspondence at Lowther Castle conclude with letters of the Hon. Henry Lowther to his father, chiefly when engaged in the Peninsular War. It should not be omitted to mention that there are also a large number of letters of the poet Wordsworth, Vlll which have been recently examined by Prof. W. Knight for the purposes of his new Life of Wordsworth ; no extracts, therefore, are given from them in the Calendar. Among other letters of the present century at Lowther Castle, which, for various reasons, have also been omitted from the present report, are some from Dr. Burney, dated at Chelsea College, between 1806 and 1812 ; from Lady Hester Stanhope, 1805-1808 ; from Watson, Bishop of Llandaff, written between 1803-1811 ; and from the Duke of Wellington, 1827 and later. At Whitehaven Castle are preserved a few letters of Roger Kirkby, who sat in the Long Parliament for Lancaster, to Christopher Lowther in July and August 1611, narrating some of the proceedings in the House ; a remarkable letter of William Penn, from “ Pennsberry,” in 1701, to Sir John Lowther, show- ing the difficulties with which he had to contend in the colony named after him ; a few London news-letters, temp. Queen Anne; and letters of Bishop Nicolson of Carlisle in 1714 and 1715. Sir John Lowther, of Whitehaven, was a Commissioner of the Admiralty from 1689 to 1696, and there is a large collec- tion of Admiralty books and papers relating chiefly to those years. The interest of these is purely official, and hardly any original letters of any kind were found among them. J. J. Cartwright. THE MANUSCRIPTS OF THE EARL OF LONSDALE. L— AT LOWTHER CASTLE. “ The Justice Diet. 1567. 6° die Maij. A howse beiff mutton \eale malt wheat whyn kydds lam wilde ffoule conyes capons chekyns spice rewards gaulv An Estimat of a proportyon for the Assises. First prepar a howse And sume stuffe Carlell with a Barne and horse gresse and fyre yt two fat oxen from Blaikston - - - yt xxiiij^^ fat wethers from L outlier yt xij veale Caines in the markett yt xxiiij^^ bushell malt from Louther yt xxiiij^^ bushel of wheat from Louther yt K Tonne of wyne at Newcastell yt xij kydds at Carlell market - yt xij lames in the Countre yt wylffoule in the Countre yt X dosin Conyes at Wyrkinton yt Capons fat . - yt XX dosin Chekyns in helton ~ yt Spices from Ion don - - - . yt in Rewards for Venison bringing yt house room to Skepp (Shap ?) yt pegs \Endorsed\ “ Rychard lowther being Sherif Anno 9 Elizabeth.” yli vij^^ vjli iijli XX® XX® xP yH yli XX® yli xl® yli xii.” [1626. Notes in Parliament : — a small Ifto Volume.'] 24 April 1626. ‘‘ Select Committee examining divers privately and hearing the house or some disliked Glanville in the chair desired the opinion of the house how to proceed, signifies also new matter not fit to be published to all lest discovery of persons and matter might prejudice the cause. Sir Clement Thockmorton shewed the dislike of the proceeding, privately estranging the members unparalleled. Sir Waiter Earle doth defend it by precedent of Merchant Adven- turers but it was by order. Gave reason enforced against him. Ordered 3 of the Select Committees to take examination of any if sick and to return it in writing and any to be present at Select Committee, to reduce the old matter into form, but they have said it is new matter. Upon the question whether Select Committee may bring in new matter propounded to them concerning the Duke, though neither house directed heads, house divided 60 odd that they may, yet maintained most and better reasons to the contrary for the prejudice that may follow, for so may a Select Committee take what they will, refuse what they will, o 69070. A 2 which only the house should do, and so shall we be guided by a few who prepared may blind our reason, we strangers which debated first and considered at Committee could not be but should be parliamentarily a dangerous plot for a favourite Parliament, now the contrary. Ordered at Select Committee none to interpose in the ordering of the matter, or penning, but all be present at examination at will. Mr. Jefford reports the leave given and notice to the Duke by notes, and said he might send for copies. The Duke took it well ; said after Lords sat he would give answer, which he did and gave all thanks for this favour, since he desired nothing more then to satisfy us. That he gave thanks for the notice, and though it might prevent perhaps our trans- mission to the Lords, which he considered how grievous it was, the Lords would not give leave, but he pressed it not though necessary, because the King’s business and the occasions did so press him, that it might spend time to his prejudice which he himself had rather endure. Knows his hazard to be reported to the Lords, yet will not he while he hath any favour forbear to do the best offices that he can for this house nor he will not hinder the King’s business. Shews his zeal to his country declared upon the dissolution of the treaties, and how hazarded King’s favour in that for to [do] good to his country, and to satisfy this house, howsoever now thought. 1. Duke no author of Recusancy as yet unresolved. 2. Resolved at Committee the Duke cause of loss of Rochelle in not well guarding since treaty dissolved, and not in the house resolved. 3. Plurality of offices in one hand to be affixed on him. Resolved on him as before in the house. 4. That Duke is affixed to the sale of honours to Lord Roberts. 5. King’s revenue to maintain honours instanced in his mother, two brothers, brother in law and niece. Resolved the Duke a cause of bestowing honours of those for whose maintenance King’s revenue exhausted. 6. That Duke cause of ships delivered to French employed against Rochell. Resolved in the house the 10“/. of India Company an undue extortion by Duke. 7. Sale of Judicature, Cinque Ports, Treasurer- ship affixed on him by the question. 8. Intercepting, exhausting, and misemploying of King’s revenue. Chelsea house agreed a cause, and all the other lands put upon Duke also. Doctor Ramsay. There was neither eating, drinking &c. but by consultation ; this they know not, every consultation was set down under their hands ; he knows not who made it, but the general voice was, it was made in the Duke’s Chamber, divers physicians by when it was applied by Hayes, none contradicting, but about an hour after he died ; laid on at 4 of clock to worst side eight, continued till midnight and after he declared his dislike to Gibb and Dishington. It was taken olf because King swooned, the next night he asked Chambers and him what made him so evil last night, they gave natural causes as cold, as height of disease, but he said no, it was that he had from the Duke of Buckingham, but whether he meant the plaster or potion he knew not, but the Duke brought him a potion twice and gave it, at the beginning of his fit, but the third time King refused. An hour or half betwixt the j)Otions and so the third time, then he put it away with his hand. 3 Doctor Moore shewed a bill of the recipe, the symptoms that followed was panting, raving, sounding, uncertain beating of pulse ; he saith the ingredients of the bill were by them subscribed to be good, upon question loco et tempore. Doctor Moore brought the bill after to be subscribed from the Duke, but whether they were in or not we know not, he thinks it was intended they should subscribe it was the same drink, but he knows nothing to induce his intendment, all 'physicians did subscribe alike, the effects were all one of drink or plaster; subscription required Sunday or Monday, but what the reason he was required to subscribe he knows not. Sir William Paddie made the bill of it, he doth not know that the Duke ever caused other physic to be ministered. Doctor Atkins. Few of them acquainted with it before, but they were told after^ but they did not know what was in it, drink nor plaster, before applied ; he was told it was treacle done by Duke’s mother. They did nothing but by general conference entered and written, they directed a plaster but to King’s apothecary. If it was treacle would do no hurt, his fever did grow upon him worse and worse until he died, but he was better before, and they conceived the disease to be declining until that this was offered in the prohibited time, they rather disliked but would say nothing lest might offend Duke and the King. Doth not know that Duke did know the prohibited hours. Chambers and Kamsay and Cragthen. The bill of the ingredients was shewed after by Doctor Moore from Duke and justified in due time and place to be successful, but whether made of those particulars he knows not, the subscription was only of the Duke, they think this drink not good in this time. Doctor Moore not sworn physician to his knowledge nor told him that he made it, he knows not the effects, he was dry at his 5 his humours in good temper. [April 25.] Sir Benjamin Budyard moves subsidies lessened in the gentry not in nobility nor clergy, yet brought to half, whereas other men’s lands are higher rented than of old ; therefore desires to improve the old wages, for a gentleman at 201. ennobled 300/. therefore desires by Exchequer rolls to be augmented, and to maintain ports at country charge, and ships, therefore desires we so proceed as to make the Parliament his favourite to exceed 4s. the pound. Sir George Moore agrees, dislikes adding above 4.9. ; compares kingdom to a common pasture, care it be not overcharged, sellers makes fall buyers will not rise. W andesford desires a great committee as parliamentarily to proceed upon. Littleton in the chair. Vice Chamberlain, none to move unnecessaries nor long orations, wherein interlocution must avoid contention, accounts his message. When we proposed supply all our debate truly reported. King satisfied, expected we think of necessities in time, and preparation of aid, now how to amend it first in number, then in weight. Stroude junior. The King’s necessity though put on us, we did not agree to the 50“V. a month abroad, wherefore we did not bring it. Clark speaks for dejected subjects, grievances sowed only in the ear, not redressed. Habeas Corpus stoppeth execution, precedency, extortion in Courts, crime, fees extraordinary in probate, citation for fees. Exchequer fees advanced 1/. in 2s. from 6®. 8L to 18f 6®. 8*^. pre- scribe in 30 years so may it therefore. Offices in all Courts Westminster alike ; sheriffs sell their offices, now applies as in a field to long for the day, those drones he would cast out the Commonwealth the home he cites the hedgehog. A 2 4 Maj not subsidies and grievances go on as well as subsidies and privy seals ; now to give no more, but engage at next sessions, and so from sessions to sessions while war continues. Sir Nicholas Saunders would not have subsidy, lest it be an annual revenue, besides cannot be maintained in this Court ; therefore proposeth a help not new, honourable and profitable to King and pleasure to subject : wards and purveyance to be taken at contract, which King James gave way to, this provides for future — agreed to be 200“/. by year. Browne. No more Subsidies, but to augment them ; those under 61. to stand ; above doubled ; wards &c. good if feasible, so resumption. Martins. Maturity of counsels, and means good, but both spend time, which lost they will, not redeem, and though country’s wants opposed to King’s he thinks now [countable] ; looks upon building porticoes apparell &c. tells the tale of the geese roasted by sticks — proposeth 2 s[ubsidies] 2 fifteenths. Crew agreed supply, move a Committee of 12. Sir Richard [Grovenor]. Give: not endanger Commissioners as 12 H. 7. and H. 4., times when the gift so great. Diggs. Country poor ; avIio otherwise say fit to be cast out of Court, if add more subsidies they will spare themselves : desires to advance the higher sort. Kirton would not pay the dishonoured money : the rest to be con- sidered of. Chancellor Exchequer. If King not satisfied in 5 days must go to new counsels, now time to resolve actions though after council in power before — if time would suffer, to increase proportion of subsidies were good ; though no success ; no cause to deny payment. He recites parti- cular charge fleet will take, all this [granted]. Presseth resolves of right understanding ; King and people cannot be unless his holy anchor be taken hold of, therefore desires first to resolve to give, next how, and, what presently. Wandesford. To resolve to give, tomorrow what to give. Glanvile dare not blame counsels ; desires to know from us how to ground them. If burden be greater than that the kingdom can bear will be amiss, there- fore would not have us talk of poverty to encourage enemy. Desires to resolve to give, after consider what. Sir E. Spencer hath a motion, but desires all to be brought in, to take the best. Resolved to augment and enlarge the gift already intended to the King. Doctor Betwin a sworn physician attended much. There was as he heard plasters and potions ministered, without assent as King told him, a julep given and a plaster to his stomach ; order given for their medicines by one consent for most part, not for this. He heard it acknowledged that Duke told King he had used such plaster and it had done him good. He had a note given after of the ingredients, and he saw it, but knows not what was in it. Before the plaster given the disease somewhat de- clined : he came to him three or four days ere he died. The note w'as sent to them after King’s death that day or next to know whether the plaster or julep did hurt ; it was sent in a note Doctor Atkins hath, but Sir William Paddie or Doctor Moore hath it, they conjectured by smell of plaster it was like the note. Doctor Moore joined in advice before the plaster, and was most part there, they saw the King talk with him, and wished them to advise with him, and approved their opinions to agree often. Woolfe hath the note to which the hands are, who made them he knows not, he found his fever more, and yet no symptoms but before a 5 stopping of his breath by other causes ; the fever increased, he smelt it, it was of treacle as the note shewed, he saw no inconvenience in the plaster. Doctor Chambers a sworn physician said there was a plaster when they were to purge, which they desired to be taken away when they purged about the fifth fit; it was above a fortnight ere he died. He heard no effect of it, but murmured because they consented not, but he was little worse, we directed a plaster before. The} heard this plaster given divers ; Warwick, Carie, Duke, and had done good before ; that Hayes the King’s surgeon applied it, as thinks, but he took it away. He was well the Saturday when he left, and on Monday ready to go abroad ; to have fit that night, not well on Tuesday when he returned nor ever after : and Harvey, that night with King, told him the King worse that night, and if had like could not scape ; the plaster he had was apj)lied in cold fit, taken away in hot. The night after Ramsey and he watched in the violence of it ; King said he was far worse. He comforted him, and said he abhorred hot drink, yea a toast in it, though they prescribed it: they gave me warm drink that makes me burn and roast so, and would have given more : but he was cold. The drink prescribed was but a posset, but he said that whatever was said was written down and brought to the Council in the morning.; The drink the Duke gave was a posset with gillyflower he drank off, resolved, a hot drink after cold, and to refrain, but not burned. He ■would say. Will you murder me and slay me? What advised was under- hand. Asked of the paper to certify, he was uncertain. [Dr. Harvey.] A plaster applied to his side, thinks twice, first his fit worse, secondly done in the afternoon at the beginning his fit, the King desired it; commended by Duke as good for him, and Earl of Warwick his opinion asked before done ; he gave no opinion because ingredients not known. He gave way to it, thinking it easy, and could do no harm ; he thought it not against his opinion nor consultation, and King desired it, it being external, to work while he by ; and it was hot, and at his hot fit they took it off. Lister present at the laying it on. The posset drink the Duke prepared ; the King called for it, drank once or twice ; because it was commended King desired it; because the medicine Duke and Warwick had used it. King determined to take it. He knows no advice of doctors to take it. Sunday ; King heavy, he got him to rise; said better, but found heaviness at his heart on Monday, as in other fits, and he feared that fit would be worse because had less fit before, which he told physicians, his disease not mending when that done. He first that spoke of King’s demise before that fit twice, and he was in fit before next consultation. Lister, Moore came ; he thinks Atkins. Lister opposed the posset thinking King called for drink ; the night before the ague in his opinion still increased : on Saturday at confer- ence the physicians thought not the King was mending. The day the King died upon, knows Sir William Raddie brought the note : and it was approved and might be used : generally they disliked a plaster, but not this. They said the plaster was a secret, of a man of Essex ; Hayes laid it on. King liked it as approved and experimented it, and King took divers things ivhether they would [or] not, undervaluing physicians. He commended the posset. Doctor Lister heard and saw a plaster applied ; thinks it was of Limith- ridate (?) as said he smelt it and it seemed so ; he was on Sunday with the King. Contrary to Harvie he was not present when applied, nor advised not in it: for the diet they advised [?moncorn]. King was loth to have plaster off*; though at hot they disliked it, at cold good. He pre- 6 sent at posset giving ; who gave it he knows not, and he tasted of it after. Came with plaster, resolution was but restraint, if* could do it well, but he wished him forbear, yet took it, and thought it could do no harm, for he observed the gilly-flowers in the taste of another pot, part of it wherein it came. Harvie there ; Moore joined in consultation sub- scribed it, let bloo4 in known vein, and the fit more moderate but no declin- ation ; he did wait till he died. Subscribed Doctor Paddie’s note ; said he came from King or Lord Duke or both ; he never heard King dislike it.- Levestone heard of it, but not present at plaster ; never heard King speak of it nor the drink, one fit better after the plaster. Hayes, sworn surgeon. Plaster applied twice or thrice last Monday ; he at doiug of it, Lord Duke’s folks brought it in. Second time he put it on by King’s command to make the plaster out of the box. Baker brought it up and tasted it when he gave' it me,, he put it on leather one to stomach twice. He told physicians of it some stood by 4 the clock afternoon and one always there : that night he went to bed till almost day, but lie thinks he was at taking of it off, he heard the Duke not persuade him but told it had done such good, no physician disliked, it was left to the room keepers to dispose of, he knew it laid on before, some doctors not content with it, yet he did it by King’s direction. Arundel heard it ’called for and all present ; Duke went to London and physicians directed ; he examined posset he saw made in Duke’s Chamber. Baker one as he thinks perhaps he errs in that, Baker a barber, many about it, who brought it up he knew not ; he saw the King drink of it he helped to mix it with gillyflower, he thinks not one in the Chamber but did taste of it, he a great deal often. Syrup came with the box whether in bowl or tankard the posset was he knows not, trorgill or mithridate predominate in plaster, he neither said nor thought that doranis was in it. Sir Edward Payton of toad’s flesh, he said of frogs. Doctor Moore no sworn physician came Thursday seven night to King before he died, he was there every day, he was at all consultations after he came save one ; he set his hand to them, agreed or parted. Apothecary Woolfe hath resolutions, no plaster directed by the physicians. A plaster applied not spoke of by the physicians that he knew. Warwick commended us Duke he saw^ it taken off. Harvie saw it applied but not knowing the contents he said he to blame. Crag and Harvie all day there taken off about 8 o’clock when cold fit left, lest with sweat fell off, whether Warwick and Duke commended it or not he knows not, a letter was written to the maker who wufit it was London treacle and juice of citrons all joined to have the letter written. Hayes said it was plain posset drink with hartshorn in it, because Crag and Grib had spoke it did hurt, a note was made at Sir William Paddies instance what it was, not hurt- ful resolved ; after Heeding fit left but no declination of disease and ever after had a fever. Buying offices Monday Exchequer Chamber. Lord Morley’s Bill Saturday first in turn. To account upon oath on Monday. [April 26.] Wednesday how to augment supply. Wilde cites the manner of tastes 8, 9th lOih habit seised his land H. 3 merchant noble. Desires knight’s service into socage. Sir Gl. Moore : multitude of Commissioners, tenders subsidy. Justice of Peace 20/. desires to add subsidy. 7 Sir John Savile at breach of treaties engaged all to do it and thinketh breach with Spain best peace being to this Kingdom. Other relief than subsidy. King must hold if we go on else we cannot undertake war, sell King’s revenue he will go on, else lack endanger us ; 3,000h men no sent to bear subsidy but a million from 4^ to 8 he dislikes, remembers 2 subsidies first protested never to be precedented, yet precedented next Parliament, by him said no, if offer for \vords been accepted better to crown by 3 millions or this Baronet’s arrears to pay to King to be 66^ 13^ 4^. [ ] 100/. knight father dead not in field 30/., justice 20/., he being 30^ offers 15^ at first subsidy. Sir William Bulstrode confident England send fleet to make Spain smite ; dislike Spanish hearts in Englisli bodies. Eecusants forfeits King’s own and one subsidy more. Hobie : Act of Parliament of subsidy powerful enough in fining [pro- testers] and choosing them ; would take away certificates. Landlord pay highest subsidy laid of any land since Queen Elizabeth’s time. Compares to Fleet Street Conduit if stopped to go to spring head and so come down not make a new well ; this done adds a subsidy. Carvell : to give out of usury practised by King, King extorted fees, sold office and Church livings, if a part of lawful penalty, acquitting the payers and punishing receivers only to produce it. Carrington rejects this as too long, indeed impossible. Smyth moves enhancement, double recusants. Sir Edward Sands : necessary and difficult. King to others we to him engaged moves order we fly at all ; first to amplify this — 2, addition ; 3, all projects ; desires to sell on first for order, statute mentioneth utmost value, to increase it adds not to King for we cannot exceed utmost, not to enhance it to Queen Elizabeth’s time, not now so alter. Building apparel furniture and signs of wealth. Causes of poverty, impositions add to poverty, we could do more for 5 than now for 7 by that means w'hen Queen Elizabeth’s subsidies number increased diminished in value fifteen and subsidy were 150“^, last un 1622 - 1601 Earl Norris r 8001 ■\ 1636 12001 - - 4000' 9951 - - I860' 98501 - - 1000 6000001 - - 1906' for navy - - 476 20"'i - 3284 pensions 2“i - 30000' Ireland 7“i - per annum - - 2500 Middlesex got by kindred marriage 120“/. To Sir E. Villars 3,000/. Pertock a pension of 1,000/. by year. 14. King James his physic ministered presumptuously and the parti- cular supposition of the 2 witnesses recited. Epilogue ; Duke to be put to answer and according to law and justice to proceed. To meet afternoon at the committee and to vote all as well committed as these alluded. Monday 7 [s/c 8 ?] May. Vice Chamberlain reports King’s answer. That King content that we consider his revenue; desires committee not great lest his weakness be discovered, his officers shall attend. Desires we to set down heads and acquaint him with, and King will assent both to rectify and to augment King’s revenue as we desire. For license of ordinance transporting King his father granted it, that Lords of Council did think it no error to transport by license thinking it a popular error. King desires us to have reasons that moved Lords ; to do then what we will. Desires Committee to send for proofs to give information. Desires Committee for estate to be limited. For the speedy redress of the evils the kingdom suffereth and for the King’s honour the commons prefer this bill of titles and accuse the Duke. By protest saving reply, further proof, new accusation, desires law and justice. 2 H. 6. Sir John Mortimer. 17 E. 4. Accusation before Lords against Duke of Clarence, Lords did not commit but Commons came up and requested it and he was committed to Tower. Vice Chamberlain : they have used precipitation and we shall spend more time about it, then we have to go to conference, where we want example, must care what we leave to posterity, his saying after [learned?] in precedents. He speaks lest Republic consisting of King, Peers, Commons be disturbed. King gave liberty with regret, we to proceed but on what Defore us. 19 Shall we oppose him whom King hath thus declared his affection, if not forborne at King’s request yet go not too far. If Lords will not, how can we mend it, consider lest offends Lords. Temps E. 3. Baron [Grraystock] Captain of Berwick left it to Lieu' tenant ; he adjudged to death because taken though Lieutenant died in place. 11. R. 2. R. Weston not dying in the castle hanged and drawn. St. Peter stayed against common Law and the marine law. Biggs in his preamble compared commons to earth the centre, judges to air that counsel them in their laboui-s. Lords to planets, King to sun, Duke to a prodigious comet drawn out of the dross of the earth even above the planets as one said to be into the chair of Cassiopoeia which prognosticates the ruin of commonwealth ; said the many evils we suffered in the large circumference by many signs drawn from one point, the Duke. Resolved Wednesday 8 o’clock to proceed with the other half of Duke’s charge to committee of Lords. Mr. Koy to the question of Duke’s commitment to be desired at Lords upon notice of the commitment with the Lords, ours charging him but as misdemeanours. 2. H. 6= Sir John Mortimer committed for treason to H. 5. broke prison, made it high treason by commission indicted at York Castle, sent into Chancery, delivered in Parliament by Chancellor by King’s command brought to Lords’ bar by lieutenant of Tower. Indictment read before all Lords and Commons, he confessed. Commons prayed judgement, he hanged drawn and quartered set up, not committed at Commons request for there before. Hear Digby as we hear articles. Now whether Commons thrust in or called in office. Informed Digby gives articles ; another saith, it is treason ; this is no ground for us. Upon once reading we not fit to pray commitment for treason for we forejudge Lords. If we pray Lords to be acquainted with it then if they give leave we may examine and proceed as the cause requireth. Browne thinks on his carriage slighting therefore “ dicere causam in vinculis,” but not until his charge be given. Wandesford: we came with jealousy that things would prove as now, gathered at Oxford where Parliament was rent in pieces he being named, though we offered to supply. All causes meet like a centre upon him ; he wonders at his confidence not his innocence, therefore we to require commitment, slight Noy’s •precedent, thinks the things we charged fit be in other names. King committed Somerset for felony. If want a precedent to make this a precedent. Treason alleged, one part proved, thinks we may justify it to the Lords, and then to leave it to God. Chancellor Duchy fears new precedents lest end not in ourselves, if we do new. King new, Lords new, a sharp spirit hurts his cause desires moderation ; we cannot require it but by taxing Lords, God [grant] our posterity curse not us as ancestors did passionately ; suppose treason put against 12 of us should we presently commit our members. Fulgoone ; we sit here to make precedents, his yestei’day carriage fit for commitment. B 2 20 Corriton takes hold of 12 of us, this the cfy of the whole land, thinks words to be added to the charge to require. Sir G. Moore fears not new precedents for reason did guide the first, thinks j ustice will not allow us to commit before we examine the cause as in all cases, therefore moves stay. 5. R. 2. Complaint not treason, confessor sequestered from Court, but at 4 feasts. 11. R. 2. M. De la Porte got crown lands without consideration ; he answered. Commons replied, committed before judgment to constable, after bailed. 21. R. 2. Canterbury accused of treason for executing articles, com- mitment desired. Lords advised. 1. R. 2. Sir John Farrar for giving ports and forts to French, though committed cleared, yet re-committed To propose reasons to Lords whether commit or no. Chancellor Exchequer : this request of commitment is a prejudice which ought not to be but upon certain knowledge with full authority, doubts if do. We cannot believe* him guilty yet which is the first judgment, for he liath yet a right to his fame, therefore no certain punishment upon un- certain crime, late no such precedents, last if authority either of the cause or person. Digby’s copy is but a relation, if we proceed offered the cause, there- fore to leave it to Lords. Long heard Speaker sa}^ it was felony if one give physic and the other die being no physician. Littleton: nothing with us to commit for but misdemeanours, so all judges opinion 28 H. b. Duke Suffolk. For things depending before Lords we may move the Lords parliamentarily. Upon accusation of treason we may pray commitment howsoever it be, so here. This sticks with him ; here is no [appeal ?] therefore cannot but go conditionally. Fanshaw 1 Hen. 4. no appeal for treason, shall be preferred in Parlia- ment, in time to King. Selden : for our own accusations we may, for the other charge we ought. 29 Hen. 6. in like presentment as we. Duke accused for conspiring with Gondomar to carry Duke [ 5 ^c : ? Prince] to Spain to be converted in religion ; this a persuading King’s Subject to treason, this is treason, by 23 Elizabeth, 30 less to bring from Rome excommunication so 12 Rich. 2. adjudged in Parliament, because one procured King to write to Pope to make Ireland a kingdom, as derogatory from King. Notice sufficient if hear but of it, but now it is a record there we may take notice of it. They perhaps have reason not to do it on proof, we none. 2 Hen. 6., 17 Ed. 4. we desired judgment upon their record, because we affirmed indictment true supposed then we may and did then examine it. We have sent to call for their Lords absent. 11 Rich. 2., 17 Ed. 4. whole house j)rayed judge upon Duke of Clarence. For 1 Hen. 4. wlujther accusation there properly by appeal in Parlia- ment. H ow api)eals cx])anded knows not, but 7 Hen. 4, many rolls of accu- sation there: so 17 Ed. 4. but that an Act of Parliament, all present. 21 Vico Chamberlain sees neither precedent nor reason to guide him, precedents on both sides, to do what just and equity ; no accusation in Lords’ House, this against Duke but a recrimination be it either if he , committed evil consequence. Lord Conway desired to be committed by Bristoe, refused by Lords, the times noted, precedents full of faction and destruction. Philip Comraines said when God left English and fell upon themselves lost all in France. Duke’s carriage aggravates instead of compassion, let us not be carried into an evil course. 1 James. Sir H. Neville, no gallery then but as good reverence, pre- sented 10 points, 1 of treason, for as it stood no man knew when he was safe, desired it to be no longer. Committed ac? we cannot do un- heard and custodian needs not, he will not fly. Fortescue remembers thing 1 James, Sir Francis Goodwin returned knight, a competition all business stayed till that King desired to let them both alone, Goodwin and so done. Diggs : if these might not trouble us he wished he in the upper world. He thinks commitment necessary ; appeals of Committee outed for parting; not so in accusation, we not so but on our own grounds we may go on. Dudley Diggs thinks him dishonoured by his confession of Cinque Ports and casting first stone he wondered, therefore cause, thought men would make him see his fault; he was struck at his presence, too much countenancing to see and hear his accusation but Middlesex, St. Albans, Norwich, all not like him though he not discouraged ; he thinks it fit to be done, it is upon record not answered, therefore desires to decline ; tliis no recrimination attorney accuseth Bristoe, no precedent prejudicial he remembers Chancellor Duchy neglect precedent now to use precedent of power vrhen never like precedent of power. Then not to fear confronting. Resolved on Tuesday we sitting until three of clock that we go with a request to Lords for Duke his commitment and a committee to prepare the manner. The house divided upon the question, 226 for commitment, 125 no, when ayes gone out noes would yield they to have honour in it, would not take it, the house within would also go out ; the greater number op- posed and did make a terrible contestation offering &c. and fearful to see what a great number opposed will not do, the lesser number glad to yield to what desired though Privy Council there said the greater number might fine and imprison less. [May 11,] Thursday. Gyles the person sent for at Balan’s suit for his scandalous life, and his doctrine and notes in the margin of the Book of the Synod of Dort scaring our writers, esteeming most fables and lies. The Commons taking into their serious consideration the manifold and apparent mischiefs and inconveniences under which this renowned kingdom suftereth, threatening danger to it, have by search of causes found that they do principally flow by the abusive carriage of the Duke of Buckingham, whereof he hath been now impeached by us before you, besides an accusation by a Peer before you of treason as we hear ; there- fore they with one voice declare, holding it dangerous for present and future that a man of his eminence so accused should hold such strength and sit as Peer to know the counsels ; wherefore thought it duty as by law and reason to commend their unanimous consent, as to desire that they will commit the Duke his person to safe keeping. 22 Lords returned answer by Nathaniel Rich who carried up the message that they would return answer by their own messengers and consider of it in due time. Then were Sir Dudley Diggs who made the prelogueor preamble, and Sir John Eliott who made the epilogue, sent for by two messengers; the servant told them That two messengers were come for them privately, and they did go out and were carried to tlie Tower, supposed for their presumptuous carriage or aggravation and amplification of things &c. All at silence till restored safe, they cleared by protestation. [May 12.] Vice Chamberlain when we in silence desires to continue it till done, notes Pirn to have moved well to proceed wisely to stay the cry of rising, he riseth to speak' to waken the silence, he thinks it time to get off the rock we fallen upon. Tells his story ; he at sea out of way fell on divers sands ; at length stuck ; all amaze, one ’stood up to see which way we came on, by the compass went same way back. He now a passenger not the pilot desires to look how we came on, and so to go off we had like [tortoises ?] before, never stuck until now ; desires some to think how we came on, in missing our course, former Parliaments have done it and rectified themselves, if he fell on particulars desires the house not to apply it to the house. Found in former Parliaments the silencer parrot the wisest so it be not in opinionality as now ; we came on to the rock by an order to give them leave to enforce their matter at the conference, proved a meeting, bat Avhat did enforce matter we bound to maintain by six ; the matter went within compass except a slip but for preface and conclusion against a man ; he saying he yet rectus in curia cried no ; by many offered to stay if we weary ; if not rectus not condemned : they called him still “ this man, this man ” prologue and epilogue still touched on him “ this man, this man.” Sir F. Bacon used to introduce his matter by poetry and history a man most elegant though likened to a meteor, yet was . . over King, every one bound to find causes of evils and remedies, evil they tal^en away he hears for scandal in words taken by King touching the point of King’s death as though it were hastened prologue said by [means used] ; he would therein forbear to speak further, in regard of the King’s honour that is now living. King’s reason to be sensible, for strangers in Court believe it was said ; this depends of true or false information. Epilogue ; he heard never the like in Parliament but when a criminal at law for treason, speaks not out of offence given him by his sharp speech, for he had patience. He grieved to hear him dishonour himself ; dishonour himself and the cause as he protested, this not in his charge, but he went against the sense of the house, a point he studied much, made it his child. As the ship St. Peter went to Rochell they say restored but I know it not, he said it by obedience; he was informed in house and private, what needed he such voluntary ignorance to enforce in the plaster as though aliquid latet quod non patet, left evil, believe this not directed, but the house declared that there was no evil intent. Observes many other points but will not be an advocate against him ; his own pleading too much doth reflect upon him. The evil and the cause ; now to remedy. All lives fortunes and honours here embarked, if any do to endanger shif) though a cockboat call him off, we danger of tempest from abroad, need therefore to care to save it, 23 without alteration, he hath heard new counsels (meaning from King) brought hither. Knows not whither it may reach, but while we do worthily will not ; all other monarchies changed hy new counsels, the medium betwixt prerogative and tumultuary licence, this way to preserve it. TVe here in happiness look like men, in other nations like ghosts hi canvas and wood. Showed, ichat he said, how sent out in their language, given to Ambassador. This speech exceedingly disliked though I see not the cause somebody much to blame for it. We began in this business in a great committee, now in great extremity ; therefore desires a great committee to consider and to reason pro and con. Sir Benjamin Kudyard conscious we doubtful King he heard one word spoken, would no more. Kirton thinks Vice Chamberlain’s word subject to as great interpreta- tion : they imprisoned with them ; desires he may set down their charge, that we at committee to consider whether the house did authorize them. Committee commends their learning and knowledge and beliefs. N. Kick thinks we should shew no opinion ; glad to hear it is no worse from him ; far from us to justify what not in charge. Ko man liere but grieves to see our liberty suffer as now in high measure as ever in men’s memory. First therefore to desire solely to procure for our liberty, then to have a grand committee to do it. Sir Edward Spencer : such words aid no plots ; if those words were said by Vice Chamberlain that the King if he should not be sensible of something he were not worthy of his crov/n he desired to explain. He explaineth he delivered nothing by command ; he told what he conceived cause, because he did name no man, the King said if he should not be sensible of his father’s death he were not worthy of his crown, for so the King said. Bouse approveth the interpretation. Besolved by question to proceed in no other business until righted in our liberties. Besolved by question to have great committee to consider how to do it. Moved to have key up at committee. Chancellor Exchequer moves against that, as a fundamental law of house, though once done at this Parliament, Ordered to have the key, because when it is disliked many great persons draw with their money (?). Wandesford; glad too to see how advisedly we proceed; hath heard a member taken out of Parliament ; two, for they know not what, never heard. Boot of all misinformation if we look back : easy to see cause, desires remonstrance ; desires to move King to write that Duke the misinformer and to have our liberties home. Sir John Saville served in 3 Princes times ; he committed out of the house 3 weeks, heard nothing ; he asked of Lords why served not for the delay. He asked the cause ; sent back to go to Queen. Lord Knevet moved for him as now to have a petition to Queen to know cause ; house answered would not conclude privilege broken, house petitioned to know the cause; delivered, no cause assigned. Wisheth a mannerly remonstrance to ground nothing of Vice Chamberlain. Sir Thomas Hoby ; hear that said he was committed by council before Parliament sat, but he will in modesty conceal the cause. 24 Finds the whole sense of the house grieved ; if for offence at conference we or Lords should have taken it and called answer, hut sent for without cause known unprecedented but to find no cause. Long : 2 Hen. 4. Commons shewed no person committed but for treason and felony, and [assented] and that in King’s presence, he thinks Duke always cause. Hears they their papers and lodgings ransacked : he in his opinion condemned, hopes none so impudent as to testify otherwise than here : desires all to be restored. Sir John Savile was taken upon the door of the house 10 days after Parliament began. Noy if committed for things foreign we satisfied if by our command to justify, if exceed to condemn. If we charge Duke if untrue dishonour to us. Likes no precedents until cause known ; reason the best precedent. Sir Richard Hutton. Newberie : King to give acoount to God, not to us, and cause, if preroga- tive and laws clash ruin of kingdom : laws here violated ; desires to have restitution and to punish them, else we all to go by them, since they by our command. Remonstrance ordered to be made by question for the imprisonment of 2 members, and to show how good purposes and proceeding we had and how interrupted, and how we intend to proceed to his honour. [May 13.] Saturday, Sir B. Rudyard : King’s honour to be most dear to us vre therefore shunned aspersion of King’s Government, much less his honour, fame will by growing spread such reports all over. Quod recipitur est secundum modum recipientis. We to bring to punishment him that spake it or him that poisoned it, now we all engaged in it. Vice Chamberlain desires to engage ourselves with judgment and discretion ; he finds modum recipientis spoken here carried with contrary instruction ; not one man informed King of this but four or five, which King yesterday informed him of again, if they were mistaken he thinks more might be, he doth think they were mistaken. Desires to fall on the information, because a tickle point ; lets know for loss of time now spent, that as yesterday broke silence, and yesterday satisfied what was spoken ; asked his authority for speech had but truth at supper he asked King cause of offence at D. Diggs in particular, he desired to put it in writing ; King said no, it was the sense of divers, he said to King how tender we, that he not worthy to live that spoke them or commended : King said house did take it right, thinks house commended not, he took like course therefore as his predecessor did in like case. Thought D. D[igges] used it as a paraphrase of the text far from the text and so this he said by explanation. Kirton : he hath well acquitted himself before we took him for the author ; if they did it by our command, we guilty, to desire King to have agents punished, for thinks it treason in highest degree to set this division ’twixt King and people. Sir Nathaniel Rich thinks him as a traitor that doth not endea- vour to vindicate honour of King and kingdom which this prodigious traitor hath raised : shall neither Commons nor Lords take notice, and yet it came to King, therefore to .... he spoke not to say this nor to this effect, nor so commanded by us, nor we had it not. Littleton stood by and on his life said no such thing, and spoke to King’s noriour, said my Lords the Commons commended that in all 25 they have not found anything that reflected on King’y honour that dead is, or is now. Sir F. Steward, who ever informed are traitors in heart, which he will prove. Resolved by question that every one shall protest before God that he never counselled that D.. Diggs should. 2. That he heard him not speak these words. 3. That he believeth not that he spoke them. 4. That he did not affirm he spoke the words or to that effect. This was done and who sick gone unto, and so the house having cleared itself and the members of those speeches by Sir D. Diggs, notice was taken of it at Court by the King and Council and Sir D. Diggs sent out of the Tower without any petition, and came into the house the next day being Tuesday ; there gave thanks to the house, shewed the King’s grace to him, and his content ; desired to proceed and petition for Eliot which he thought would do, and then the Chancellor of Exchequer delivered a message from King how King satisfied was cleared, loth to infringe privileges, yet Eliot detained for matters extrajudicial also. That word after desired to be explained, but nothing done nor agreed to be done until privileges righted. 15. May. Heads for Conference. How head of impeachment of Duke’s speeches delivered. 2. How D. Diggs committed for words supposed spoke there by command. 3. How informed bj D. Carleton by leave from the King that the words were proved. 4. That King informed by 4 or 5 concerned a malicious and wilful misinformation. Reasons. 1 . For that he had contrary order. 2. For that the words were contrary. 3. If spoken should be observed by Lords and us ; if it should ; so this misinformation reflected on King as aspersion; the which we grieve to hear, abhor to think. To show liow breaks privilege by commitment ; discouragement makes division TwixtKing, noble and commons. If this not discovered, occasioneth the like colour of truth also : show how we cleared, that if the Lords would have apprehended and controlled to remember West, or 2 Rich. 2. 303. 2. Rich. 2. veil. Philip and Mary of those that raise sedition ’twixt Lords and Commons and the punishment. To have punishment inflicted according to justice and their demerits. How course may be taken by both houses for the discovery and punish- ment. D. Diggs dare not speak against, where goes further then him ; imprisoned was disgrace, now grace new, desires all to be left out concerning him, Recommitted to comprehend Eliot. Vice Chancellor expoundeth the extrajudicial to be high crimes committed against the King out of this house, so commanded to declare ; desires to proceed with the business of the house which was the King’s message. Kirton : if we not satisfied in what, who can speak safe. Sir Robert Harley : question whether we may proceed, a member thus taken . Corrington ; question also whether fit. 26 Sir Peter Heyman : to be informed if felony treason or peace, else we judges and to hear it. Sir William Spencer : to take liberties in consideration else by such a colour may every man be taken and this made no house. [Streignish, Strangeways ?] moveth we to clear him of things done in the house and for the house. Nathaniel Rich ; not to clear him until accused, for he is not charged as Diggs, for he may [be] committed in Parliament time but such cause should be made known, else may concern all, to desire to know the cause. Wandesford ; just to be cleared of what he did by the command of the house, then petition for cause. Vice Chamberlain : the evil construction abroad of what he said to break silence made him silent since. Rather judge than subject him to reprehension ; concurs to clear him in all he did by command ; but if he did exceed, the last day he did say somewhat not with sense but against it, and so he thinks he did ; and when desired he will do it, there were points he present when King took exception, and fit to remonstrate, to crave cause, wherein King denieth him no absolutely. Times such now as a man may offend tender ears, thinks this business fit but not all the business, else we may be irremediable, desires to leave land as liberty to posterity. Temps Queen Elizabeth members taken yet privileges continue. Sir Antonie Cope, Sir H. Bromley, Sir John Savile yet house proceeded. 35 Elizabeth Attorney Woods, Morris, Sir Edward Hoby, Beal Clerk of Parliament all committed yet proceeded, and all ended happily, not petitioned ; he desires to petition and also to proceed. 4 Hen. 8. Richard Strode occasion of law against all proceeding against Parliament men. Therefore to prevent precedents now and avoid past. Sir Hoby : not time to clear before accused, answers precedents, not for public speech in house, so as house would not petition for them ; not so now. Parry was hanged drawn and quartered sitting horse, so desires remonstrance. Sir Gr. Moore ; happy for subjects to be free in England, honour King so preserved, differs from last, thinks we should clear him before charged notwithstanding this nescio quid vult ista purgatio mali, yet like speech offensively taken. To precedents ; he present when all committed, cause known, no breach of liberty, motion made for change in church govern- ment, Queen prohibited by message. Cope delivered a bill after to make alteration, Mildmay said stand by a short Bill to cut off the heads of all : the laws past for which he taken. Morris did like after commanded ; so the rest, but Bromley charged for meddling in succession, so Beall, all which slipped away without notice. Chancellor Duchy : King can do no wrong, say no wrong. He saith high crimes not to be supposed, but it is so to answer to Grod, if do wrong perhaps who go to him will tell no reason for state, which if we suppose then lose we our labour of conference, therefore he indifferent if rest upon this or go with remonstrance, for this entered so is no breach of privilege, therefore desires to go on with business. King might have said so an D. Diggs would nothing but truth, so not so said. Browne : 34 Elizabeth resolved by all judges King nor Council cannot commit above 24 hours, but must assign cause if habeas corpus come. Mason : not to commit but for felony or treason. Sir D. D. that he used words perhaps beyond command, but if matter considerable then papers. 27 Vice Chamberlain : this not time to clear him, he hath no accuser, he aimed, but knew not hit oiF. Sir D. Diggs cause so is cleared, his a mixed cause, partly that at conference, partly else perhaps by his papers as Sir D. Diggs, perhaps by other matter before, precedents he cited as accidents not justified. Beall committed only for bringing subsidy roll that belonged to us not Lords to confer. Desires to on with religion ; war, sickness, &c., now depending before us to go on. [May 19.] Friday after Ascension. Vice Chamberlain signifieth after long silence how the King sent a warrant to deliver Sir John Eliot, and he is coming. Yet no business proceeded in until heads of conference read reciting as before the heads. Further shows our protestation to contrary, but all as before. Vice Chamberlain saith he expressed not himself well when he said he had had it of 4 or five, for he said it arose out of notes which King sent for four or 5, now common report coming to King he sent for notes. For business it seems none but remonstrance and conference, he at liberty, takes away the remonstrance, if proceed desires recommitment. Objection that upon answer can have no reply, best to be spared. Bish charged him that he said King told by 4 or 5 as Chancellor Exchequer. Chancellor Exchequer said King was so informed not told by 4 or 5 which makes difference ; King called for notes upon evil sound, which taken with no evil sense, might be mistaken, desires to proceed, Diggs thought unfortunate committed, now more if prosecuted, hath had such fair carriage ; desires to proceed or re-committed. [May 20.] Saturday ’a letter agreed to be sent by Speaker, to stay judgment against Mr. Moore until privilege examined, notwithstanding supposition of his consent. Chancellor Exchequer showed how Sir John Eliot made a negative answer to things done without the house and extrajudicial and the King hath accepted it, note not satisfied so he was sent for to his chamber, and King gone ; liberty to come hither and he came in. Then moved some to charge him because said all from top to toe to give occasion. Vice Chamberlain chargeth not, expecteth thanks, commands what house directed, what more disliked ; conference first divided concerning an impeachment of a great Peer of the realm, the words they used of respect wounded the person, disrespect the cause; commission was to amplify and to aggravate his part, his was to contain him within the compass of his chapter and recapitulation, but if anything new without his charge. 1. Began with a character of Duke his mind only bad ; compared to a beast ‘‘ stellio stellionatus ” ; so changeable as none could tell what to make of it. 2. Contrary to sense of the house in doubting the restitution of ships went to Kochell, which he was certained of by letters, a needless un- acknowledgment proceeding out of obedience as he conceived he related. 3. This word of, this man,” this man offended many as a great indignity to any man in all countries. 4. Historical comparisons as parallels 2 : the one of Sejanus, the other Bishop of Ely, audax superhus adulator; of venena venejica would not speak. That of Sejanus was further applied to top of Government per- haps than he meant. 28 5. The greatest sharpness that above all injuries further meaning King’s physic and would not speak ; doubted to think cut it off with words of Cicero as though had not words enough to express it. Speaking of the last charge as though somewhat more therein covered that were not dis- covered. So desires he may clear himself for he accuseth not. Sir John Eliot excuseth bis not coming by ignorance of the favour bestowed on [him] till near eleven, or heard of discharge yesterdaj^ He coufessetli the obligation to Vice Chamberlain to give him occasion to discharge himself. The charge ; many particulars concern his fitness or unfitness ; to serve here dearer than life ; asketh time to answer them particularly. Speaker proposeth them particularly. He answereth and showed his method that he did not exceed ; to avoid tautology he changed the names, as ambition for offices. This part was in English, collusion dolus malus and he found this short but expressed it by a metaphor of stellionatus from a beast of divers colours, thereby he did express the art to merchants entrapping at Dieppe. 2. His colouring to the King the ships to go another way. 3. The abuse of Parliament by disguise possessing us after he knew ships were delivered otherwise. 2. His profession of obedience, he will therein be neither short nor over, desires no favour not to of &c. that he said he did not know the ships delivered though he heard it for so he said in the house, and so yet. 3. “ This man, this man ” he speaks not as some by book, he confesseth by contraction, if of Alexander ille ipse ; to call him a man thinks no offence, thinks him no good man. 4. For Sejanus and the intimation that there was something for the Lords to go further. Tells what he meant by Ely, who was only named 4 Rich, where are many charges : he took what fit, luxurious, misemploying of King’s revenue, conferring honours of obscure men, boldness paralleling it now to this time when King’s order contradicted per totam insulam puhlice proclamat pereat quum omnes opprimatur que^n omnes opponunt Sejanus in effect Stellionatus that he did clientes honoribus et provinciis adornare how he was laborum imperatorum socius there used venenas and venedcas, for there comes in his lust to Livia his poisoning of Drusus ; those he excluded as impertinent ; if he apply it not, he meant it not ; let not their interpretation be his fault. Now many of those books bought since, more than within a twelvemonth before. 5. Last ; for intimation of aliquid latet,—~ Interrupted by Wandesford and required to show how he meant these examples; nothing further than this person not to any greater which he did accordingly and said for he sacrifice himself for King so soon as any. Gives words of 5th charge so near as upon having used corruption, extortion, oppression, &c. and after wonder how could subsist being so proved, being dangerous in state so many faults, not without art, honours of kindred to support him and alliance, then set on King’s revenue, then this later as a boldness more comparing it to fire; and not content with injuries of justice, honour, state, but attempts person of King in such a sort as fears to speak, doubts to think, least as Cicero use gravere quern res eociget vel leviare quern causa postulat ; and left it to the Lords’ consideration. Two things more he observed unanswered, his manner and matter. 1. Too much vigour ; what his nature not his fault, seldom felt passion, though his love may covet it. 2. Though he was to be contained in his 29 rud (3 epilogue, if any particulars be without he will answer, but he knows none but passages, as his exclusion. Resolved by question he exceeded not his commission given by the house at conference. So for Sir D. Diggs for all, being before but one point. Sir Robert Harlow desires hereafter no aggravation to be admitted hereafter, but first to give in heads in the house. This denied, lest might seem to disallow what was done. [May 22.] Mr. Pirn moved for a bill, not remonstrance, but the Committee both. He ; this will do no good, for that liberty of speech we have, and the example of deliverance better then that of imprisou- ment, but the sufferance was in King James time said Rich and Queen Elizabeth’s time when we made remonstrance, and answer and reply, letters, protestation and dissolution, freedom of speech, person, informa- tion, therefore to avoid dispute desires a Bill, 'femps. H. 8 produced Act of Parliament lost not got by debate. Wandesford for Bill and to proceed to business. Grlanville : resolved 18 James we no power but to fine and imprison. Lords to judge, then was a bill proposed and agreed upon. Ordered a committee to consider whether a remonstrance or Bill, protestation or all, and to prepare it. Afternoon Star Chamber. Sir F. Foljambe brings in a letter out of Yorkshire, read because brought by member of house before the speaker read it. Sir John Savile’s letter copied to John Harrison, D. Foxcroft, Sir Thomas iVledcalfe, &c. He gives account of Parliament concerning their [charter ?] ; he after moved the inconveniences in setting down the trade being many and the mischief if merchants debarred of free trade. They so resolutely bent and eager in pursuit of a great man that they will hazard the state of Commonwealth as he fears rather than St He spoke of 30^^. men meant not short; desires to use care and expedition to maintain his credit. Sir John desires who offers copy to prove it, if this be a true copy desires to have his hand and head struck off for he deserves no less. Foljambe hath order for witnesses to prove it. Pirn moved that he should clear if he spoke to that effect. Sir John denieth that any can be showed, and he denieth his writing; he subscribing or directing any such clause. He in the end denied to answer by order of house and it was allowed. Glanvile : his judgment of himself is like to be true by his consent if it be true. Ordered to withdraw and to come in upon suit of the wronged gentle- men and to acknowledge an error in his place which he did. Mr. Whitby to-morrow to report the grievances. Wandesford reporteth the humour that Sir W. S. [?] Chancellor Exchequer moves to proceed on King’s revenue and to bring in preamble of subsidy. Wednesday morn for revenue. Thursday the naval war. All general committees to proceed. Tonnage and poundage Wednesday afternoon. [May 24.] Wednesday — Whitby reports grievances formerly not answered or not well, and new ones. 1. Impositions: presented 7 James that by law none can be imposed but by Parliament, show impositions and desired to lie all down, not answered but now added* Resolved by question to be presented as great grievance. 8. James — the license of wines enhancing price by dispensation of antiquated laws by subject. King did answer after that patent ended no more granted, patent now ended, yet the license kept on foot by this general dispensation : desires to have the law repealed. Resolved to be presented as grievance. Ferdinando Grorges’ patent, 21 James, to restrain the free fishing in America, his answer short ; because they were to give satisfaction for wood desire liberty for wood at pleasure, not within a quarter of a mile of the planters’ habitation or fishing. 4. That the begging briefs, 21 James, presented to be totally prohibited : answered none to be but upon certificate in sessions and that county one ; this is not observed as by precedent for a bridge at Westminster. Resolved to be represented. 5. Sir John Meldrum’s patent at Winterton Ness exacting above proportion fit for a light house at Winterton Ness, from 6d. to 3s. 4d. extorted and enforced. Answered to refer it to committee of both houses to proportion it, first thought to pray a conference yet resolved to represent it because it is judged by us properly. 6. New surveyorship of coals erected ; 7s. 6d. a chaldron paid for transport, I2d. for import within kingdom and to bring contents to discharge ; bonds entered for so doing, yet cockets denied to discharge their bonds until 4d. a chaldron paid to Surveyor, prays to have the bonds discharged which were extended for the projectors benefit, being 1200 bonds. Resolved to petition to have the 1200 bonds discharged. Sir Andrew Boyde and Collum the projectors and prosecutor sent for to the house. 7. Merchant Adventurers’ patent answered ; they satisfied and dyed and dressed at liberty, yet the imprest of 7s. 6d. a cloth continueth ; abated to half and to cease in August 1627. To petition to lay down the imposition totally. 8. Where States imposed 32^. of English cloth as consumption money to our hindrance, and the [weighing .^] to be brought to one place drawn now to 28. To desire King to now move for help while they need. 9. Fees of Customers, exacting in some case equal to custom : desires now to be reformed, for worse than before, by allowance to take fees. 10. Merchants having dispensation for 30»^. cloths desired to have 20^. more : this not answered. Cumberland his patent expires this May — now to repetition. 11. Pretermitted custom misgrounded upon Statute of tonnage and poundage by Nicholson’s projection, by colour of equity, upon wool, to be laid down. Answered at next meeting to do what is fit for a good king. Desires now to provide for it in the new Bill of Tonnage and Pound- age, upon which grounded, and now not to repetition upon it not singly lest we admit others, but to mention tonnage and poundage exacted illegally so, thereof. 12. Tonnage and poundage taken without act to be presented as a grievance ; and to consider under whether this or impositions preter- mitted, custom to be. 13. The impositions of currants to be presented, 14. The Deputy Alneager exacting Id. for ^d. and upon shop keeper. King answered should mended ; to desire a Bill to regulate it. 31 [May 25.] Thursday before Whitsuntide we adjourned without any intimation from the Lords or King until that day sevennight, as we may upon such festivals, but upon other occasions some thought we might not, and the Lords did not adjourn until Friday, and then until Friday after us. [June ] .] Thursday we met ; read some bills ; I reported Mathew Hutton’s bill; committees ordered, and no more. On Friday we called the house according to our order at recess and 25 only made default, on whom by former order lOZ. apiece was set for a tine and further as the house should think tit, but no order for levying it and reasonable excuses were admitted after to divers. Saturday after bills read and the order then to read engrossed bills read ; some perceiving that the Lords not having the Earl of Arundel restored them confined nor the Bishop of Lincoln as I remember some mentioned. Moved to have the house turned to a committee and so was to consider of heads for a conference with the Lords, because of our privileges, and reasons to be showed why we proceeded no slower. 1. How the Duke standing impeached before them of treason, and by us uted whether those customers shall be proceeded with to be censured for delinquency. The Chancellor moves tliat it may be weighed for a time ; for I fear since they had the King and Council’s command for this, if we censure them it may be thought it is censuring the King’s command, which if it be'Said actum, est de imjjerio ; which he being called to explain said, that no man will obey the King’s command hereafter. Said on the other side, that this doth not reflect upon the King. And resolved upon question, that the further consideration shall be taken of it. 23rd [February]. The House resolved into a Committee, Mr. Herbert in the chair. The question to be disputed was, whether Mr. Eowles being a mem- ber of this House was to have privilege for his goods which were taken for duties to the King : but upon proof thnt the King, if he had any right, had granted over by lease to the customers rendering 150,000/. per annum, and though there was a covenant under the signet manual that what wanted of that the King should bear the loss, yet this did no ways take the interest of the customers if the King had any ; and so the question was properly betwixt one subject and another, and did no ways reflect whether a subject should have privilege for his goods against the King, (though as afterward it may appear it was conceived one might, though this question was declined.) First Mr. Littleton. That Mr. Rowles shall have privilege for his goods as well as for his person, appears by divers authorities both ancient and modern. And first ; the ground of all privilege is for the general good, and the great respect that is of it appears by 31 Hen. VI, that the Judges thought it too high a thing to give their opinion in. And for authority in it, in 18 Edw. I, that both lands and goods are privileged ; and so it is in 18 Ric. II, upon a petition in the parliament house that one might distrain for rent, it was denied, as it is said, quia inhonestum videtur. Vide 7 Edw. II. close roll, membrane [blanJt^. 17 Edw. IV, parliament roll, articulo 35. That no man being a member shall be touched in person or goods, in coming, staying, or going to or .from parliament. 5 Edw. IV, rotuli parliamenti, numero 78. Cheder’s case, it was petitioned that if any man killed a parliament man or his servant it might be treason, and for striking or suing other penalties (“ le inferance del c ”). 9 Hen. IV. f. 1° And in rotuli parliamenti, numero 71, in “ un “ petition q leur serauts ne po^ estre arest dett accoupt A.D. 1629, 5th of Kovember, Peter Manson. J from Lowther. From Carlisle. From Carlisle to the river Leavens 4 miles,-^ in that space is wet moorish mossy ground all but a little by the river side, which is good. From Leavens to the river Esk 2 miles, all this space is plain very good ground, most corn ground, all betwixt these two rivers are of Barronet Grame land and the dcbateable land which is divided appertaining to England ; the whole length of Sir Rich. Grame’s purchase is some 16 miles down to Sarkfoot it is some 6 or 7 miles broad for 14- miles some 2 or .3 miles broad tow^ards Sarkfoot : it is most of it good. There is betwixt Esk and Leavens, the church of Arthuret built by a stock gathered through the whole kingdom of England, being about 1500 pounds, Mr. Curwen parson of the same procurer of it. By this church is the Howe end where the thieves in old time met and harboured. From over passing from Esk to Dunedale Dike or Sike along Esk is almost 2 miles, wdiich Dike is the division of the debateable land 6rst agreed on 75 in Hen. Yl’s time, but now gotten exemplified in Scotland by Barronet Grame sed plus vide de eo. From Carlisle they use stacking of corn, on forward into Scotland. The houses of the Grames that were are but one little stone tower garretted and slated or thatched, some of the form of a little tower not garretted; such be all the leards’ houses in Scotland. The Good man of Netherby in the Wood is the chief of the Greames. The debateable land is 3 miles long and 3 broad, Soleme moss is on debatable land beyond Esk in Arthuret parish. Within a mile of the Erix Stond beside Moffat in Annandale rise the three great rivers, Annan running W. through Annandale ; Clyde, north ; Tweed, east. From Dunedale Sike to against Canonby some 4 miles, and from this Duiiedale Sike to Langham almost on both sides of Esk which is 8 miles is L. Bucplewes land all ; and on the east side of Esk to Selkerigg which is 4 miles along the river Esk, from Canonby to Langholm be good woods on the E. side, Helliwearekoog and Langham wood on the W. side, and Hollow-wood through which is our Avay to Langham, and 3 miles from Langham, over Langham wood is my L. Bucp : colepits. Along the river of Esl^e is very good grounds, on the height is waste but good ground, and the most part beyond Esk towards Berwick is waste. Langham is my Lord Maxfeild’s but my Lord Buckplcugh hath it and all his land there mortgaged and is thought will have it. My Lord Maxfield hath gotten it to be a market within this 5 years, and hath given them of Langham and Erkenholme land to them with condition to build good guest houses within a year. We lodged at John a Foorde’sat my Lord Maxfeild’s gate where the fire is in midst of the house ; we had there good victuals, as mutton, midden fowle, oat bread cakes on the kirdle baked the 5th part of an inch thick ; wheat bread, ale, aquavitae. Robert Pringle : Courts Barons and Burghs may hang and order any other causes, hang if offenders be taken with the manner of the deed, but it must be within 24 hours, but if after then there must be a commission gotten that they may have a jury which consisteth of 15, the first of which is called the chancellor and hath two voices, they go by votes, and the jury is to be elected out of the whole sheriffdom. At Langham, Arche my Lord Maxfeild’s steward, bestowed ale and aquavitse ; we laid in a poor thatched house the wall of it being one course of stones, another of sods of earth, it had a door of wicker rods, and the spider webs hung over our heads as thick as might be in our bed. Mr. Curwen, parson of Arthuret sent his man over to Langham to get ^rche to get us a lodging in Lord Maxfeild’s house because of the outlaws in the town at that time, but the keys were at Arche’s house 4 miles off so that ive could not otherwise. We had my uncle Fallowfield [who] could not sleep the night for fear of them, neither would he suffer us the rest of his company to sleep ; that night also did Mr. Robert Pringle hearing my uncle Fall, was going to Edinburgh come after him, bestowed beer and acquavitas of us and writ commendatory letters for us to Sir James Pringle sheriff of Ethrick, and to Edinburgh, and of all there we were kindly used, and Mr. Pringle the next day set us a great x^art of the way to Selkrig. At the Langham the river Eues where we come into Eusedale runneth into Esk. The Saturday being the 7th of November anno dni. 1629 went we to Eskerigg, the way is most of it a valley, rivers all the way till we be almost to Selkerig, along the which rivers is excellent good ground, the mountains on both sides the river be very green good sheep pasture, and many jolaces of them very good long grass. All the churches we see 76 were poor thatched and in some of them the doors sodded up with no windows in almost till we came at Selkrig, a sheep grass here abouts and about Langham is Is. 6d. a year, a beast grass 2s. or 2s. Qd., butter is some 6s. a stone, they have little or nothing enclosed, neither of corn ground, woods, or meadow, they have very little hay unless at a knight, leard, or lord’s house some very little. They use all or most part over Scotland (except in Murray land which is the finest country in Scotland for all kinds of fruit, corn, and of trees, and all other necessaries, it being most part enclosure) no enclosure but stafflierding each man though he have but one beast whether of his own or of others taken to grass night and day. They used too in these parts to cut off the wool of the sheep’s bellies that they may go better among the ling to feed, and their sheep skins of flayne or dead sheep they spelke them and hang them up in their fire houses to dry, partly because they will sell better, but chiefly because they sell them by a great company together to sell them and hanging them so will keep them. A sheep greaser will grease some 40 sheep a day ; some use for sheep instead of tar the gilly which cometh off broom sodd in water, and make salve of it with butter, as they do tar, and grease with it, this learned I of Sir James Pringle of Gailowsheilds, and because I was treating of sheep I thought good to put it in this day’s travel, being Friday. The distances from Langham to Eus Church beside Micledale Holle 4 miles, betwixt Langham and this ifiace was it that my Lord Buckpleugh did wapp the outlaws into the dubb. From thence to the Frosterly burne head, after the crossing of which we enter into Tuidale, where the way that leadeth to Flawick called the Read road on the right hand meeteth with the way that leadeth to Edinburgh, on the left hand. From thence to Milcinton my Lord Bodwell’s where the coal pits be on the hill side beside Teat river. From thence to the Burn foot 4 miles, from thence to Askerton Kirk one mile along the river Ayle, at which kirk we drank at the vicar’s house taken by an ale- house keeper, from thence to an old gentleman’s house a mile on this side of Selkrigg where we enter into Etherikke forest, 2 miles. Just on this side is there a fair lough half a mile long, about 340 yards broad, much fish in it, and a boat on it ; at the end of it a fair house which the Leard of Riddall iDurchased it of Sir Robert Scott of Havin the name of the house purchased. From Selkrigge to Sir James Pringle on Sunday in the morning the 8th of November. At Selkerigg we lodged at goodman Riddall’s, a burgess of the town, the which town is a borough regal, for antiquity the 15 in the kingdom of Scotland ; it is governed by two bailifis, they keep courts of themselves and may hang and punish according as their custom is. They have a very pretty church where the hammermen and other trades- men have several seats mounted above the rest, the gentlemen below the tradesmen in the ground seats ; the women sit in the high end of the church, with us the choir, there is one neat vaulted porch in it, my Lord Bucplewgh’s seat is the highest in the church and he hath a proper passage into it in at the outside of the vaulted porch. On a corner of the outside of the choir is fastened an iron chain wit {sic) at a thing they call the Jogges, which is for such as offend but especially women brawlers, their head being put through it, and another iron in their mouth, so abiding foaming till such time as the bailiffs please to dismiss them, it being in the time of divine service. The form of it is a cross house, the steeple fair, handsomely tiled as the Royal Exchange at London, it having at each corner 4 pyramidal turrets, they call them pricks ; my Lord Maxfeild’s house at Langham being of the form of the steeple. For the repair of the churches, their presbyteries impose- 77 taxation on the parisliioaers, tlie parson of tlie church looketh that accordingly they be repaired and if any pay not his tax he is put to the home. The church was tiled upon close joined boards and not lats. In the town there were many fine buildings for hewn stone but thatched, it is as great as Appleby. The women are churched before the service begins; through Scotland the people in church when the parson saith any prayers they use a hummering kind of lamentation for their sins. The inhabitants at Selkrig are a drunken kind of people. They have goods victuals throughout the kitigdom, unless it be towards the South- West, but cannot dress it well. Here had we a choking smoky chamber, and drunken unruly company thrust in upon us called for wine and ale and left it on our score. About this town and all the way to Edinburgh is good ground, but nearer Edinburgh the better and still more spacious. From Selkerigge to 2 miles, Ettrick and Yarrow, 2 rivers, running through Ettrick Forest, which is a sheriffdom (as Richmondshire in Yorkshire) in Tividale. There be yet some woods of Ettrick Forest along the two rivers remaining. Yarrow runneth into Ettrick about half a mile or more from Selkrige, and about a mile lower runneth Ettrick into Tweed, and about half a mile beneath that we take coble over Tweed, the form of it is as it were half of one of our barks. From to Galiowsheilds, 2 miles, to which place is excellent good ground, and to Sir James Pringle his house did we go and there were we wondrous courteously entertained, he is one of the best husbands in the country as appeareth by his planting and suffering his tenants to hold on him by planting 6 fruit trees or 12 other trees, and if they fail, to pay for every tree not planted he also finding two fullers mills and two corn mills. The town is a borough -barony, he himself is the sheriff of Ettrick and hath been these three years together, he is also a commissioner in the same sheriffdom, of which there be divers in all the sheriffdoms of Scot- land, they being of the nature of our justices of assize in their circuits, above justices of peace ; he is also a convener of justice, a justice of peace, he is a great man in his country. There are cf the Pringles for some 8 miles up G-allowater, gentlemen all of pretty seats and buildings. On the Sunday as soon as we came to the town we alighted and went to the church to him, he took us into his own seat, the one of the one side of him, and the other of the other side, we heard a good sermon the fore and afternoon, there was the finest seats I have anywhere seen, and the order- liest church. Beside him is the Meageld hill, which word Meageld was a watch word to gather those of a company when they were dispersed in war. He hath a very pretty park, with many natural walks in it, artificial ponds and arbours now a making, he hath neat gardens and orchards, and all his tenants through his care, he hath abundance of cherry trees, bearing a black cherry, some of which I see to be about 30 yards high, and a fathom thick, great store of sycamores, trees he calleth silk trees, and fir trees. He gave very great respect, and said he heard of my father’s fame. I see there the finest gun I ever beheld which was the King of Spain’s. In Scotland the wives alter not their surnames. They served up the dinner and supper with their hats on before their master, each dish covered with another, then was there a bason withheld for to wash our hands before v/e sat down, then being seated Sir James said grace. Their cheer was big pottage, long kale, boweor white kale, which is cabbage, ’breoh sopps,’ powdered beef, roast and boiled mutton, a venison pie in the form of an egg goose, then cheese, a great company of little bits laid on a pewter platter, and cheese also uncut, then apples, then the table-cloth taken off and a towel the whole breadth of the table 78 and half the length of it, a bason and ewer to wash, then a green carpet laid on, then one cup of beer set on the carpet, then a little long lawn serviter, plaited up a shilling or little more broad, laid cross over the corner of the table and a glass of hot w^ater set down also on the table then be there three boys to say grace, the 1st the thanks-giving, the 2nd the pater noster, the 3rd a prayer for a blessing to God’s church the good-man of the house, his parents, kinsfolk, and the whole company, they then do drink hot waters, so at supper, when to bed, the collation which [is] a doupe of ale ; and also in the morn and at other times Avhen a man dosireth to drink one gives them first beer holding him the narrow serviter to dry his mouth with, and a wheat loaf and a knife and when one hath drunk he cutteth him a little bread in observance of the old rule. Incite cum liquido sicco Jinire memento. When vre came away in the morn having walked abroad into park, gardens and other places, and having very well with rost &c. {sic') Sir James set us 2 miles, and his 2nd, his eldest son better than 4, a!id writ us letters to Edinburgh. The Pringles glory in that they were never but on the King’s part in all the troublesome times, and they therefore of the states were envied, for they never ‘lowped’ out with any of the lords nor were attainted. Sir James told us of a man that said to king James when he was hunting that he would shov/ him a buck that would let him take him by the baaes, stones, speaking jestingly. At Sir James’ house they have a thing called a palm in nature of our ferula, but thicker, for blasphemers. England and. Scotland wooed roughly before they wedded. Sir John Scott one of the secret council is his son’s wife’s father. Gallow water runneth into Tweed about a mile beneath Gallowsheilds and a little beneath its meeting with Tweed on Tweed there hath been a very strong fortified bridge having the tower yet standing which was the gate to the bridge in old time. 3 miles over the hills side on Gallowsheilds is Lauderdale, Lauder itself being one of the ancientest burghs there abouts who will take toll on the King. In it dwell many of the Landers, one of whose houses is very fine one, there running a river hard by it called Lauder. Of this Lauderdale Viscount Metlin or Matlin is viscount. The gentlemen and gentlewomen call their men and maids Misters and Mistresses. From Gallowshields to Windeleys, one of the Pringles, 2 miles, it stands in a dale up which dale is a pretty wood on our left hand ; within the sight of the same side another of the Pringles, his house is called Torretleys on the other side of the water on the right hand is another of them, his house is called Buckholme, and by the water side he hath a wood called- the Buckholme. From thence to Herret’s houses, a guest- house where we alighted, is 8 miles, in which space we crossed the Gallowater some 20 times. From thence to Fallow Burne where we enter into Lowden one mile, from the Fallow Burne to Borthacke Castle 1 mile, from thence to Stobhill 2 miles, where all the coal pits are of the Leard of Erniston, a Setcn, and Stonnobiars a lord’s seat that was standing in a wood along a river side, all which now Seton the leard of Erniston hath bought of the Lord of Steanbiars, which Erniston for his wealth might buy out a lord or two. From the Stobhill in view on our lefc hand some 4 miles off is Erniston, a fine seat, from the Stobhill to Dawertey upon the river Keeth and a stone bridge over it, my Lord Ramsey’s house seated on a rock, a fine building ; 1 mile from thence down the river Keeth not in sight and out of our way my lord of Newbattell who slicked himself. From my Lord Ramsey’s in our way to Laswade a market town one mile, it is seated on 79 a goodly river and a stone bridge over it called the South river. From the Laswade to Liberton church 2 miles, from Liberton to Edinburgh 2 miles. The hemisphere’s circumference from Edinburgh is moun- tains, as is Westmoreland from about Lovvther, but something plainer, and their mountains not so high. In vieAv from Edinburgh 4 miles southwards is Keeth, a borough where all the witches are burned, and Earl Morton’s house is. There is also in view from Edinburgh’s craggs Musselburgh upon the Frith’s side some 4 or 5 miles off where the famous battle was fought betwixt the Scotch and English. From Edinburgh about a mile eastwards is Leith, the chief haven, having belonging to it 150 sail of ships holding about 200 tons. The lords, merchants, and gentlemen join in putting out ships to take prizes, of which we saw some 3 or 4 French and Flemings they had taken, there is a pretty harbour. This town was taken and burnt by the Frenchmen in Queen Elizabeth’s time, and she sent the English which did remove them, some houses we saw which were burnt but not yet re-edified ; before that time it was walled about, but now it is yet better than Carlisle, having in it two fairer churches for inwork than any I saw in London, with two seats-royal in either. There be also two hospitals one of which the sailors built, the other the tradesmen, there is a stone bridge over the river Leith here, hard by the town be oysters dragged which go to ISTewcastle, Carlisle and all places thereabouts, they being under ‘Sd. the 100. All their churches be lofted stage wise about Edinburgh, Leith, &c., the women at Leith in one church had loose chairs all along before the men’s seats. It is governed by two bailiffs. Eniskeith an isle in the Firth, a mile or two by water from Leith is famous for a fort on a rock in the same which the Frenchmen took when they took Leith (the English built it), and left a remembrance of their being there written in latin on stone. At Leith dwelieth my Lady Lincey who married her 6 daughters to 6 knights. On our right hand as we go to I^eith is the castle of Stenick, old and ruinated ; the town of Leith is a borough, but holding on Edinburgh as Kingstou-upon-Hull on York. The fort in Eniskeith hath yet command of the sea if it be well manned it will hold a thousand men. The passage in at the harbour at Leith is dangerous by reason of sprtes {sic) and shelves, they cannot lash in but at a full sea. The harbour is compassed in with wooden fabrics 3 fathoms high and about 2 broad, strengthened by great stones thrown into the frame all but where the ships enter in at being but narrow. White wine was there at od. the muskin, which is a pint. Beyond the Frith in the sight of Edinburgh is Bruntelin, a harbour, town, and borough of regality, governed by a provost, who knoweth my Lord of Bruntelin a Melvin, {sic) dwelling there and 2 bailiffs, and 2 officers and sergeants. Their provost in Scotland is in nature of our mayor, bailiffs in nature of our serge ants-at-m ace, or rather chosen to aid them, the officers they arrest if the bailiffs give them but Avarrant by word bid them, they are in nature of our bailiffs, and bear halberds. Here is a church square built, and it hath a seat-royal in it, there are no more churches in it, but yet they have a pretty ‘ towbeoth.’ The Frith betwixt Leith and Bruntelin or Kengoren 7 miles, a mile or two above Bruntelin is Aberdour a the water running through it, one side my Lord of Morton’s, the other side my Lord Murray’s, a mile down from Bruntelin towards the main sea is Kengoren, a haven for boats and barks, all within the view of Edinburgh crags, and a borough regal, one Lyon is earl of it, one church ; hard by it is there a spawewell. A mile beneath Kingorin is a borough regal and haven as big as Leith called Kirkaldy a borough regal, one church one towbeoth. 2 80 A mile beneath Kirkaldy is there another harbour for boats and barks as Kingoren called Djsart the wealthiest and biggest of that coast, Kirkaldy and this have markets every day in the week, Brunt- elin and Kingoren but one day, it is a borough regal, a mile beneath it is Weemes, a borough and barony on the sea coast, no haven, and Colinn is lord of Weemes. Kow having gone about the circumference T will come to the centre videlicet — Edinburgh, whither we came on the 9th of November 5 there dismounted we ourselves at Mrs. Robertson’s the stabler in College-wind where during our abode our horses were, and fed with straw and oats no hay straw, 24 hours 3d. — oats od. a capp which is a hoop. From thence we went to our lodging at Mrs. Russell’s in Bell-wind an agent who is in nature of our English attorney’s and thi-ee of us paid for our chambers tire and bedding \0d. 24 hours which [is] ^s. lOd. the week, ordinary we had none but paid for what wm called. That night being wearied we rested ourselves, the next day viewed we their castle which is mounted on stately rocks, having the whole tov/n of Edinburgh, Leith, and the sea in its eye ; there is a fair pair of gates with stone cut work but not finished, the porter had our swords to keep until we came back again out of the castle, there were about some 20 pieces of ordnance ready mounted, brass and iron, one piece of ordnance there was bigger than any else either in the munition house or any other which I saw to be about 4 yards long, and the diameter 20 inches, there being a child gotten in it as by all it was reported, the bullet of stone she shooteth is of weight 19 stone 4 pounds 3 ounces, after the troy- weight 20 pounds to the stone ; there be great many of vaults some 6 yards by which the castle keepers say would contain 1000 men. The building is no bigger than Appleby castle, within it is a powder mill, corn mill, &c. There is also a hewn stone well 30 fat! 10ms deep, the water is drawn up with a wheel whicn one goeth in, it is hewn so deep through a rock of blue- stone; there be little wooden watch-houses, to watch in every night. From the castle Ave went to the Courts where we saw all the 14 Lords sitting in the inner house in their robes, being a violet colour faced with crimson velvet of the fashion of our Judges, the 15th Lord sitteth in the outer house. The chief of these 15 is the Chancellor, the 2nd the Lord President, the 3rd the Lord Advocate, the other 12 sit in council in the outer house each third week, beginning at the ancientest, [1st of the inner house and 15th of the house itself, then of the laws and order of the house, then so of the outer house]* and of the commissary’s court, and of the force of the presbyteries, &c. [The Inner House.] The Courts. * The'passage in brackets is struck out in the original. 81 a, tlie stairs up into the Courts ; the commissary court ; d, the door into it ; c, a void place to walk in ; a wainscot partition ; c, a door which a maser keepeth ; the place where those in readiness which have business ; 16, a wall crossing over-thwarte ; A, a door through the high wooden partition into the outward house tlie 2nd court; .g, stugewise seats into which any may go out of the void place ; (sc. c,). i.g. a pale to forlet any to go off from the stagewise seats into the Court ; k, a long backed seat for lawyers and expectants to sit on ; m, the door in at which the Macer and Judges, &c., go within the bar ; /, another door on either side of which the advocates, defendant, and pursuant, plead ; ?^, a place for the idle advocates to chat and walk in 0 , a seat where the Registers sit at the table ; p, the two ascending seats on the lowest of which other clerks and registers sit, on the highest the single Judge; a wall; r, a door out of the outer house into a walking place before the inner house over which hangeth a bell the string of which goeth into the inner house by the judges’ heads ; s, another door into the inner house retiring place ; a partition wall ; t, the door into the inner house ; r, a door into a severed -place for any man’s private dispatch, as for writing of letters or other things, confer- ences, &c. ; the seats and table ; a vacant place for clients and other concourse during the advocate’s pleading or motion before the Judges ; 2 ; and x , the bar on both sides of the door, those for the defen- dants and their advocates the other for the pursuers &c. ; y, the entrance for the Judges and Registers ; 5, the table with 3 sides about the outside of which, on 8, sit the Judges, my Lord Chancellor in the midst and in a black gown, the President of the sessions on his right hand in a purple gown faced with red velvet, and so the rest of the lords except the Lord Advocate, who is in black, and sitteth in the corner 3, and in degree is next the President; he is in nature of the King’s Attorney at London, and pleads for the King when anything toucheth him, and also for other persons and still with his hat on if so it please him ; 4, the form before the table on which the Registers sit, being men of good esteem, but bare-headed; 2, the door to the chimney ; 10, the chimney, over the head is it fine fret plaister work,, and in the windows behind the Judges are there the volumes of their law. Under part of these Courts is there another court called the Court of Justice, and hard by is the Lord Provost’s Court, and first of the Commissary’s Court beginning ex minimis^ to it belongeth 4 Judges which formerly have been advocates, they be, as I perceived not much respected, the matter of the court be legacies, wills and testaments, debts under 40/. sterling, yet one may have a man for 1000 or more, but then it must be in general debts, never one amounting to above 40/. Their trials are wholly by oath and witnesses. Kext, of the outer court, which doth but as it were prepare things for the inner house, here doth sit always but one judge, and he is one of the 12 of the 15, which 12 according to their seniority sit here each their week in course, the other 3, sc. the Chancellor, President, and Lord Advocate are exempted. In the morning still before the Judge comes in be all the parties called into court which that day shall have any business, then entereth in the judge, and all trivial civil matters he judgeth and likewise all great matters he handleth and at leastways prepareth if not judgeth it himself and if any like not of the judg- ment of this court they may have it to the inner house, but if the judges of the inner find the judgment to be good, the party which troubled the inner house with it will be punished, the process of the court being 1st a summons, attachments, &c., then a Ditte which o 69070. y, 2 S2 is iu naliire of our declaration, to which the Defender most commonly answereth by word himself and not by way of replication in writing, and if it be about a Horning matter which is in nature of our out- lawing, then there goeth forth a caption and upon that a Horning, which Horning is publicly read on the market cross at Edinburgh. X'J’ovy a Horning is a writing setting forth the whole matter and cause of it, with the reasons why so, and this Horninge pronounceth him a rebel, and yet notwithstanding this Horning may be reversed, as our outlawry. In this court is always great noise and confusion, but the inner house very orderly as shall appear, it only rnedleth with things not determined or ^vhere his judgment is disliked. When they are all set the (boor is shut and none but themselves there they will ring a beli (and then openeth the Maser the door) when they have any business, and the Maser as they bid him will call the parties and their advocates whom they would have which go in thereupoii with their cause ; at which time the Maser will suffer any stranger to go in and hear the cause pleaded upon acquaintance. The form of their plead- ing is 1st the«advocates and their clients stand each on either side of the door through the bar, at the bar, and the advocates plead in Sccdch before them, and in the then time of their pleading their clients will put a double piece or more, with an ordinary fee with the poorest, and will say to their advocates ‘ thumb it thumb it/ and then will the advocates plead accordingly as they feel it weigh. Their pleading is but a kind of motion, and especially the first 6 weeks in the session for then is there nothing else but motions. Most of their law is Acts of Parliament and Regiam majestam, and their judgments given in court which we call reports, only they corroborate their cause with civil arguments and reasons. After their motion which is but short, they are all dismissed, the door shut, and then it is voted amongst the judges and according to the number of votes it is carried, and then the Chancellor, if present, if not, the President, and if not he, in order to next, giveth sentence accor(lingly, it still remaining hidden to the parties the carriage of the matter ; and so when this matter is done to the next, but note that the parties wdth their advocates will acquaint the Judges with their case before it comes to hearing, which they say maketh quicker dispatch, and note further that advocates will commonly have a ‘ kowe ’ or such like thing ser-.t them to make w*ay unto them for their clients beside their fees, by which exorbitant kind of fees they become the greatest pur- chasers in the kingdom. They have most of them been travellers and studied iu France, but whether they have studied at home or in France they thus proceed, advocates, sc. : — they first get a petition to the Ju(lges that they may not be hindered by the Masers, but have free access to the Courts, [and] hear their manner of pleading, from which time till they be advocates they are called Expectants. Now as soon as they think themselves tit and dare venture to undergo trial, they will further petition to have a lesson, to dispute a question before the Judge, upon which if they be tliought sutiicient they are admitted and sworn advocates. A story — One being to [be] made Judge of the Session not long ago, there being in his oath not to be partial, he excepted to his friends and allies. Another — A borderer in a Jury gave eimongst his fellows wittingly a false verdict, and being asked why he did it, said it is better to trust God with one’s soul than their neighbour with iheir geere. The poor clients say there be great delays in actions some 7 years, some 12, 20, 27, &c., but the advocates shuffle it off and deny it, yet I heard of one who offered the one half to recover the other, and for an advocate or other to lay an action depending in suit 83 it is common with them, and they hold it reason that when a man cannot defend his own cause that he sell to another who can. Forgery is death with them, perjury the loss of their hand or ears, as the quality of the persons requireth. If a clerk do hut miswrite anything it is death. Hereditaments descend, conquests(?) purchases ascend, as from the son to the father, dower and conjunct fee, jointure is as in England, almost. The form of their writings are almost the same with ours, their dignities, wards, reliefs, and marriages as with us ; but note the form of marriages, they are asked in the church as with us, the priest will appoint what company they shall have at church, but after marriage there will be continual feasting and mirth for some 4 or 5 days together, during all which time there will be presents offered to them, as all kinds of household stuff, feather beds, pots, pans, &c., and goods, as sheep, oxen, horses, kine, &c., often to the value of 500/. sterling, but according as the parson is more or less for offerings in the church they do not use. Men seldom change their servants ; the gentlemen and knights, &c., usually do ride with trumpets. The last year, 1628, the Judges went circuits, but it is doubted whether they will hereafter do so or not. The Scotch nobility do dilapidate their estates and impoverish their own kingdom by frequenting the Englisii Court, their trading is rdmost wholly with England, their wines excepted wliich they buy in France, custom free in regard of their old league with them. Their own chief commodities are grain, sheep, and runts, salt and coal, and of coal it is observed that there is none but between Trent in England and Tay in Scotland, which cometh from a great lough so called, and glideth by Perth and Dundee. Lough Nesse beside Murray-Land and the river which runneth from it is so fierce that it never freezeth and though I saw [ice] come out of another river into it yet it instantly thaweth and becometh water. That of Lough Mirton, Lough Lomond, the Deaf stone, and the Cleke geese is reported for truth as Holingshead writes it. There be at this time three of the greatest men in the kingdom papists and their eldest sons protestants, which is remarkable, sc. Argyll, Hamilton, and Huntley whose eldest sen is esteemed the ablest man of body in the kingdom, and will familiarly go in the mountains after the deer 80 miles a day. But I am afraid I have digressed and therefore I will return to the courts. The sheriffs be now most of them annually chosen, and the sheriff of Lothian this year, 16295 ray cousin Sir Lewis Lowther who was very glad to see me. He keepeth his court twice a week, in the afternoon, Wednesday and Friday in the outer court, at which times the 4 Lord Justices sit upon criminal matters in their own court, and their criminal offenders may have advocates to plead foi* their lives before the Judges. Over the Lords of the session be there 4 other lords of the Secret Council, which may sit and give their votes amongst them if they will, and they be but as spies over the rest to mark their doings, and inform the king of it. The general Justice which is through the Kingdom is by the conveners of justice at Quarter Sessions Commissioners when it pleaseth them, and sheriffs at their courts when they appoint them, but the Judges of the session bear such a hand over them as they will call in question almost every thing they do, let them do the best they can. When one is out of the Borders, and especially the further North-east is very safe travelling, safer than in England ; and much civiller be they, and plainer English, yea better than at Edinburgh. Their tillage like ours they use much liming of their ground, and they plough their ground all in winter, and in the spring then only harroweth it and soweth it. Their mason and joiner work is as good if not better than in England, most of their wear is F 2 2 84 English cloth. They have very good meat, fish, flesh, and fowl great store, but dress it not well ; in the South it is as dear as in the South of England, but in the jN’ortli, about Dumbarton and thereabouts wondrous cheap, a goose for 4J., and so proportionably of other things. Their drink is almost altogether ale and hot waters, and in the North most hot waters, wine is 6c?. a quart, sack D. Now liaviiig passed through the Courts we will enter the town, in Avhich there is but one street of note called the High Street, beginning at the Castle and going down to the Neitherbowe which is one of the bars or gates of the city, and strait on to the Abbey which is the King’s Palace, but the street from the Netherbowe to the Abbey is called the Cannongate, the one side of which is a liberty of itself, the other side belongeth to P'dinburgh, as Holbora one side to London the other to Westminster. They have a fine Towbeoth and prison in it, this street and the High Street are but one street called by strangers, the next street is Cowgate within the city as long as either of them but narrower, the rest but winds and closes some 2 yards broad. The Abbey is a very stately piece of work uniform, and a dainty neat chapel in it, with a pair of organs in it, and none else in the city, they being puritans. There be fine prisons of a great height, and fine hewn stone buildings. There be 5 churches, of which St. Giles’ is chief because of the stately steeple, before Bowbells church in London, having in it one great bell which, they do not ring but tolls at 10 o’ elk at night, and 4 others. At Grey Friars their tombs be in the church- yard walls but none in the church, there is one hospital within the walls, another without, which Herret the King’s jeweller at his decease gave money to build it. There is one college which King James founded, being governed by a primate and other sub-regents to read to the several years which follow here in order, there be 5 classes or seats in it, 1st of Humanity, the 2nd of Greek, 3rd of Logic, the 4th of Natural philosophy, the 5th of Mathematics, and Arist de calo(.^) The 1st year of students be called scholars, the 2nd Semibijani, the 3rd Semibijani, the 4th bachelors, the next degree,. Laureates or Masters of Arts, and no further, tutors they call pedagogues. We supped with Mr. Addamsonn, primate of the same on Thursday at night, and much made on were we. There is one part of the college built by the Senate and people of Edinburgh, which is better than any part of the colkge beside, with this inscription. Senatus populusque Edenburgensis has cedes Christo musisque struendas eiirarunt : there are some 300 students in it, the primate is severe, he hath a little dog following him, and 2 fair daughters, and an unhappy lad said he would wish nothing but to stick his dog and move his daughters and lye carnally with them. At the end of every year they analyze their whole year’s work, when they go out Laureats they repeat their last 4 years analyses and they then be their own tutors. There is a place which they call the Society of Brewers, where the beer and ale is brewed to serve the city and they be Englishmen, they called us into their butteries and made us drink gratis, there they have wondrous fair brewing vessels and a fair kiln. There is also the Custom house not far from St. Giles’ church with 3 fair arched entrancP/S^ over it is the place where butter is sold. The town is governed by a Provost which is [in] nature of our mayor,, they not having any in Scotland, by 4 bailiffs and 36 of his council, in nature of our aldermen, the mayor’s brethren and other under officers ; the bailiffs arrest, and the officers may also if the baliffs bid. There is an officer they call the Danegeld which disburseth money for the town before the bailiffs, they call him lord. At 4 o’clk in the morning and at 8 at night goeth a drum about the town and so in other boroughs. 85 the nobles have to carry up the supper, a trumpet: sounding. All their gentlemen be courteous and affable, but hosts and the country clowns be careless and unconscionable in their usage to strangers. On the 10 of November being Tuesday at 12 of the clock see we 3 heralds standing on the public cross which is in form of a turret but not garretted, and a wood beam standing up in the middle, the unicorn crowned on the top of it, there is a door up into it. These 3 heralds one after another did proclaim an edict concerning the papists of Scotland, reciting them by their names which get if possible, both before and after they proclaimed 3 trumpeters sounded, and so still they do if it be from the King or his council, but if some common proclamation not so in state. On this cross be all noble men hanged and headed, as about 9 years since, 1619 or thereabouts, the Earl of Orkney headed, his son hanged, and others, for the keeping a castle against the King being treason ; on this cross be citations rea land Head the 71 h day of August. Imp. Rich. Arey of Shapp. Rob. Winter of Morland. Lauclot Fallowfeild of Great Strickland. Jennat Smith of Slegill. Ann Robinson of Newby. Elinor Winter of Morland. Francis Lawson of Great Strickland. Margarat Fallowfeild of the same. Anna Holme of Slegill. Ann Li cake of Item the 14th of August. Lanch.'t Fallowfeild de Great Strickland. Rol). Winter of Morland. Rob. llebbson of Litle Strickland. Ann Smith of Shapp. Dorety Arey of the same. Margarat Arey of the same. Catheren Clarke of the same. Elinor Winter of Morland. Margarat Fallowfeild de Great Strickland. Ann Robinson of Newby. Mary Richardson of Great Strickland. Elizabeth Holme of Slegill. Jennat Smith of Slegill. Elizabeth Morland of Millflatt. Item the 21st of August. Rich. Arey of Shapp. Rob. Winter of Morland. Hugh Gibbson of Shapp. Rob. Bowmen of Bampton. Edw. Robinson of Newby. Lanclot Fallowfeild of Great Strickland. Tho. Smith ol’ Slegill. Mary .^rey of Shajep. Elizabeth Morland of Millflatt. Francis Lawson of Great Strickland. Margarat Fallowfeild of the same. Ann Smith of Slegill. Jennatt Smith of the same. Jane Winter of the same. Jennat Atkinson of Shapp. Eliza Dent of King’s Meaberon. Ann Holme of Slegill. Ann Licake. Again the 4 of September. Lanclot Fallowfeild of Great Strickland. Rob. Hebbsou of Litle Strickland. Edw. Winter of Morlanck Will. Hebbson of Slegill. Rob. Winter of Morland. Ann Robinson of Newby, 2 92 Margarat Fallowfeild of Great Strickland. Mary Holme of Slegill. Mary Kichardson of Great Strickland. Jennat Smith of Slec^ill. Dorety Arey of Shapp. Margarat Arey of the same. Jennat Atkinson of the same. Grace Wattson of Thrimby. Sarah Whitehead of Shapp. Elinor Cloudsdaile of the same. The 28th day of August. Lauclot Fallowfeild of Great {blank). Tho. Langhorne of Helton. Dorety Arey of Shapp. Margarat Arey of the same. Margarat Fallowfeild of Great Str[ickland].” Undated.] A calendar of all the Quakers now in gaol at Appulby. John Boulton. Anthony Bownass. Thomas Langhorne. Robert Bowman. Elizabath Holme. 1 Committed by order of Sessions upon the third offence. Bichard Barrick. Edmund Bobinson. Robert Winter. Edward Winter. .Tohn Robinson. John Thompson. William Scaife. Kendall Quakers. William Cartmell. Elizabeth his wife. Jli(K ard Burrow. William Mansergh. Robert Atkinson. Rowland Warriner. Michaell Langhorne. J Committed for five months upon the second offence and remained 2 months more than their time for the Clerk of the Peace fees. r Committed upon a Sessions Ut- J lawry and refused to submit or trsi- \ verse to the Indictment and nay the (Jerk of the Peace fees. I Committed by Allan Bellingham Dan. Eleemeinge James Duckett and Nicholas Fisher, Esquires, for refusing either to submit or traverse to these Indictments. Committed by Sir Jidin Lowther, Baronet, for refuseinge to find secu- rity for his appearance and good lyeliM.vionr Francis Howgill and Whlliam tiebson upon an other account.” 93 Sir John Armitage to {popy). 1663, Monday, 12 o’clock forenoon. Kirklees. — ‘‘lam commanded by the high sheriff of onr county and the Deputy Lieutenants of the West Riding, to give you notice that the fifth monarchy men, the Ana- baptists, Independents, Presbyterians, and a great many of the old soldiers, are resolved upon a rising, the day appointed is the 12th instant, the rebellion is to be general throughout the kingdom, if not in Scotland too. Therefore I thought it was my duty to acquaint you that all loyal subjects in the county may have notice to be in readiness if possible to prevent the horrid design, for they are resolved to destroy all which doth not come in unto their assistance. I am afraid I have been too tedious so shall only trouble you with the subscribing of myself,” &c. Sir Philip Musgrave to Sir John Lowther, at Lowther. 1664, December 24. — “ I do give you thanks for the account you are pleased to give me of your proceedings against the quakers concerning which matter I did a few days ago speak with my Lord Chancellor who told me (as Mr. Secretary Rennet had done formerly) that from all parts of England they heard of their insolent behaviour, and did desire as quick a course might be taken for suppressing of them by imprison- ment and transportation as the law will allow, I shall before the end of Christmas give you Avhat I can learn for the way appointed for their transportation : The country will have a loss of Sir Patricias Curwen having a long time lived with much reputation among them and loved just ways. A writ for a new election is granted and I perceive Sir William Dalston intends to stand, and your nephew Sir John Lowther doth the like. They are both my very good friends and I will be account- able to you for my carriage in this matter. The loss of our fort, and all the merchandise, and merchant ships at Gruine taken by the Dutch, I suppose will be sent you in^more particular manner then I have it, it is a sad story : I wish you a- good Christmas. P.S. — If you have not (by the authority of an umpire) put an end to the dispute betwixt my cousin William Musgrave and his son in law Mr. Simpson, I do beseech you do it, for it is an act of charity and Mr. Simpson’s designs very disagreeable to ingenuous dealing especially with a father.” Dr. Thomas Barlow to Sir John Lowther Bart, at Lowther. 1670, April Sth. Q[ueens] Coll[ege] Oxon. — “ I receaved yours, and returne my respects, and harty thanks for your kindnes to the Colledge and me ; and for your good opinion of both ; which appears in this, that you are pleased to trust us with the education of your Grand-child, the heire and hopes of your ancient and worthy family. Sir, whenever you shall be pleased to send him hither, he shall be very welcome, and you may be sure, he shall have the best accommodation the Colledge can give him. For placinge him in the Colledge be pleased to know, that we have two ranks of Gentlemen in the Colledge. 1. Those we call Communars, which are Gentlemen of inferior quality usually (though many times men of higher birth and fortune, will have their sonnes and heires in that ranke). 2. Upper Communars^ which usually are Baronetts or knights sonnes, or Gentlemen of greater 2 94 fortunes; these have some honorary priviledges above ordinary Com- miinars, but are not (as in all other Houses generally) freed from any exercise the meanest gentlemen undergoe : soe we conceave, and (by experience find and) know it to be true, that to exempt them from any beneficiall exercise, is not a prlviledge, but indeed an injury and losse to them : seeinge it is really a' depriveinge them of the just means of attaininge learninge, which is the end they and we should aime att. I doe (with submission to your prudence) thinke it most convenient to make your Grand(diild Upper-CommunaT ; it is some more honor, and benefitt to him, seeinge he will be ranked amongst Gentlemen of better birth and fortune, and soe (in reason and probabilytie) of most ingenuous breedinge and civility. For a Tutor, in case you know any in our Colledge to whom you would commend him, lett mm know it, and your commands shall be obeyed ; otherwise if you shall be pleased to referr it to me, I shall commend him to such a one, as shall carefully indeavor to direct and instruct him in the grounds of Religion and Literature. But whoever be his Tutor, I shall (God willinge) diligently oversee and take care of both, and assist them in attaininge the end they aime att (piety and learninge). Though my imployments here are neither few nor little ; yet (if you give me leave) I shall at convenient times (privately) read over the grounds of Divinity to him, that soe he may have a better understandinge and comprehension of the reason of that Religion, which alone is, or can be a just foundation of true com- fort here, and of our hopes of a better life hereafter Lastly, to send a servant to attend him, will be some charge (though, to you, that be inconsiderable) and indeed (which is con- siderable) to noe purpose : for he must have a boy (assigned by his Tutor) to be his servitor, who must be a gowne-man and a scholar, and will be able to doe all his little businesses for him ; and he may chuse such a servitor as is a very good scholar and sober Student, and soe be helpfull to him in his studies. Very few Gentlemen (though heires to very great fortunes) keepe any men to attend them here ; and these few •which sometimes doe, those servants haveinge nothinge to doe themselves commonly make their Maisters most idle. But I referre this (as all other things) to your prudence.” Dr. Thomas Barlow to [Sir John Lowther Bart.]. 1670, May 26th. Queen’s College, Oxon. — “ I receaved yours, and ’tis true, I understood your meaninge, (when you mentioned sendinge a man to waite on your grandchild here) to be of a Cloche-man ; and such persons (haveipge usually little or noe buisines with bookes) beeinge commonly idle themselves, concurre many times to make their maisters soe too. But, it seemes, I misunderstood your meaninge, for you intended to send a younge man, a scholar, who might waite on him as his servitor : and (as to this) my Cosin Dr. Smith, said truely, that such a person will be very convenient to come with him ; for a servitor, who is a gown-man, he must have ; and ’twill be much better that he have one of whose fidelity and industr}^ he is (by experience) assured, then a stranger ; besides that boy (if borne in our country) will be capable of any })referment in our Colledge, and if (by his civility and proficiency in good literature) he prove worthy, he shall not want it.” 95 Lancelot Lowther to Sir John Lowther Bart. 1670; July 23rd, New Castle . — /a bout the price and supply of alum, estimated to be worih about 2bl. a ton. Henry Denton to Sir John Lowther Bart. 1670-1, January l7th. Q[ueens] C[ollege], Ox [ford]. “ Your Grandchild continues his application to his studies not onely with diligence, but delight. Onely he has by an accident common to men who are in the vigour of their youth in jesting with an other Gentleman sprained his legge. But without any further hurt then some live dayes confinement to his chamber, which to him that can entertain himself all day with his book is no punishment. I am very well satisfyd with your intentions of making him his own purse bearer, because as 1 do not distrust his discretion, so will it ease mee.” Sir Thomas Osborne to Lord . 1671, October 3rd, London. — .... ‘‘Your Lordship was pleased in that to oblige mee with your commands to indeavour Sir John Finch his being one of the Commissioners for the Customes, and I must assure your Lordship itt was so much my desire that his Majestic should choose the best men for that place, and so much my inclination to serve so worthy a Gentleman, that I had proposed him to the Duke of Buckingham before 1 received your letter, and his Grace did not only approve the choice, but recommended him to his Majestic, whose answer was that hee had pitch’t upon the men already, and I can assure your Lordship further, that the King depended wholly upon my Lord Ji.shley and Sir Thomas Clifford for the choice of all those Com- missioners, Could I have pleased myselfe with a more satisfactory answer according to my desire, your Lordslnp should not have staid so long for it, and though I cannott take upon me to answer all the queries in your second letter, viz : — what qualifications are necessary to a Pretender, yett I dare bee confident to say my Lady Mary Bertie is in no way ingaged and when she is, I should thinke itt one great step to her happinesse that her Gallant could bee accompanied with your credentialls.” The Earl of Danby to the Earl of Conavay. 1680, August 21st. — “1 knoAV itt is pitty to interrupt you in your great pleasur(! of building, but besides that I can bee no longer silent without inquiring after your health (which no man is more concernd in then myselfe) 1 desire to partake of some of the pleasure by knowing what advances you have made in your Avork aud whither you have made any progresse in the fencing of the Park. If itt please God that ever I have liberty to go where I .please I resoh^e to make my first visitt to B-agley and I am sure I shall not Avant your Lordship’s assistance for that liberty Avhen the time comes. I am glad therefore for my owne sake that a certain day is now sett for the meeting of the Parliament. I suppose you heard that Mr. Hyde is sworne a Gentleman of the bed- chamber and I find every body Avondring att itt and guessing that itt portends some great alteration in the Treasury. 1 heare my Lord 2 96 Grauard is in towne and that some would find an imployment for him to Tanger, but I imagine those are not his best friends. I intend to write to my Lord Brooks to thank him for his civility in the last Parliament and to desire the continuance of itt in this, but I have not yett Jearnt how to direct my letter to him.” Anne Wharton to [her Husband] the Hon. Thomas Wharton. 1681, April fg, Paris. — .... ‘‘I here your poore house o:^ commons were very roughly dealt with, they have noe vertne left (that I know of) but patiance, to make use of, and they say that is the coward’s vertue, but yet I hope they will practise' it in their affliction, which I cannot be very sory for, because I am the more likely to see you heare ; you see how publick misfortuns bring private satisfactions.” Thomas Lowther to Sir John Lowther Baronet. 1688, August 22nd. Preston [or Purston Jacklin, near Pontefract]. — I delayed till this post, to give you an accompt what was done at our meeting at Pontefract. Wee mett an houre or two before the questioners came where we agreed on the Answers ; as on the other side there were but three that differed from us that were protestants, (viz) Sir J. Bointon, Mr. Hammon, and Mr. Towneley, the two former we expected would doe soe, and what their answers were we know hot, but they looked sneak- ingly on’t. Now shall acquaint you what a fatall day had like to have beene to me ; in the morning the stewart of my Colepitts fell downe the Pitt 34 yards deep, and a piece of timber after him, yet by God’s mercie was not killed ; and other two at the same time had like to have beene kild that should have lett him downe. Tom Widdop is onely lamed but recovers fast, and was able in two days to ride downe. That day Tanckard and his two Bed Coats came and dined with me, after dinner Tanckard quarrelled with my son Tom and challenged him. Tom stole out of the house and mett them betwixt [here] and Swillington, made Charles the butler follow him with two swords. Tom and the other two charged theire pistoll as they went ; Charles got to my son before they did, they threatened to pistoll my son for not bringing a gentleman, but Tom and Tanckard drew where after 4 or 5 passes they closed and fell into a ditch. Tanckard would not fight without he had the higher ground; at Tom’s last pass he bent his sword neare to his h.and either against his belt or buckle. The souldier went to Charles whilst the other 2 were ingaged and swore he would pistoll him if he did not lie down his sw^ord, v/hich he did, the other taking it up and broak it ; then the two souldiers run to the other two who were strugling and dis.armed Tom, and cut Charles twice across his head. As soone as I mist my son I got upon a hors without sadl.e or bridle and came just as all was done. You may believe I ivas in great confusion yet had that command when I see him well not to ingage further. I thank God he had noe hurt but a butt in his head which the souldier gave him.” Thomas Brathwait, J.P., to Sir John Loavtiier. 1688, August 23rd. Kendal. — “I did really designe to waite on you tomorrow night att Lowther (as Cousin William Fleming will acquainte 97 you,) but I am so confined with endeless and bottomless business con- cerning Clipping, daily examining and bindeing over, that I have not been master of myselfe a good while, nor am yett, that latigue not being yett over.” to Sir John Lowther at Lowther. 1688, September 22nd. London. — . . . “ The wind has been so long westerly that we know not what the Dutch Fleet design, but ail agree ’tis for something extraordinary. Several towns are said to be beseiged by the French but no certainty.” to Sir John Lowther. 1688, September 29th. London. — I suppose before the post goe the proclamation wifbe out for recalling the Parliament writs ; whether they will be revived I know not. I wudt (as in my last) to ray Lord Thanet concerning my son but have no answer; Mr. Musgrave also writ to him the same post, not having determined before to stand, but apprehending some new measures, as he thought, begun then to think on it, but he told me he believed that his father would stand both for Westmoreland and Carlisle, and if so there would be room at Carlisle upon his waiving one of them. We cannot tell what to think of the In vasion ; the King said he thought the Prince of Orange would goe on. board as Munday next, letters last night say on Thursday or Friday, the Merchants’ letters are wholy silent and all other news is from our Envoy in -Holland, onely all agree in great preparations.” Jos. Reed to Sir John Lowther at Lowther. 1688, December 6, Carlisle, — “ It’s now discoursed here by Sir Christopher’s friends that he intends to be governor here, and that soon, and they talk it publicly, the reason, because he and Sir George refused to sign a petition or to join with your Honour in anything. This Mr. B. F[eilding] told young Mr. Warwicke that your Honour dined at Sir Christopher’s with Sir George, and that they absolutely refused to join with you but would stick by the King, as if }'our Honour Avere other- wise, I hope my Lord Carlisle or your Honour may expect to be served as soon as he, for I am confident both the other, as plainly appears by their actings, that profit is preferred before religion {sic) ; yet they must go still by the people here for the only loyal men and the upholders of the Church of England. Sir John I do all that possibly I can yet can- not get up the rents.” [J. Aglionby] to Sir John Lowther at Lowtheio 1688, December 10, Carlisle. — “I delivered your letter to Captain C. and had a long discourse with him upon it, wherein I represented to him the untenableness of their post for want of men, provisions, &c., and the little grounds they had to hope for any assistance, insinuating also some designs upon them from their old enemies which (as I am since credibly informed) is very true. He seemed at first to be thoughtful, yet told me they had an assurance from the liOrd Chancellor of Scotland of what men they needed which I scarce believe though I know they hold corre- o 68070. G 2 98 spondence with him and have had some expresses from him of late^ At the last he told me he would confer with the governor and the lieutenant'' colonel (who rules all) and that I should have an answer, but though I have purposely stayed in town and have seen them all since several times, and that the last post brought them very unwelcome news (which I heard them read), yet they say nothing to me, so that I conclude they will take no counsel but in extremity and that nothing further is to be attempted that way. Mr. Fielding hath been very busy in misrepresent- ing your proposals to Sir C. M[usgrave] and Sir Gr. F[letcher], and would have it believed here that you signed ill things, but that Sir C. M. and Sir G. F. (being firm in their loyalty) would not join. Sir C. M. speaks confidently of his interest in Westmoreland and gives out he will not. spare money in the business of elections there. On Wednesday last Sir C. M. sent in great diligence to Carlisle, and a common council being called a letter of his was read wherein he recommended himself or his son (’tis said his younger son) to serve them in parliament, proposing the privy purse for another, but the privy purse being rejected with contempt he immediately joined Captain Bubbe who stands also for a member. Before I got to town they had given a great treat to the most considerable men of the corporation and ’tis said have carried on their business a great way so that by what I can yet learn it will be a matter of much difficulty and expense to prevail for a new man. However I have sent out some of the most considerable men here to observe and take measures of the strength of our adversary, and also to try how the common people stand affected to my Lord C., and till I have an account from them how things are like to go I have suspended the making any public or direct proposal, although I have declared that I intend to do so if the thing appears feasible. You shall hear from me in a week’s time, otherwise you may conclude that matter at an end. Sir G. F. wrote in behalf of the privy purse, undertakimg for him (as he had for himself) that he would be fof the support of the Protestant religion and property, but all was to no purpose. Mr. Fielding tells the people here that my Lord C. makes no pretensions to recommend any to them, but that what is said by me is by your direction only in opposition to Sir C. M. and Sir F. G. [P.S.] — There was a sham story spread abroad last week that the gar- rison under the pretence of making an alarm designed some ill thing upon the townsmen here, in so much that the people sat up in their houses one whole night, and Captain Bubb having done something in favour of the town hath gained some interest by it, though the wiser sort ridicule the whole matter.” Jos. Reed to Sir John Lovttiier at Lowtiier. [1688, Dec.] 15th instant. — “ On Sunday morning last I went for Dur- ham having business to do that reipiired my being there and at Newcastle. I got home last night and was presently sent for to the Governor, who asked me where I had been, 1 told him, he asked me if I had not seen your Honour, I told him not, however it’s believed otherwise. Honoured Sir, having this safe bearer, have writ Ibis till I see your Honour to beg that you will have a care of your person, for I believe the seizing of those arms hath exasperated some here, that it’s good to guard against. But I ho])e you need no premonishing, for the news from York I know you have. Here came some more papists in here last night from Berwick but I know noi their names.” 99 Jos. Reed to Sir John Lowther at Lowther. [1688, December 16] 7 o’clock Sunday morning. — “I^ot hearing of anything till just now that one comes and tells me the town is sur- rendered to Sir Christopher [Musgrave], who came in it seems last night by consent, for he had the word and so went into the castle and, as 1 am told, the Governor told him he might yield and would give it to him sooner than any, so delivered up all the keys and everything. I cannot but admire the proceedings of the last night and to hear Sir Christopher and all those officers in die garrison before to be so gracious and kind now. I know not how they will use me, but I expect no good treat- ment from them however will see something further ; they will certainly write by to morrow’s post to give an account of the great feats done in taking the garrison. I cannot tell how to add further, though a great deal might, but 1 am, &c. [P.S.] — It seems the mayor and all men was forthwith sent for by Sir Christopher and much joy expressed on both sides. The gate is but now opening and the Mayor and his brethren the aldermen are waiting at Mr. Basyll Feilding’s where two sentries are, for Sir Christopher laid there last -night, and noAV they are for going to church. I am further certainly told just now that they are at Captain Bubb’s lodgings, first T mean Sir Christopher to signify to the Prince by an express that Captain Bubb betrayed the town into Sir Christopher’s hands, and with much ado they took it, and so to know the Prince’s further pleasure what to do, wlien now it’s certainly known that Sir Christopher was sent for yesterday morning; but they must say some- thing to clear the Governor and to make Sir Christopher great. This was told me after I had writ the other side.” J. Aglionby to Sir John Lowther. 1688, December 16. — ‘‘ This morning I received yours and immediately went to Carlisle, but when I came there I understood the garrison was delivered up to Sir C. Musgrave the night before at one o’clock. ’Tis certain the Governor hath not dealt well with you and that he and Sir C. M. had concerted their matters before and made haste lest you should take the place by force. The late governor with all the popish officers retired this morning to Corby, but ’tis said they return to morrow morning the governor’s family being still in the castle. On Saturday in the evening Captain Bubb went to Rose where Sir C. M. met him ; they came to Carlisle together and wmre received at the gate by the Lieu- tenant Colonel, who gave Sir C. M. the word and advancing thence to the castle was met at the gate there by the late governor, who imme- diately delivered up the keys of the garrison, and after a small treat Sir C. M. retired to his lodging. Basil Fielding hath treated you here with the worst langunge imaginable, and amongst others he used this expression of you, viz., ‘ God damn 1dm for a wdiig, he pretends to do great things, but never did any good yet.’ This was after you had seized the arms. Sir G. F[letcher] came to town this morning and this day is to be a day of rejoicing, preparations being making for that purpose. On Tuesday I intend to be at LowJher and shall acquaint you with what further occurs.” Jos. Reed to Sir John Lowther at Lowther. [1688] December 17, Carlisle. — “ Now at 10 o’clock some of the papists are going out of this town, and no body so great as they and our G 2 2 ' 100 new governor Sir Christopher and Sir George, who talks very big. I send my man purposely to signify that they are now going to Corby, and as their men tell me will be at Appleby tliis niglit; for Sir Christopher has given them a pass, and as they say hath directed them to his mayor’s, Mr. Atkinson, who he says will let them j:)ass and assist them. If you think to stop it may do well, for all this town is so dissatisfied with Sir Christopher and Sir George that they should let them go, so that they are almost mad ; and not only that but those of the officers as Booth and others that could not pay their debts they put them out yesterday that nobody could arrest them. I am sure if your Honour cause your men to stop it will oblige all here except the governor and our mayor and 2 or 3 more. Our late governor has dealt very dirtily Avith those that had been kind to him here. They posted awniy for Squire Dacre’s, and he just noAv came to town. [P.S.] — There will be 5 or 6 of those men, they have 1 believe 200/. with them and very good horses, they have a guide with them and Avill certainly be at Appleby this night at Atkinson’s, but belicAe it may be late if they stay anything at Corby.” Tho. Addison to [Sir John Low^ther]. 1688-9, January 1 , Whiteha\ en. — I am heartily troubled and ashamed that a parcel of inconsiderate hot-headed men should give yotir Honour (the only aid, support, and defence of our country) so unreasonable a charge and disturbance in sending men and arms to join them in a project not in your poAver to carry on. All the AAmrld sees your Avorth in complying Avith all things that may tend to the public good. This might easily haA-e been accomplished if the toAvn had been consulted therein and the true plot laid. Mr. Sandforth and Mr. Simpson who have sufficiently acted their parts will give your Honour a full relation of the failure, to which F beg leave to refer you, with this faithful assurance that if I had been a party to the letter sent to your Honour or advised the thing, or if I had receAed your Honour’s commands for carrying it on, 1 Avould liaAm hazarded my life and fortune to have perfected the project. When your Honour has an answer to Avhat was written when I had the satisfaction to wait on you at LoAvther, I beg the favour of a line. Most heartily Avishing that my good Lady may present your Honour with a son and heir for your neAV -year’s gift, and that you may all live in all imaginable happiness for many and many years is the hearty prayer of,” &c. The Earl of Siireavsbury to Sir Williaxai Rawlinson. 1688-9, March 4. — “ The Commission for the great Seale being to be layd before his Majesty tomorroAv morning, att his returne from Hampton Court, to be sealed in his presence, I desire you would attend then Avith the Great Seal at the Council Chamber about nine of the Clock.” The Earl of Nottingham to the Lords Commissioners of the Great Seal. 1689, April 20th. — The King being informed that a great number of the Irish Clergy being driven over hither, many of them are in a starving condition, and being desirous to give them all the relief he can for their 101 support and maintenance ; his Majesty commands me to acquaint your Lordships that be would have you forbear bestowing some of the lesser preferments in the Church, which are in your gift, for some convenient time, that a present provision may be made by sequestration for such of those clergymen, who shall be judged worthy by those whom his Majesty shall employ to that purpose. The Earl of Shrewsbury to the Lord Chief Justice [Holt]. [1689 ?] May 4. — The King being informed that the prisons here in town are so full that great inconveniences are iike to ensue if a Gaol Delivery be not speedily held, his Majesty thinks it reasonable that it should be done, which I am commanded to signify to your Lordship. And if there be anything to be done here in order to it, you will please to let me know it. The Earl of Shrewsbury to the Lords Commissioners of the Great Seal. [ 1 689 June 13th. — The King commands me to enquire of your Lord- ships whether you have yet had any returns of the names of those put into the commissions of the peace who have taken the oaths, as also whether you have had an account that any of them have either refused taking the oaths, or having taken them decline to act, which it imports his Majesty to be informed in, and therefore if your Lordships are not already prepared to satisfy the King in these particulars, he would have you do it with all the dispatch that may be, and (if it be possible) before the Judges begin the Circuit; and an immediate account is expected into whose bands the severall commissions of the peace for each county were delivered. 1 send your Lordships inclosed a list of persons presented to his Majesty by my Lord Lucas to be on the commission of the peace for the liberty and precincts of the Tower. William III. to Sir John Lo mother Baronet First Commissioner of the Treasury. 1690, June 11th. Gayton near Hoylake. — “We are just going to embarque but consideiing how necessary it will be to have the rest of the money disjiatcht unto us, sve recommend this matter to your par- ticular care. In like manner Ave expect that Provision be made to enable the Lord Ranalaugh to pay all those Bills A\djich will be draAvn upon him from Holland.” Signed. William III. to the Same. 1690, June 18 th. Belfast. — “We lately directed you to hasten to us the remaining 70,000/. with all convenient speed ; as also to enable the Earle of Ranelagh to ansAver all such Bills as should be dniAvn upon him from Holland, Avhich again we remind you of. And Avhereas Ave directed you to advance oncly a third part of the money desired for the supply of the Vaudois, Ave now understand from the Earle of Notting- ham that the Avhole sume is A^ery impatiently expected from us ; and therefore our Order is, that you go on furnishing the same in such methods, as our present service, and olher occasions Avill peimitt. By his Majesties Command, (Signed) Robert Southwell.” 2 102 Sir Eobert Southwell to Sir John Lowther. 1690, July 4th. From his Majesty’s Camp near Goulding Bridge. — “ It was on the 27th past that I layd before his Majesty yours of the 22nd, wherein his Majesty tooke notice of your extreame concerne for his Supply here, which was alsoe the argument of your former. He has since ordered me to acquaint you that he hopes the money promised to be lent in London would be made effectuall, in which case he expects that what hath been diverted by publick necessity from the supply of Ireland should thereout be made up. As alsoe timely provition thought on for the future support of this great Body which may yett possibly be putt on some seiges and difficult attempts. We have just now advice that the Jersey Frigott is arrived in Dublin with 80,000/. and his Majesty is in care how to have it soone here where tis wanted enough, and indeed the Country feeles in consequence the smart thereof. I know you partake of all I write to my Lord Nottingham. Soe that I will not trouble you with a repitition of our particulars here.” Sir Egbert SouTimELL to Sir John Lowther. 1690, July 17. The Camp at Wells. — On receipt of yours of the 7th which 1 had on the 14th, I lost no time to lay it before his Alajesty. He read it with satisfaction, and yesterday sent orders to the Jersey frigate to hasten to Chester for the fifty thousand pounds which you hoped might be there on the 19th instant, and Mr. Cunningsby wrote by your conveyance. I will not presume to touch on our affairs here since his Majesty now writes wdien you are to partake.” Sir John Trevor to Sir William Eaw^linson, Lord Com- missioner. 1690, August 18th. — ‘‘ I did this day acquaint my Lord Nottingham with the Circuite Pardon and some of the reasons wdiy w^ee could not passe it : his Lordship said that the Queene and himself were surprized in it, and did much wonder that such a pardon should bee tendered, and his Lordship desired that you would come to him some time with the pardon, that his Lordship (with you) might peruse it. Pray my Lord spare some time to goe to him as soone as you cann, that he may see wdiat carefull and reforming Judges wee have, that would with most religious eyes have hanged you and myselfe for passing such a Pardon when time was, which time I hope will neaver be againe. These men, that make such a noise about Blood, and yett are without any difficulty pardoning persons attaincted of Murder and by that name too ” {sic). Me3Ioranda on Trade and Plantations. 1690, September 11th. “ Aftrican Companie, They cannot return in time : — the Plantations ill supplied with Negroes the Iasi year; — they therefore desire Convoy : — the Castles and Planta- 103 tions will be in danger: — betwixt 30 and 40 Ships to be employed, and about 40 Men a peece .-—they would send before the end of October H> Sfiil : — 12 are the ifewest they ought to send in October. the Levant Marchants. They desire the Convoy maygoe the middle of October, that it may be att Messina the middle of Jan [nary] to meet the Turkey ships thence to goe to Leghorn, thence call att the several Forts of Spain : — there are about 16 may return of the Turkey ships from Messina by that time : — there are 6 Men of War of ours and 2 Dutch there to convoy them. 20 Dciys the usuall voyage betwixt Smyrna and Leghorn. East India Companie. Would send six shins would take up 600 men, 3 to be sent in Sep- t[ember] tlie other 3 in March, they have 2 in Milford haven, and expect 2 more dayly. Spanish Marchants. That there ships will be readie the last of October and may return the middle of March, there are no concealed seamen. Presse warrants to be concealed. a ihird Land men 1 List of Ships to goe. a positive time to return j Commissions to be given earlie. That as to this trade there may be a Publication by the Commissioners of the Customs, that the ships that are to goe may enter their Names Number of men and Burthens may be there registred by a certain Day. 6 Ships to goe to Leghorn with 40 men each that cannot return, and about d to Yenice and Zant. Canarie Marchants. If they goe out the 20th of Octo[ber] may be back the the latter end of Feb[ruary]. the Number 30 or 40. Men 600. Bilboa. If they goe tlie 31 of Octo[ber] they Avill leturn in Jan[uary] 8 Ships. loO Men. One Man of War, to attend them. Eastland, 50 Ships 400 Men in Ap[ril] next: — one 4th and one 5th Rate. the Marchants Avould take the Marine men. a ffith Land men. the Convoy to return by a certain day. a List of the Ships to be entered at the Customhous. Bond to be given by the Marchants for their return. Commissions to be earlie given out. Endorsed : — Trade and Plantations.” The Earl of Nottingham to Sir John Loavther. 1690, November 11th, Whitehall. — “I send you enclosed an extract of the Treaty Avith the Swisses, as far as relates to the j:»ayments that are to be made, and 1 desire you Avill lay it before his Majesty for his direc- tions, that the Messenger may be dispatched by the next post, and I should be glad if you could let me have the Bills on Thursday next. The Swisse Troops are to be 4000 men comprehending Officers. The pay is 7 crowncs per mouth for each man, counting 58 sols of french money to the crowne. The Plat de Colonel 1160 1 livres tournois 1 per The Estat Major 800 j and 8 sols j month 2 104 One month’s pay to be advanced for the levys. The first month’s pay to be made at the first Muster on the frontiers of Swisserland. The Pay to the severall Companys commences from the day they respectively march in entire Companys. 6000 livres tournois per month to the Protestant Cantons, but no time specifyed in the Treaty for the commencement of this payment, and therefore most reasonably to be computed from the day of the Ratification, viz : — I^ovember 6, 1690.” (Lord Commissioner) Sir George Hutchins to Sir William Rawlinson. 1690-91, March 7th. — ‘‘I have spoken with Mr. Dodson in reference to the warrants touchinge the 2 priests and truly am satisfied that as the matter now stands he ought to keepe the warrants and the rather for that the Chiefe Justice of the Common Pleas is out of towne and will not be here till next Satturday, wherein T think Mr. Dodson is just ta his trust, I have therefore proposed this expedient, that Mr. Dodson make copyes of the warrants attested by him self e with an acknowledgment that he had the originalls which he v/ill not deliver out of his custody without- other order, which I question not his performance of, and that hee’ll be equally just to us as well as to the Judges, which I submit to your Lordship’s consideration.” The Earl of Nottingham to the Lord Commissioner Rawlinson. Wednesday. — The King would have one of the Lords Commissioners of the Great Seal to attend him at my liOrd Shrewsbury’s office at 4 of the clock this afternoon ; and your Lordship being in the best state of health I trouble with this notice of his Majesty^ s pleasure. The Earl of Nottingham to the Lord Commissioner Rawlinson. 1691, May 5. — Before the King went from Kensington his Majesty appointed Mr. Serjeant Powell to be Judge of the Common Pleas in Judge Ventris’s place. But I am told that his Majesty at Harwich nominated Sir William Pulteney, for which reason I delay the warrant for Mr. Powell : and I desire your Lordship to send me word whether you have heard of any fresh warrant for Sir William Pulteney and what you know of the matter and to take no notice of what I now write. Sir John Lowthkr to Sir William Rawlinson. 1693, April 5 . — ‘‘ I am sorrie I can now give you so certain and so ill an account off the affair, ffor being tired off the delays and uncertainties I daylie mett with upon the account, I presumed this day to speak to the Queen herself concerning it, she told me that notwithstanding shee had assured My L<^ Cheif Baron that tho he might now have the money yet he must expect it no more att anie other time, yett he still desires to continue ftbr two terms, which to me is the same thing as if he had said always. As to the other tis certain he doth desire to keep it, tho it were but ffor a year, yett the King being resolute that he should not, he now saith that he hath it ffor life, but will submit it to the King’s 105 pleasure if he pleas to command it, which no doubt he will, but in the meantime it stays till the King’s answer come. Thus Sir you see the unavoidable delay, and that it is not the King nor Queen’s fault but others, who will always be to blame.” The Duke of Leeds to Sir John Lowther. 1694, August 9th, London. — I am but lately returned hither from the North, and have mett with no pleasing news since I came, but what Sir Henry Goodrich told mee this day, of your family being strengthned by another son to support itt. I assure you I partake doubly with you in the satisfaction, both as itt is an addition to your comfort, and that I think the Nation cannot have enough of your breed, and I doubt not but my Godson is secure from any diminution of your kindnesse by the increase of younger brothers. The Fleet under my Lord Berkeley is going before Dunkirk, and that in the streights was att Barcelona when the last letters came from itt. I am not able to informe you whither itt will winter in those parts or not, that being left to Mr. Eussell’s discretion, but the Admiralty and Navy board have said they can provide all things necessary for it’s stay there if itt shall bee judged convenient. The Armys in Flanders remaine in their Station att Mont St. Andre, and there is not any likelyhood of an engagement, which gives us hopes of seeing the King back sooner then formerly. In my late Progresse 1 visited 18 severall considerable houses, and am sorry that the distance would nott permitt race to make yours the 19th, both because I heare itt is as well worth seeing as any of them, and more because I should have had the satisfaction of paying you my respects.” The Earl of Nottingham to Sm John Lowther. 1694-5, January 1st, London. — “I was very unhappy that my businesse here obliged me to come from Exton, when you designed me the honour of your company there; and should be very glad that the health of your Lady would allow you to return hither before I leave the town, for I long to talk with you to whom I can most freely impart my thoughts, and my sorrow too for the losse [of] the Queen who on earth had not her equall : But I will not dwell on so melancholy a subject, with which I am so affected that I could not help mentioning it, though I intended onely to beg the favour of you to send the enclosed to Mr. Swingler, to whom I did not know how to direct it ; t’is in answer to one I lately received from him, which I have sent to you open that, if you will trouble yourselfe tr» read it and seal it, you may see his scruples, to which I think the articles were not iyable, and you will oblige me, if he has yet any doubts, to remove them, which none can so effectually do as yourselfe, because the measures you took with him in your building shall be my rule to decide the differences if there should be any, which I can’t foresee, between us.” Lord Godolphin to Sir John Lowther, Bart. 1695, May 13th. — “ One may well bee throughly ashamed for having been soe long without thanking you for the favour of your letter and at the present you sent mee, 1 took them both extream kindly from you, and it was a great pleasure to mee to receive any mark of yoar remern- 2 106 brance. I have endeavoured lately to deserve them by remernbring the comands you left with mee in relation to Mr. Serjeant Rawlinson whom I earnestly recomended to the place of chiefe Baron, and made bold to putt the King in mind of your concerning yourselfe for him, which I am very sure has a great deale of weight with his Majesty, but Mr. Sollicitour, hee said, must bee Attorney Generali, and no argument was able to resist that ; ho\vever I have given the King a hint of ano- ther thing just now upon his going away, which hee seemed to relish well enough, and which I am Avilling to hope may please Sir W. Rawlinson. At his returne, 1 shall Avatch it as well as I can, upon your account.” Lord Godolphin to Sir John Loavther at Lowther. 1695, June 20th. — “ When the King gave the rcAmrsion after Queen DoAvager of some lands in your Country to my lady Fitzharding I reinem- ber it Avas his desire and intention that, in case she found her selfe obliged to part Avith it, you might have the refusal, I knoAV the King Avill still bee of the same mind, and my Lady Fitzharding having ac- quainted mee she is offered 320011. for her Grant, T could not but give yon this notice of it, and shall bee very glad to receive your commands, if you hiiYe any on this occasion.” Lord Godolphin to [John] Viscount Lonsdale. [Top tom off.'] “ Your Lordship Avill perhaps Avonder that I should trouble you with a letter from this place but the subject of it is not altogether improper. I have been told that your Lordship has bred for some time of a stallion that Avee here in the South have in very slender esteem, and I have at this time a horse called Iloneycom punch that I hope A\muld bee very proper for your use. He is a perfect good horse, and of a competent sneed, gott by a barb, and extreamly well shaped and very Avell limbed; if hee bee acceptable to your Lordship it Avould bee a great pleasure to mee that you should make use of him, and I Avill bring him to London this winter that you may send him from thence at the proper season of the year.” i.ORD Godolphin to The Same. riG— ]May5th. ^ * Y^our Lordship being soe good natured as to hee concerned for the Duke of ShreAvsbury’s health, I can noAV tell you that he is in hopes ao-ain that the quiett of his body and mind in the country may at last enable him to gett the better of his distemper; there’s no discourse at present of filling his jdace, or the Lord Chamberlain’s. 1 rim glad to hear for your OAvn sake that > ou are groAvn soe great n ])hilosophcr, thougli in the country that’s not of soe much use to you, as I fiiiiik it Avould bee if you Averc here. The King has l)een 10 days at Windsor and returns this night to Kensington.” Tenison, Archbishop of Canterp>ury to The Same. 1()96, July 14, Wliitehall. — “ Er'er since your Lordship’s leaving inis toAvn 1 have been inquiring after such a scholemaster as might be fitt 107 for the carrying on your great and good design ; but T have not yet bin able to find one perfectly to my mind. The fittest I have mett with is one Mr. Coe of St, Giles’s, who is a ISTorthern man and known (as he saies) to the Archbishop of York. But he has a schole here and some boarders, and a wife and children ; and perhaps he may have great expectations upon removing. Your Lordship may, therefore, be pleased to acquaint me with your Lordship’s terms, and how farr you may approve of a man in such circumstances. If I am capable of serving you here in this or any other matter, there needs only an intimation to (My Lord) Yours faithfully, Tho : Cantu AR. Mr. Lock has brought up your Lordship’s papers about coin with some notes upon them which I have by me. iNo other persons have seen them.” John Lowther to The Same. 1697, June 9th, Dublin. “ I suppose your Lordship has heard already that our new Lord- Justices are landed, and the Chancellor with them. There is none here who pretend to any acquaintance or knowledge of him, but he has behaved him selfe soe well these four days he sat in Court, that there is great hopes of him. On fry day at night Sir Rich[ard] Lovings landed, who was at first feed in my cozen’s case, and was wellcomd to barr on Munday wdth twenty guineas as retaining fees, soe that I hope to send a good account of his teann’s proceedings.” Lord Massereene to The Same. 1697, August 2nd, Dublin “I shall all ways acknowledge, your Lordship’s favour, in sending me such good horses, whose reputation shall not be lessened by my care, to make them as famouse as any ever was in this Kingdome, espe- tially the young Chestnut, which is the most improved horse, that I ever saw, for the time ; he is now mrJched for two hundered Guinys, each horse, halfe forfit, against Jolly Backus ; they are to run in Aprill, 1699, and I only feare they will pay me the forfit.” . . . The Duke of Leeds to The Same. 1697, December 18th, London.— I am sorry your Lordship’s friends are forced to give you tliis trouble att a time when wee all hoped to have inioyed your company, and when I doubt not but you have been told from Court that your presence would bee usefulL For my owne part I was so greived to hear of your intentions not to come to towne this winter, that I was not willing to beleeve Sir William Low- ther when hee pretended to mee to have your Lordship’s directions to desire mee to make your excuse to the King. But I did not do itt not- withstanding his desire, having no commands from yourselfe about itt. If I have done amiss I have told you my reasons, and hope you will pardon mee, but I will rather yett hope to see your Lordship in towne before the end of this Session. I can send your Lordship no publick newes but what you have from more knowing hands so that I will only make inquiry after my Godson’s health, and conclude with much respect.” 2 108 The Earl of Portland to The Same. 1697, Dec. Kensington. — Je vous assenre que jay une joye tres sensible de me voir tons jours si fort dans vostre souvenir, et que me vous continuez tons jours Ihonneur de vostre amitie, que jestime infini- ment, et sur la quelle je fais fonds, je vous remercie de vos felicitations sur le pen de part que jay a eu contribuer a la Paix, le bon Dieu nous la coserve longtemps en sa grace, la presence dun aussi honeste homme et si capable que vous est si necessaire ici durant cette Session dans laquelle il ne sagira de rien moins que destablir cette Paix et nostre repos et celui de la nation, avec la Keligion protestante par toutte lEurope, que si jamais vous ave^:; fait un effort sur vmus mesme pour cela, vous le devez asteur pour pouvoir estre en tranquilite a ladvenir, ainssi vous pouvez juger que moy, ni personne qui vous cognoist, et qui est bon Anglois, ne pent travailler pour vmus faire demeurer chez vous dans un temps si critique, je puis vous asseurer que quant vous auriez des ennemis que je ne cognois pas qui voulussent vous mettre mal avec le Roy ils i travailleroit inutilement, car il a pour vous les senti- ments que vous pourriez desirer, et quant je lui ay montre vostre lettre, il ma ordonne, de vous escrire quil conte absolument sur vmus pour les raisons que je viens de vous dire, et de vous presser autant quil est possible pour vous faire venir au plustost, croyant que vous lui estes aussi utile pour son service que qui que ce soit le puisse estre, apres quoy je suis seur quil nen faut pas davantage pour que jaye bientost Ihonneur de vous \ oir ici, et de vous reiterer les asseurances dune veritable amitie, et de la veritable estime et veneration dont je seray toutte ma vie,” &c. The Duke of Leeds to The Same. 1697-8, January 1st, London. — ‘‘ I have received the honour of your Lordship’s of the 23rd December, and am very much pleased to find there is hopes of seeing your Lordship in some short time. I have been confined to my chamber 8 or 9 daies by a severe cholick, and have not yett dared to go out of my house, so that I have had no late opportunity of waiting on the King, but I heare hee is not easy under the vote of reducing the army to so small a number ; but that vote is so uncertaine in the meaning of itt, that there may be roome both to preserve that vote and to comply with that number which was said in the house of Commons that the King would bee contented with, vizt., 15,000 men ; but whither the Country Gentlemen will bee brought to consent to that number I am not able to foretell, and I rather doubt itt under the management of the present Leaders, who are not very acceptable unlesse the withdrawing of my Lord Sunderland sweeten some of their tempers who suspected that Minister to bee apt to give such advice as would need the argument of a standing force to support itt. The weather hath been so fine here as makes mee hope itt has incouraged your Lordship to begin your iourney before this can gett to you, and I shall attend you here with great satisfaction.” The Earl of Portland to The Same. [1697-8 ?] Jan. Kensington. — “ Je vous asseure que ce mest une sensible joye de recevoir des nouvelles dun ami, que j ’estime et que j’honore si fort, quoy (jue je sois fache de loccasion qui vous la fait escrire, 109 dans lestat on estoit nos affaires je croy qne nous anrions pen a appre- hender les menaces at les vains desseyns des gens inal intentionez. Mais considerant lestat ou la nation va estre reduitte par le Bill qui se forme dans la maison basse, laqnelle nous prive de toutte defense, et nous expose a tons les malheurs, nous avons raison de craindre puis que nous n’aurons pas les moyens de nous opposer an nial qne Ion voudra nous faire, et que cette occasion en fera naistre lenvie, mesme a ceux qui n’osoit pas i soiiger auparavant, je regrette vostre esloignement, vos sentiments sont si bons, vons avez taut a perdre, et vostre zele ponr la conservation de la Liberte et la Religion de cette nation est si cogneue, que vostre presence ici j auroit fait grand bien, cette consideration vous fera peutestre encore haster de venir, comme je le soubaitte, cependant le Boy m’a ordonne de vous prier, danimer Ihoneste bomme qui vous a donne cest advis, de continuer a veiller sur les desseyns que nos ennemis pourroit avoir, et de vous en donner cognoissance, je me tlatte de ce qu’une occasion aussi pressente me pourra donner loccasion de vous voir et que vostre saute vous permettra de venir ici je vous suplie de croire que je suis tousjours du foods de mon coeur,” &c. The Eaul of Portland to The Same. [1697-8], Feb. Kensington — “ II n’importe gueres gueres de quels sentiments je suis a vostre esgarf, ne pouvant vous estre bon a rien, cependant vous me ferez justice en estant persuade de ma verit- able estime, et de ma sincere amitie, Mais vous pouvez canter sur ce qui est plus estimable, cest les bons sentiments que le Roy retient tousjours pour vous, il me semble que cette considf ration, et celle du zele que vous avez tousjours temoigne pour le bien de 8. Mte., et du publicq, suffit pour vous donner du chagrin de vous reprocher un peu a vous mesme de n’ avoir pas este ici, Mr. Ic Prince de Conty ma envoye deux Barbes, si vous le voulez bien accepter pour vostre haras, je vous en destine un et je vous prie de donner la commission a quelqu’un ici de choisir pour vous et de vous lenvoyer, a moins que vous ne voeuillez envoyer un palfrenier expres pour le chercher je vous prie de me faire scavoir vostre reponce au plustoit, parce que plusieur mont de- mandez le second, je vous prie de me croire de tout mon coeur,” &c. I^ORD Godolphin to The Same. 1698, April l7th, St. James’s. — ‘‘ I was really in pain till I received the honour of your Lordship’s letter, at my return from Newmarket last night, because I expected the horse while I was there from what you had said to mee, and knowing how exact you love to bee I was heartily afraid of some worse accident than it proves to bee. I am of the same mind to have him that I was when wee talked ol it at London and will send one down about the middle of next month to fetch him away, provided always that if you find an opportunity of disposing of him to your liking in the mean time, you would not lose such an opportunity on my account. Wee have had the Duke of Shrewsbury at Newmarkett in my house, but in soe uncertain and, I doubt, dangerous an estate of health, that to mee there seems but little hopes of keeping him long, which, consider- ing what other prospects wee have to supply the want of him, is a subject too disagreeable to speak of, and as unfitt to bee spoken of to 2 110 you, who are apt euough to indulge your own melancholly thoroghly to the prejudice of the publick, of your self, and of your friends.” The Earl of Portland to The Same. [1698], Windsor. — ‘^Je minteresse si fort en vostre sante que je ne saurcis me dispenser de vous prier de men donner des nou- velles, j’espere encore quelle ne vous, empechera pas de venir encore bientost ici, et cela pour plusieurs raisons, la principale est que je suis pei'suade que cest air ccntribueroit a vostre restablissement et me dounerois les occasions de vous confirmer combien je suis,” &c. The Earl of Portland to The Same. [1698 ?], May 1, Windsor park.' — ‘‘ Je vous prie de me donner des nouvelles de vostre sante, vous savez combien je mi interesse, j’espere quelle vous permettra bien tost daccomplir vostre promesse, cependant je vous prie de me permettre que je fasse mettre vostre nom dans les escrits que vous savez pour mon trustee ne me refusez pas cette favour car je nay point dami au monde auquel je me confie comme a vous, Mandez moy un peu comment vont les changements car j’en suis tout a fait ignorant, croyez moy tousjours sans reserve,” &c. M. Ld. Pr. Seal. Lord Godolphin to The Same. 1698, May l7th. — Since I had the favour of your Lordship’s last letter I have had another from the Duke of Shrewsbury with the con- firmation of his health’s being in a very hopoful posture, but at the same time, hee imputes it wholly to the quiett and idlenesse which he now enjoys. There’s a great project depending before the House of Commons at present which I find people are willing to flatter themselves may shorten the Sessions, but 1 must own myself not sanguine enough to expect the publick will have any great advantage by it. I shall not faile to attend very carefully the bill your Lordship was pleased to mention ; some of the northern Lords in our house seem to think it against their particular interest, but surely the making a river navigable in any county has a face of being for the good of the publick, There has been en- deavours to delay it, but it is to bee heard at the bar of our house either tomorrow or next day.” Lord Godolphin to The Same. 1689, June 23rd. — I should soonerhavc acknowledged the favour of your Lordship’s last letter if I had had any thing worth that trouble, it’s expected the Sessions should end presently and yett the 2 millions are not passed in the liouse of Commons, though ther’s a great majority of their small number for the liill; nor is the dispute arisen between the 2 houses upon the forme of carrying over the impeachments at an end, but J incline to think one day more Avill agree that matter.” Ill Lord Godolphix to The Same. 1698, July 19th .... ‘‘ The king went away this morning as soou as ’twas light ; the Lords J ustices are the same as last year, except my Lord Marlborough and Mr. Montague in the room of my Lord Shrews- bury and Lord Sunderland, no Chamberlain nor Secretary of State made. His Majesty as I am told has left abundance of orders at the Treasury and elsewhere sealed up with particular directions not to bee opened, till hee was embarqued ; there have past since I had the honour to see you many incomparable things of severall kinds, the particulars of them are not very proper for a letter, but I shall not forgett them, I hope, before I have the happynesse to see you again. I hear of severall new titles given but no Dukes made, to the no small disappointment of a noble Lord of our acquaintance which perhaps may afford some diversion next winter, to you, I hope, as well as to my Lord.” Viscount Weymouth to The Same. 1698, July the last, Drayton “ I have already told my sister hoAv prosperously wee performed our whole journey, and now w^ee begin to provide for and her to L[ong] Leaf, which I would bee glad might bee the last of this yeare, for the prospect of frequent removes is not very pleasant to a crasy old man. My son and daughter have bin with me some time, but are going to see his estate in Shropshire, to return hither, before Avee leave this place. They are neither of them soe fat as when I last sawe them, but Avhen the losse of my dear boy Avill bee repeired God onely knowes.” Lord Lucas to The Saaie. 1698, November 1st, Toiver : — .... “Wee have set up a fourteen stone Plate at hTeAvmarket, the first horse One hundred pounds valew in Plate besides the fashion, the Second Horse fifty pounds, the subscriptions are almost full.” .... Lord Coningsby to The Saaie. 1698-9, January 21st, . . . . “ I can’t tell you how much you are wanted heer att this time of difficulty, and yett I love you to Avell to wish you from the quiett you iujoy in the middle of soe much un- easiness as I am sure you Avould find heer. I can see noe hopes of any advantage towards you from my great relation . . for whilst his extim^- aguancyes increas att the rate they doe I supose his own debts enterteyn him sufficiently.” Lord Godolphin to The Saaie. [1698-9, January.] — “ I have the honour of your Lordship’s letter, and am always sorry that you should ever receive a morthication, but I hope this may not prove soe great a one to your Lordship as it will bee to your friends not to have the pleasure of seeing you here ; severall of the Lords to Avhorn letters ha\m been AAmitten by order of the house, as to your Lordship, have written answers to my Lord Chancellor that they have been hindred by the gout, or other indisposition \top of page loorn off] fade to doe it, as soon as they had recovered their health. These excuses have been received, and your Lordship’s I make no doubt will 2 112 goe too, but it must cost you the trouble of a letter to my Lord Chan- cellour and that letter must be red in the house, from which a rise will bee taken to excuse you ; but I \^as in hopes that an Appeal lodged against you in the house yesterday, upon which a month’s time was given to putt in y . . . . \torn aff'\ pen to have come amongst us again, though if you find it inconvenient in other respects, I beleive you need not doubt the Justice of the house, nor the attendance of your friends upon that occasion. The bill for disbanding the Army is at last committed in the house of Lords and I beleive will passe, not but that the force maintained by it is generally thought too small, but that soe great a division and dis- traction as the losse of that bill would have proved of worse conse- quence, and harder to bee retrived again.” M[ary] Lowther to The Same. J 698-9, February the 16th, [London]. — .... Our Parliament is nothing but a nest of strife and contention. Grod knows how they will end, for they have don no good yet nor none seems likely The Earl of Portland to The Same. [1698-9.^], March Kensington. — “Jay receu vostre tres agre- able lettre du 13me passe, jay choisi pour vous, de mes deux barbes ce qui est assez aise, car il me semble quil i a grande difference de lun a lautre, celuy que j’ay donne lannee passee au Roy est mort, je vous remercie de ce cheval que vous voulez menvoyer, mais devant touttes choses nous devons nous rnettre en peine de faire en sorte que nous puissions nous en servir en paix, ce que nous ne pourrons certainement pas faire si les affaires continuent sur le piet quelles vont asteur et pour cest effect il faut que les honestes gens mettent la main a I’oeuvre, jes- pere que vostre sante vous permettra de venir ici au plustost, car jay ordre du Roy de vous escrire de le vouloir faire sans perdre du temps, pour estre employe a vostre contentement et satisfaction, je ne vous en diray pas davantage par cette lettre esperant d’avoir bientost Ihonneur de vous voir, je vous prie seulement de me faire reponce au plustost, et de croire que je seray toutte ma vie avec sincerite,” &c. Lord Somers to The Same. 1698-9, March 1 1th. — ‘‘ Tho I had very great reason to make my farther acknowdedgments of your Lordship’s repeated favours in respect to the clamours very unjustly endeavourd to be raisd upon the account of the Fee farm Rents, yet I was scrupulous of giving you the trouble of a letter meerly upon that account. But I am very glad to lay hold on this occasion to do it, which Mr. Wybergh has given mee by petitioning the House of Peers yesterday against your Lordship, because your answer to his appeal did not come in within the time given by their Lordships. The House have given ten days farther time to your Lordship, but I think myself obliged to intimate to you, that it seemed not to be very well taken that the first time was not complyed with, and therefore I hope your Lordship will give orders to your Agents to take care the answer be in before the ten days bee past. I had hopes we should have seen your Lordship in town before this time that I might have had means of expressing this personaly to you. 113 1 am assured that such effectual care is taken for payment of the Pensions for the future that there never shall be any just occasion of complaint. I perceive by Mr. Heyhurst’s case, which he shewd mee, (and came to mee, as he said, by your Lordship’s command), that some letters between him and the Auditor gave occasion to the obstruction which was given. One or both of them, and they only, were in fault.” The Duke of Leeds to The Same. 1699, May 19.— This is in the first place to wish you as much joy as your own heart can desire of the high station [Lord Privy Seal] of which your Lordship is now in possession, and I must pray your Lordship that you will please to give the inclosed memorial to his Majesty and receive his answer to it. I do likewise pray to know his pleasure about Hull, and the lieu- tenancy of Yorkshire, and in case he intends my removal from those, I pray that I may also receive my arrears as governor, which are due for a great while, and, unless his Majesty’s displeasure reach to every branch of my family, I pray my brother Osborne may be continued in his place of lieutenant governor, who hath been a thorough voter always for the court in parliament, and to whom heretofore the King promised a compensation for his remove from the place of a riding surveyor in the Custom-house. This is too much to charge so good a friend with all but I hope hereafter to be as little troublesome to your Lordship.” William, Marquis of Halifax, to The Same. 1699, May 31, RufFord. — “I am to return your Lordship thanks for the honour of your letter of the 27. I was in hopes it would have told mee, I should have seen you here which would please mee so much, that your Lordship must permit mee still to expect you, — and indeed I could not persiiade myself to desire it, if I thought it were any incon- venience or hindrance to you in your journey. My coach shall not onely waite upon you to Sir William Ramsden’s, but shall meet you at Grantham or Kewark if you please to command it. In the meantime pray, my Lord, do not allow such a melancholy consideration to take place that your freinds what are at a distance should bee unreasonably weighty as to overload business. I do rather suspect those who are at present the nearest to you will bee the more dangerous, and give less quarter.” The Earl of Bath to Lord . 1699, July 1, St. James’s. — . . . . ‘‘I send enclosed a copy of the last warrant I received from the late Queen of blessed memory, to whom the King during her said Majesties life left intirely the order- ing and governing St. Jameses Parck, as I conceave is not unknown to your lordship, and since her Majesties death hath declared that the same orders shall be still observed untill his Majesties pleasure be signifyed to the contrary ; and on this occasion it may not be improper to informe your lordship with a particular passage relating to one of your predecessors in your office of Justice in Eyre, the late Lord Lovelace, who, sending his warrant for killing a buck in St. Jamses Parck, which being refused, came the next day in person there and killed the said buck, whereat the Queen was much offended and gave that Lord a seveere reprimand, but afterwards upon his submission and further o 69070. H 2 114 application to her said Majesty she was pleased to order by her personall Command that the said Lord Lovelace, or the Justice in Eyre for the time being, should enjoy the same priviledge in the said Parck, as in the former reignes of her Royall unckle and grandfather, when Phillip Earle - of Pembroke and George Duke of Albemarle were Dangers of St. Jameses Parck, commanding me to signify the same to the said Lord Lovelace, as I did in the words following, videlicet That it was her Majesty’s pleasure the Justice in Eyre for the time being should have every yeare a buck and doe of each season for his owne use, not by his warrant but by his verball intimation to the Keeper, Avhich course and noe other hath been observed by the Earle of Abbington as well as the Lord Lovelace, your two best predecessors in the said office, with mutuall satisfaction on all sides without any dispute.” Mr. Secretary Vernon to Lord Lonsdale. 1700, May 23, Whitehall. — “ You will see by the inclosed letter from his Majesty that I have received your Lordship’s of the 20th instant, and have layd it before the King, who has commanded me to acquaint you, that hee gives you leave to go into your owne country for the recovery of your health, and as to the Seale hee would have you take the same method for the dispatch of the business that you used when you went into the country the last year, or if you have thought of any other way that is more convenient his Majesty will readily comply with it, so as it dos not import a resignation, since his Majesty hopes for your recovery and is very unwilling to remove the Seale into any other hand.” William III. to The Same, Lord Privy Seal. 1700, May 23rd, Hampton Court. — “J’ay este extrement marri d’aprendre par la lettre que vous aves escrit au Secretaire Vernon que vous avez trouve si peu de soulagement en vostre sante au bains, que vous estes oblige de songer d’aller ches vous en esperance d’y trouver plus de soulagement, ce quo je vous souhaite de tout mon coeur, et suis tres content que vous y allies, quoy que j’aurois extrement souhaite de vous avoir aupres de moy en cette conjuncture ou j’ay plus besoin que jamais des personnes en qui je me fie autant qu’a vous, et pour que j’ay autant d’estime. J’espere que le bon Dieu v^ous rendra bientost vostre sante et que vous reviendres le plustost qu’il vous sera possible ; ce}»eudant vous poures faire avec les prevy ceaus, comme vous aves fait I’aune passe quandt vous esties absens, ou de telle autre maniere que vous tiouveres convenable, mais j’espere que vous ne songes pas a quitter mon service, fut tout a present que j’eu ay plus besoin que jamais, et que je n’y poures point consenti, ayent autant d’estime et d’amitie que j’ay pour vous, dont je seres tresaise de vous donner des marques en toute sorte d’occasions.” William K. Holograph. Sir G. Eooke to The Same. 1700, May 25, Shrewsbury off the Maes. — . . . . “ I have beene att the Hague by the King’s direction to conserte matters relating to tlie execution of my Orders, and I think everie thinge adjusted, but the poynts of Salutes of the Flagge and Command, in case we joyne the Swedish fleete ; which I find must be left a little too much to me, 115 though I am sure whatever I suffer the honoiire of the Flagge of Eng- land shall never be exposed under my direction. On this, and another occation that I had of conversing with the Pen- tioner, 1 cannot but thinke liinrin my poore opinion an able minister and a verie honest man. I have beene att sea, but putte backe iigaine by contrarie winds and bade weather, in which I mett with some of those ill accidents I always apprehended from our stay on this Coast, tho* happily nothing more than we can repaire heare, and I hope I shall be readie to prosecute my Orders upon the first favourable opertunitie of a winde, tho’ I have noe more then nine Dutch shipps of the line yeti joyned me, in which number are the Admirall and Peare-Admirall, and what I am further to expect is the Vice-Admirall with three ships besids himselfe, which makes theire squadron thirteene of the line ; soe that if our appearance disposes the I^orthern Crownes to an accommo- dation, I must conclude they are not verie intent upon quarreling. If your Lordship’s curiositie inclines you to know what was concluded at the Hague, Mr. Secretarie Vernon will informe you, to whome tho’ I wrott in hast, I thinke I gave a full account of everie particular.” Mr. Secketary Vernon to The Same. 1700, May 28, Whitehall. — I hate the honour of your Lordship’s letter of the 25th and have presented the inclosed to the King who is very well satisfied that your Lordship will take the Seals with you to your owne house and I have orders to speak to Sir Robert Cotton and Sir Thomas Frankland, that your pacquets should bee conveyed back- ward and forward free of charge. I shall see them to morrow and advise with them how they would have dhe King’s pleasure signified in this behalf. .... I am sorry Mr. Waudesford’s business has failed at least as to the height of his expectations. My Lord Keepei I find is grown uneasy at this gentleman’s being recommended to him, having as I hear a brother of his owne to put into the employment of Purse Bearer, which bee says is so great a trust that hee can’t think of putting it into the hands of any one that is a stranger to him. Besides speaking of it to me with some concern when I waited on him upon Saturday last, his Lordship writ about it the next day to my Lord Jersey, who I suppose has let him know that though the King w'ould have been glad this gentleman had been more agreable to him, yet hee did not intend to impose any one upon him whom hee might have ex- ceptions against.” . . The Earl of Portland to The Same. 1700 [June 16]. — Whitehall. “ Vous ne pouvez pas me croire Yostre ami et serviteur autantqueje le suis et me laisser si longternps sans me donner des nouvelles de vostre sante, pour laquelie je m’in- teresse plus qu’homme du monde, Mr. Flemming raa dit avoir ouy dire que vous vous portiez un peu mieux, je le souhaitte de tout mon coeur, vous supliant que durant mon absence du pais, vous ne me laissiez pas dans lincertitude, mais que quant vous ne mescririez pas vous mesme vous fassiez savoir a Mr. Flemming comment vous vous portez, il ma promis de mescrire en Holhinde, pour ou jespere de partir demain, et je vous suplie de me faire la justice destre bien persuade quil nest pas possible destre avec plus de passion ni de sincerite que je seray tousjours,” &c. H 2 2 116 William III. to The Same, Lord Privy Seal. 1700, July 2nd, Hampton Court. — '^Je fais estat de partir apres domain pour la Hollande, je gene tres marri que votre sante ne vous a pas permis d’estre aupres de moy pendant mon cejour icy, j’aprens avec bien de la joie qu’elle commence a se remettre, jespere qu’elle vous permessera bien tost de revenir pour assister au gouvernement en nion absence, ou du moins qn’a mon retour j’aures la satisfaction de vous trouver en parfaite sante, ce que je souhaite avec beaucoup d’ardent et que je puisse avoir bien des occasions a vous donner des preuves de mon amitie.” William E. Holograph. 'I'liE Ddke of Leeds to The Same. 1700, July 6th, Thorp-Salvin. — ‘^lam informed that you are gott safe to Lowthcr, and that you find your selfe much beUer in your health then you were at the Bathe. I heartily wish itt bee so, but I cannot bee satisfied till I have itt from your selfe. I trouble your Lordship therefore with this to pray that I may know hoAv itt is with you, and if you bee well enough to writs newes, I should be glad to heare what you thinke of the state and temper of your neighbours the Scotts, and whither you thinke wee are in any danger of trouble from them. I am sorry my distance from your Lordship is too far for mee to make a visitt, but I have found my journey from London hither very uneasy, and have not had any good health since my coming hither. My blessing I pray to my Godson. [P.S.] If your Lordship gives your selfe the trouble of writeing hither you may please to direct your letter for me att Thorp-Salvin by Doncaster bagg, and 1 do not know whither this have a right direction to your Lordship.” Lord Somers to the Eevd. . 1702, April 4, Saturday. — “I had the favour of your letter last night. I think the most usefull answer I can midce to it is to lay before you the matter of fact relating to the Bill for settling Sir Thomas Cook’s charity. The Bill was reported from the Committee on Thursday last and was then ordered to be ingrossed, and to be read the third time on Prjday next. The Earl of Winchelsca desired it might be read in a full house and that the House might be summoned for that purpose, because he knew there would be opposition made to it, and that was readily consented to. I have communicated your letter to several Lords who were of the Committee, and they all said that the Committee being now at an end they could propose nothing thereupon, but that you would instruct such Lords as you think most proper to trust with the reasons of your dislike of the Bill, that so they may be prepared to speak against it at the third reading ; which is all that is now left to be don in the House of Lords. As to what relates to my self I will not fail to acquaint the House with the letter you were pleased to send nice. I shall only add that no man does more truly wish the prosperity of the University or would lie more glad to contribute to it in any manner than myself.” to . 1703-4, February 10th, London. — “I was ordered to goe to Ports- mouth in so much haste that I had not time to give you any account 117 of it having only had notice the afternoon before 1 went. [Here folloivs a passage in shorthand or cipher.'] My chief business was to deliver arms and tents, &c., to the ten regiments that are going to Portugall. The King of Spain v/as all the while in the town of Portsmouth and I went every day to his dinner and supper where 1 used to meet the Duke of Sommersett and Duke Schornbergh and all the English and Dutch Generali Officers. I be- came very well acquainted with both the Dukes, who present their service to you. I used to be talking French every day with the King of Spain’s Gentlemen of the Bedchamber and other Officers, and the Emperours and the Portugall Ambassadour. The Prince of Lichtenstein is cheif Minister and Governour. The King is a very pretty gentleman, about 19 years old, pretty tall and slender, his face long, fresh coloured, dark brown eyebrows, very good eyes, of an easy and obliging be- haviour, he talks high Dutch, Italian, Spanish and French very well, understands Mathematicks and Musick, he is certainly a young Gentle- man of a great deal of spirit and a very hopefull Prince, he h.as about 300 Germans with him of all sorts.” .... Thomas, Lord Wharton to 1705, April 24. — I have the favour of yours of the 19th of this month. It hath been all along a trouble to me to find that Sir Kichard Sandford and yourself have not had that mutual confidence in one another that I should have thought you reasonably might have had. I wish to God I could have credit enough with both of you, to prevail with you both to stand and fall together ; ’tis whai I have often said to him here, when he hath complained of your not having mentioned him, as you sent round the country, and ’tis what I can, therefore, with the more freedom now say to you ; and I will hope, that now you are both in the country together, you will both join heartily, and in good courage, in serving one another, to serve the public by opposing the common enemy : This is what I heartily wish, and would endea- vour to bring about, had I the honour to be with you : But as I am all this distance, I can only tell you my honest thoughts, and be as good as my word to you both, in endeavouring to serve you both, to the best of my power ; which I have directed, and will do to the best of my power.” [P.S.] — “ The Queen ordered the writs last night in Council, to bear Teste the 2nd of May next.” H. M. to — . [1705, Kov.] Saturday night, 10 o’clock. “ I have scarce time to tell you this day’s debate, it began about one o’clock, Mr. Baylay spoke first, and extremely well, and concluded with a motion, that for the future there shall be but one Councell in Great Brittain : it was opposed by Montgomery and severall others, who all agreed that it was very reasonable hereafter, tho’ not att this time, and desired att least further time to consider of it. There was att least a dozen spoke, before any of us South Brittons interposed, and I believe it would have ended in a further consideration, had not the Secretary, the Speaker, the Attorney Generali and the chearful Admirall spoke ; but after that, the Question for leaving the chair could not prevail, and the main question being putt, it was carried by a vast majority, there being no division, there being scarce twenty Negatives : wee had a 2 118 Gallery full of Peers^ where some of the N'or them ones were handled by their countrymen very familiarly : the Torys were very silent, and left all the play to us : The last bell rings, so my Humble service to everybody, from my sober cozen, to Boozy Mrs. Coll.” Tho. Hopkins to [Lord Wharton], I70d, November 29th, Whitehall. — ‘‘ The house of Commons were this day in a Committee upon the Scotch affairs. The Question before them was, that there should be but one Privy Councillfor Great Britain. The debate was carry’d on for near two hours, only by our new Northern Brethren ; and they seem’d to be pretty equally divided ; but the Southern Tories, and a great body of the Whigs joyning for the Ques- tion, it was carryed by an infinite majority without a division. It is impossible for me to give you any particulars of the debate, not haveing mett with any one member, that had either patience or parts to inform me, but only thus much I’me told ; Sir Simon Harcourt was against the Question and Sir James Montague for it. Walpole (who will always be either laughing or talking) was against it ; tall Sir Richard and Peter for it ; the Chancellor mumm, and fought cunning the arguments pro and con. I am sure your Lordship has often heard in other places, so that it’s needless to trouble you with t»he few I have heard.” . . . . The Earl of Sunderland to Lord [1706?] April 2, , London. — “Lord Orford has spoke to Mr. Hoddington about his being Secretary to the Scotch Commission, who made severall objections to it, but Lord Orford would nott take a deniall, but desired him to consider of it ; I fancy he will accept of it at last. I have nothing more, worth troubling you with, but to wish you a great deal of success at . Newmarkett, now and then a little walk on the Bowling green. I hope you remember our Sunday appointment and that you will be in town time enough.” Ch. to [Lord Wharton]. [1706], May 6. Campe att Matick.-— .... “ This day Monsieur Hope mett us on the march and told us the good news that Barcellona was certainly releived, which after our bad success in Italy comes very seasonably. We are to join the Duke of Marlborough after to morrow att the camp near Slonger, and it is not improbable but you may soon have good news from us, since I beleav it will be necessary for us to make our attempt before their troopes return from Germany; I am mighty glad to hear your Lordshipe has settelled such harmony amongst the Comissioners for the Union, and I hope it is a good step towards the rest.” .... to the Earl of Wharton. [1709], July 13, Dublin. — My letter of yesterday was sent in great hast to the office for fear the Packet should begone, but the Lord Lieutenant having stopt it till this morning I have time to add that the Lords voted a letter of thanks to the Queen for sending over (some say the word is for restoring) the D[uke] of Ormond to the 119 Government of this Kingdom. Against this vote the Lord Santry in particular entred his protest. That tlie Toiys had a majority of 10 in the house of Commons, but they being most of em in town and a great many of the Whig members in the country ’tis hoped tiiat the latter will soon be able to make a very good stand. That yesterday the Convocation voted a letter of thanks t;o those Bishops that stood by the Protestors in the case of Dean Lambert and the late Provost relating to the papers that the Provost left in your Lordship’s hands, and that this day they voted another letter of thanks to the two Bishops of Killaloe and Ossory who were sent over Embassadors in the same cause. # # # # J. Forster to the [Earl of Wharton], 1709, October 11, Dublin. — “‘In my last to your Excellency I gave you an account that Mr. Blyth had a second time return <;d Mr. Ash as Portreeve, since which time he has committed such outrages in thetowne that the people looke on themselv^es to be in a state of warr as by the inclosed examinacons will appeare. I thought it my duty by this post tho’ very late at night before the papers came back to my hand to send your Excellency the earliest account of this matter, because there are not people wanting heere to misrepresent these proceedings ; tomorrow the Council meet on this affaire. Considering how the majority of the Board incline I shal propose to have the matter relating to the force referred to the examination of judges of the Queen’s Bench, who properly are the conservators of the Peace, and when they report the truth of the fact I don’t see how Mr. Blyth’s friends can avoyd comeing to a censure of him or raakeing an order to restrain his exorbitant proceedings. At present nothing can be more agreeable to the towne than to find Mr. Blyth removed from the trust and power which he has used in violating instead of preserving the publique peace. This inactive part of the world affords noe news, tho’ it abounds with fals and reflecting accounts not worth your Excellency’s notice. Pray let my lady know I wil use my best endeavors to preserve her right in the burroiigh of • Trim.” J. Dawson to Mr. [Joseph] Addison. 1709, October 18, Dublin Castle. — “The Councill having met yester- day according to appointment, the affaire of Trim came againe under consideration, and the Petition of Mr. Fox against Mr. Bligh, and the Petition of Mr. Bligh against Mr. Fox, complaining of force and breach of the peace on both sides having bin read, and a great number of examinations to justifie and prove their Petitions having bin pro- duced, the Board considered how farr the matter of complaint Avas cognizable before them, and my Lord Chancellor proposed that the examinations should be sent to the Judges of the Queen’s Bench, with directions to them to take care that the peace be preserved and an order was accordingly signed to that purpose. Mr. Bligh then stood up and moved that he might have the order of the Board to quiet him in the possession of the Magistracy untill it should be determined at law who had the right, that was opposed by my Lord Chancellor as a thing very improper for the Board, when they had signed an approbation for another man to be Portrieve. My Lord Abercorn then declared what the sense of the Board was, and the reason that induced him to signe that approbation was, that it was not intended that Mr. Fox should by that approbation be put into the possession of the office, but onely to 2 120 put him into a capacity to try his title which otherwise he could not doe without it, and appealed to the Board whether that was not their generall sense, which they all declared to be soe except the Bishop of Kildare. Mr. Bligh urged againe that Mr. Fox was no magistrate, not being legally sworne before the Portrieve or his Deputy according to the directions of the Charter ; that matter of fact being averred, and the Charter being produced to justifie it, my Lord Chiefe Justice Doyne gave his opinion that Mr. Bligh was not legally superceded and therefore was still in the possession of the Magistracy. This matter was long de- bated, and all the Board agreed with my Lord Chiefe Justice Doyne that Mr, Bligh was not legally superceded, except the Bishop of Kil- dare who dissented from the rest when it was put to the vote. The Lords Justices gave noe voice nor opinion in the case. It was then moved that this opinion of the Board should be entred in the Minutes of the Councill Bookes, but it was strongly opposed by my Lord Chan- cellor, and after some debate it was let fall. At last to put an end to the matter it was agreed that Mr. Fox and the rest of the Burgesses in his interest should be called in and told that it was the sence of the Board that Mr. Bligh was not legally superceded, and that they should have a care not to breake the Queen’s peace on any account, and accordingly they were called in and my lord Chancellor told them that it was the sense of the greatest part of the Board that Mr. Bligh was not legally super- ceded, and therefore it was the direction of the Board that they should take care not to comitt force, but to keep Her Majesty’s peace, and then they were dismissed. This is a true account of what passed as near as I can remember, and soe it is quite taken from the Councill Board, and I hear the Judges of the Queen’s Bench have bin upon it to day, and are to be soe again to morrow. Mr. Prat has bin applyed to about the entertainment to the Lords Justices who used to be paid monthly, and he made answer that my Lord Lieutenant had given him no directions in that matter. I onely acquaint you with this because I believe his Excellency did not think of it. Wee want three Pacquets from your side of the water, soe that wee have no letters to answer.” T. Southwell to the Earl of Wharton. 1709, December 17, Dub[lin]. — .... “by the last Pau- quetts are gone of for London his Grace of Dub[lin] and the Chan- celloj’ of the Exchequer with whom was to goe my Lord Havercorne, but the latter has thought better on’t. The first is very full of the Pala- tine Settlement, and the other as I am told to complain of me for not signeing a warrant to pay him some fees I did not think his due. There being but three and I refusing the matter, itt coud not be done, so that the whole Party have fallen on me as if I had executed some commands of resentment for his late behaviour in Parliament, which I am sure I shoud have as much scorned to have obeyed for that reason, as you woud have despised to have given them, though justly enough provoked as I am told in particular by him. ’Tis to long to trouble your Lordship with the detail of the whole matter especially since Sir William St. Qiiintin is on the spot, and if itt be not to troublesome, can give you a full account of itt, and since I have done nothing but my duty and for the service of the Revenue I cannot doubt of your Excellency’s protec- tion in this or anything els.” 121 The Duke of Richmond to the Same. 1710, 29th , Limerick, — “ I had the satisfaction of receiving your letter a day after I came heither I am very glad you wms received so well. I hope when I come into England (tho’ a staunche lYhig) I shall be re- ceived so tow. I am going back to Dublin and shall stay theire as little as I can. I hope your Lordship and the rest of my freinds are persuaded I will make all the hast I can. I have done all my business here effectualy for all the tenants have attorned to me, which if I had not come in person not one of them would.” Lord Dartmouth to the Same. 1710, June 20, London.— “ The Queen haveing been pleased to make me Secretary of State, in the room of my Lord Sunderland, and to assigne me the Southerne Provinces, I thought it my duty to acquaint your Excellince with it.” The Earl of Sunderland to [Lord Lonsdale]. I7l(», September 30, Althorp. — This is nott to condole with you upon your being out, I think the Public and your friends are onely to be condol’d with upon that account, butt to putt jmur Lordship in mind of the hopes you gave me, that I should have the honour of seeing you here, which I will hope for, if you can spare so much time from elections ; I think by all we hear we are like to have very good ones, and if so, a good Parliament, and our success in Spain, will effectually retrieve everything ; I hope Apulby is secure, since you have had time for a new Mayor.” Fran. Harrison to Lord 1711, July 7, Dublin. — .... “I make bold to inclose you our Recorder’s Speech to the D[uke] of 0[rmonde] which has not only incenced him, but all his friends very much ; there not being that flattery in it, that he has been accustomed to ; I finde they are resolved to be very warm, and will endeavour to cast reflections, but I am of opinion they finde a very hearty number, that will make them a just returne, that we shall be persecuted is most certain ; but as we shall have the greater satisfaction when affairs take another face, we shall bear all with resolution. On Monday our house meetts, and as soon as his Grace has made his Speech 1 will make bold to send it you. Our Citty are still resolute in relation to their choice of a lord Mayor, what the event will be I can- not yett tell ; but in a very few days it will be over.” .... Henry, Viscount Lonsdale, to [James Lowther]. 1717, July 21st, Byrom. — “T was very much surprised at the receipt of your’s the last night, to And that such a mark of honour is designed me, as you say the King intends. I believe you know me so well as to be convinced that this cou’d not be of my seeking, and I hope that nothing has dropped from you to any of the Ministers, which might induce them to believe that this or any other proffer Avas either expected by me or might be acceptable. I am afraid that a Court employment will require more attendance, than I 2 122 (who am att present very fond of the country) can have inclination to give, this single consideration wou’d I believe have hindered me from accepting this offer, were it not for the unhappy divisions that are amongst us. I fear that if I should refuse any mark of honour that is proffered me by the King, it wou’d seem as if I had greater expecta- tions from another sett of people and had listed my self in their ranks, which as it is the farthest that’s possible from my intentions, 1 shou’d be very sorry to have it appear so to the world. You know that I voted several times the last year against the Court, I am sure I need not to tell you, that the only reason for my doing so was because I thought it right, I hope I shall have no more occasion to oppose them, but whenever I have the same reason I shall always do the same thing.” .... Alan Chamber of Kendal, Agent, to James Lowther. 1719, August 27th, [Kendal]. — . . . . “I impute the general dissaffection : — 1, to the too necessary continuance of land and malt taxes, which bear hard upon the circumstances of 10 in 12 partes as to number of the freeholders : — 2, to the three partes in 4 of the pulpits from whence and their conversation out of the church too much dis- contenting matter is vented. But how these two fountains can be dried up is I fear above the reach of any human power. Two Assise Ser- mons, to wit at Newcastle and Appleby, were vented to such purposes in the last circuit, but were excellently refuted &c. by the Judges in the proems to their charges to the grand Jurys, to wit by Baron Mountague at Newcastle, and Baron Page at Appleby. I may add a 3d cause of the continuance of discontents, that is the visible unconcernednesse of private gentlemen (the hearty well wishers to the publick) and who by their daily conversation with their inferior freeholders &c. might easily demonstrate the necessity of taxes as a lesser evill then loseing our all, might as easily explode all sermons and discourses that are levelled against the publick administration. But it being the practice of the Tories when in power to prefer to the utmost all such usefull under agents in their interest, and of the whigs to neglect such their under agents, it necessarily folows that the Tory interi'st is generally better cultivated, their chiefs not so wholly ingrossing all places &c. like the other chiefs, but allso takeing care of their subalterns so much despised by, tho’ so absolutely necessary to, the other party the which three sources of our evills are submitted to your consideration.” .... [Sir Robert] Walpole to Viscount Lonsdale. 1720, July 24th, Whitehall. — I had the honour of your Lordship’s commands relating to Mr. Pennington and do assure your Lordship, that if I had at all apprehended, that it would have been agreeable to Mr. Pennington to be sent into Scotland, I would most readily have recommended him to the King to be one of the new Commissioners, but I alwavs understood that a sinecure of about 300/. or 400/. per annum was his only view, and that no employment of business or ])er.sonal attendance was at all agreeable to his life or circumstances, and had your Lordship been so free as to mention this to mo, when, as I remember, I talked to your Lordship upon this subject, with regard to i\Ir. Lanson, I promise you, my Lord, you would have had no occasion to complain. It wmuld be too great a happiness for men in high stations to have the opportunities of obliging gentlemen as fre- 123 queut as their wants and occasions, but I can with great truth assure your Lordship, that your recommendation shall alvvay» be a command to me and I am so far from v/anting an inclination to serve Mr. Pen- nington, that I will certainly take the first opportunity of doing it.” Anthony Lowther to his brother Viscount Lonsdale. [1721-2] February 6th, [London] “ There 'svas last Satur- day such a Flame in the House of Lords that the like can not be re- member’d; one wou’d have thought that they wou’d have unanimously agreed to have sent the Chancellor and all the Ministers to the Tower ; it was occasion’d by the Chancellor not attending them till near four a clock, before he came they named the Lhike of Somerset for Speaker, but the moment he heard of it he run out of the House, then they named Lord Lechmere, and he hid hira-self. When the Chancellor came in (who ha,d been detained all this time at a Cabinet Councell) some body moved that they might adjourn ; upon which Lord Sunderland got up and said that their adjourning at that time he thought might be of ill consequence, that it wou’d be said without doors that it was done out of rage and resentment, then he advised them to have temper, and told them that if they wou’d but have patience for half an hour, that he himself wou’d then move to adjourn, howevmr the Question was put and passed in the Negative by the usual majority, wanting five. The same day a pritty remarkable thing happened in the House of Commons; a Judge was accused of having attempted to corrupt a Burrough. Sir John Cope accused Baron Page for having offer’d a considerable sum of money to the town of Banbury, to elect a friend of his the next election ; he is to be bear’d at the Burr by his Councell next Tuesday.” Viscount Lonsdale to [his Cousin] James Lowther. 1723, September 26th, Lowther. — “ There is a story has been very currently reported in this country, which if it be true, you may very likely be better informed of att London, since in all probability it must have come to the knowledge of the Government, but as the matter was transacted a good distance from hence, and my intelligence of it is not very certain, I can only lett you know how it is told here. The Duke of Wharton went about ten days ago to [his estate in Swaledale near Richmond, and Sir C [hristopher] Musgrave went along with him ; when they were there the Duke took an occasion of treating about threescore of the country people, and after they had drank a good deal, the Duke and Sir C. Musgrave pulled of their coats and waistcoats fell down upon their knees and drank the Pretender’s health by the name of James the 3rd of England and 8th of Scotland and obliged all the people who were with them to do the same. ’I'’he noise of this was quickly spread, and the wives and daughters of the people who were in company came immediately crying to fetch their husbands awaj. Some of the men being frightened themselves went to make information of this to a Justice of Peace, but the Justice in all probability not caring to meddle with so great a man, told the people who came to him, that if they would bring the offenders before him, he would do as the law directed, but he would grant no warrant. Whether any part of this story be true or no, I can’t pretend to say, but as I am told it was brought into this country by several people of that neighbourhood, and many of them were such as said they were present 2 124 themselves. If this be really as it is represented, I don’t see how the Government can avoid takein^^ notice of it, for as it was done so openly and before such numbers of people it will be generally known, and every body who has ever lived in the country and are friends of the Government must certainly know the very bad consequences that will attend the not punishing so flagrant an action as this.” Henry, Viscount Lonsdale to James Lovvther, 1725. September lith, Lowther. — . . . . ‘‘I am not at all dis- pleased that the Mayoralty of Appleby has fallen to Mr. Tufton for this year, it would have been more difficult for me to have regulated the expenses of it, if it had lit upon me now, than it will be when it comes to my turn the next year.” The Duke of Newcastle to Lord Lonsdale. 1733. July 21st, Claremont. — ‘‘ I make use of the leave your Lordship has given me, to acquaint you with what should pass during your absence in the country. Nothing has happened in our dcmestick affairs worth writing to you ; and as to our foreign affairs, you left us engaged in a Negociation with the Imperial and the Spanish Ambassadors, to find out if possible a new expedient for accommodating the disputes about Don Carlos in Italy, and we have at last agreed upon what seems to be the most probable method of doing it, which they have both sent to their respective Courts, and there is great reason to hope it will be approved bv them, at least if one can judge by the opinion of their Ministers here. The afhrir of the Polish Election, which is what most deserves attention, has not as promising an aspect as one could wish. It looks as if the Oath of Exclusion of Foreigners would be generally confirmed by the Dietines, and the French have worked so successfully for Stanis- laus, that without force be used by the Emperor or Muscovy, the Elector of Saxony seems to have but a small chance for it. We hear the Treaty between the Elector of Saxony, the Emperor and the Czarina is as good as concluded, whereby Saxony guarantys the Pragmatick Sanction ; how far the Emperor ina_y think himself engaged by that to use forcible means in favour of the Elector, or at least for the exclusion of Stanislaus, is yet uncertain ; he has indeed ordered some troops to advance to Glogaw, nearer than they were before to the Frontiers of Poland ; yet this may be only to intimidate the Poles ; but if force be used at all, it looks as if the Czarina was to begin. We have indeed sent orders to Robinson to dissuade the Emperor from it, but what effect that will have is also uncertain. The French still continue to talk big, and declare that the moment the Emperor, or the Czarina, which they understand to be the same thing, enters Poland with troops, they will attack the Emperor ; and in this I doubt they will be too much encouraged by the behaviour of the Dutch. Five of the seven provinces have agreed to a neutrality for Flanders, that is, in case the French will agree not to attack the Low Countries, they will not concern themselves on wluit they may do any where else. This resolution they have taken without previously communicating anything to us ; and may lay us under difficulties. We have reason to think, that France intends to find some way to insinuate to us tlieir desire, that we would come into such an agreement for a neutrality ; but I believe it will not be tlionght advisable on any 125 account. France would then have it in their power to over-run the Emperor and the Empire, on engaging only not to attack Flanders, and when they have succeeded else vhere, they would undoubtedly do after- wards what they pleased in Flanders. The Actions in France, upon the rumour of a war, are fallen from 1800 to 1200. This is a circumstance that may make their Court think twice, before they venture upon it. Our situation is in one respect very happy. We have no engagements but those that are publickly known, and consequently shall he at liberty to act just as the interests of this Nation shall make it advisable, and in that case Avhether it be Peace or War, I doubt not but we shall have the concurrence of the Nation. We have already, but that is a secret, and 1 beg may remain so, endeavoured to dissuade the Emperor from pushing things to extremities, and shall e(|ually use our instances to prevent France from attacking the Emperor in case he should ; if we succeed in either, the thing is over, if in neither, we must then consider what part is right to take, for the interests of this Nation and the preservation of the general Balance of Power. I have now given you a sketch, tho’ not a very short one, of our present situation, and as anything material occurrs, I shall not fail to trouble you with it.” My dear Lord, you allowed me to make use of another hand, which I only shall do for our Foreign Affairs. Tliere is att present little stirring att Court. Sir Pobert is expected this night, which will put things in motion. I conclude the Gr of B Avill soon hear of us. The King and Queen are in as good a way as possible, and as determined as we can wish. They talk of nothing but Elections, and show all that come to Court, how desirous they are of a Whigg parlia- ment. Our accounts from the Country are in the main very good. Sir Robert has been prodigiously well received in Norfolk, which is a good thing on many accounts. In Gloucestershire, they have sett up two Whiggs, and I hope will carry it. I go on Tuesday next to Sussex for a for! night, when I beleive we shall find things pretty well. I shall not fail to give you an account of all that passes, but in return I shall expect sometimes to have the pleasure of a letter from you. Pray my kind compliments to Lovvther. Albemarle and Arundel dine here to-day, and we will not fail to drink your healths.” The Duke of Newcastle. 1745, April 8th. — Minute by the Duke of Newcastle of an interview of his brother (Mr. Pelham) with George II., and sent probably to the Chancellor.” l^Note at top in a different hand.'] To my B[rother ?] The King has been worse than ever. He bad been promised the Parliament should rise in a fortnight; Damn it and you, I shall be obliged to strike a strong stroke. My Brother replied very properly desiring him to do it, to which no answer. The Duke’s affair seems suspended. That must be determined. Lord Harrington is very impatient to give the King a final answer about the ■ — We all think we must meet this night. At what hour ? ” 2 126 Walter Lutwidge and others to Sir James Lowther. 1745, November 25th, Newcastle. — Gentlemen. We received your Express late last night and waited upon Marshall Wade according to your desire earlj’- this morning, who returned for answer, He was to march next day in pursuit of the Eebells, that he could not spare a suffi- cient body to drive them from Carlisle, and that he tho’t the best efPec- tuall method of doing it would be to beat the Rebels, and then of course they must evacuate Carlisle, which we dare say we all heartily wish may soon be the case. Monday 12 a clock forenoon. 1745, December 1, Whitehaven.— Honourable Sir, Some of the Gentlemen of this country sent an Express to generals Howard and Mor- daunt to pray some assistance from Marshall AVade to reduce the Rebells at Carlisle ; and above we send you a coppy of the answer. The county is in the utmost distress from the Rebell garrison, and you would hear of an excursion of 18 or 20 of them to Lowther Hall, who were gallantly defeated by the Penrith gentlemen, but as we apprehend this garrison to be a resort for the disaffected Scots we are in hopes the Government will take care to rout them out immediately, and we apprehend that a few regular forces from Ireland assisted by our seamen and countrymen and a few of our large cannon from this place woud as yet easily destroy them, or a party of the troops from Edinbrough, but you will judge what is best, and are assured of our utmost endeavours for this Country. We make this application by desire of the Gentlemen of the County, as well as for our own safety. AA"e are. Sir, your most humble Servants Walter Lutwidge. Peter How. J. Patrickson. R. Gilpin. William [Hicks]. Henry, Viscount Lonsdale to 1745, December 1 1th, Byrom. — .... “The Rebels having proceeded as far as Derby are returning Northwards, I hear they came to Manchester last night, and as they are three days march before Marshal Wade (who left Ferrybridge this morning and lyes at Wakefield to night in the way to Hallifax) I don’t think it possible he can overtake them. Tis likely they will stay at Carlisle. How long God knows, but while they are there unmolested the countys of Cum- berland and Westmorland must be subject to contributions and pillag- ing.” .... Mrs. Katharine Lowther to Mr. James Watson [her steward]. 1745, December 22nd [Waiter]. — “ I have received your letters and was glad to find by the first that you all got safe home and have been under great anxiety to hear what would become of poor Westmorland. I think you acted very prudently in leaving Meaburn till the Rebells were gone by, but am glad to find both you and your wife happened to be got back before the King’s Officers came there as I don’t doubt but you would make them the best accomodation you could and to be sure it was very right not to take any thing for the hay, &c. I hope the next post will bring us better news, I fear the main body of the Rebells 127 had escaped, as you don’t seem to think the number at Clifton to be above 500, I beg you would continue to let me hear every post ; as you know the letters from York are very imperfect.” Viscount Lonsdale to 1747, July 14th, Lowther. — “ I received yesterda}^ the favour or your two letters of the 10th and 12th, the latter confirming what I believed before, that Sir Richard Hylton had no intention of standing for Cum- berland. If there is not some mistake in respect of the Duke of Somerset’s orders to his agents at Cockermoulh, Mr. Simpson will certainly feel the effects of his resentment ; for there is nobody more punctual in requiring a strict compliance with his directions from those that are employed under him, and as this character is so generally known, it is difficult to account for the different behaviours of Sir T. Booth and Mr. Simpson with regard to this Election, but as I hear there are complaints already sent to the Duke against Mr. Simpson this intri- cate matter will shortly be explained. I don’t find that if the Duke’s interest had gone in the manner you expected that it would even then have been an easy matter to have turned out B. {sic) Mordaunt. There are many Gentlemen of the country zealous for him, and the town’s people of Cockermouth are afraid and unwilling to have the power of Election taken out of their hands. The buying a few Burgages for some years past, has given them the alarm, and though this attempt is now become impracticable from the excessive prices that have been late- ly offered for several Burgages of little or no value in themselves, yet the people’s apprehensions will not suddenly be removed. I find this contest has made a good deal of noise, and bred ill blood, which must require some time to cool again, but as far as relates to Elections, I hope the mischief is over for the present and may by good management be retrieved.” Henry Fox to Sir James Lowther, 1755, February 12th. — I have laid your request before His Royal Highness the Duke, who, with all his inclination to oblige you, cannot think of giving the L[ieutenan]t Govern[men]t of Carlisle to Sir William Fleming who sold out, and therefore has certainly no pretence to a favour of this kind.” Henry Fox to Mrs. Katherine Lowther. 1755, March 21st, War Office. — “ I have the favour of your letter of yesterday’s date, with the therein enclosed Representation, from three of His Majesty’s Justices of the Peace for the County of Westmorland, that the road from Kendal to Penryth, through Shap, is made turnj)ike and that they will take care that the carriages be changed at Shap, by which means the troops may without any great inconveniency march from Kendal to Penryth without halting at Orton and Shap, 1 thereupon send an Order to meet Lieutenant Generali Skelton’s regi- ment at Carlisle directing them to march through in a day from Penryth to Kendal, notwithstanding Orton and Shap is mentioned in the route waiting their arrival, at Carlisle. And I shall take care that no troops or companys do halt at Orton and Shap in their march between Kendal and Penryth as you are pleased to desire.” [The oregoing is in a clerk’s hand.] 2 128 hope, Madam, You will excuse me that in this very busy time, I have wrote this by another hand, and believe me, with the greatest respect, Madam, &c.” Henry Fox to [Mrs. Katherine Lowther]. 1755. August. — “ The Marines are out of my Department, and entirely under the Lords of the Admiralty, who countersign all their commissions and with whom I dare believe your recommendation will have great weight. But Lieutenant Moore being Quarter Master as well as Lieutenant in Colonel York’s, and so very near the top of the Lieutenants, I cannot but wonder he should desire a company of Marines, I think he is very ill advised. If he remains where he is, it may be in my power to be of service to him, and you may command whatever is so.” Henry Fox to Mrs. [Katherine] Lowther. 1755. September 29th. — I flatter myself you will not think me impertinent nor be sorry when I acquaint you, that the King has declared his intention to make me Secretary of State and give me charge of his affairs in the House of Commons. I must not take the Seals till after the House meets because a debate is expected on the first day. You will immediately seethe consequence of my having a numerous attendance of friends in this my first essay of Administration. I therefore beg^ Madam, that you would be so good as to prevail on your friends to shew themselves mine, the night before the Parliament meets, at the Cockpitt to which place I shall have the Honour to invite them. The good opinion of persons of your character and rank is the only support I am ambitious of in my new station, and indeed I will endeavour to deserve it. [P.S.] Sir Thomas Pobinson will go to his old place the Wardrobe, with 2,000/. a year pension for 31 years, or Ireland, and Lord Barrington will succeed me.” Henry Fox to Sir James Lowther. [N.B. — From a copy in Sir James Lowther’s own hand.] 1756, January 18th, Sunday one o’clock. — “ Send me word how you do. I have heard last night, and this morning from good intelligence so much as makes it my duty to advise you to compromise this Flection for one and one this Parliament, and stop there. It is my belief that we shall lose it if we go on. Upon my word of honour nobody knows or shall know, that I have given you this advice. And I will assist you with the utmost interest I can make, or service I can do you. I have no reserve about it. The Torys, the Scotch, are so much against you, so many will stay away, and give what they unjustly call your obsti- nacy as a reason for it, and my interest where it would otherwdse be very strong is so broke in upon by Honeywood among the officers who are Members, that I fear you risk too much by persevering. I am so unwilling to give this advice that nothing but that the thinking it might be deceiving you or letting you deceive yourself if I did not should make me venture at it. I beg nobody may know I give it, but Mrs. Lowther and Sir John Bamsden to whom I beg you to show this letter, and to whom, as well as to you I beg leave again to repeat, that I have spoke, and will 129 speak earnestly in your favour both in publick and private, being indeed with as much zeal, tho from many cursed circumstances not with so much power as I coud wish to serve you. [F.S .] — “ You see the consequences of mentioning this advice from me. It would take away your merit with h[is] M[ajesty] in doing it, and if you do not, increase the clamour so industriously raised against you. Wherefore again I promise you nobody shall know from me that I ever gave it, though I would have Sir J. Ramsden, for whom I have the greatest respect, acquainted with it.” Henry Fox to Sir James Lowther. 1756, January 20th. — I am really very sorry you are ill, and you have chosen an ill time to be sick, but you must not let your business make you come and risk your health, of much more worth than even Appleby. John Robinson to [Sir James Lowther]. 1757, April 24th, Whitehaven. — “Sir George Ralston and I got here this day about 1 o'clock where we flattered ourselves with having some account of you or further directions from you— i^othing l)eing come, we were obliged to go on in settling matters as well as we could upon consultation with Mr. Spedding, &c., for the Election, since it was necessary to give directions to provide to-night, and have fixed things upon the following plan, which is much after that followed in the last ; except that in this, we have laid down more restrictions to prevent fraud and the great abuses committed by the mob on these occasions — There are 7 Houses fixed for the entertainment of your friends, viz^ the Globe, Mr. Dixon’s, unlimited^ the House late John Lucock’s, Ordinarys 130 — Wine 10 Dozen. Punch and ale proportionable — Two others at 50 ordinarys each — one of them allowed 4 dozen of Wine, and punch and ale, and the other punch and ale proportionable. Those provide for 350 at l5. each besides the Globe which perhaps may be 500 and was the last 638, and we hope will do, though far within the No. at Sir William F[lemin]g’s election charged to us, but as there will be more inspectors- fixed, some other rules laid down, and the innkeepers are told they will be paid for no more, liope it may be managed to answer. It is proposed also to have 13 other houses, for taking off the lower class as much as- may from the better houses, and small sums at not exceeding 4r guineas a house, many less, and in the whole 40 guineas, besides likewise some ale from other houses for the mob. These means it is hoped may lessen the expenrsc at the great houses where it used to run high by the rabble getting in and stealing and carrying off all the liquor they could, and that we shall be at no greater expense than the last election, it so much, as we shall endeavour to take all prudent means to retrench. We flatter ourselves we shall have some letters with your orders tomorrow’s post, if you will not be down, and shall endeavour to do the best we can in every respect, and I hope to give you joy by the next letter of your seat, as there is not the lest appearance of any rub in the way. Sir George gave a ball at Carlisle the night after the enters tainment and purposes to do the same here; As also to have several of the Gentlemen to dine tomorrow Tuesday.” o 69070. I 2 130 John Eobinson to [Sir James Lowther]. 1757, April 30th, Appleby. — “I hope you have many hours since received the return of yourself as Member for Cumberland and my letter therewith with some account of the election. I have little to add to what then and before I mentioned relating it, except that Sir George gave a ball on Monday night to the Ladies at Whitehaven, entertained the Gentlemen at dinner Monday and Tuesday at the Flatt, and after a publick breakfast at the Flatt as usual was accompanied to the election. I am sorry to say our shew at the Flatt and from Whitehaven on this occasion was but very poor, and indeed I was never so much mortified with the appearance of the Lowther interest before, though really was then much so. There was not above 30 at breakfast and not 40 I think accompanied, instead of 3 or 4 times the number as usual. Indeed there was two ways of accounting for it. One that the Gentlemen of the Williamite Society which takes in all the young ones almost had the night before, as on the Duke of Cumberland’s Birth day, had a meeting, sat up all night and were left at ^ clock that morning unbroke up, as such incapable of attending. The other, a notion that had obtained credit, that people were invited, and it was not general. This had arose entirely unknown to us, and contrary to our declarations.” William Pitt (the Elder) to Sir James Lowther. 1760, January 15th, St. James’s Square. — ‘‘Having in consequence of the honour of your letters just before you left London acquainted Lord Barrington that you was ready to agree that the subsistence should commence from the days on which such individual shall enlist, and having also desired his Lordship’s opinion with regard to the other parts of your proposal. Lord Barrington sent me the enclosed letter [miss- ing\ to which I beg leave to refer you, as this contains -all the points of objection to which the Secretary at War thinks the plan liable. I would submit it to you how far you may judge it proper to render the terms conformable to those of Colonel Hale’s corps, as contained in the papers delivered to you. In case you shall approve of the same for the body you may raise, there remains only to transmit a proposal, on that foot, to Lord Barring- ton through whose department alone it can pass. I beg leave to repeat here the real sense I have of the zeal and spirits for the King’s service, which you have testified on all oecasions, and to assure you that I always remain with perfect truth and consideration,” &c. Henry Fox to Sir James Lowther. 1760, January 16. Pay Office. — “ Mr. Vaughan has, since you left town made an offer, which has been accepted, to raise five com- panies of 100 men each. One of which is given to my nephew Cornet Digby whom I had the honour to recommend to you. It is my duty to inform you of this, and to thank you, as I most sincerely do, for your kind intentions in his favour, had your proposal taken effect. I am not the less obliged to you, and shall esteem it an honour on all occasions to acknowledge myself,” &c. 131 Sir George Savile to Sir James Lowther. 1760, February 5, London. — “If what I am going to trouble you with can be of no use to you or the person who is the subject of it, you will I dare say nevertheless excuse me for the intention’s sake. It is said you are about fo raise a regiment and that the officers will be, as is indeed probable, of your own nominating. If this be true I will beg leave to mention to you a person who by the knowledge I have of him would, I really believe, be of real service to any young corps. He is a Lieutenant in the Duke of Richmond’s, to which rank he was raised from Sergeant Major in an old corps at a time they wanted some experienced persons to fill the subaltern parts of some new regiments, and though these Sergeant Lieutenants, as they are called, have certainly no claim to an extraordinary share of preferment, yet their farther advancement to companies is not unprecedented I believe. I was very desirous of obtaining his assistance in my militia regiment but could not obtain it ; but his readiness to give me what assistance he could, together with the particular talent he seems, to my little judgment, to have for military matters made me unwilling to refuse him this testimony. His name is Atkins and he is I think oldest Lieutenant in the Duke of Richmond’s.” The Duke of Newcastle to Sir Robert Wilmot. 1762, November 13th. Claremont, Saturday Morning. — “It is abso- lutely necessary, that I should have a safe conveyance to the Duke of Devonshire’s sometime on Monday next. If none can be found, or you have none ready, I must send a person on purpose. Pray let me know what you have heard of him, if any thing, since I had the pleasure of seeing you at Newcastle. I must insist upon his coming soon to town. I see nothing will, or can be done without him. I am going to work with his Book, and wish I may find it, as it is there stated.” The Earl of Bute to Sir James Lowther, Bart. 1762, November l7th, London. — “ I am extremely oblig’d to you for your kind and friendly letter ; the Peace is at last sign’d, and such a one as this nation never saw before ; but war seems to be declared at home with the utmost virulence ; I am the mark for the party watch word, but the whole is a reality aim’d at the King himself, whose liberty is to be now decided on, liberty that his poorest subject enjoys, of choosing his own menial servants ; the happy conclusion of the Peace has however drawn the teeth of faction, but they have made themselves desperate, and must persist in their presumptuous folly. . . . . My friends tell me, the House of Lords is to be the princi- pal scene of action, where I am to be arraign’d, for the King’s preferring the Duke of Marlborough a Tory, to the Duke of Devonshire a Whig, for making the Peace and being an Anti- German.” I 2 2 182 The Earl of Bute to Sir James Lowther. 1763, February 3rd. — Loudon “ Hitherto the Junto have ventur’d on no overt act, and content them' selves with the little despicable arts of sowing lies, perverting well intention’d people ; and tearing from me any little merit I can acquire Avhich to say the truth (as things are situated) is small enough ; in shorty in the midst of triumph any good act I am able to do, is so traduc’d, so many infamous falsehoods publish’d concerning things I never thought of, such inveteracy in the enemy, such lukewarmness (to give it no harsher a name) such impracticability, such insatiable dispositions appear in those soi-disant friends ; that if I had but 50/. per annum, I would retire on bread and water, and think it luxury, compar’d with what I suffer. The army rate, and the bill for increasing the Irish army, seem' the only things likely to open the least opposition till the treaty comes over sign’d which we hope will be in a few days ; when I hear, the}* are to make a last effort ; much good may it do them ; for the little plausibility they had will then vanish, by two great events, the offer made by us to Prussia to deliver up to that Scourge of Mankind Wezel, Gueldres, &c, ; indeed the peace, I believe, already sign’d between him and Vienna, and 2ndly, the French abandoning all America and giving up their Louisiana to the Spaniards which is an undoubted fact; so much for politicks.” .... Thos. Worsley to Sir James Lowther. 1763, February 5th. — “ I have had your horse at Mr. Hall’s this week,. have seen him ride him, and rode him myself every day, he went ex- treern pleasantly, and gently, and we both like him extreemly. I mounted him yesterday before the King and Queen, who thinks him a very fine horse, but not strong enough to carry his weight. I have only to add his Majesty expressed very graciously his sense of your kind intentions.'’ Lord North to Sir James Lowther. [1763], February 21, Downing Street. — “Although Mr. Stanhope has called more than once at my house, I have not yet seen him, but he has been with Mr. Kobinson, and fully stated his request to him. I under- stand that he proposes to be at my house on Thursday, and am unwilling to determine positively upon his application before I have had an opportunity of speaking with him. Nothing can in general be more inconvenient than the practice of permitting Officers of Kevenue tO" resign their offices to their friends, and I have resolved never to con- sent to such resignations except upon very particular occasions. I wish Mr. Stanhope may be able to shew that his case ought to be an exception to the general rule. When I had the honour of seeing you here, I fully explained to you my situation with respect to the office of Patent Customer at White- 133 iiaven. I mentioned to you, if I remember right, that the Patent Offices in the Customs were about the only places which a first Lord of the Treasury could bestow upon his own relations, and his private friends, [and] that I had never disposed of any of them in any part in Oreat Britain at the recommendation of those, who, on account of their interest in the neighbourhood, might be thought well intitled to recommend to the other ollices of the place.” The Earl of Bute to Sir James Lowther. 1763, May 13, Knaresborough. — “Thank you a thousand times, my dear Sir James, for the curious enclosures you have sent me, on my word I expect to hear of the Standard of Rebellion being rais’d before 1 reach town, and that sedition once more takes the field in this country ; Parliament alone can now restore vigour to the laws, and secure our Constitution, and I shall wait with unusual impatience for its meeting, in the mean time I struggle hard for health; and shall certainly reap some advantage from my house and exercise, but little from the waters ; 1 heard by chance of your visit to Lord Halifax; and took a method that I hope will prove effectual, tho’ I can by late experience answer for nothing.” George Grenville to Sir James Lowther, Bart. 1763, May 27th, Downing Street. — “ I have this moment received the favor of your letter, and as it will alw'ays be a real pleasure to me to do any thing agreable to you, I shall be desirous whenever the vacancy happens to comply with your recommendation in behalf of your friend R* Stanhope if I possibly can, but as there are always a multitude of applications from the gentlemen of the county upon this subject, I have laid it down as a rule never to make an absolute promise till the vacancy happens and I am fully apprized of the state of it.” Horace Walpole to the Rev. Henry Zouch, Sandal, near Wakefield.* 1764, February 21st, Arlington Street. — “ You will have heard of the severe attendance which we have had for this last week in the House of Commons. It will, I trust, have excused me to you for not having answered sooner 3 our very kind letter. My books, I fear, have no merit over Mr. Harte’s Gustav us, but by being much shorter. I read his work, and was sorry so much curious matter should be so ill and so tediously put together. His anecdotes are much more interesting than mine ; luckily I was aware that mine w'ere very trifling, and did not dwell upon them. To answer the demand, 1 am reprinting them with additions, but must wait a little for assistance and corrections to the two latter as I have had for the former. You are exceedingly obliging. Sir, to offer me one of }'Our Fergusons; I thank you for it as I ought, but in truth 1 have more pictures than room to place them ; both my houses are full, and 1 have even been thinking of getting rid of some I have. That this is no declension of your civility, -Sir, you will see, when I gladly accept either of your medals of King Charles; I shall be proud to keep it as a mark of your friendship ; but then I will undoubtedly rob you o!‘ but one. * There are many other letters at Lowther Castle from Walpole to H. Zouch, but, with the exception of the short one which follows on the next page, they are all printed in Cunningham’s edition. 2 134 I condole with you, Sir, for the loss of your friend and relation, as I heartily take my share in whatever concerns you. The great and unmerited kindnesses I have received from you will ever make me Your most obliged and obedient humble Servant.’^ George Grenville to Sir James I,owther, Bart. 1764, April 8th, Downing Street. — “ Mr. Jenkinson informs me that you wrote to him about a proper arrangement of How’s affairs for the benefit of the public, and of his private creditors. The Commissioners of the Customs were immediately directed to make a report upon it which they have now done, and it shall be taken into consideration to morrow at the Board, and I hope this affair will be ended in some shape or other that may be agreable to you. I will give directions that for the future you shall have as little trouble as is possible with regard to offices upon incidents in the two Counties of Westmorland and Cumberland. I shall be extremely glad upon this and every occa- sion to show the real regard I have for you and my sense of the friend- ship and kindness you have allways expressed towards me.” Horace Walpole to the Rev. Henry Zouch. 1767, April 6th, Strawberry hill. — “ Your letter has lain here a few days, while I was in London, or I should certainly have obeyed your commands sooner. I will leave word witfi my housekeeper, as I am not settled here yet, to admit Sir Thomas Wentworth and your friends whenever they shall call to see my house. I am much obliged to you. Sir, for your kind inquiry after my health. I was extremely ill the two last summers, but have had no complaint since Christmas last. I should have been very glad if you had given me as good an account of your own health, which I most sincerely desire.” The Countess of Bute to Sir James Lowther, Bait. [1768], Saturday. — “ I am sensible you converse with many who will be extremely glad to see you plunge yourself much deeper in opposition, than (by what you said to me) is your present intention ; they have views of their own advantage, and very little consider your character or figure in the world. It appears to me in the strongest manner, that yon will injure yourself much more by this measure than it is possible for you to hurt any other person, and this I own is what gives me the greatest uneasiness ; I am very positive in the opinion that Sir George Macartney’s seat would in every light be far more eligible, and much more conformable to my Lord’s intention when he ask’d the favour of your bringing Sir George into Parliament. Forgive me my dear Sir James for my earnestness in this matter, but I foresee the con- sequences too well not to endeavour to avert what will cause great vexation to my Lord, and what I am sure you will repent of when too late.” George Johnstone, M.P. for Appleby, to [Sir James Lowther], [I77d], January 20th. — “ If you have not communicated your inten- tions to Major Gowland I still presume to bring an image to your mind that has disturbed me all night. Genius, generosity, fortitude, and affability, are painted on his mien, loving and beloved by all men of 135 worth and real virtue. Known and esteemed by the first characters for the extent of his knowledge, with an elocution capable of enforcing his opinions. Talbot raised Thompson. Hertford, David Hume. Rockingham, Burke. But you have a prize in your power superior to all three and your glory and advantage would be in proportion. You have laid me under so many obligations that you cannot add to them. I have therefore only to beg forgiveness if my solicitation has no success and that you will believe if I am again importunate that it is as much from thinking the measure for your interest as for the sake of him I love. The most perfect of human characters without any exception as far as my knowledge of mankind goes, try him on any one quality or all united.” George Johnstone to Sir James Lowther, Bart. 1775, June 7th, London.~“I did not answer your letter expecting you would have been in London immediately, from your conversation the last time we parted. As I now suppose something has detained you, I acknowledge with great pleasure the account of your success. I was indeed very anxious because I considered the circumstance of this election as a loop-hole in your political situation which if not secured might have run things into great confusion. The late news from America makes me wish very much you was on the spot. Government have as yet received no accounts, and pretend there is not the least grounds for believing an open rupture and some assert the whole has been fabricated. I can venture to assure you the essentials are true and the sjdrits of the Public are much affected by it. Lord Chatham is generally looked up to, though most people agree he could not form an administration without the Rockinghams. He is very ill, but reco- vering. Much will depend on a good intercourse by intermediate friends and some communication with the Closet. I see nobody better qualified to effect both than yourself, but alas Lowther is 300 miles distant from St. James’s ; both must be attended to, the interest in the one gives tone to operations in the other, and human powers can hardly undertake both. Leaving Lowther to descend to this hot nasty town is like a flight from Heaven, so that without calculating all your necessary attentions for securing your interest, I should not be sur- prized if human frailty yielded to such temptation. If auy change takes place on this American storm, it must be quickly, for although the matter is very nice, and people in power will find a thousand expedients before they quit their hold, yet the affair is sufficiently serious to startle the most intrepid and there will be no correcting the evil by a change of system, if much more blood is spilt or at least if it should afterwards be attempted. The blood of the advisers must cement the breach between the two Countries.” The Rev. Thomas Zouch to William Lowther, of Swillington (afterwards Earl of Lonsdale), 1775, Dec. 28, Wycliffe. — Letter of advice on the occasion of his com- mencing residence at Trinity College, Cambridge, after leaving West- minster School, and undergoing a course of study with the writer. The Duke of Rutland to Sir James Lowther. 1779, July 27th, Chevely. — ‘‘ Lord Chatham’s son, Mr. Pitt, a parti- cular of friend of mine, having declared himself a candidate for the 2 136 University of Cambridge, I cannot forbear at his desire from requesting your interest in his behalf. The great situation of Sir James Lowther in this county must naturally give him an essential weight with every description and body of men ; and I trust that Mr. Pitt’s prin- ciples founded on those by which his father so long upheld this country will give force to this application. It is upon this ground and the many civilities I have so frequently received from you that I venture to trouble you with this letter. [P.S.]. — I had the satisfaction of seeing Lord Shelburne this morning. He has no fever or any symptom to cause alarm. A few old Letters in his waistc<^at pocket — impeded the force of the ball. I need not say, that his conduct in the Business was highly honourable. Men in these times must stand prepared for strange events. How necessary General Union is become.’' The Marquis of Rockingham to the Rev. Henry Zouch. 1780, March 23rd, Thursday evening. Grosvenor Square.— I am much grieved to be unable to attempt to be present at York at the ensuing County meeting. I have been much hurried and fatigued with variety of business, and though I feel anxious beyond measure, that the decisions at York should be such as would redound to the honour of the County and the good of the nation, I can not undertake to throw my little mite in the scale by my personal attendance and by the opportunity it might give one of suggesting my thoughts on the spot. I can not nevertheless refrain from communicating some of my -opinions on the matters, which you and those who are there will have to consider and on which you will have to act. I am under some uneasiness at not having received any answer from Mr. Milnes. I find by the letter which I had the pleasure to receive from you, that he had got my long letter. I trust there was nothing in it, which went so much against his ideas, as that he should rather decline answering it, and leave it to future conversation, than to send me his objections at once — against any part or sentiment which I had conveyed. I indeed hope that Mr. Milnes’ not writing has proceeded from his expectation of seeing me soon in Yorkshire. A variety of incidents have happened in regard to the conduct and in regard to what has passed among the Deputies in London — which at this time it would be both unnecessary and too long to enter into. I shall therefore hasten to the actual state of what has been concluded here among the Deputies, and which is to become the subject matter of consideration for the County Committees in the first place — and for the County Meetings at large in the second place. I enclose to you the Printed Paper which contains what is to be laid before you, and I must particularly call your attention to the concluding part — viz. — Mr. WyvilVs circular letter which is ordered — by the Meeting of Deputies — to be annexed to the Resolutions. I must observe to you — that the occasion of this circular Letter being annexed — arose from the very great doubts which many entertained in regard to two of the four Resolutions which the Deputies at a Meeting last week liad agreed to. Very many indeed will by no means admit— as an Article to which they will bind tliemselves — that the Members of the House of Commons be annually elected to serve in Parliament. I verily think — that that Article will not be adopted by any one of the Counties whose Deputies were in London, if the County of York are not led into that decision. Perhajjs if the County of York doth, some 137 Counties may follow, but I will venture to foretell that they will be few in number. I am convinced that nothing but confusion will arise, if this measure is enforced. Suiely the impracticability of the measure of Annual Parliaments — must strike the bulk of the thinking part of the subjects of this country. The whole fabrick of the id^a is entirely built on vague theories. You will have seen by my letter to Mr. Milnes — that I am, (and I really have been) inclined for some time past — to shorten the duration of Parliament. Septennial is too long a Term. Triennial was the term of duration fixed at the Revolution. I have examined the number of Petitions on contested elections pre* sented — on several New Parliaments. I see both before and since Mr. Greenvile’s Bill, the Number of Petitions on undue elections, have been so great, that they have not been decided in first Session. On the General Election in 1768 — prior to Mr. Green vile’s Bill — the nun»ber of Petitions were 38, whereof 5 were left undecided. Many of those which were decided, were not decided till just in the end of the first Session. Mr. Greenvile’s Bill, rendering the Trials more equitable, admits and requires more fair and strict examination into the justice of each election, and of course the Trials are more formal and take longer time in deciding. It appears on the General Election in 1774, there were 50 Petitions on undue elections at the different towns, counties, &c. All the Committees who could set could only decide 34 out of the 50 in the course of the first Session of that Parliament. So that 16 remained over for another Year. Most of these 50 were two members each — some few were onl}' Single Members who contested. Upon the whole I imagine 80 Members sat during great part of the Session, when no body could say they were certain to be the real and fairly chosen representatives. I hope Mr. Wyvill will not press the Annual Parliament as a specific Article on which men are to associate. If it is pressed at York I hope a majority will by no means adopt it. I think it may, and should Oe stopped in the Committee on Saturday next at York. I shall now proceed to state shortly some doubts I have in regard to the other Article relative to there being sent not less than One Hundred new Members of Parliament to be chosen — in a due proportion — by the several Counties of Great Britain. I like exceedingly the principle on which this measure stands, but it is a proposition, as yet crude and un- ascertained\w regard to the Specific Proportions for each County, ' other Stall. Every thing is satisfactorily arranged with respect to Mr. Gibbs’s election, and there seems nothing to apprehend from the Opposition. If I can find any mode of making a provision for poor Penn, I shall be very glad if you will allow me to make use of your kind offer, in order to introduce some other’ useful recruit. We are expecting every day to receive the account of our being decidedly at war with Spain ; an event which as things now stand will rather improve than embarrass our situation.” The Rev, Thomas Zouch to Viscount Lowtiiek. 1805, January 7th. Sandal. — I have read the MS. poem [Words- worth’s ?] with attention. It is certainly an extraordinary performance 2 154 and discovers a singular originality of poetic genius, an exuberance of invention and sentiment, and great powers of description. The scenerv which he exhibits on Skiddaw and its adjaeent mountain Saddle-back or Blencathara is truly grand. I have marked witli a pencil in the margin the passages which appeared to me incorrect, and drawn a line under the expressions and words which seemed exceptionable. The terms green and bowers are used too often, and there are some rhymes which occur too frequently and which I have noticed. William Pitt to Viscount Lowther. 1805, February 20th, Wednesday, Downing Street. — ‘‘ It gives me great pleasure to find that the arrangements in the Church will give me an immediate opportunity of acquitting myself of my engagement to you in favor of Dr. Zouch. The particular preferment which I have in view to offer him is the Precentorship of Lincoln ; but I am not yet certain whether it will be that or some other Stall, as it depends on the decision of Dr. Pretyrnan (brother to the Bishop) to whom I have offered the Prebend of Durham, and whose acceptance would vacate both the Precentorship and a Prebend of ^lorwich. Should Dr. Prety- man decline, I shall have no difficulty in making some other arrange- ment which will open a situation of the description you wished for Dr. Zouch. Whatever it may be, I wish it to be considered only as a step towards the Bishoprick of Carlisle which I shall reserve for your recommendation, whenever an opportunity arises of promoting the present Bishop. I should add that the Precentorship of Lincoln is worth, as I understand, between seven and eight hundred pounds per annum.” William Pitt to Viscount Lowther. 1805, March 2nd, Downing Street. — “ After so many years of un- interrupted friendship, during which I have received from you the strongest proofs of personal kindness, and of zealous and honorable support, it is certainly a severe mortification to me to find that what has lately passed lias given you so much dissatisfaction. I regret extremely that I had not the opportunity of seeing you while you were in town, and of explaining to you fully all the grounds on which I have acted ; because I cannot help still flattering myself that on a know- ledge and consideration of all the circumstances your judgment would be different. At all events it will be a great satisfaction to me, if whenever you return you will allow me to converse fully with you on the whole subject. In the mean time the knowledge of your present sentiments, cannot make the smallest change in the desire I feel both to acquit myself of an engagement, and to mark the sense I shall always retain of your cordial and effectual support, without the smallest view in doing so, to what may be your future conduct. I shall there- fore lose no time in endeavouring to compleat the arrangement, which may enable me to place Dr. Zouch in such a situation as will answer your views for him. Unluckily a few days may still elapse before I can name the precise preferment, as I find that it would not be convenient to Dr. Pretyrnan to vacate the preferments he now holds in exchange for the Prebend of Durham.” William Pitt to Viscount Lowther. 1805, August 21st, Downing Street.— “ Dr. Monkhonse called here to-day to deliver your letter, and brought at the same time the account 155 of the living of W akefield being actually vacant. I'he knowledge I before bad of your wishes had detei'mined me to recommend him as the successor, and I have accordingly given directions for bis appoint- ment.” “ Correspondence relating to Mr. Pitt’s death.” The Earl of Essex to Viscount Lowther. 1806, January 14tb, Wycombe Abbey. {Private ,) — “Friendship of long standing as Dr. Johnson said (most wisely) ought to be kept in repair and therefore I feel that in any event wherein I am at all interested it is my duty as well as inclination to communicate most con- fidentially with those for whom I profess the real and true regard that I do for yourself. After so long a preface something of greater conse- quence ought to follow than the simple event of my moving the address on Tuesday next in the House of Lords. Two nights ago I received a letter from Lord Camden at Lord Hawkesbury’s request, desiring that I would undertake a task which I feel unequal to, but at the same time I think I ought not to refuse. To say no more on this subject on my own part I will now tell you what I hear of Pitt. He came to Putney as you probably know on Saturday. I hear that he is very weak, and you will perhaps better judge of his real situation when I tell you that all idea of his attending Parliament at first is at an end. The letter I got from Lord Hawkesbury last night has in these words — ^ I am sure you will be gratified by hearing that Dr. Peynolds and Dr. Baily who have been called in to attend Mr. Pitt are of opinion with Sir W. Farquhar that there are no serious or unpleasant symptoms in his complaint, that it is principally weakness owing to the very severe attack of the gout which he has experienced and that by attention and quiet he will in a short time recover his strength, his attendance in Parliament for a fort- night after the meeting will be however impossible ’ — on this account of our friend you will make your own comments on this statement. The place from which this is dated will certainly furnish me with the last accounts, and Lord Mahon who is in London writes to his wife that he met Farquhar going to Putney yesterday, that he states Mr. Pitt as having had two attacks of the gout since he came home, and that he shook his head as if he did not like what was going on. Perhaps he may make more of this from other medical advice being called in ; here you have all we know on this important subject. My private opinion is that nothing can be w orse, a general debility with gout constantly flying about, and his pulse I know to have been as high as 130, only upon the common and ordinary exertion of dressing himself, are symptoms too alarming not to make us anticipate the worst. I cannot have an idea that with the present state of his weak frame and living solely as I hear he does upon milk, that it can last long, frequent attacks of gout must shew there is no strength to throw it out, and at last end in the falling upon some vital part. I have now told you all I know and I trust you will consider that the part I am about to take proceeds from those just feelings that I ought to possess towards our friend. We are of the same opinion as to many circumstances respecting his conduct of late years, but if he is in the utmost need he must not be deserted even by those who have as little support as myself to give him. I have a 'thousand other things to say but they are too much to put into a sheet of paper, the times are become now so extraordinary and interesting and so much more so from the probability of Pitt’s health being upon the decline that of course great 2 156 and important changes must be looked for even if no other circumstances produce them that I take it for granted you will come up. I go from hence to-morrow and shall be in town Tuesday and have a little chicken establishment in town for the next week, therefore if you do come up pray recollect that you will find a manger in John Street when you are reduced to a mutton chop. Excuse this ink, paper ^ and writing, the first, second and third, are Lord Carrington’s, the last your &c. Of course say nothing of Tuesday till you have it in the newspapers the Duke of Rutland had accepted .... refused ; why this just now. What say y[ou] ” The Earl of Essex to Viscount Lowther. {Private.) 1806, January 16th, John Street. — “I am this moment come to town and will tell you all I hear on that subject which most interests us at this moment as any public event, for such is the health of Mr. Pitt. Farquhat slept at Putney last night, and does so again to-night. A friend of mine met him this morning and he shook his head saying that Mr. Pitt might get over it. This is a sort of language that I know Farquhar often holds pour se faire valoir, and I should have attributed it to that motive had I not met Lord Chatham a few minutes afterwards who I think gave me a very bad account indeed by saying that Mr. Pitt was seized in the night with a violent sickness (a bad symptom in his state) and that the Bishop of Lincoln who was with him had just written Lord Chatham word that he thought Mr. Pitt had rather lost ground than gained it since Monday last. The King I hear is very low, and I do not see much comfort for us in the political world unless some more favourable events arise. You shall hear from me to-morrow if anything arises.” “ P.S. — I have this moment a line from Lord Henry, who says the Physicians do not perceive any alarming symptoms, but that his recovery was not as rapid as they expected.” The Earl of Essex to Viscount Lowther. [Undated.] {Private.) — “ I fear I cannot send you a better account to day though they say there is a shade of difference for the better, a letter Lord Henry read us from the Bishop of Lincoln this morning written at 7 o’clock last night mentions the extreme debility of Mr. Pitt and that it would be necessary to lift him from his bed for a moment to his couch that the former might be made, thus you see his state of weak- ness is terrible, the account this evening is that he had taken an egg yesterday which he had kept upon his stomach and had had a tolerable nio-ht and that he asked for some food this morning which they thought ])roceeded from a wish to keep himself up more than from any natural inclinations to eat, but he said it was really from an inclination to take sustenance and he was to try some chicken broth. The Physicians, and Baillie in i)aT-ticular, still say that no symptoms of real alarm shew them- selves, so that although we may hope that his life may yet be preserved, his ])olitical life is at an end for the present. ^V'hat the result will be God knows, a few days must .determine. If you do not come up you shall hear from me constantly whilst I am in town. The Duchess’s friends are again talking of him as sure of returning to power. The King’s eyes worse I believe. Burn this. 157 I have yours of the 15th. I hud Lord Oafrington is to second the Address.” The Earl of Essex to Viscount Lowther. 1806, January 18th, London. {Private ,) — “ Pitt is certainly ibetter to-day, \\e took chicken broth three times yesterday and had very little return of his sickness, but I hear Baillie has pronounced that he cannot attend even to any common business for these next 10 or 12 weeks. There is much cabal going on. I have no more to say now on the sub- ject but will write more fully if possible to-morrow and tell you all that I know, so that on Tuesday you shall be au fait. I am just come from the Birthday, it was thin, and the Prince of Wales there in high spirits.” The Earl of Essex to Viscount Lowther. 1806, Sunday evening, January 20th. (Private .) — “ I fear you must expect to hear the worst to-morrow if I write. The accounts to-day are sad from Putney, and Pitt is in the utmost danger, probably to-night will decide everything. God grant that a change may take place. The account from the physicians is that the symptoms are unpleasant and his situation dangerous. A letter from Charles Stanhope says the con- sultation is over, and Mr. Pitt is in great danger. The Bishop of Lincoln’s letter says to Pitt’s private secretary — Mr. Pitt is worse than yesterday and the symptoms most alarming — I fear we must expect the worst. Pray if this melancholy event should happen come up directly. There are sorts of cabals going on, and such men as yourself should be here and become landmarks to those who like myself wish to do the best. I will write to-morrow of course. Baillie said this morning he was in the greatest danger, and this very publicly, his pulse was 130, and in moving him last night in a blanket from his bed to the couch he fainted away, his voice I understand is too feeble to be heard ; what can be worse and how hurried it is ? ” The Earl of Essex to Viscount Lowther. 1806, January 22nd, London. — “ It is for me amongst many others I have no doubt to undertake the painful task of telling you that Mr. Pitt died about 2 o’clock to-day. I am too oppressed with grief to say more, what will be done I know not ; you shall hear from me to- morrow if I know anything, pray come up, if you do so on Friday or Saturday you will find me at Cashiobury. I shall return here Sunday.” Lord Mulgrave to Viscount Lowther. 1806, January 23rd. — “ During the anxious suspense of our excellent friend’s illness I knew not how to write to you lest I should create fears or hopes that might mislead you. At half-past four this morning the world was deprived of its greatest ornament and the country of its best protector. I know you will feel this most unhappy event as I do, in the general affliction ; I have the aggravated sorrow of paternal feelings, my affection for him was that of a brother.” • John Stonard to Viscount Lowther. 1806, January 23rd, Chertsey. — “ I write immediately and shall send the letter to town by the coach, which will save a day, because I plainly 2 158 perceive that you are not aware of the very alarming nature of Mr. Pitt’s illness. By what I gathered from Stanhope when I was in town a fortnight since, I was convinced that we might wish rather than hope for Mr. Pitt’s restoration. This morning has confirmed my worst appre- hensions. • I have received a letter from poor Stanhope evidently written in the greatest distress and agony of mind. He tells me emphatically ‘ All is not yet over and that is all I can say, I fear there are no hopes remaining.’ Your Lordship therefrom will judge how near one of the worst calamities that can overtake this country is now taking place. Most likely your Lordship will have heard the truth before you receive . this letter. But I think it right to let you know in case you should not. I shall be very happy to see Henry again. Mr. Drummond’s [ ] comes on Saturday.” John Stonard to Viscount Lowther. Thursday afternoon, Chertsey. — “ I have written to you before to-day but take the liberty of writing once more. I have this moment received a letter from Stanhope who stopped at Staines in his way down to South Hill with Mr. Canning. The intelligence is indeed most melancholy. Mr. Pitt departed this life at past 4 this morning. Stanhope sat up with him and to use his own words he burnt out quietly and went off without a groan or struggle. Probably I shall not be the first bearer of these most unwelcome tidings, but having a moment’s time for the post I write lest others should forget to do it.” The Earl of Essex to Viscount Lowther. 1806, January 23rd, London. {Private .') — “I was premature only, in my melancholy intelligence, which was owing to Lord Castlereagh having told Lord Pivers positively at 3 o’clock that Mr. Pitt was dead, the last scene did not close till 4 past 4 o’clock this morning, and with that last breath expired the last hopes of this country. That he will hereafter meet the just rewards due to a character who had devoted itself to his country’s service I have no doubt. I nevef saw more heartfelt grief and sorrow in the countenance of every honest man. I will however hope for the best and not suppose that this country can be lost although it is deprived of the services of such a man whose like we shall never look upon again. I will not close this till after I have been up with the Address and know what is likely to be done in the House of Lords or Commons in consequence of this event. Lord Carrington and myself were at Lord Hawkesbury’s for a moment last night at 12 o’clock, the account then was as bad as possible, he was sensible and Farquhar had allowed him in the course of the day to see any one he might wisli to speak to but he declined it and I believe did not see Lord Chatham or any one but the Bishop of Lincoln with whom he had prayed, {ind j)oor fellow, I hear he made a will, but God knows can have had little to leave of anything. How melancholy is this event. We found Lord Castlereagh and Wallace, that great man, with Lord Hawkesbury. I hear Lord Sidmouth was seen with the Prince of Wales in close conference. My friends are kind enough to say that everything went off tolerably well with myself on Tuesday. 5 o’clock. I have yours and quite agree with you as to what you say respecting a wish to have seen Pitt more out of office during his life. I am just come home from the address to the King, he seemed affected and I hear was 159 very much so at the account of that event we have all so to lament. I hear no particulars about what is likely to happen. Every man has his own speculation, and a thousand lies are abroad, some say Lord Hawkesbury is to be at the head of everything, others. Lord Sidmouth, he and Lord Henry and Castlereagh have been with the King in private this morning, and the former gave me a hint that the King would make up his mind upon what was to be done in the course of 48 hours. I hardly think anything can come on in the House of Lords or Commons till Pitt is buried. Lord Grenville is gone to Droj)more to-day and I find more afflicted than can be described. I shall probably go out of town very early to-morrow morning, in that case shall not be able to write. I shall stay till something is likely to come on in Parliament, having nothing to do with the present cabals and wishing to be absent from them. Let me know when you mean to come. [P.S.] They talk of the King sending to Lord Spencer to talk to him. Lord Henry Petty and Lord Althorp are gone down to Cambridge to stand.” The Earl of Essex to Viscount Lowther. [1806], January 24 {Private ^ — “ I did not leave London early es I in- tended this morning. I believe all you see in the papers is correct about our poor dear friend’s death except that he did not see Lord Chatham or any one except the Bishop of Lincoln and Lord Charles Stanhope at 8 o’clock on Wednesday evening, after which time I believe he was insensible till his death. No blisters were applied to his feet. I hear nothing certain except that Lord Hawkesbury is decided to remain firm in not making up any patched administration ; this I am assured of, and if so the others will come in I conclude, and all Pitt’s friends will remain entire and judge which way they ought to give their support or to withhold it. I suspect Lord Sidmouth will lean to Fox and the Prince of Wales. Lord Grenville is gone to Dropmore they say more afflicted than can be described. I have just seen Lord Camden, nothing will be done in Parliament till the funend is over. I hear the Cabinet are determined one and all to give up. The King is to know this on Saturday.” Lord Camden to Viscount Lowther. 1806, January 21th, Arlington Street. — “ I had meant to have writ- ten to you on the sad and melancholy prospect which has presented itself for some days respecting Mr. Pitt’s health, but I heard you were coming to town. I should not have given you the pain of hearing from me that his last breath is gone or myself the pain of writing it — had I not learnt you were not expected in town for 2 or 3 days. Upon the event itself T am sure our public and private feelings are in unison. The political crisis is of importance and T should conceive you will think it right to come to town. Indeed myself and many of Mr. Pitt’s friends are very desirous you should. It seems to me the Government cannot proceed and there is great temper in the King and amongst his ministers on the occasion.” Lord Mulgrave to Viscount Lowther. 1806, January 25, Harley Street. — “I am sure you will think that the remnant of our dear friend’s government have taken the step 2 160 best suited to the unhappy state of affairs which the melancholy catas- trophe has produced by resigninj^ their offices and advising his Majesty to form a new Government. Lord Grenville will be sent [for] to-morrow, and I trust and hope that such measures will be adopted in the conduct of public affairs as may produce that unanimity in Parliament which is at this moment so essential. Nothing but unanimity and moderation on all sides can give a hope of mitigating the loss which the world and the country has sustained. With respect to your coming to town I know but one point which might make it particularly desirable to you to be present. You will have seen in this day’s paper the notice given by Lascelles of a motion for a public funeral, I do not apprehend that any opposition is likely to be made in the House of Lords, but your situation in life and above all your long steady and well known friendship for the departed object of those public honours would I think render it desirable that you should have a share in the proposal or discussion of such a tribute to his memory.’ The Earl of Essex to Viscount Lowther. 1806, January 26th, Cashiobury. — “I well know what your feelings must be on the late melancholy event, the newspapers will tell you all that is doing in Parliament, and others of your friends can give you better information than myself as to political arrangements about to take place, but I believe that Lord Hawkesbury and the others remain firm in their determination not to continue the government with only replacing the Chancellor of the Exchequer, that would never do and it is unlikely that Lord Grenville will take in many of the present persons at the head of affairs, so that an entire new administration becomes the most likely thing to take place. You will know when any business is likely to come on and probably will be up for it. Henry Lascelles’ motion will I believe only go to the funeral of Mr. Pitt which ought to be equal at least to what his father’s was. I shall go up on Thursday for a day or two. I dread all this oversetting the King, if he stands the shock all may yet not be so bad, though the loss of our dear friend can never be replaced as long as we live.” Tne Earl of Westmorland to Viscount Lowther. 1806, Januarv 26th. — “ You of course hear a hundred stories — all that can be known is, that the King sent to Lord Grenville to-day to desire him to form an administration. The result of the conversation I have not yet heard. [P.S.] — House of Lords, 5 o’clock. Lord Grenville is to go to the King on Thursday ” The Earl of Euston to Viscount Lowther. I 1 806], January 27th, Margaret Street. — “I should have written to you before this time if any event political or other worth notice had occurred since the fatal termination of our much lamented friend’s illness Lascelles moves this day in the House of Commons that his remains should have a public funeral, and that a monument should be erected to his memory. Most of his most intimate friends are averse to any proposition being made in Parliament respecting his debts, I 161 cannot say that I think they have judged wisely. With regard to new arrangements nothing has as yet transpired. Lord Grenville went to the King (being sent for) at about one o’clock to-day. You shall hear from me again when more is known.” The Earl of Euston to Viscount Lowther. . [1806], elanuary 28th. — Nothing has transpired but that Lord Gren- ville received yesterday the King’s commands to form an administra- tion which will be laid before his Majesty to-morrow.” Charles Long (afterwards Lord Earnborough) to Viscount Lowther. [1806], January 28th, 30 Hill Street . — (Most private and covi/idential). “ I arrived in town from Ireland last night and sent to your house this morning in tlie hope of seeing you. I will not attempt to express to j ou the affliction I feel at this moment. The country has sustained an irreparable loss, but I confess whatever sensations I feel on that consideration are absorbed in my own private feelings. I am anxious at this moment to perform a duty I owe towards you. Y'ou will remember having placed in my hands a sum to be employed for a particular purpose. I looked immediately into the state of the debt to which this was to be applied and 1 found it so considerable (at that time above 20,000), that it would have done very little towards its liquidation. Under the circumstances I thought I could not better carry into effect your kind intentions than by reserving it for such pressing occasions as unfortunately had but too often occurred. I was enabled by so doing to prevent the most unpleasant consequences by the ad- vancement of two sums at different times, one of 200/. and the other of 500/., and last September the remainder was directed to be employed for the purpose of removing an execution. But I was in the country at the time and I found on my arrival in town that other means had been found and the execution taken out of the house. I am therefore to return you this sum of 800/. which I will do when you return to town. I have only to hope that in acting on this as I did on every occasion in the manner most conducive (to the best of my judgment) to the welfare and happiness of my fiiend I fulfilled your kind intentions towards him.” W. Spencer Stanhope to Viscount Lowther. 1806, January 29th, Grosvenor Square. — “What you conjectured to me on Sunday appeared last night very likely to come to pass, namely, that the two parties of Grenville and Fox were likely to disagree even at the outset. From a hint that Fox let fall last night it appeared that no arrangement was then made, and from the ill -temper shown both by him and Grey to Lord Castlereagh, and above all the offensive speech of Windham on Monday, there seems to be little disposition to con- ciliate the friends of Pitt. They surely must or ought at least to wish for a strong and popular administration, but the party feelings, and demeanour and langufige of the Foxites seem to me to be as violent and .bitter as ever, and that they would prefer a dissolution of the present Parliament before the trouble of obtaining its good will. I could not help writing these few lines and will not close my letter till near the time of the post’s going out. o 69070. L 2 162 All I have been able to learn in my morning’s walk is that there has been a great struggle whether the Duke of York or Lord Moira should be commander-in-chief, but which is to have it I cannot tell. The result of all this scramble we shall probably know more of to-morrow.” The Earl of Westmorland to Viscount Lowther. 1806, January 30th, London . — ^ I have nothing of any authority to tell you. There seem doubts whether Grenville as auditor can be first Lord of Treasury, and Lord Spencer is talked of. I have some reason to believe Mansfield is to be Keeper or Chancellor and Erskine Chief Justice of Common Pleas. Grenville has not been able to make out his plan to go to the King to-day. We have to our other hopes to add that of Lord Cornwallis.” The Earl of Westmorland to Viscount Lowther. [1806], January 31st, Friday, J before six. — “Lord Grenville went to the King to-day. 1 do not hear very particularly their arrange- ments. It is said their Cabinet is to consist of nine Foxites and four Grenvilles, but this cannot be. All that seems quite certain is that Lord Sidmouth has made terms with them, and is to be either President or Privy Seal. There is some talk of Grant being Chancellor. The story in circulation of Lord Melville’s death is unfounded. Lady Chatham is exceedingly ill.” , ‘ [P.S.] “ Lord Buckinghamshire is to have an ofSce, I believe not in the Cabinet.” The Earl of Westmorland to Viscount Lowther. Saturday, February 1st. — “I can add very little to what I did yesterday. The seals seem at last intended for Erskine, which is shocking. I do not suppose we shall resign before Tuesday. I have just been with the King who seems very quiet, but much hurt. Lady Chatham continues very ill. Supposed to be Lord Grenville 1st Lord. Lord Spencer Secretary for Home. Fox Foreign. Wyndharn War. Grey Admiralty. Erskine Chancellor. Sidmouth Privy Seal. FitzWilliam President. Moira Ordnance, or Ireland. Ellenborough of Cabinet.” The Earl of Westmorland to Viscount Lowther. [1806], February 3rd, London. — “ A violent rumour prevailed at the Opera circulated by all the party that the arrangement for the new ministry was off. That Lord Grenville had been l>owed out by the King, saying he should reconsider the subject. What the exact state was T' cannot tell you, nor is, but 1 believe something proposed respecting the military c,ommand, either to remove his Boyal Highness or to take 163 away his powers, and in addition to the appointment of Erskine to be Chancellor, which seems to give universal disgust. It was rumoured last night that this hitch was to be got over, whether by his Majesty’s submission or by some alteration on the part of their High Mightinesses I cannot say, for 1 do know no more of the matter than the town reports. If anything should come to my knowdedge before six I will add,” &c. “By the accounts stuck up, the King has in a degree yielded. Grenville was to go to him again this evening. Our troops from the Continent are embarking and may soon be expected home.” liORD Camden to Viscount Lowther. 1806, February 3rd, Arlington Street. — “You will have seen the list of the new administration in the newspapers and will be somewhat surprised after the professions of forming an administration upon a broad basis, that not a single word has passed from Lord Grenville to any man connected with Mr. Pitt, but that the honourable connexion with Lord Sidmouth was immediately resorted to. There have been some difficulties but I believe they will all be overcome and that the government will be formed. Althcugh I cannot avoid making the observation I have done, I am the last person who is inclined to begin to oppose the Government, and if they do not fall upon our measures I should wish to give a real support to their measures. Though it is quite impossible to give one’s confidence to the men, for Lords Gren- ville and Spencer are the only persons in whom one can have any confidence. Whenever the discussion takes place on the subject of the Continental conduct of the late Government (as I may now term it) I hope you will be able to be in your place. There was no part of our dear and respected friend’s conduct on which he conceived himself so well entitled to commendation or any part of it on which he more entirely deserved it.” W. Spencer Stanhope to Viscount Lowther. 1806, February 4th, Grosvenor Square. — “ Aou may very possibly know more of the new arrangements than I do, but whatever they are they are to take place immediately, as the King has we are told con- sented to a military Council which I heartily approve. Last night after the payment of Pitt’s debts had been carried unanimously. Fox gave notice of a Bill to be passed this day to enable Grenville to hold the office of First Lord of the Treasury with that of Auditor. The last office was given him by Pitt, who never thought of keeping it him- self, and the return he makes to his memory is to turn out every man in office who supported him, and instead of acting as the leader of Pitt’s friends, and who were so long his own, I fear it is true though hardly -credible that he spurns them from him. I met Lord Glastonburv yesterday morning and entre nous he says he cannot conceive what his cousin is driving at, that he does not approve at all of his present arrangements, and that he considers Lord Grenville and Lord Spencer to be the only two in the Cabinet that can strictly be held to belong to them. Think of Lord Ellenborough, the first criminal Judge, being of the Cabinet, a and unprecedented breach of the constitution, and for what is it? That he may have the pleasure of ordering an arraignment for high treason in Council and giving sentence upon it in Court, and so become both judge and party in causes of life and death. L 2 2 164 Erskine too is to be Chancellor, and what at this moment appears to me* worst of all, Grrey is to go to the Admiralty. Is not all this cast of parts like forcing Mrs. Siddons into a comic, and Mrs. Jordan into a tragic character. I feel very differently now from what I did at Cottesmore last week, I then hoped that Lord Crenville would have selected the fittest men for the higher departments from all parties, and by forming a strong and popular Administration, and it cannot be the •one without being the other, have afforded the best chance to save the state ; as it is, God send us a good deliverance. To go into opposition now would only insure our destruction, but I see no ground for confi- dence and much for most gloomy prognostic. I have this moment heard that Lord Grenville wrote a handsome letter to Lord Bathurst to request him to keep the mastership of the Mint, which he peremptorily declined.” George Canning to Viscount Lowther. 1806, Sunday, February 9th, Somerset House. — “ I think it right to let you know that within a short time after my return home from Charles Street yesterday, the Attorney General (Perceval I mean) i and Lord Castlereagh called on me for the express purpose of asking what senti- ments I and those who felt with me in respect to Mr. Pitt, entertained, and what part we were inclined to take in the present situation of affairs, and of expressing on their own part and that of those with whom they had acted, an earnest desire that Mr. Pitt’s friends of all descriptions should, if possible, come to some general understanding, and concert so far as circumstances may admit a common line of conduct. It always appears to me so much the best policy, as well as the fairest mode of acting, to state openly whatever one has in one’s mind — when one is called upon to state anything — that I had very little hesitation in confessing to them the extent and nature of the difficulties (such as your Lordship and I had considered them) which seemed to be in the way of any such concert and understanding between two sets of men, who agree- ing in the point from which they set out might yet differ widely as to that to which they were to direct their proceedings. I took for granted that we should all agree as to the propriety of beginning with general professions of support to this, or to any Government which his Majesty had been pleased to form, so long as it conducted the affairs of the country upon principles such as we had been accustomed to profess, and to uphold, &c., &c. But when the time should come (as it must come) for finding out that departure from those principles which would justify one taking a part against the Government, then I expressed my apprehension that those who had belonged to the Government which Mr. Pitt succeeded, would probably look to Lord Sidmouth’s influence with the King as the best means for forming a new administration, and would shape their conduct in the way best calculated to give him support in such an undertaking. Whereas I, and those in whose sentiments I shared certainly considered Lord Grenville as the direct and lawful inheritor of the support of Mr. Pitt’s friends, provided he con- tinued to maintain Mr. Pitt’s system, and provided he shewed himself disposed to call for our aid. We should therefore look for his separation from his present colleagues as the best chance for the formation either of a new administration (in the event of Lord Grenville’s getting the better in the struggle and having a new administration to form) or (in the event of his being obliged to resign) of such an opposition as might afford an effectual protection to the country against a system the reverse 165 -of Mr. Pitt’s, and a solid resource to the King whenever he might be disposed to avail himself of it. I was not a little surprised when Lord Castlereagh immediately answered that I had spoken exactly their opinions, and upon my observing that there were others who had been more personally opposed to Lord Grenville and more intimately connected with Lord Sidmouth whose sentiments I imagined must be different, he said that he was authorised to declare on behalf of Lord Hawkesbury that he also agreed in these opinions, and that he was ready to co-operate precisely on the grounds, and for the objects, which I had described. I then proceeded to mention the second difficulty which your Lord- ship and I had talked of in the morning — that arising out of questions jconnected with Lord St. Vincent and his naval administration— I said that the part of the new arrangements which gave most offence to me, and to most others, I believed, who felt as I did about Mr. Pitt, and which at the same time I did conscientiously believe to be most detri- mental to the public service, was the revival of the St. Vincent system throughout all the naval departments. It was impossible that many questions should not come before Parliament in which the merits of this system would be necessarily subject of discussion. Mr. Jeffery’s motion alone, which no power on earth could keep back, would force such a dis- cussion upon us. Were we like to agree as to the part to be taken in it ? Would the former colleagues and defenders of Lord St. Vincent against Mr. Pitt, take the same part as those who then held and now hold Mr. Pitt’s opinions upon the subject ? If not we should split upon the point, perhaps the most personally connected with Mr. Pitt’s name, and cer- tainly the best calculated to make impression against the Government. Lord Castlereagh answered for himself and Lord Hawkesbury that they should have no difficulty in conforming their conduct rather to the opinions of Mr. Pitt, than to any notion of tenderness for their former colleague. Lord St. Vincent, and Perceval said that he would examine the grounds of Jeffery’s motion with the utmost impartiality, and if he found them to be as strong as I believed them to be, he certainly should not feel a less strong inclination to give that motion, or any measure of the same sort, his warmest support in the House of Commons. Upon the general character of the new naval arrangements they professed to feel just as we do. Unquestionably these concessions fforsuch they are) remove the chief impediments which we thought might be in the way of an union between the two different classes of Mr. Pitt’s friends. Whether upon any other ground such an union would be inexpedient, is a point upon which I confess I have not been able fully to make up my own mind since my conversation with your Lordship yesterday. It is a point which I wish to leave open until I shall have had an opportunity of conversing with you again, and I have therefore only agreed, as the result of what passed with Lord Castlereagh and Perceval, that there may safely be a general intimation to different individuals of both classes that an understanding is likely to take place, without specifying of what description or to what extent. Thus much was thought to be absolutely necessary to prevent people from committing themselves at once to the new Government under the notion that tiiere was no alternative open to them. And this will, I trust, be quite sufficient for a week or ten days, by which time I suppose there is a probability of your Lordship’s being in town. [P.S.] — You will observe that the changes go on in a way which shew'S that they set all interest, even Lord Grenville’s, at defiance. W. Pole, Lord Wellesley’s brother, and Hammond, Lord Grenville’s under-secretary, are among the last dismissals.” 2 166 The Earl of Westmorland to Viscount Lowther. [1806], February 14th, London. — “We have had nothing of notice since you left us, and I think rumours have not been very numerous. One that has been in circulation can hardly be true, that Fox has a mind to a trial of another India Bill. I should think he would be very glad to remove the present direction of the India House. Another story is that they mean again to get a draft from the Militia. After the violent manner in which this was opposed last year, they can hardly have the face to propose it, nor would it in truth add any efficient strength as our present object is defence at home, and indeed I think we have force nearly enough. However as they have talked so much they must pro- pose something, and they will look very mean in the first instance to copy what they so abused, and so I cannot believe this. Fox’s speech to the electors of Westminster was careful enough, but when he got to the whig club, the cloven foot seemed to shew in his toasts, viz., — ‘The cause of liberty all over the world,’ which was always drank as a sentiment of the French revolution.” The Earl of Chatham to Viscount Lowther 1806, February l7th, Dover Street. — “Notwithstanding your kind injunctions to the contrary yet painful as the subject is I cannot resist writing you a few lines as I should be sorry you should learn from any other hand than mine when the last sad ceremony is to take place, and the arrangements made concerning it. The day which I find the Lord Chamberlain has fixed is the 22nd instant. I cannot I assure you find words to express how deeply I feel the sentiments contained in your letter. I can with great truth say that I know the feelings of uninterrupted friendship and affection were most truly and sincerely returned on the part of my poor brother towards you, and nothing can be more gratifying to me than that you as one of the nearest of his friends should attend among the six assistant mourners selected for this painful duty.” George Canning to Viscount Lowther. 1806, February 19th, Somerset House. — “It is a very great satis- faction to me that your Lordship sees the present situation of things, and the motives of objects which ought to govern the conduct of Mr. Pitt’s friends in the same light in which I had occasion to represent them in the conversation which I reported to you last week. Nothing material has taken place since that time, except that I think one finds reason every day to be satisfied that there are a much greater number of individuals than one had imagined, waiting and wishing for an opportunity of concerting and co-operating in some general understanding, while on the other hand the government, but especially the Foxite part of it, are said to spare no pains and no promises to draw people to themselves. I shall be very glad if when you come to town you can conveniently make such a stay here as would enable you to collect the opinions of that description of persons (mentioned in your letter) who were most nearly attached to Mr. Pitt, out of office, as personal friends or political admirers. So highly do I rate the importance of such opinions, that I have been from the beginning and am still entirely persuaded that nothing 167 can be done or attempted (even if opportunities the most provokingly favourable were to offer themselves) unless some persons of that descrip- tion shall consent to lend their names, influence, and character to give weight and consistency to the connexion which we have in view. I need hardly say that I look to your Lordship (and I am not singular in doing so) as one of the persons the most peculiarly qualified from long known disinterested attachment to< Mr. Pitt, from personal weight, and from the very circumstance of never having hitherto taken any active share in party politics- — to give that countenance to such a plan, and to take that lead among any combination of Mr. Pitt’s friends, which can alone rescue many of us from the obvious imputation of being actuated by no other motive than a desire to scramble for our offices. It is on this account particularly that I very earnestly wish it may not be inconvenient to you to remain for a short time in London.” George Rose to Viscount Loavther. [1806, February.] — “From the time the melancholy stroke was inflicted upon us by the loss of Mr. Pitt, I hardly ever went out except to the House of Commons (where I felt it a duty to go) and once to call on you, till I came here to be free from an interruption I felt painful to me. As I found jmur Lordship was going out of town the morning after I was at your door I did not then make any further attempt to see you, but I shall be very glad if you will allow me to have a little quiet conversation with you on your return. Avoiding intercourse with persons on the present state of things as much as possible, I have talked with only two friends at all confidentially on the subject, to whom I found it necessary to express myself strongly and freely respecting the course of proceeding at first proposed. The one which seems now to be thought of appears a much more desirable one. My appetite for political concerns is by no means keen, and I stated to the persons before alluded to an earnest wish to know how far Mr. Pitt’s friends can have your Lordship’s protection and countenance before I commit myself in the remotest degree. It will therefore be a real comfort to me to have an early opportunity of suggesting to your Lordship my view of public matters at present. A line directed to Old Palace Yard will find me there any time after Wednesday evening, and I will wait on your Lordship at any time on Thursday or Friday.” George Rose to Viscount Lowther. 1806, February 21st, Old Palace Yard. — “Next to an opportunity of seeing you for a quarter of an hour nothing could be so satisfactory as your letter, it has afforded me real comfort, and I shall wait without impatience for an opportunity entirely convenient to yourself to have some conversation with you. My only anxiety has been that nothing should be done hastily or unadvisedly, of which there does not now appear to be the remotest danger. I trust there will be no difficulty in keeping Mr. Pitt’s friends together, which I am sure is essential to the public interest. I return to Buckden with the Bishop on Tuesday for a week, after which I shall settle here.” John Stonard to Viscount Lowther. 1806, February 23rd, Chertsey.-— “ Yesterday, I understand j’-ou assisted in committing to their last earthly mansion the mortal remains of • 2 168 the greatest of statesmen and your friend. It was the discharge of a very awful and affecting duty. In the course of the morning I often thought of your Lordship and poor James Stanhope. It must have been to him a most heart-rending day. He parted with his best friend beneath the sun, from his guardian, his father. He may however be sure of all the consolation that sympathy can afford. The whole nation, I may say the whole world, suffers with him, and a great portion of both mourns also In Lord ^NTelson we lost a right hand of the kingdom, but in Mr. Pitt we have lost the acting soul, the presiding reason of the state, that which employed its wealth and directed its force to the best and wisest ends. I think there are marks to [be] discerned of astonishment and terror even among his adversaries. For after all their opposition I suspect they reposed more confidence in him than themselves. They felt that he was made for command. They knew by experience that he was neither to be driven or diverted from his purpose, and they knew that the whole country reposed their firmest trust and their highest hopes in his talents, his integrity and his firmness. Nothing but the fanatical folly of Sir Francis or the diabolical malevolence of Mr. Windham can hesitate to acknowledge and deplore the greatness of our loss. Indeed we cannot yet estimate its total amount. I hope we shall not be made to feel it. Mr. Pitt seemed to have been given by heaven to the nation in order to save it, and he has performed that high oifice in more instances than one. But we need him still ; we need him more than ever. May Grod there- fore have mercy on us and make his own divine power and protection more evident and more glorious in this our state of weakness. His late servant lived, though not, we fear enough for us, yet enough for himself, for his own fame and happiness. For though his life was short in num- ber of years, yet it was very long, longer than the days of man, in activity and honour. In the welfare of his country he yet lives, and we trust will continue to live. The impression of his mighty hand is fixed indelibly upon it, and let us pray that neither the imprudence of his successors nor the efforts of our enemies may overthrow the fabrick that is thus impressed. We need not wait I think for history to do him justice. The present age is every day becoming more sensible of his deserts, and though ‘ the memorials of his friendships and his enmities have not yet perished,’ yet his decease has, except in some few breasts of more atrocious malignity than ordinary, already damped the fiery spirit of party violence and will speedily make us regret that he was not when living valued as he deserved to be. The breath of posthumous admiration will soon swell to its proper note the trump of true glory. I was truly sorry to learn from your Lordship’s letter that Lord Grenville is disposed to show so little attention to the friends of Mr. Pitt. It is I think not more inconsistent with humane and honourable feelings than with sound policy. His Lordship cannot consider Lord Sidmouth as better than a broken reed, and surely he cannot look to Mr. Fox and his party, however connected by present interest, for any sure support in the hour of need, upon motives either of agreement in political principles or of personal attachment. Mr. Pitt’s friends were his friends and he ought to be sensible of their value. Henry conducts himself entirely to my satisfaction. He is certainly improving, and I think is more attentive than he used to be. But patience is absolutely necessary. It must be ‘ line upon line, precept upon precept.’ He agrees vastly well with Drummond. Indeed it would be wonderful if he did [nct],f or they are both as good-tempered lads as ever it was my lot to see.” 169 Lord Camden to Viscount Lowther. 1806, February 2oth, Arlington Street. — “ You will have seen in the newspapers that notice has been given of a motion in ea<‘h House of Parliament for Monday next by Lord Bristol in the House of Lords and by Spencer Stanhope in the House of Commons. These notices have been given without the slightest communication with any of those who are inclined to take a more moderate line and seem at once to show that it is determined by the new opposition not to wait for events which may call for observation, but to seek for them. That the appointment of Lord Ellenborough to a seat in the Cabinet is a measure I disapprove. I do not deny but to make it the matter of a specific motion strikes me as very unjudicious even to their own views, as the defence of the measure will more closely unite Lords Grenville and Sidmouth, and plausible arguments will be given for this appointment. But the reason of my writing to you is in consequence of the conversation we had, and, as Spencer Stanhope has given notice of the motion, you will probably be supposed to be more eager and more engaged in this sort of measure than by your language to me you seemed inclined to be. You will of course take whatevei* steps you think right, but I thought it right to give you this Intimation as well as to repeat that these notices have been given without any communication with me, the Duke of Montrose, Lord Chatham, Lord Bathurst, Long, and others.” Lord Mulgrave to Viscount Lowther. 1806, February 25th, Harley Street. — The important object which you have suggested is but a continued proof of the uniform feeling of paternal affection which has marked the whole course of your long and uninterrupted friendship for the great, amiable, and interesting object of our regret. 1 will lose no time in consulting with Lord Camden and others of his real friends upon the most effectual mode of collecting ample and authentic materials for putting posterity in possession of the solid and extensive ground on which his great reputation rests. It will be still more difficult to fix upon any professed author capable of doing any justice to the subject, but to this also I will turn my enquiries. It appears to me also desirable to revive the intention of erecting his statue, for the execution of which very large sums were subscribed amongst the many persons who admired and regret him. It af)pears to me (perhaps erroneously) that there are few who feel the loss of him as an individual as deeply as I do. You are one of those who do as much justice to his merits and to his memory as I can pretend to do. I do not mean by this lo impute any neglect of either, to any of his friends, nor do I know how I happened to express the seniiment, except from a feeling that I shall be most happy lo co-operate with you at all times in any course which you may feel to be most conducive to the honour of his memory, either v;ith a view to the greatness of his public, or to the faultless excellence of his private character. Lord Bristol has given notice of a motion on Monday next on the subject of Lord Ellenborough having a seat in the Cabinet. I have not seen bis motion nor do I know either the substance or form of it. I doubt much whether any legal or technical imputation can be fixed upon the appointment, or rather upon the summons to Council. The general principles laid down both by Blackstone and Montesquieu certainly militate against it. There is something, however, in objec- tions to the formation of the ministry which may have too much the 2 170 appearance of regret at not having made a part of the administra- tion, to be a desirable line for those who have withdrawn from the Grovemment, and themselves proposed the formation of a new adminis- tration, At the same time it appears to me that when a great constitutional question is brought into discussion, anj person who has held an high office in the state and has taken an active part in parlia- mentary debates ought not to shrink from the discussion or at least from being present at it. There are other branches of the government of which I should be more jealous — though this arrangement may be more calculated to startle the national jealousy upon the unbiased administration of criminal justice. I think the individual in question to be of a coarse and violent disposition, but at the same time I do not entertain any very serious apprehension that he will in fact exercise any extraordinary injustice or tyranny on the Bench in consequence of his seat in the Cabinet. I should therefore have been as well satisfied if nothing had been said about it, unless the conduct of the chief justice at any future period should have rendered it necessary. I feel never- theless that many strong objections in point of responsibility and coercion in parliament present themselves*. It is no unusual thing (and we have indeed a very recent instance) for parliament to address the King to remove a minister of 'state whom they think culpable as such, from his presence and councils for ever. It is at the same time held by many that a judge cannot be removed from the bench but for his misconduct as a judge, and yet it would be an awkward state of things to have a chief justice sitting in the King’s Bench who should have been dismissed from the King’s presence and council for ever, for having advised an impolitic peace, or any other ministerial measure which might bring upon him the censure of the Houses of Parliament. If in answer it is said that under such censure of the Houses of Parliament the address would be sufficient to remove him from the bench also. The obvious inconvenience arises of rendering the judge’s tenure of his judicial office liable to the fluctuation of political parties. I agree so entirely in the opinion which you stated when I saw you in Charles Street, that systematic opposition to every measure of a government is neither wise nor dignified that I was desirous of touching upon some of the points which occurred to me upon this question which I have not stirred. I conclude you have had a little share in the step taken by your friend Spencer Stanhope, as I have in the course adopted by my cousin. Lord Bristol. The appointment is certainly the more objection- able as they cannot want a common law adviser in the Cabinet if the present Chancellor be good for anything. I hear rumours of great alterations in the military system of the country. I shall not be disposed to object to any tolerably rational measures and shall content myself with upholding the merit of those already adopted under the influence of the great statesman who proposed them, and with resisting any injurious comparisons which may he attempted between those and sucli as are to be brought forward to replace them. I have given you a political sermon, little short of the usual length of essays which bear that name, but it is impossible to consider any point relating to Pitt without being led on to other subjects connected with his pursuits and with the course and conduct which he would have approved in those whom he knew to be his friends.” Lord IMulgrave to Viscount Lowther. 1806, March 1st, Harley Street. — “ In pursuance of the object of your letter I called upon Bose to enquire what materials he possessed 171 or could procure for the life of Mr. Pitt, he assured me that he had very numerous and important papers relating to the principal points of his public conduct and character, and that the Bishop of Lincoln has much with respect both to his private and public life which will afford a most material and satisfactory addition to what he (Bose) can supply. He mentioned a Mr. Mackenzie as likely both from his talents and warm attachment to our friend to do justice to his memory. He also suggested the Bishop of Lincoln as likely to execute the work with zeal and fidelity. I however expressed to him my doubt of the Bishop giving to the work the necessary brilliancy and animation of style which should distinguish the biography of so illustrious a character, a striking feature of which was that splendour of language which should at least not be neglected in describing him. On the subsequent day Bose informed me that he had received a letter from the Bishop gratuitously stating his own disposition to undertake such a work. This is rather embarrasing as from consulting Lord Camden on the subject he does not seem to entertain any hope of a very spirited history from that quarter, and it is highly important that there should be something in the manner of telling the facts which may keep alive to a late period the desire and pleasure of perusing them. The negociation of the transfer of the materials into other hands if it can be undertaken must be attempted by those who are most intimate with the Bishop. I have just received your letter of the 28th February. I will enquire of Mr. Angerstein, who was one of the principal promoters of the sub- scription for the colossal statue, how much money was actually deposited. The subscription certainly was very great and the order for the execu- tion of the statute was only delayed out of consideration to the British inhabitants in India that they might have the opportunity of gratifying their feelings by adding largely to the sums already engaged. You will see by this day’s papers that there is still grace enough in the city to spurn at any illiberal attempt to retract the honours which have been voted to the memory of the national benefactor, the motion for revising the order for this statue in Gruildhall has been rejected by a majority of near two to one.” George Bose to Viscount Lowther. 1806, March 4th, Old Palace Yard. — “My intention of returning to Buckden was defeated, which prevented my receiving your letter till yesterday. The Bishop is gone to Bury for a few days, to whom I have written respecting the wish you expressed, and I am quite confident he will do all in his power towards the gratification of it ; of Lord Chatham being so disposed I need give you no assurance. 1 think the Bishop mentioned the Princess of Wales having requested to have the bust of the late Lord Chatham, but I do not know whether she had any assur- ance of it. In any event I am persuaded some way will be found of complying with your anxious wish. I delayed one post writing to your Lordship in order to communicate to you anything interesting that might pass in either pass (sic), you will however learn nearly all from the newspapers that I could tell you. I had not the remotest idea of a division in the House of Commons, and saw so little appearance of a possibility of it that I actually wrote to some friends to say they need not come to town. You will see that not one half of the House of Commons was present. Of Mr. Pitt’s friends Mr. William Dundaswas in the majority, and I think Sir Evan Nepean 2 172 and one other of the ministers ; some absent under the impression I have mentioned, with whom I had no communication, Mr. Cartwright, Sir Henry Mildmay, and others.” John Stonard to Viscount Lowther. 1806, March 3rd, Chertsey. — “I received your very obliging letter yesterday morning and perfectly agree with your Lordship that Mr. Pitt’s character as a statesman never soared to a higher pitch than it had attained at the moment of his death. A sense of truth and justice has extracted that honourable testimony from the hostile lips of General Tarleton. Even the capture of the Cape, the fruit of his counsels, though an event of great importance and advantage to the country, loses its merit and value by comparison with the so much higher glory of that alliance in which his singular wisdom and dexterity had contrived to link together such jarring materials by bonds of particular interest and general good. To form opinions merely by events is the common idolatry of fools. The man who believes and adores the wisdom of the supreme Providence in the production of final good, respects the wisdom by which inferior agents aim at a more immediate improvement of their condition. Their merit he sees lies not in the process but in the sagacity of their plans. Nothing can be more just than your Lordship’s observation upon the necessity of some person immediately undertaking a history of Mr. Pitt’s administration and believe me my good lord I feel in full force the very high honour you are pleased to confer in proposing to me to undertake it. But I hope you will allow me a week to deliberate. It will be a work of no common extent and importance* The subject is among the greatest and the noblest that the world can offer to exercise the understanding of man. When I consider what a field it opens to the utmost reach of comprehension, what an exercise of judgment in all its ofiices, and of taste in various branches it will demand, I am ready almost to blame your Lordship for making me the proposal, and myself for entertaining one thought of accepting it. When I lift up my eyes to the supreme elevation at which Mr. Pitt stood in the scale of human genius, and think of approaching near to scan the lineaments as it were of his greatness and to present to the world the form and figure of his mighty mind, I seem to be repelled by feelings of more than diffidence, of awe rising almost to terror. It seems to me that none but himself could be a worthy historian of his fame. My friend Hugh Cholmondeley, the new dean of Chester, having been here for a few days, I have consulted him on the subject and he gives his voice for my undertaking the labour. He has just now left me and I have desired him to send down Heber immediately that I may coj'sult him too. Your Lordship will I trust excuse me for having mentioned this matter to these friends as it shall not for the present go any further, and I really wish much for the advice of judi- cious friends. Your Lordship will permit me also I hope to suggest the propriety of writing not merely a history of Mr. Pitt’s administration but of his life, that not only the greatness bat the amiableness of his character may be presented to public view. I have reason to think that I can obtain some very interesting anecdotes of his earlier years, which J am sure will be denied to some persons. This is from my friend Cholmondeley.” 173 John Stonard to V'iscount Lowther. 1806, March 6th, Chertsey. — “From mv answer to your last Jetter though I requested an interval to deliberate upon the subject o^ your proposal, yet it must have been pretty evident that I have at least no repugnance to the undertaking proposed. My hesitation arises from nothing but doubts of my own ability to do justice to so exalted a theme, and of my finding leisure for the necessary application to such a laborious task as I conceive it will be. I expect, though not with certainty, my friend Heber to day and 1 am disposed to yield myself to his direction. Certainly if the work shall be committed to my hands I shall proceed to it con amove. My admiration of Mr. Pitt has been from my earliest years and is now as high as any human object can raise it, and I feel not only that high regard for his memory which every true lover of his country ought, but even the nearer ties of per- sonal attachment. Stanhope has informed me that the day before he died Mr. Pitt recommended him to return to me if his military duties would permit. What a heart then must 1 have if I were not sensible of the value of such a man’s approbation at such an hour. I perceive that Lord Mulgrave proposes what I took the liberty of suggesting to your Lordship, a Life of Mr. Pitt. Ever since his death I have thought it highly probable that the Bishop of Lincoln would undertake it, and if he should, I own that I shall entertain the same apprehension with Lord Mulgrave and Lord Camden. Besides in a piece of biography which should include the whole of Mr. Pitt’s life, the history of his earlier years would form a most interesting feature. But by far the principal part of the memorials necessary to illustrate these is in the hands of Mrs. Wilson or her family, and I am well assured that the Bishop of Lincoln is the last man in the world to whom they would communicate these materials. The dean of Chester, as I before hinted to your Lordship, has promised to use all the influence he pos- sesses (and I believe that is considerable) to procure everything of this kind in the power of Mrs. Wilson or her family, in case I shall be en- gaged in this important and honourable employment. This however your Lordship will perceive must he kept a secret from the Bishop, who may perhaps in his turn refuse to communicate to those who may be favoured by the Wilsons. The Bishop of Lincoln I am informed (and your Lordship will know whether I am rightly informed or not) though called Mr. Pitt’s tutor, was in fact only his college tutor, pro forma. Mr. Wilson having remained at Cambridge with his illustrious pupil and had the whole and sole care of his education. The Bishop therefore could not have had any intimate connexion with him till he became his private secretary. I might say more to your Lordship on the subject of this life, but I fear lest when I enclose Lord Mulgrave’s letter the packet should become over weight. There is one thing how- ever which T much desire, that whoever sh-dl undertake the life, it may not be made or considered as a party work. As such it will never go down to distant posterity. Let those who still retain their former spirit of malevolence to the dead know that his friends are animated by the purer genius of those heavens to which we trust he is gone through the divine mercies, a meritorious and immortal guest.” George Rose to Viscount Lowtiier. 1806, March 7th, Old Palace Yard. — “The subject of your letter is, you will easily believe a highly interesting one to me. "While I was at Buckden I had repeated conversations with the Bishop upon it. 2 174 whose anxiety about it must also be unquestionable. We talked of undertaking the work jointly, but nothing was decided, and are agreed to delay a final determination till he shall be in town the latter end of this month. Your Lordship will probably be up also about that time, when we may have an opportunity of coming to some settlement on the point. I have no hesitation in saying that I have so much confidence in your Lordship’s judgment that I shall feel entirely disposed to waive the part I thought of taking, and to give the best aid in my power to the gentleman you have in view, and I think the Bishop will have as little hesitation in acquiescing in your suggestion as I have. He had Mr. Pitt with him as you know from fourteen years of age, or there- abouts, and never quitted him till he left the University, the interval between that and his coming into office was not a very long one, and from that time I w^as not separated from him six weeks in any one year; both of us in the closest confidence during the periods with the incomparable creature. I assure you my Lord with perfect sincerity that so far from feeling in the smallest degree uncomfortable at giving up the intention (by no means a fixed one) of executing the work in the whole or in part, it is a real gratification to me that you have thought of it in the manner you have. I write this in great haste because I would not lose a post. I may perhaps wish from the intimate knowledge I have of our late friend’s character, to express what I really had experienced of it in a few pages, which may be adopted or rejected as shall hereafter be thought right.” The Earl of Essex to Viscount Lowthek. 1806, March 10th, Berkeley Square. — “The hope and expectation of seeing you in London has prevented my writing which I wished to do with a view of communicating to you most openly the result of my own reflections and considerations upon all that has been going on dans le monde politique, though 1 maybe mistaken in my conjectures yet I feel inclined to think that from all I see and hear there is very little chance of that degree of unanimity or close connection being kept up between what was called Mr. Pitt’s party wffiich we thought might be likely to take place, but I fancy amongst that party there are too many jarring interests and political speculations, and animosity towards many now in power to make it possible that those who might wish to hold together could do so with any effect unless it was suh auspice of some one who does not at this moment appear as a leader. It is evident that Lord Castlereagh and Lord Hawkesbury, and Lord Mulgrave consider themselves as decided enemies to Fox and Lord Grenville, and the former T suspect has no small influence over Lord Camden, not the most decided character in public or private matters. Lord Bathurst I have always thought very hostile to Fox, personally, and the Duke of Montrose evidently shews strong marks of discontent, at least he ex- pressed himself so at not being consulted upon Lord Bristol’s motion, whereas he could [not] be so, because Lord Bristol had not even commu- nicated his intentions to Lord Hawkesbury. It was an idea of his own and I believe he wrote only to Lord Sidmouth on the subject. I there- fore think that his private friendship for Lord Grenville will very shortly outweigh all ideas of scruple, and that the living friend will beat the d(*parted one hollow. In the House of Commons there are per- turbed spirits enough, and though Canning and many others of that descri])tion are labouring hard to create an opposition I do not think they are likely to succeed, as many are inclined to watch the measures 175 of the present men, but few I believe think it wise or prudent to com- mence a system of opposing upon all occasions ; as far as related to that question the other day it was evident that no plan was acted upon as ought to have been the case. I was at Windsor on the Saturday as was Charles Long who wished to see the King and whom I knew the King wished also to see, and his sentiments and feelings are such as they ought to be, he is not at all pleased at his present government being opposed whilst they conduct themselves upon principles such as governed their predecessors. He said he was too old to change his principles and was much pleased when Long signified to him that he thought Lord Grenville was of the same opinion, and that he might be sure of not being deserted by him, and he is evidently alarmed at those who now appear inclined to act in opposition, thinking that such conduct may be imputed to secret influence on his part and give rise to mistrust and jealousy on theirs, and it has that effect from a conversation Lord Lauderdale held with Long at the Duchess of Gordon’s two nights ago when he expressed his opinion on some act of Lord Sligo’s who had given his proxy I believe to Lord Bristol or Lord Hawkes- bury. Lord Camden whom I met yesterday again repeated, upon my asking what was to be done should any business come, on soon, that we ought to hold back. It is then from these circumstances and others perhaps of a more trifling nature and yet connected with the general system that I allude to, that I feel very anxious to know your sentiments. I have endeavoured, I assure you, to weigh all these matters, divesting myself of every prejudice and of every degree of partiality which is equally (as to individuals) divided between those in and those out of power, and though I sincerely wish that Mr. Pitt’s friends had formed a part of the present government, yet I cannot see that the country is likely to suffer any injury from the loss of the abilities of those v?-ho were in high situations under Mr. Pitt. To those who wore hostile to any idea of junction with Mr. Fox at the last period of Mr. Pitt’s coming into power the present administration can- not be agreeable, but were we of that opinion ? I think the contrary. On what grounds then should we abstain at this moment from giving support to those measures which are not in opposition to those rules and principles upon which Mr. Pitt acted ? And in giving our support to those measures are we precluded at any moment when those prin- ciples are broken in upon from opposing such measures in the strongest possible manner ? Are we not more likely to shew Lord Grenville that it is to him we look up, by an open support than by absence which may bear the doubtful combination of concurrence or dissatisfaction ? Will he not be more apt to rate his own strength higher from such support? and thus feel less dependent on Mr. Fox and his party when he knows that he has a strong party of his own that is inclined to rally round him if he should differ in any degree with those he now acts. And I confess 1 have less expectation of those differences being so near at hand than many others who I know think that such must be the case very shortly ; it may be so, but are we then at all more pledged or less independent than we were before from having given support to the government ? And may it not enter into the calculation of many of those who think themselves as obnoxious to the present leaders of government as they are to those leaders, that if they can keep away certain respectable and independent persons from giving support to the administration it will ehable them to take advantage of the events that may take place and so make their own terms by transferring their slaves as the proprietor of one West India plantation does to another. Whilst 2 176 Mr. Pitt’s friends and supporters had a prospect of being kept really together, and a leader had arisen for that purpose, allegiance to him should have been sworn. No such leader exists, but every one who wishes to be so and knows he cannot, forms his own plan and acts upon it. One stays away, one opposes, and one supports and thus none act together, and I cannot put this more strongly than by sa}dng that on the question of last Monday relating to Lord Ellenborough, when ] arrived in town I accidentally met Lord Bathurst who was in pursuit of the Duke of Montrose to tell him that Lord Eldon had been in pursuit of him to express his dissatisfaction that he had not had any communi- cation on this subject. Lord Camden went to Wilderness, and I met Lord Bridgewater a few minutes after (this being 5 o’clock) in Berkeley Square like a dog in a fair who had lost his master, seeking out for some one to direct him to the proper road which he could not find ; and Charles Long, who came to town decided not to vote at all, remained in the house, haAung previously communicated with those who were supposed to act in concert, and had agreed not to divide but did so as he was shut in and forced to divide. Now my dear Lowther after all this, where is the party ? Where are the persons to whom one is to look on this occasion ? I confess I am bewildered in all these nice and secret schemes, I see one plain way of acting and I wish you may do the same, and I cannot perceive that the taking no part at all amounts to anything short of waiting to take a more decided part whenever events may arise, that may justify subtle and crafty politicians, but cannot nor ought it to influence those who really wish to see this country extricated from its difficulties by the efforts of a united and strong Grovernment. The King is with his Government. Lord Grenville seems to court all parties and some seem averse to accepting those attentions which he offers so constantly, and I suspect as I have before said he feels himself sure of many. You will perhaps say that all this proceeds on my part from having on Saturday partaken of the good things of his table. I did not dare risk writing this the next day, but as the fumes of the Burgundy and champagne are by this time evaporated, and the recollec- tion of the entrees and entremets in some measure passed away, I may be considered as rather less interested in any speculations, and which are likely to be done away entirely if you differ from us in opinion, as I shall be more inclined to lean to yours than to adhere to my own, though I think they are not much if at all at variance with Long’s, who in a great measure sees things as I do and promised to write to jou and tell you all he knew. When have we a chance of seeing you ? ” Lord Mulgrave to Viscount Lowther. 1806, March 10, Harley Street. — “ Nothing can be more promising than the style and zeal of Mr. Stonard’s letter. I saw Rose yesterday who seems cordially disposed to give every assistance in his power by furnishing important materials for the history. I communicated your views and the letter of Mr. Stonard to Lord Camden, Long and Canning, they are all as well satisfied as I am with the prospect of his success in this important work. I have called twice at Mr. Angerstein's, but he was not in town, T learn however from Long (who has seen him) that there are seven thousand pounds for the statue which will be sufficient to execute it as it ought to be done. I know of nothing in the way of news worth telling you.” 177 John Stonard to Viscount Lowthur. 1806, March 11th, London. — “ I came to town yesterday to advise with mj friend Heber. He concurs with the Dean of Chester in wishing me to undertake this great task. I therefore commit myself entirely to your Lordship with the highest sense of the honour you do me and the favourable opinion you are pleased to entertain of me. The Dean has seen Mrs. Wilson and she has kindly promised that all the papers in her possession shall be at my seiwice. They are of a very interesting nature indeed and of great extent. I cannot, however, free my mind from serious apprehensions as to the time and labour that must be bestowed on the work, which I fear will meet with great impediments from the attention due to my two pupils.*^ Charles Long to Viscount Lowther. 1806, March 13th, Hill Street. — I called upon you the day after I had the pleasure of seeing you here, and have since often wished to have some conversation with you upon our political state. However right it might have been to discuss the question of Lord Ellenhorough’s appointment, we certainly did not do wisely in dividing upon that ques- tion, for it was generally understood that no division was to take place, and in such circumstances a division is always most unwise. It had the effect of attempting to shew the strength of party upon a question which was not of a party nature, and upon which that strength had not been collected, hut we seem to have among us the enrages^ and the moderes^ I am much disposed to class my- self among the latter, and in that character I think there is neither good sense, fairness, nor good policy in attempting anything like opposi- tion unless some measure should be brought forward by the govern- ment inconsistent with those principles which we have maintained. Our bond of union at present is the defence of the principles and the protection of the memory of Mr. Pitt, so that it seems to me best to <3onfine ourselves till new events justify another course, but while many of us are agreed that Lord Grenville is the fittest person to be placed at the head of the Government it is surely most inconsistent to go into direct opposition to that Government until it is found that he cannot carry his own measures, or until those measures shall appear to be different from what we have reason to expect. I heard lately to my great satisfaction that you had proposed Mr. Stonard as a fit person to write the life of Mr. Pitt. 1 had some thoughts of employing the leisure I shall probably have in this way, but so many jealousies from those who could furnish the necessary information would attach to me that would not to him. And besides from what I have heard of him he would do it so infinitely better in every respect that I was delighted to hear you had suggested him. Rose I understand was anxious the Bishop of Lincoln should do it, but I should hope that is quite out of the question. I had written so far when Lord Essex called upon me with your letter. It is almost unnecessary for me to say that I coincide very much in your views. I confess myself mortified that Lord Grenville should have preferred in his arrangement Lord Sidmouth &c., to those of Mr, Pitt’s friends whose assistance he probably might have obtained. I think it in every point of view most injudicious, and I could not help conveying to him what I felt upon that subject. But however un- o 69070. M 2 178 just or impolitic I may think this it is no patriotic ground of opposi- tion. Windham is to propose shortly his new military plans, there haa been much doubt upon this subject I believe among the ministers, and I really think with all its imperfections he will not produce a better than that which is to he abandoned, and which has lately been pro- ductive to the extent of 300 men per week. I am going into the country on Saturday to stay till after Easter. If we should not otherwise meet 1 will come up any day and have a causer with you when you are settled in town, or perhaps you will take a ride to Bromley Hill where I can give you a bed whenever it may be convenient to you.” John Stonard to Viscount Lowther. 1806, March I6th, Chertsey. — “ I was detained in town by buoiness longer than I expected and did not arrive here till Thursday evening when I found your Lordship’s letter of the ninth, and this morning brought me that of the 12th. I feel very sensibly my obligations to your Lordship for having mentioned me in such favourable terms tO‘ Mr. Bose and others of Mr. Pitt’s friends as you must have done to engage their approbation of my undertaking. Talibus auspicibus nil desperanduin est. Yet I cannot but consider that I have much to read and much to learn before I can begin to enter upon the active part of such a life as Mr. Pitt’s. It is not indeed to be expected that his biographer should be able entirely to descry and to comprehend every part of the vast circuit embraced by his sublime and comprehensive genius, if this were necessary I believe his life must remain unwritten. Yet upon the various subjects that such a work will comprise, it will be requisite that the writer should possess some previous knowledge and some capacity to judge, or he will never express himself with elegance, with force, or with perspicuity. I have therefore, let me repeat, a great deal to learn, and some time must elapse before I can be properly qualified even to examine every part of the materials that may come to my hands. To your Lordship I will freely confess that I think a life of Mr. Pitt by the Bishop of Lincoln and Mr. Bose would not be likely to meet with a favourable reception from the world, and that T think chiefly on Mr. Bose’s account. He has been an actor in the scenes he would have to describe and many would be inclined to impute to him not only a partiality for his friend but a desire to vindicate himself. I mention this circumstance because when in town I heard it mentioned that Mr. Canning was a likely person to undertake this subject, but the idea was condemned by several judicious men upon the grounds which I have above stated as objectionable to Mr. Bose’s undertaking. At the same time Mr. Bose must not only possess materials of the highest value in letters &c., but from the stores of his own memory and judgment must be able to afford ample instruction and satisfaction to all who are interested in his friend. The aid therefore which he so kindly and liberally offers will be accepted by any biographer with the heartiest thanks. His wish to express what he has experienced of his friend’s character vrill of course meet with the readiest acquiescence, and the pages which he may devote to his labour of love, if from difference of style or any other reason they may be thought likely to appear to less advantage in the body of the work, must certainly afford great assistance to the full delineation of Mr. Pitt’s character, and ought to stand whole and unaltered among other important documents in an appendix. 179 I perceive that I was mistaken about the Bishop of Lincolu, which indeed I discovered while in town. Yet I do understand that Mr. Wilson was Mr. Pitt’s tutor for some time after he went to college. But it is very likely that some confusion may have arisen from the circumstance mentioned by your Lordship, that Mr. Pitt did not reside much for two years after he entered at college. Probably Mr. Wilson continued to be his tutor during that time. I am only sorry that the claims of the Bishop and Mr. Wilson to the honour of educating their illustrious pupil should have produced so much ill-will, as I am sure it has. The Bishop must I conceive have it in his power to communicate the most interesting details of Mr. Pitt’s private life and private thoughts for the principal part of his life. Cholmondeley has seen several of the papers in Mrs. Wilson’s possession. He did not specify to me any letters of the late Lord Chatham’s, but in all probability there are some in her hands. He mentioned to me many letters of Mr Wilson’s writing containing most interesting anecdotes of the family. There are also two plays in which the young people wrote the parts they were to take, with many other juvenile compositions of Mr. Pitt. It will be a very curious and most interesting task to trace the progress of such a genius from the first dawn of his faculties to their consumma- tion in manhood. Indeed I am inclined to think that to the majority of readers his private life will be the most attractive part of his history. In that not only is he less known to the public, but his character has no opposition to expect from political enmity, his greatness being reduced to a standard whicli common minds can comprehend he becomes as it were accessible and tangible. His lustre though not obscured, assumes a milder cast, as the sun appears to the eye through a fleecy cloud. How far it may be practicable to blend his public and his private life together,, or with what propriety and elegance transitions may be made from the one to the other, it is at present impossible to judge. But I think it would give the performance a stiff and formal appearance if they should be always treated under distinct and separate heads. But these things must be reserved for further consideration. Lord Chatham must have a great deal of valuable matter relative to his brother, and I should suppose Lord Melville possesses many important memorials. Mr. Canning probably has something considerable to contribute, and I will write to Lord Frederick Campbell for whatever he may have, as I know his Lordship was on very intimate terms with Mr. Pitt, and I am sure he will grant me anything that I can reasonably rectuest. Towards the end of this month I conjecture your Lordship and family will be coming to town when I shall hope to have the honour of a little conversation on the subject. Mr. Windham’s malevolence towards the illustrious dead has not (as your Lordship justly conjeetured) been of any service to him at Oxford. Several of his votes I know are come over to Heber. Such is the due reward of political enmity carried beyond the precincts of the grave.” The Earl of Chatham to Viscount Lowther. 1806, March 16th. Dover Street. — “ I received your very kind letter of the 8th instant on a subject most interesting to my feelings. As yet I have had but few opportunities of talking with any friends on the subject, but as far as I have gone, and the more I Iiave revolved it in my own mind the more I am induced to think that such a work as you allude to, must involve in it many questions (at so early a period) of a most delicate nature and which will therefore require the utmost consideration M 2 2 180 before any decision can be come to respecting it. This of course leads to some delay, and which will give me the opportunity of talking over the proposal with you in all its different points of view, and which I shall be extremely anxious to do whenever you come to town. I had not heard from the Bishop of Lincoln of any idea of his under- taking ihe task you allude to. He returns however to town again on the 26th of this month.” The Earl of Essex to Viscount Lowther. 1806, March 18th, Berkeley Square. — have intended every day to thank you most sincerely for your letter and should have done so had not the gout laid an embargo upon my right foot on Saturday last which however was taken off (that is, the embargo and not the foot) on the following day so as to leave me free from pain and I am now getting quite well though a little weak in the fetlock joint. I dread the return after an attack so short, and wish it may not turn out the blossom of good living only which is to be succeeded by the fruit. It is impossible for any one to feel more satisfaction than I have derived from the contents of your letter, because every sentiment and intention as to future conduct upon the existing circumstances as they now stand so completely meets my ideas and wishes. If I disagree with you in any part of ) our letter, and in one I certainly do so most entirely wherein you declare that you do not think yourself fit to be a leader of a party, no one surely could be more properly placed in that situation provided those who formed that party had less ardent minds, more moderation, and above all a greater chance of real unanimity and harmony in their proceedings than at present seems likely to exist. I communicated your sentiments to Long whom I found in the act of writing to you. I am persuaded that the prevailing ideas in his mind are nearly in unison with yours, though perhaps if he did act he would be rather more inclined to oppose than to support, thinking that by keeping away entirely the same end may be accomplished and by means more preferable this could do if a general plan on that subject could be adopted, but as you justly observe, the difficulties that have arisen of keeping Mr. Pitt’s friends together is too obviously the result of every day’s debate in the House of Commons. Therefore the consequence must be either support or the contrary, it is very well to talk of moderes and enrages^ the former seldom exist, and the latter always do mischief. I think many of our friends have acted hastily by those meetings at dinners which are in direct contradiction to their general language as to moderation and keeping aloof with a view to watch. Lord Bathurst’s dinner last week consisting of Duke of Montrose, Castlereagh, Mulgrave, Hawkesbury, Perceval, Canning, &c., astonished C. Long, as he said he came up for the dinner from Bromley and thought it an even chance that he met Lord Grenville there. I know not what part Lord Camden takes, I think his ideas agree more with ours than others, though Lord Castlereagh will not suffer him to decide otherwise than he wishes. Lord Hertford I am told is very inimical and it is certainly extraordinary that Lord Grenville should suffer all the patronage to go one way which hitherto it has done invariably almost, excepting Lord Stafford who is to be invested next Saturday. The King I hear was on Wednesday peevish and low. Canning, Burne, Rose, Lord Binning, Mildmay, Robert Dundas, and about eight or ten more names are up at White’s for dinners every fortnight and yet they say there is no idea of opposition as a system, but the cloven 181 foot appears in all these measures whatever they may say, and I fear what I before stated that personal animosity to certain characters is the leading principle upon which they oppose, and I think not the just or proper use upon which any respectable opposition should be formed. No one I am sure ought either to offer unconditional support to Lord Grenville, or determine to oppose without knowing what the measures will be, nor can qualified support engage any of Mr. Pitt’s old friends to countenance in the slightest degree any proposition that may tend to cast the most distant . reflection on the memory or conduct of our departed friend and leader. I wish Lord Sidmouth had not formed any part of the present Government, but his doing so does not operate so strongly in my mind as to make me think Lord Grenville may not have been unavoidably over-ruled in a measure not at all congenial to his own wishes or intentions ; this act I know is what most affects those who have so recently lost their places, and I imagine the present return of winter has made them feel out of office the sharp influence of that inclemency of political weather which the warmth of office protected them from. On the whole personal animosity should not regulate political conduct, it may to a degree influence the mind a little, and will do so, beyond that no credit will be gained by it. You will know what measures are likely to come on, and I shall be most anxious to hear your sentiments respecting them, and still more desirous to regulate mine accordingly. I know Lord Grenville’s anxiety to preserve the good opinion of Mr. Pitt’s friends, and ])ossibly 1 may betray too great a degree of faith on this subject after what he has done, by giving too much credit to those professions and in supposing that under all circum- stances he has now no other line to take, and that he looks forward to having those friends who must be his 7*e«//yones(5«c) again acting in strict concert and friendship v/ith him. You shall hear from me whenever I feel that I can write anything worthy your attention, and 1 will always do so most openly and ingenuously, never disguising my sentiments, which may be the part of a politician, but is not the conduct of an honest man or a gentleman. I hear Reeves is to be displaced from the Alien Office, and Peny of the Morning Chronicle placed there. Lord Holland I fancy goes to Berlin, it was offered to Lord St. John, who refused. In all these touches we see the pencil of Fox, o persons Lord Darlingtoa has selected for one of his boroughs are two officers of his militia. The formality of Castle Howard will probably not be broke in upon by an inundation of country visitors — particularly as I suppose Wentworth will be the grand scene of action in Yorkshire. 'To what can all this tend but to place the King under the command of his son, voting with a sturdy faction during the remainder of his reign. The game he is i)laying is a deep one, and when it is constantly on his lips that Charles the 2nd was the only gentleman who ever sat on the throne of England, ue have only to 2 216 compare the two characters and then tremble at the issue of this con- flict— for unless there is more servility and meanness than I trust in God there is, it must come to this at last. If Lord Grenville could be apprized of all this — if he could but be persuaded that all that remains of the Foxite party is now led on by a person who will stop at no point till he gains his purpose, and that this faction will heartily go along with him, I think he would rouse himself from the security in which I think he has already slept too long. Excuse this hasty scrawl, which I have written under the strong impression of the moment — but under impressions which I think will grow stronger on reflection.” Viscount Lowther to Charles Long {copy). 1806, October 27th, Lowther, — “Whatever may have been the obstacles in the way of accommodation previous to the dissolution of Parliament I fear they will be greatly increased by this measure. Num- berless difficulties present themselves which ever way I consider the questions you have proposed, and like all others much may be said on all sides. My general wish not only from its object being the most just and reasonable, but because, on that account perhaps, most easily attain- able, was such a share in the Government as our friends from their relative strength had fair pretentions to expect. Supposing Lord Gren- ville to have been disposed to enter on a treaty on this principle, I should have taken, as the basis of it, the terms on which it was under- stood Mr. Pitt last year was disposed to have granted to the parties of Lord Grenville and Mr. Fox. Perhaps you will say in adopting this I carry our pretensions too high, perhaps it may be so, but I can see no better way of bringing those pretentions into discussion than by taking this precedent, as parties do not enter on a negotiation of this kind without being disposed to mutual concessions. The accession of strength which it is to be feared Lord Grenville will derive from the election of a new Parliament must necessarily alter our situation very materially, and were he more disposed to conciliation on fair terms than I conceive them to be at this moment, I am afraid these terms would become too low to be the object of consideration for a party denominating^ as rash all who act in concert together. To oppose openly and to place some person at the head of the party to direct its motions seems to afford a still more hopeless prospect. Without any reason to presume that the King is dissatisfied with his servants, and seeing that the heir apparent not only supports him, but is creating all the influence his rank and station give him to turn the elections in their favour (and which shall be the subject of a separate examination) what chance is there of raising any force to conduct such an array ? You will ask then what course we have to pursue ; my great alarm at present arises from the predomin- ance of the Foxites without his great mind to sway them. We know that his adherents, most of whom acted on the worst of his principles, have placed themselves under another leader illustrious in rank, but I will not add what 1 was going to say. That some steps wdll be attempted to be taken, which no honest man can assent to, I firmly believe, and I am afraid the King will find himself in a situation he has never before experienced. If the admission of a few of our friends into the Govern- ment would afford some security for the due maintenance of the royal authority and place, a sufficient guard to resist the encroachments of the P , I for one should feel no difficulty in acceding to such terms. What Lord Grenville means by not forcibly removing any one whom 217 he has recommended I do not exactly understand, any more than his holding his present situation in consequence of being forced into it by his colleagues to whom he seems to think so much deference is owing ; I can only understand it as a civil way to putting by the question. So far therefore from being able to relieve your difficulties I am afraid I have only contributed to increase them. I think the Duke of Portland /the properest person to defer to on this occasion ; I feel myself unequal to the situation and I am afraid should be hunting at Cottesmore when you wanted me to be speaking in Parliament, and as 1 can do one better than the other you may guess which I should prefer. As this matter of an union has been proposed to Lord Grrenville I should have no objection at all, if the Duke of Portland will not undertake it, to be- come the mediator, and if the discussion breaks off in a question of terms 1 hope we shall have such a case to show as will do no discredit to us. If Lord Grenville is in earnest, a great deal of the formality with which he proposes to encumber this treaty might be removed and a plain in- telligible statement submitted to him on which his precise opinion might be taken. I can readily understand the line he would wish to draw, and I think it will be to persons rather than to numbers he will object. But still all or most of this will chiefly depend on the turn the elections take, of which I find but little doubt can be entertained. Admitting all this there are at the same time so many other points for consideration and so many remote causes operating to defeat any plan that may be proposed I find myself in a situation rather to follow others than to point out any line for them to pursue, and being so far removed from all communication with you and those whom I should most wish to advise with, 1 am incapable of suggesting anything which should have any weight in deciding you. At all events let me hear from you again and tell me what, or if anything, you think ought to be done. I should be glad to support Lord Grenville’s Government but I feel it impossible to do so whilst all our friends are proscribed.” Charles Long to Viscount Lowther. 1806, October 29th, Bromley Hill. — “ I have just received your letter, and agree Avith you in the observations it contains entirely, what I threw out vras much more for consideration than decision, for I do not think it possible to decide upon these points without a good deal more com- munication between those who have been in the habit of acting together ; but I mentioned the different views of things which I had discovered in different persons because in any meeting which may take place whenever you return to town, I am sure you wull see these different views opera- ting and influencing the opinions which may be given. Lord Camden writes to me that he has lost Bath by one vote, from what I hear I believe we shall lose by the new elections, for the Parliament could not have been dissolved at a moment more disadvantageous to us, our friends were taken by surprise, they were dispersed, and at a distance, and the dissolution followed the report of it so soon, that they had no time to arrange their plans, the Grenvilles from what I hear will gain, the Foxites and the Sidmouths will lose, at least this is the complexion of things at present. I have arranged everything with Mr. Denton, and am just going to set out for Haslemere, where the election comes on to-morrow. [P.S.] Lord Camden has just called, he has succeeded in the county of Brecon.” 2 218 Charles Long to Viscount Lowther. 1806, November 1st, Hill Street. — “ Every thing passed off at Hasle- mere as pleasantly as possible — the inhabitants in general expressed a great wish to see you, and all agree that the place is very much im- proved since it has been in your possession — all that related to the elec- tion was very well managed by Mr. Denton. You will see by the papers that the French are at Berlin, and as far as I can judge by the map, affairs there appear almost irretrievable, for the King by going to Magdeburg seems to have put himself out of the assistance of the Russians and to have abandoned every thing. I imagine we shall see Bonaparte erecting Saxony into a kingdom after making the Elector pay for his title, which he is very well able to do — and we shall pro- bably see all the work of the Great Frederick undone and Prussia re- duced to insignificance — all this is very bad. You shall hear from me in a day or two upon the subject of your last letter.” George Canning to Viscount Lowther. 1806, November 3rd, South Hill. — “ I happened to have an oppor- tunity of communicating to Lord Grenville the letter of the contents of which you expressed your wish that he should be apprized. I cannot do better than enclose to you the note with which he returned it to me.” \_See enclosure.^ “ P.S. — I have given to Long a copy of my letter of the 26th of September — as the shortest and most authentic way of conveying to such persons as would naturally expect some information on the sub- ject, the substance of what passed between Lord Grenville and me in the summer. It would be endless to make a separate statement for every person, who might require it. And the slightest variation in expression upon a subject of so much delicacy is (as w^e have had occasion to see in the course of some correspondence which has taken place upon tins very letter) capable of giving, or of being understood to give an impression different from what is intended.” (^Enclosure.) Lord Grenville to George Canning (copy). 1806, October 30th, Downing Street. — “I return you Lord Lowther’s letter, upon its contents I can only say that I have changed none of my principles, and shall always be ready to act upon them, whenever any occasion shall seem to me to require it ; and that I am very sensible of Lord Lowther’s kindness in writing the letter and of yours in com' mu ideating it.” Charles Long to Viscount Lowther. ( Private 1806, November 11th, Bromley Hill.- — “From an expression in your letter I fear that I may have explained myself very ill, or possibly the expression to which 1 allude may have arisen from something you may have heard in anotlu'r quarter — you seem to think it probable that Lord Grenville may make some new proposal. Now I have no reason to think he has this in contemplation, if he has however I hope he will refer to 219 you, and his not having referred on the former occasion either to your- self or to some other person who would like yourself have given the subject a fair consideration, makes me say that he did not give the avowed intention a fair chance of success and makes me doubt much whether he really wished that it should succeed. Lord Stafford I hear wrote to T. Grenville expressing his surprise and concern that some of Mr. Pitt’s friends were not admitted into the administration on Mr. Fox’s death, and I hear also that T. Grenville’s answer was in sub- stance that their demands were too unreasonable to be admitted. The contested elections have not upon the whole gone favourably for Government among our friends. I lament much Lascelles’ defeat in Yorkshire. I hear Lord FitzWilliam and the Duke of Norfolk were determined to go all lengths to keep him out. We have a strong contest here, I am doing what I can for Sir E. Knatchbull and I hope we shall carry his election. Lord Camden, who has just been here, is obliged from old friendship (though very reluctantly) to give his interest to Sir W. Geary. As soon as 1 received your letter leaded upon Dr. Smith — but I found he had just set off to Oxford to vote for Heber, so that I have no merit in persuading him — he has since told me that he and Mr. Fox his curate voted in that way, on hearing that it was your wish. 1 have just sent him into Hampshire to vote for Sir H. Mildmay and Chute. Of the two, Lord Morpeth is certainly much better than Sir R. Fletcher, but Wallace who called here yesterday says you might have carried both members without difficulty — which would have been still better. I do not however give implicit credit to him on this point. There is a report that it is the intention of ministers to put the Scotch representative Peers upon the same footing as the Irish — to elect them for life — if this is to be done it should have been by a decision of Parliament previous to the election — it would be a strong measure to consider those who may be chosen for the Parliament, as representative Peers for life. I am sorry to hear that Lord Temple is to have the support of Government as one of them. Canning you will see is returned for Newtown. He has put a copy of the letter ho wrote to you into my hands, and in a note which accom- panied it, he says he acted under the instructions he received at your house, and I think pretty strongly implies that if he had acted upon his own inclinations, he should have been disposed to have accepted Lord Grenville’s proposal — but under the idea tliat it would have led to a more extensive admission of Mr. Pitt’s friends in a short time.” George Canning to Viscount Low-ther. 1806, November 12th, South Hill. — “I have this moment received your letter of the 8th and I hasten to thank you for the very kind and flattering offer which it conveys to me. It is true that I have been kept in uncertainty as to my re-election in Ireland. And at the time when, I suppose. Long must liave men- tioned the circumstance to you, I had been disappointed in several attempts to secure a seat elsewhere. Since that time, however, I have found ont^ in the Isle of Wight ; for which I am returned. My not having occasion to avail myself of your kindness does not, however, make me feel it the less sensibly. And I cannot better express the value which I set upon it, than by assuring you, which I do with perfect sincerity, that there are very few persons indeed from wdiorn I 2 220 should not have hesitated to accept a similar obligation ; but that, after the intercourse which has taken place between us since the beginning of this year, I should have received it at your Lordship’s liands not only without scruple, but with the utmost satisfaction and acknow- ledgment.” George Canning to Viscount Lowther. 1806, November 13th, South Hill. — ‘‘I wrote in such' haste, to save the post, yesterday, that I omitted to notice that part of your letter of the 8th which relates to the communication of your former letter to Lord Grenville. Undoubtedly I thought that the whole of that letter, not in sub- stance only, but in the form and manner of expression, was calculated to do good and to awmken Lord Grenville, if any thing could do so, to a sense of some of the dangers which he has to apprehend from those with whom he is connected ; and more likely to produce this effect, from the very circumstance of its not being conceived in those measured terms which you might probably have used in writing upon such a subject directly to Lord Grenville himself. But even with this persuasion I should not have thought myself at liberty to make such a communication on my own j udgment, if I had not understood parts of your letter, particularly the beginning of it, as distinctly intimating your wish that such a communication should be made. And the opportunity, which happened to be afforded me on the very day on which your letter reached me, I thought too advantageous to be lost. Fortunately I have not destroyed your letter, and can therefore return it to you that you may satisfy yourself how free it is from any thing that you could wish to be kept back from Lord Grenville. His answer which I also re-enclose, compared with it, will shew you that no part either of your meaning in what you wrote, or of mine in communi- cating it, has been misapprehended.” Viscount Melville to Viscount Lowther. 1806, November 19th, Dunira. — “Nothing but the very peculiar anxiety I feel on the subject which creates to you the trouble of this letter could justify me to myself for the liberty I take. Lord Binning has failed in all his attempts to obtain a seat in Parliament. He was under the peculiar protection of Mr. Pitt who provided him a seat in the last Parliament, and if he had been now alive I should have had no occasion to make any attempt on the goodness of others. Mr. Pitt had a sincere attachment to him, and there never was a more enthusiastic w'orshipper of Mr. Pitt’s memory than Loid Binning is. He is unhappy in being out of Parliament, and I am satisfied his chief cause for being so is his being deprived of that means of manifesting his respect for the character and memory of Mr. Pitt. As the eldest son of a Scotch peer he is ineligible for any seat in Scotland, and I have no interest any where else. In this dilemma if the death of Lord Galloway could make any opening for the wishes of Lord Binning I should feel it a most lasting and serious oblig- ation, as probably the wishes of the present Lord Galloway may form a subject of attention in the present vacancy of his seat, I have taken the liberty of bringing the subject under his view, and as I have lately I hope materially aided bis political objects, and have the prospect 221 hereafter of doing it more effectually, I trust that on the present occasion his Lordship will not be indisposed to forward an object I have so much at heart.” Robert Ward to Viscount Lowther. 1806, November 23rd, Hyde Lodge. — “ The death of so worthy a man, as I believe Lord Galloway was, is a much greater cause of concern than any I could feel from a much longer absence from Parliament than will be occasioned by the delay of a new writ. But even if this were not so, I beg to say that your Lordship’s answer to Lord Garlies is j>recisely what I should have returned myself, could I have had a right to return any answer at all At the same time I hope you know me too well not to be certain that any feeling of yours upon the subject must also be mine. As I consider myself now as entirely belonging to the Lowther party ^ I shall be glad to know by any opportunity who is to be my honourable friend for Cockermouth when Mr. J. Lowther makes his election. What I should like to know still more is, whether Miss Mary’s partiality for a young and handsome member for Cumberland, instead of an old worn out India Captain, goes at all beyond mere favour to a young and handsome man ; that is, whether any political conse- quence is to be attached to the active canvass which she says she made for Lord Morpeth. The state of parties is surely interesting, critical and important ; and the next session I should think would instantly call for a declaration of sentiment in the different members, much more pronounced and extensive than that which has yet been made since Mr. Pitt’s death. I am therefore naturally anxious to understand explicitly the views and opinions of one in whom I so much confide as your Lord- ship. With all their concentration of weight and talents, the ministry have hitherto done nothing but imitate Mr. Pitt’s measures or attack his friends. At the «ame time I cannot help thinking that Lord Grenville himself has a very warm regard for his memory, and may have per- mitted much of what has been done in resentment for the personal opposition of last session, which though chiefiy directed against Windham and Fox, was, I always thought, too violent. This, added to the high consideration which he enjoys and deserves for ability and experience, induces me to think it would be difficult to say that any other person ought to be at the head of the Government or that a personal, systematic opposition ought to be resolved upon. There are nc doubt many instances during the course of the elections, of attacks from the Grenvilles, as well as the Foxites, and when their history comes to be known in detail, it may probably make a great difference in one’s feelings ; but the question is I apprehend still open, whether the whole body of Mr. Pitt’s friends are to engage to make war ad internecionem upon the present Government ? Without such an engagement, any war of theirs would be of little consequence ; and as it is the dignified design of keeping and acting together with force, is altogether frustrated by the conduct of many of the leading men of his party, 1 mean such as Lord Bathurst, and Lord Camden, not to say Lord Carrington who is a decided deserter. No one has a right to blame them, but they have completely broken down our power as a party ^ whether to embark in actual hostility, or to preserve an armed demonstration. Considering these things therefore, I own I am anxiously desirous of knowing your Lordship’s sentiments at large upon a matter so important as to conduct. Perhaps I may be a little swayed by a good deal of personal respect for Lord Grenville, from whom I 2 222 have received at least a good deal of civility ; bat I confess, though alive to his conduct towards Mr. Pitt, in his late administration, I gave him credit for the sincerest and deepest grief at his death ; I have not seen the proof on his part, of an attempt to persecute his memory, but the contrary, and he is at least the man whom we all of us wanted to see in the lead of affairs. If then, we add to this, that we cannot call ourselves exclusively the friends of Mr. Pitt, while so many of those he most loved and trusted are either neuter, or supporters of Government (Lord Euston for instance) and that we must therefore engage to one another as individuals^ I own I think it yet to be decided whether in your Lordship’s opinion we are to become an embodied and systematic opposition; or whether your former sentiment is not still to be acted upon, that though there is abundant cause for private dissatisfaction, direct hostility may yet be avoided. Many of us indeed have put the matter out of doubt, by their marked and most able conduct last summer, and to them I feel attached by every personal consideration of esteem and regard ; but I was induced not less by my own feeling on the subject, than your Lordship’s determination, to stand aloof as I did from the sort of contest they courted, and I confess I do not see that we are either strong, or the ministry bad, enough to attempt their destruction bj regular war. To hold together with a view to honourable indepen- dence, and to resist all attack, either upon ourselves or the constitution, would be a thing much to be coveted ; but at any rate, the time is come when something explicit should be known. I am aware how terribly I am trespassing upon you, and how little perhaps it was your intention (when you did me the honour you have done) of making a member who would so plague you with his thoughts. But as consistency and even honour may depend upon future Parliamentary conduct, the present leaders of opposition will no doubt expect to know upon what they may depend ; and it would be unmanly in me if I avoided to declare myself freely to tliose whom I much love and honour, and with whom I have generally acted, though I have sometimes, and may now differ with them in opinion. I trust therefore you will not think me very prag- matical in bringing a subject of such magnitude before the person in the world whose sentiments upon it are to me of the most importance. It is with the greatest truth that I repeat, that a seat in Parliament is nothing in comparison with the thought that I have enjoyed your confidence, and shared, as well as acted upon your opinions. It is one of my proudest wishes to continue to do so, and you must not therefore wonder, if I seek with some little degree of anxiety to know them with accuracy in a juncture so critical as the opening of a new Parliament. The same motive will I hope be my excuse with you for this invasion of your time, by the liberty I have taken in mentioning my own senti- ments so much at length. I rejoice that Wharton has not been forced to put your kindness to all the expense to which it was willing to go for him, as well as that he has had the happiness of knowing Lowther. We have no news except that the Prince has taken it into his head that he is in love with Lady Hertford, and that she has taken it into lier head that it would be right to run away to Ireland as the best protection for her modesty.” George Canning to Viscount Lowther. (Private.) 1806, November 23rd, South Hill. — “ I am very happy to find that it will not be inconvenient to you to be in town a short time before the 223 meeting of Parliaioeut. The present state of tilings requires a much more intimate and particular communication between those whose general views and principles of action agree than it would bo possible (if it were prudent) to enter into by letter. I could not even answer one single sentence in your Lordship’s last letter (that in which you state your impression as to the situation in which we now stand with respect to the issue of the late transaction between me and Lord Grenville) without going into a detail, which I should feel the utmost difficulty in committing to paper. I can only say generally, upon that subject, that I retain all the opinions which your Lordship and I have entertained in common since our first inter- course at the beginning of the year ; that after all that has passed, and in spite of much that Lord Grenville has done or suffered, or left un- done, I still think him the fittest man for the situation which he fills, perhaps from the fact (a melancholy and not very creditable one for the country) that he is the only man fitted for it in any eminent degree ; that I still think him, in spite of many things whicli in this view are to be lamented even while they are forgiven, the natural head of an administration of which Mr. Pitt’s friends should form a part ; that such an arrangement still appears to me an object to be pursued by all honourable means ; and that, unpromising as appearances are at present, and perplexed as is the whole state of parties and of public affairs, I still think such an arrangement not altogether unattainable — differing only in a slight degree from what seems to be your impression, as to the mode, or rather perhaps as to the moment of taking any steps directly towards it. The grounds of this slight difference (and it is much less than even in statement it may appear to be) I have no doubt of explaining to your entire satisfaction when we meet. In the mean time (which is a point of more immediate practical im- portance) I am most decidedly convinced that, with a view to this object, active exertion and zealous attendance in parliament are more than ever necessary ; that any abatement either of vigour in our attack, or of numbers in our support, would so far from facilitate the accomplishment of the object, that it would in fact render it impossible for Lord Grenville, however desirous he might be, to do any thing effectual towards it. In this view, I am particularly glad to receive such accounts, as have been sent me by some of our friends skilled in such mystical matters, of the numerical effect of the new elections. From one quarter I hear that the gain of new strength to Government is no more than 29 — and that to opposition 22 — that 5 more are to be considered as hopeful for us, and 14 as doubtful — ‘ all but three of whom ’ (I do not quite under- stand whether all the hopefuls and doubtfuls, or all the doubtfuls only) ‘ supply the places of determined enemies. If therefore they were all with Government they would swell their balance only from 7 (the difference between 22 and 29) to 10. If half only are with us, they turn the balance in our favour. ’ This calculation is made exclusive of Ireland and Scotland — in the latter of which I suppose the turn will be rather against the Govern- ment in the former I should apprehend rather in its favour. But upon the whole it seems clear that they cannot vhave gained in numbers any thing that can compensate them for the trouble, the expense, and the unpopularity of the Dissolution — and for the rashness of having tlirowm away, when they wanted it but little, a measure which they might by possibility wish to have recourse to hereafter. Nothing could be more 2 224 satisfactory to us than the complete rout of the Doctor’s forces. I have a list of sixteen of his men, who are slain outright ; and 1 trust they are not likely to revive in other places. There are, however, other views in which the Dissolution certainly gives strength to Lord Grenville’s Government. These, I think, will not have failed to strike your Lordship, as they have me ; and as I find they have struck Long, and a few others with whom I happen to have had an opportunity cf talking. While others of our friends, however, resist (as I am told) the conviction which appears to me irresistible. The considerations arising out of this point must be reserved for dis- cussion when we meet. They bear directly (as it appears to my mind) upon the subject of the former part of this letter ; and may not impro- bably make it necessary to have a very unreserved and distinct com- munication upon that subject with many of those with whom we have been acting. I shall be very glad to hear that my opinions (so far as I have been able to explain them) have the advantage of your Lordship’s concurrence ; and I shall be equally glad of an opportunity to enter fully and con- fidentially into an explanation of any parts of them, and of the circumstances with which they are connected.” Charles Long to Viscount Lowther. 1806, ISTovember 24th, Bromley Hill. — I hear it is the intention of the ministers to meet Parliament on the 15th next month to give a certain tin^e for swearing in the members and to proceed to business with as short a Christmas holiday as possible — this information comes from Hatsell, who says he knows it to be so determined. It is impossible not to feel as you do respecting Lord Grenville’s olFer — he has not made it as if he considered the success of his proposal of any consequence, and it is unfair to state the pretentions of Mr. Pitt’s friends as unreasonable without precisely ascertaining what those pre- tentions were, which he never has done — putting every other considera- tion out of the question. I think he has acted more unwisely for him- self — he will have difficulties enough to struggle with, and in rejecting persons who would have given him important assistance he has not taken the means he had in his power of encountering them. The issue of the Westminster Election is just what one would have wished. I should have been sorry that such a person as Pauli had succeeded, and yet 1 should have been sorry that anything had appeared like a general approbation of Sheridan, in truth the whole transaction must be mortifying enough to him — he owes his success entirely to the popularity of his colleague, and to exertions and expense, the half of which would have carried the election of almost any other candidate. If any assistance had been given to Pauli by the opposition he certainly would have beat Sheridan, it is to their credit that they did not do so — and yet there was nothing which ’was factious (not to say occasionally treasonable) which the Foxites did not let loose against the Govern- ment of Mr. Pitt. That Mr. Whitbread and others should discover that Sir F. Burdett’s principles (now that he has declared against them) are hostile to the constitution, of which his connection with O’Connor and Despard could not formerly even raise a suspicion, is a circum- stance which ought not to pass without a good deal of observation. I have no news to communicate — the Government do not give up the Prussian game as lost yet — such at least is the tenor of the language 225 they hold. The Prince I hear was very unwell upon his second tour as well as on his first — he is said now to be recovered. Webb who I met lately at Lord Bridgwater’s was the person, if I recollect right, who mentioned Smirke’s plan — and he spoke very well of it. I heartily hope Cawthorne may not be suffered to sit among us.” [P.S.] — “ Prince Hohenlohe’s surrender seems to put an end to all hopes of Prussia, and I believe it is certain that the King has sued for peace on any terms he can obtain.” Viscount Melvillp: to Viscount Lowther. 1806, November 28th, Dunira. — I have this morning received your very obliging letter. I must go to town for a few days next week to aid my fidends the candidates for the representation of the Peerage, which comes on next Thursday. I shall then have an opportunity of explaining to Lord Binning the chance which your Lordship’s goodness presents to his hope. I hope I need say nothing to convince your Lord- ship of the deep sense I entertain of your kind feelings to myself in this business. I trust your Lordship will never see cause to repent it, or the motives which dictate it. What you say of Mr. Pitt’s memory is truly gratifying, the more so as some who had every cause to have felt the same sentiment, seem to feel very little of the active operation of that sentiment.” Lord Mulgrave to Viscount Lowther. 1806, November 30th, Mulgrave Castle. — “ I did not trouble you with an answer to your letter, in the midst of your election arrange- ments, because I was persuaded that every day’s letter bag must have brought you an heavy task of reading and writing, and I take some -degree of merit for my forbearance as my curiosity was much excited by many things to which you alluded and of which in this remote and retired corner I had heard nothing — I mean the transactions at Raby and the visit to Sir John Lawson — and though they must now be con- sidered by you as old stories, I still feel rather inquisitive after any .circumstance of the conduct of the great, or rather high, personage in question, which can be supposed to create surprise. With respect to Lord Grenville I confess I have been much dis- appointed and surprised at the course he has pursued, not only since the death of Pitt, but even previous to it — from the period of the peace of Amiens he began to set up for himself^ and to endeavour to collect as many as be could detach from Pitt on that question into a body of which he should be the leader and oracle, and I have no doubt that he -considered himself from that period, as the head of a distinct party, with which to stipulate and negotiate, and upon the great struggle to turn out the Doctor he united himself so closely with Fox to balance the great weight and popularity of Pitt, that he would not and I believe could not separate himself from him — how far the conduct which he pursued afterwards was formed upon broad principles, or upon ambitious speculation, his junction with Addington, the object of his contempt and reprobation and the ostensible cause of his political separation from his political benefactor, his great intimacy with Lord Auckland, and his vehement and strenuous endeavours to force Lord Lauderdale into a situation of unbounded power and uncontrolled discretion, may be sufii- -cient to prove without minor though numerous instances of a similar description. But how any degree of passion or prejudice, should ruin o 69070. P 2 226 itself in this stoical endurance of all former objects of hatred, contempt and disgust — and should without any provocation to excite it, become so strong as to set aside the steady pursuit of supreme power which might have befen confirmed by a moderate and very limited encourage- ment of a few of Pitt’s friends and a decent forbearance towards hia leading principles, and favourite measures, I cannot take upon me to guess, it can only be attributed to one of those strange inconsistencies in human nature which no sagacity could foretell and no reason can explain. As his conduct has been inexplicable, so also has the result of his scheme been more unfavourable to the character and estimation of his Government, than could have been supposed possible, with a man at its head confessedly the first of the surviving statesmen of the country, for though he has not the universal and transcendent powers of mind which rendered Pitt a prodigy, nor the brilliant talents and large com- pass of intellect which distinguished the wonderful but ineffective understanding of Fox, yet he has a clear and confident mind and a strong and laborious understanding; but with all this his administration is neither popular nor respected, nor indeed enjoys much more credit with the country for wisdom, vigour, and activity than that of the Doctor himself. And this because he is not alone sufficient to create an opinion of talent and principle in a Cabinet where they cannot elsewhere be sought for in the same person. Lord Spencer is a most respectable worthy and honest man, but splendour of talent he would probably not himself affect — what are the qualities of the rest of the Cabinet, give them the epithets which should belong to the situations they hold, and see how they will fit them, the mild temper, conciliatory manners, and tried partiality to the ancient order of things in Europe of the foreign secretary of State — the universal popularity amongst all the descriptions of armed force of the Kingdom, the judicious and popular selection of commanders, prompt and steady decision of military operations, and calm laborious attention to business in trade and colonial policy of the Secretary of State for War and Colonies. The dignified, consti- tutional, and deliberate disposition of the Chancellor on political subjects, his just and temperate estimate of law and constitution, and above all the perfect propriety of his private life and conduct. The Lord Privy Seal’s just estimate of the power of this country as opposed to France and lastly the great financial talents and powerful influence in parlia- mentary debate of the Chancellor of the Exchequer. These elements of the Cabinet, together with the great measures which they have omitted and the petty papers which they have published have completely obscured with their Boeotian Fog whatever the country formerly esteemed a& brilliant and great in the character of the favourite Eleve and most distinguished associate of Pitt. 1 beg your pardon — I find I have been severely inflicting the arrears of my silence, and have run imperceptibly into something very near as bad as a party pamphlet or parliamentary speech — when I only intended to have observed that the inveterate attack of every friend and suj^porter of Pitt in the elections all over the country, not merely where there was a probable chance, but wherever there was the possibility of entertaining any hope of success, seems to mark a determined disposition to force even the most unwilling into hostility, and as far as politics are concerned w^e may say for Pitt, what Henry the 4th says to the Prince, ‘ Your life did manifest you loved me not, and you would have me die assured of it.’ It only remains to hope that the occasion may create men, and that the new Parliament may produce some great light to guide us, some one willing to lead and worthy to be followed ; I heartily wish that any way there 227 were a strong Government. By strong Government, I do not mean merely a great majority, but an administration formed of persons whose political principles the people do not suspect, whose characters they can venerate, whose talents and wisdom they can respect, and in the vigour and patriotism of whose measures they can place an implicit confidence, unmixed with fear. I for one should be well satisfied to sit quietly by my fire side, under the care and protection of such a Government.” George Canning to Viscount Lowther. 1806, December 3rd, Berkeley Square.-— ‘‘I very much hope that it will not be inconvenient to you to be in town by the beginning of the week after next. As though no business of importance can come on for some days, the debate on the Address, which is expected to take place on the Thursday or Friday, the 18th or 19th, is of itself very im- portant. I should be sorry not to have an opportunity of communicating fully with you before that debate. And the rather, as I am afraid I shall be under the absolute necessity of leaving town (on private business) as soon as it is over, for ten days, or perhaps a fortnight. It is certainly much best to defer any more particular discussion till our meeting. [P.S.] I have not seen Long very lately, but when last we met I found his impressions of the state of things very much the same as my own. I shall be in town the 13th.” Charles Long to Viscount Lowther. 1806, December 3rd, Bromley Hill. — “ You may possibly not have heard what is to be the course of proceeding in Parliament, it is in- tended to meet the 15th, Monday, to choose the Speaker, on Tuesday, to have the Speech and the Address on Friday, and to have two or at most three days holiday at Christmas. I have received a letter from Lord Melville giving an account of his success in the elections in Scotland, where he seems to have been very triumphant, he is particularly happy at Pitfour’s [James Ferguson’s] elec- tion of which he had despaired. You will see on the papers the resolution of the Hampshire meeting to petition Parliament in consequence of the interference of Government, they certainly have interfered more openly and I believe more grossly than ever was done before, but unless the case is very strong indeed, all this is better as a topic of debate than as a j>ar- liamentary question. My late colleague is the great promoter of this measure, and as I cannot rate his judgment very high, I doubt a little the policy of this measure, he had intended making a similar complaint respecting the interference at Christchurch, but he was dissuaded by those whom he consulted and who expressed their surprise to me that upon the case stated he should ever have thought of bringing it forward. The capture of Hamburgh has thrown the city into the greatest consternation, several failures it is supposed will be the consequence, where shall we hear of this disturber of nations next ? The King’s speech will not be able to hold out any thing consolatory. Shall you be up for the meeting or do you spend the Christmas at Lowther ? ” P 2 2 228 Robert Ward to Viscount Lowther. 1806, December 3rd, Hyde Lodge. — I owe you all my thanks for your answer to my last, and the manner in which you are so good as to permit the communication of my feeling with respect to its interesting subject. I never expected, nor even wished, your Lordship to enter at large upon it by letter, but am very glad indeed to think that I may so soon meet you in town. As the Cockpit shows ho indication of sitting, and I cannot take my seat in Parliament till after the recess, I had not till then intended to have stirred from my shepherd’s cot ; but I shall fly with pleasure to the meeting you are so good as to announce, and am only sorry to beg another letter from you to tell me when you expect to arrive in town. Mean time, though my fair enemy misrepresents me (which I am very glad of, because it serves to shew her wit and vivacity), I hope your Lordship does not, with her, believe that Brennus the Haul has lost his noble spirit. I trust I may not be quite so great a savage as is necessary to please Atalanta, and yet hate His Majesty’s Hovernment with a sufiicient degree of virtue. As your Lordship is so good as to enter upon the subject, I will just add a few words that I may not misrepresent myself, and own that there is nothing which appears to me so disgusting in the history of parties, as that there should scarcely ever have been a resting place between a relinquishment of office and a violent opposition. It always seemed to me, that the true indepen- dent and dignified character is much better preserved by a firm and discriminating moderation. I was always struck with that honourable part of Lord Townshend’s life, when, though he had separated from Walpole with every sentiment of mortification and disgust, he utterly refused to embark in a party contest against him. Perhaps (on the same principle) no public sentiment of our great and lamented friend ever did him more honour than his hope (when driven out of office by the coalition in 1783) never to be found in an undiscriminating opposi- tion. I add to this, that Lord Grrenville was the person whom every one of the late administration called to the helm ; and that all, or nearly all, of us were prepared to approve of an union with every man of the present administration. The wrongs of Lord Grenville towards us as a party, and as old friends, are indeed great ; but on that very account one would be cautious not to begin an opposition on personal motives, not to fall into the very fault of which we so justly accused the Gren- villes themselves when they opposed Mr. Pitt. These sentiments lose none of their weight from the dreadful approach of a storm from with- out, which may extinguish both party and the nation itself in one general wreck. But though these are my sentiments, such as they are, you may suppose they are merely speculative, and submitted to be corrected by your Lordship and other friends, and above all to be con- trolled by events ; nor will it be necessary I trust seriously to observe that nothing can be more widely different from these opinions than to engage in the support of an administration that attacks us as a party, and takes every occasion to blast the reputation of the late ministry. It is this which, as your Lordship remarks, in language not more pointed than deserved, makes Lord Carrington’s desertion appear of the meanest and basest kind ; a sentiment which I have not refrained from indulg- ing here, within the pale almost of his private society. Whatever I might think, I was quite sure you would forgive my mentioning it, par- ticularly at a time when it was so necessary to discuss things prepara- tory to conduct and decisive action. I was thus sure because your 229 Lordship knows me to be attached to you, not merely from a sense of personal obligation, but from regard (if you will allow me to say so) both as a private man and a political leader. J^'eed I add the instances of kindness and confidence upon which such regard is founded. I was however most tempted to enter so much at large into the subject, because from any thing that had hitherto passed, I did not know exactly how your Lordship meant to act yourself towards those gentle- men who have already drawn the sword. On the one hand I was by no means prepared to say that I was ready to go all lengths with them, either on account of my own opinions, or the knowledge of your Lord- ship’s ; on the other, from my great and known esteem for them, as well as intimacy with many of them, they have every right in the world to demand of me the precise line of conduct which it is meant to pursue. To be told that the ‘ bent of your own mind is opposed by many difficulties’ does not diminish the interest of the subject, and only makes me more than ever wish for the pleasure of a personal communi- cation with your Lordship. [P.S.] You are extremely obliging on Lord Binning’s subject. I learned with surprise and concern from Mr. Drake his uncle, who is my neighbour, that he was likely to be out of Parliament. After all, I have, I believe, been wrong in troubling you with these my primitive, innocent, and {somebody may add) very ridiculous notions ; but only wrong from the difficulty of explaining one’s self in a short letter, and the ennui of a long one. Lord Mulgrave to whom I had written in this style quizzes me, and says such conduct will by vulgar and plain persons be deemed trimming and courting. Yet we did not trim or court in our vote upon Lord Ellenborough’s appointment, even while we professed not to oppose. It is this conduct only which I meant to propose. Yet Lord Mulgrave himself says he is not deter- .mined as to the line he will pursue, and that much will depend upon the nature of the Paris negotiation, when disclosed. That much should depend upon it, and that we should not prejudge it in the true sharp spirit of party vehemence, is all that I mean. At the same time I beg to add that wherever my friends lead, there will I follow.” Viscount Melville to Viscount Lowther^ 1806, December 4th, Edinburgh. — I met Lord Binning yesterday in this place, and communicated to him the contents of your Lordship’s letter. Even the chance held out to his view overjoyed him, and short as the period of it may be, it will give him very great satisfaction if it shall suit your convenience to give him the accommodation you hold out to his hopes. I will not trouble your Lordship with a repetition of my own feelings on the subject, but I can assure you with great truth that I would rather owe the obligation to you than to any other person in England. I shall have an opportunity some future day to explain to- your Lordship why 1 feel in that manner. [P.S.] Our friend Pitfour has had a hard struggle against the whole power and efforts of Grovernment, but we have carried it to his great joy and to the great annoyance of his opponents.” Charles Long to Viscount Lowtiier. 1806, December 8th, Bromley Hill.-«-“ The Speaker is to be chosen on Tuesday 16th and the Speech and the Address to be on Friday 2 230 19th, this I know is what is now determined upon, if any alteration takes place of which I am apprised in time to reach you I shall not fail to give you notice, but I do not think it likely that any new arrangement should be made. I shall have to shew you the state of the new House of Commons as compared with the old when we meet, it is not complete as I have not an accurate return from Scotland or Ireland, but calculating upon the probable returns from them I cannot put our loss by the Dissolution at less than 25! There is one result of the Dissolution at which I can- not grieve, Lord Sidmouth out of 30 which was his whole strength in the House of Commons loses 16, and is I understand very angry.” Eabl Camden to Viscount Lowther. 1806, December lOtb, Wildernesse. — ‘‘It is very long since we ^have corresponded, but had I not been informed by Long that he occasionally wrote to you and apprized you of the state of things I should certainly have written to you. Lord Hawkesbury spent two days with me in his way from Walmer. He is disposed to be very moderate at present, but at the same time, to let it be understood that there are topics on which a good deal might be said at a proper opportunity. The principal thing I am anxious about, is that ministers should prepare such an address on the rupture of the negotiation as may produce an unanimous vote in favour of the spirited prosecution of the war. I saw by Canning’s desire the copy of the letter he wrote to you, the offer to him was surely much too limited, I think he appears to have acted very correctly. I learn from a source, which can be depended upon, that the Prince of Wales is in a very alarming state of health and that the greatest apprehensions are entertained of him. You may depend on the accuracy of this information. Pray let me know if we are likely to see you in town at the meeting of Parliament.” Charles Long to Viscount Lowther. 1806, December 12th, Bromley Hill. — “I hope very much that you mean to be in town for the speech, which is to be Friday as I before mentioned, if you should have no particular engagement perhaps you will pass the Christmas here. I have been looking as accurately as I could at the state of the Returns, by which I Hnd that the gain of the Government cannot be put at less than 30, and since I have ascertained the politics of several of those whom I considered as doubtful, I find that the Foxites have gained full as much as Lord Grenville, and more if the Prince is reckoned as belonging to the former. Lord Sidmouth complains most bitterly and thinks himself ill-used, he pretends to have lost 18, I can account for only 16, which however is more than half his whole force, but he says that some of his friends were ready to purchase and that Foxites were preferred ; he is doing what he can to get in some of his friends for the six double returns. I have letters from Ireland giving a most lamentable account of the state of that country, the Thrashers have already appeared in great numbers in Mayo, Sligo, Roscommon, Cavan and Longford, and they were spreading turther. The civil power has been totally ineffectual in crushing or even in intimidating them, they have murdered several 231 witnesses, and the juries are afraid to convict, and they have applied to the Government for regular troops, not venturing to trpst the militia. This together with the disasters on the Continent presents a most dismal picture.’’ Viscount Lowther to Lord Grenville. {Draft of letter endorsed not sent^) 1807, October 12th.-— l!7othing can be further from my intention than to draw you into a correspondence on points \\hich are not only most difficult to discuss in writing, but in a great degree scarcely fitting to be the subject of it. However, if I were much less sensible of the kind- ness I have received from you and less indifferent as to your good opinion I should feel the necessity of making my best acknowledgments for the last letter I received from you. Nothing, you may be sure, could be further from my mind than to expect that in any communication with an opposing party, the slightest deviation from the strictest principles of honour could be admitted as the basis even of a negotiation. The character of the nation can only be supported by the private honour of individuals. 1 have ever held in abhorrence those easy and fluctuating principles which can bend them- selves to the service of any party, and though I will not speak with disrespect of any of your colleagues, I am sure you will excuse me if I tell you that the only point on which I ever differed with my late friend was on the subject of his union with Lord S., which I thought after what had already passed was incompatible with the dignity of his character and with the opinions I heard him express. The purity of his mind was as conspicuous as the splendour of his talents, and though 1 had never any opportunity of hearing from his own lips the explanation which he frequently promised me, I am led to believe, having his assurance for it, that he could satisfactorily account for the whole of that transaction. You will easily see how I mean to apply this example. There is nothing in principles of difference betwixt you and the friends to whom I allude. That they have now con- nected themselves as a party is precisely what was to be foreseen, and though I have reason to believe at the time you allowed me to speak to you on this subject in June last, no pretensions should have been set up by them as a collective body, I am afraid the great events of the session have made it almost impossible to detach them, were ever those circumstances to be desired. Being entirely ignorant of the pretensions on which you have had to decide, I can only judge of the extent by the light in which you consider them. Knowing a little of the scheme which it was Mr. Pitt’s intention to submit to the consideration of the King last year, and which perhaps he did submit to it, it is difficult for m*e to conceive how any party standing as that does, which you allude to, could assume to themselves more consequence than Mr. Pitt gratuitously attached to his opponents at that time. That the present opposition is neither deficient in talents and consequence, in character or in numbers, I am sure you will readily allow. You will admit likewise that on no great constitutional question is there any material difference of opinion. I would, therefore, beg to ask if fair and reasonable concessions can be made on both sides, supposing that the project as it is now understood to be capable of some modifica- tion, for I am in entire ignorance on the subject, would you feel disposed to enter on the discussion, his Majesty’s permission for that purpose being previously obtained ? There is one duty you owe to your col- 2 232 leagues, and there is another you owe to the public should the exigency of the times produce events which may render them incompatible with each other. Should the sense of Parliament and that of the House of Commons in particular and of the public appear in favour of that union which appears to me so important to effect, is it to be understood that no recognition of the persons with whom you negotiate, as a party, is to be the basis of that treaty. The terms of such a treaty must in a great degree be governed by the relative strength of the contracting parties, but any disparity of that strength in my opinion should make that con- duct fair and honourable that would not be equally so under all circum- stances, and in all situations. To require impossibilities is to shut the door against communication — but it may be a question whether the mode in which the vacant offices have been filled has not increased the difficulties in the way of an union — under similar circumstances Mr.- Pitt’s arrangements were evidently calculated to meet a different state of things, and to facilitate the admission of new persons into the Govern- ment. With this view of it, you will, I am sure, forgive the freedom I use in saying that I see no signs of such a disposition on your part in what has taken place since Mr. Pox’s death. Prom motives of personal regard towards some and with the highest respect for the talents of others I cannot but feel most anxious to see this union effected. I am persuaded it is for the benefit of the country, and I should have hoped likewise it might have become most grateful to yourself. The arrangements which have taken place in consequence of Mr., Pox’s dearth seem to preclude all hope of your having it in contemplation to extend your political connections. JSTo one can regret the necessity which has suggested this measure more than I do, [being ?] sincerely attached to your Lordship, as well from the high estimation I have ever had for your character, as from a knowledge of the value our late most excellent friend entertained for you. With no very pleasing reflections I look to the events of the approaching session. When all those with whom 1 have ever been connected and have acted with in public life- are ranged in opposition to your Lordship, an opposition which it seems might have been easily conciliated when the very system which was almost all that was ever objectionable in the conduct of my late revered friend, is acted upon by you— and when it is known that he had difficulties to encounter which made his adoption of that system, almost involuntarily, consistent with his own idea of the duty he owed to a high authority, difficulties which do not present themselves to your Lordship, I would ask your Lordship how it is possible for myself and many who think as I do to reconcile their duty with their inclination should they support the measures of the present Government constituted as it now is. The conduct of the last session can not have given your Lordship, as I am sure it has not the country, a very mean opinion of those members of the late Government who have distinguished them- selves most in the House of Commons, and with whatever confidence your colleagues may enter the lists this year, I fear the country will suffer, as I have no idea that its difficulties or dangers are in any degree diminished.” Dr. Thomas Zouch to the Earl of Lonsdale. 1808, Jan. 16, Durham. — “The Duke of Portland was certainly incorrect when he asserted that the annual value of Carlisle was nearer 4,000 than 3,000 pounds a year. Dr. Douglas held the Deanery 233 of Windsor along with Carlisle, and Dr. Law held his Mastership of Peter House along with the living of Graystock. His Grace by disposing of my living with my prebend would have taken from me nearly what he would have given me. My character is, I find, much higher in the world than what I ever thought it to be ; and a prime minister would not have disgraced himself by being a patron of merit. Instead of that he has shewn himself as a factor, making the best bargain that he can. Dr. Gooden ough is glad to mount the Bench on any terms, because he expects to rise higher, and will be restless until he obtains in due time a translation .... I mention these things, not that I am dissatisfied, but just the reverse. My situation is perfectly grateful to me, and the congratulations I have had on declining the mitre convince me that I have not lost any honour by that measure.” Dr. Thomas Zouch to the Earl of Lonsdale. 1808, March 4, College, Durham. “ Lord Lonsdale’s History of the Beign of James II. will be printed off in the end of next week or the beginning of the week after. I think that 200 copies were to be printed. I am informed that in the gallery of Mr. West’s house at Windsor is a picture of the Death of Sir Philip Sidney, and also a drawing of Sir Philip Sidney ordering the water to be given to the wounded soldiers — both by Mr. West. It would be an acquisition to my work to have a description more particular of these two pieces . . . . The Life of Sir P. S. will be printed off very soon. I am extremely anxious lest it should not be received by the public according to my wishes. An engraving of Sidney will be executed by Mr. Warren. It is from a fine picture at Wentworth Castle given by Horace Walpole to his friend Lord Strafford. But Mr. Vernon, who now resides there, gives so vague an account of it, that I fear little depend- ence can be had upon what he says.” Dr. Thomas Zouch to the Earl of Lonsdale. 1808, April 21, College, Durham. — “I have just received from York a packet containing twelve copies of Lord Lonsdale’s Memoir. The work is most beautifully printed. Fifty copies are forwarded to Lowther, a certain number to Swillington, and the remainder will be sent to Cottesmore in the course of a few days.” Dr. Thomas Zouch to the Earl of Lonsdale. 1808, June 20, Sandal. — ‘‘I am very happy to know that the Memoir [of James II.] is read with much satisfaction. Indeed I did not doubt but that it would be generally approved. It has frequently occurred to me that the publication of it would be very useful, and a very proper antidote against Mr. Fox’s History, which I have read with much attention. In many passages of this long expected work the language is coarse, and the style slovenly in the extreme. Every writer of an English History should surely endeavour to improve his native language. I say nothing of those political principles or sentiments in Mr. Fox’s volume, which are very objectionable.” Thomas Holcroft to the Earl op Lonsdale. 1808, Dec. 1, Clipstone Street, 30, Fitzroy Square {sic); and Dec. 7. — Two letters asking assistance, and giving some particulars of his life^ which will be found in the dramatist’s Memoirs, 2 234 The Hon. H. C. Lowther to the Earl of Lonsdale . , 1808 Dec. 4, Astorga.- — “It is quite out of my power to send you any news from this country, although we are upon the spot, everything is kept quite silent from us, and there are so many different reports, we do not know which to give the most credit to, nothing even is to be heard from the Spaniards. I saw an English paper yesterday dated the 12 of last month, it men- tioned that the army was treated with the greatest civility possible ; it is quite the contrary, they do not like us in the least, and they tell us very often (to please us) that they had rather see the French than us. I do not know how our generals get on, but I suppose it is they that receive the civility, as they are always at a nobleman’s (if they may be so called) house, but one of their houses is not half so comfortable, or one tenth part so clean as an English cottage. It is impossible for anyone who has not been to Spain, to conceive how the Spaniards live in their filth and dirt, they have no amusement whatever, you never by any chance see one with a book in his hand (but that is the case with a great many of our English gentlemen) ; the way they pass their day is I believe in sleeping and smoking, for that is the only way we see them pass it, they are quite ignorant of everything that is going on, they think they have three different armies in Spain, amounting to three hundred thousand men, and their whole force in Spain does not amount to more than than 25,000, and 80 cavalry {sic) that we can hear of, and they say they could mount 80 more if they could get horses. I have given you a short account of the inhabitants of Spain and now I will give you one of the country. The principal part of our march has been through the mountains, in short, I may say the whole way except the last day. It is a most beautiful country, and numbers of uncommon fine rivers and bridges. We are going in a few days to undergo a long and tedious march to Lisbon, and I am afraid a very cold one as we have to pass a great number of snowy mountains.” Dr. Thomas Zouch to the Earl of Lonsdale. 1809, July 19. Durham. — “ Mr. Southey, whose usual place of residence is at or near Keswick, has been upon a visit to his brother, a physician of this place. He is pretty well known by his Works, his prose and poetical compositions making no fewer than twenty volumes. He dined with me one day. His conversation is very interesting and f ull of anecdote. He is now engaged in writing the History of Portugal. The fertility of his imagination is such that he will never find any difficulty in furnishing materials for the employment of his pen. The prospect of, affairs on the Continent assumes a more pleasing appearance, but it seems impossible to terminate the horrors of war .so long as the ferocity of the Corsican is allowed by Providence to exercise its relentless rage with impunity.” The Hon. H. C. Lowther to the Earl of Lonsdale. 1813 Sept. 1, Bilbao. — “ Part of our regiment arrived in the entrance of the river Durango (which is the river that runs through Bilbao) when we disembarked, the next day, and marched into the town of B . It is a tolerable good town, but a very mountainous country around it. I 235 have not heard anything respecting the army since my arrival, nor can I learn any particulars respecting St. Sebastian. We had a tolerable good passage, we were on board twelve days, and we have not had a wet day since we left London. Three of our transports have not yet arrived in the river, and it is supposed that they are gone to St. Andero which is about 40 or 50 miles W. from. Bilboa. I hope they have not put into St. Antona by mistake, for the French have possession of it, and it is garrisoned by 2,500 — at least those are the numbers that the Spaniards say they have there — however it is an amazing strong place, it is a small island about 2 or 3 miles in circumference, with very strong bat- teries surrounding it, and they have also very heavy guns upon the mount which lays nearly in the centre of the island and which is very high and commands the whole island. The Spaniards are blockading them and prevent them getting fresh provisions, but I am afraid they will annoy our transports very much for they have a corvette and several privateers, which are constantly on the watch to catch any straggling vessels. They succeeded one night in cutting out a store ship from the river, that is the only one I believe they have as yet taken. Our ships cannot get at them, for they run into their harbour the moment they see any of our armed vessels, and there they are safe, for they are under the protection of a 20 gun battery. It is situated rather in an unfortunate place for our trans- ports, for it lays about half way between this town and St. Andero, and our store ships are constantly employed in going from one place to the other. I have not heard when we are likely to march from hence, but I should not think that we shall remain in our present quarters for this fortnight, for they are not in any want of cavalry at present. The Spaniards from what I have as yet seen are not the least improved in respect to their civility towards you. But I always understood that the Biscayans were the worst conditioned people in Spain. The army is employed in making breast works, and strengthening the passes over the Pyrenees as much as possible. There are an immense number of wounded lying at this town, I should think to the amount of nearly four thousand, I believe there is nearly the same number at St. Andero. I believe that I mentioned to you that Capt. Gordon of the Magicienne was so good as to give me a passage in his frigate. We had rather a large party, for he brought Col. Kerrison and Elphinstone also. You will hear of the fate of St. Sebastian long before I can send you any account of it, for there is very little communication with the army from hence, since we have got possession of Passage which is between six and seven miles E. of St. Sebastian.” The Hon. H. C. Lowther to the Earl of Lonsdale. 1813, Sept. 6, Bilbao.— “ There are an immense number of French prisoners going through here daily to be embarked for England, they are chiefly young men and a great many young boys with them, they are very sick of war and complain most bitterly against Bonaparte. There were several French officers on their parole in this town when we arrived, waiting for a passage to England, one of whom is a French colonel whose regiment which consisted of 5,000 men were all killed or wounded to a man ; he himself was wounded in the shoulder ; they had to cover the retreat after the battle of Busaco. Lord Wellington wished to get him exchanged as he behaved so well, but Soult had received strict orders from Bonaparte not to exchange a man, and this has 236 enraged the French colonel and his account of the proceedings of Bonaparte and his government is horrible. He states the south of France to be in a state of rebellion against his government, but he says it is so drained of men that it would be impossible to muster any men to rise against it. He says also that he should not be the least surprised at their joining the English if they were to march into their country.’’ The Hon. H. C. Lowther to the Earl of Lonsdale. 1813, Oct. 1, Bilbao. — ‘‘ We are to march from hence in the morn- ing to Durango which is 20 miles distance from hence, and there remain until Sir Stapleton Cotton has inspected us, and then we proceed on our march to Olite, which will most probably take us eight or ten days, as the roads I understand are very bad and mountainous. Col. Vivian returned from head quarters yesterday, but he has not brought any news with him, he says the army is in capital condition and very healthy, and the numbers amount to upwards of 100,000 men. tie says that he should not be the least surprised at the army advancing. They are kept at work the whole of the day in fortifying the passes in the Pyrenees. Lord Wellington has placed a Spanish garrison in St. Sebastian, and he has set them to work to rebuild the walls of the town and castle, and I understand that it will be made uncommonly strong. The French Army does not amount to more than 36,000 men. Of course you have received the accounts of the retreat of Lord W. Bentinck’s army. I am afraid Suchet is in too great a force to allow Lord W. B. to drive him out of the country. Our route to Olite is a very circuitous one, but it is on account of getting supplies. The principal places in which we pass are Bergara, Tolosa, and then we come back to Irurzun, and Noain, which you will see by the map is within half a league of Pam- peluna and from thence we shall go to Olite, and there remain until there is a movement in the army. One of our officers saw young Chaplin three days ago, he was then going on very well and out of danger. The Spaniards seem very anxious for an advance into France, they expect to regain their losses again, but I think they will find themselves very much mistaken. We have had uncommonly fine weather since our arrival, and very little rain, considering we are in so mountainous a country.” The Hon. H. C. Lowther to the Earl of Lonsdale. 1813, Get. 17, Olite. — “ We arrived last Friday at Olite which is to be our winter quarters, if Lord Wellington does not make any further advance into France. We passed Pampeluna on the 15th inst., and it had not then surrendered, we halted that night at a small village called Noain which is between one and two miles from thence; there was a constant firing that day, and the following morning when we marched we heard the firing commence again. The garrison are now living upon four oz. of horse-flesh and three oz. of bread, and Don Carlos who commands the Spanish Army in front of Pampeluna says that he thinks they will be able to hold out a week or ten days longer. The French general attempted to send 3,000 of the inhabitants out of the town last week, but Don Carlos sent to him to say, that it would go very much against his inclination to fire upon his countrymen, but if he did send tliern out of town he would fire upon them instantly. However the French persisted in sending them out and Don Carlos fired upon them, and the Ihench were obliged to admit them into the town again. The Spanish general also sent word to the commandant of the garrison, that 237 if he heard of any Spaniard whatever being starved to death, that he should give orders, when the town surrendered, to have the command- ant hung. And 1 believe Don Carlos will be as good us his word, for a greater savage I believe never lived, at least that is his character in this part of the world. We have come through a most beautiful country and capital roads. We halted one night at a small village called Irurzun, which is about 14 miles N. of Pampeluna, and about 45 miles E. of Vittoria. I have mentioned this, as it was the village in which Lord Wellington dated his 2nd despatch after the battle of Vittoria, and it is also where the French lost their last gun. It is a very small village, situated at the foot of several very high mountains, and which mountains are called the Gates of Biscay. The pass in which the road runs, which is the high road from France to Spain, appears as if the rocks had been cut away for the purpose of making a road, and the valley which the road rims through is upwards of three miles long, and I am sure not above 20 yards wide. It is the most singular thing I ever saw for it would be impossible to pass over any part of the mountains, they are so steep and craggy. Since writing the above I have just heard a report, that they expect the French to make a sortie from Pampeluna, and endeavour to make their escape to France. If that is true, we shall in all probability have a gallop after them, for we are not more than 25 miles from them at present. Sir Thomas Graham of course has arrived with the news of Lord Wellington having passed the Bidassoa and taken up his quarters in France in front of St. Jean de Luz. It is reported to have been the most complete attack that ever was made. The French were attacked at every point, and I suppose they have not forgot the lickings they have received from us in Spain, for they ran from every point they were attacked. Lord Wellington has now got possession of the position he Avas so anxious of obtaining, and what is of still more advantage to him he will be able to get his supplies up the Bidassoa instead of having to cross those very high mountains. The commissariat have lost upwards of 5,000 mules, since the army has been upon the mountains. Will you tell my mother that I received her letter dated the 23 of Sep- tember, and it has given me great pleasure to hear of your all being so well. We are going on uncommonly well in this country, we find it very different to what it was the last time we were here. And I have been as comfortable every day as if I was marching through England. We are ten times better off both for men and horses than we were in Ireland. You must not tell Pat so, or he will never speak to me again. The country we are quartered in at present, is very flat and not a fence for miles and miles, a delightful country for cavalry to act.” The Hon. H. C. Lowther to the Earl of Lonsdale. 1813. Nov. 3, Musquz. — “We marched from Olite the moment Pampeluna fell into the hands of the Spaniards, which Avas on the 1st of this month. They surrendered upon conditions of being prisoners of war, and I am sorry to say that the Spaniards behaved to them in the most infamous way possible. They plundered every man the moment they lay down their arms and even stripped them as naked as when they AA^ere born. They were not even content with that, but the saA^ages (for you cannot call them anything else) murdered, I am under the mark when I say thirty, because the prisoners retaliated at being treated in that manner. I should not have believed it, had I not seen the bodies lying upon the road, and upon enquiries the Spaniards told me this story, and they spoke of it at the same time, with such 2 238 enthusiasm as if it was the bravest act that ever was done by Spanish troops, which will ever make me hate the name of Spaniard as long as I live. I am at present quartered at Musquz, which you will see in the map, it is about 15 miles N. of Pampeluna, and about 6 miles E. of Irurzun. It is a very small village consisting of 7 or 8 houses, and in the very centre of the mountains, and I believe we shall remain here until Lord Wellington decides whether he enters France or not. It is the general opinion throughout the army that he intends attacking the French lines and making a rapid march into France, for he has a suffi- cient force with him for so doing, and his army is in high condition. I went into Pampeluna as our regiment passed under the walls, I think it is by far the finest town I have seen in Spain, and kept beautifully clean ; how long it will remain so now the French have left it I cannot say. The French held out until the very last moment they were able. They lived for the last three weeks upon nothing but 4 oz. of bread and 3 oz. of horse-flesh. A great many of the Spaniards were starved to death, one of whom was the Grrande of the town. It is an amazing strong place, on the north side it is bordered by the river Agra, and a steep rock of at least 80 feet arising from the foot of the river, the north-west sidq^is by nature falling ground, of at least 60 feet, and the Spaniards long before the French ever had possession of it, built a perpendicular wall on that side, so that it made an amazing strong place on that angle, especially as the ground on that angle of the town falls to the river, which you will see by the map is some distance from that angle of the town, as the river takes a bend after it has passed the north end of the town. The south side there is not any means of approaching with artillery, as the river winds nearly three parts round the town, and the ground upon which the town is built, falling so steep upon the river, and at a distance of at least 3 quarters of a mile. The S.W. end of the town, is the citadel and commands the whole of the city. It is built upon the highest ground, and it commands the whole country around it, as the ground falls so di- rectly from it, and there is not a single rise, for at least 2 miles, so that it would be perfectly ridiculous ever attempting to storm it at least as far as 1 can see, and from what people say who understand those things. It is of vast importance to our army, for in case Lord Wellington retires (which I hope is’not likely) the French cannot advance as long as we have possession of it, and they knew well before they surrendered, of what im- portance it would be to us, and that they kept Lord Wellington’s army in check as long as they held out. No further movements I believe have been made in the army since Hast wrote, but we are all anxiously ffioking forward to spending our winter in France.” The Hon. H. C. Lowther to the Earl of Lonsdale^ 1813, Nov. 11, St. Esteran. — ‘‘ Lord Wellington made his attack upon the French lines yesterday, and I am happy to say with great success, but I am sorry to add with severe loss. The action commenced about 5 o’clock in the morning upon the centre and right of the French army. The French began their retreat about 11 o’clock and continued it I understand, as far as a league in rear of Bayonne. They suffered immensely, two of their divisions in the centre of their army were nearly cut to pieces, with the loss of two French generals and another wounded. Lord Wellington’s head-quarters are at a small village, distant of about two miles from Bayonne. The French lost an immense number of guns. No British officer has yet arrived in this town, and these accounts are only picked up from wounded Spaniards who have come to this town. We are not above nine or ten miles from where the 239 action commenced, and yesterday morning we heard the firing, which was very heavy indeed, until 11 o’clock, and then it began to be very faint, and at about 4 o’clock we could not hear a shot. The wind was in the same quarter the whole day, so that the army must have ad- vanced, or we must have heard the firing in the evening. It was as fine a day as could possibly be yesterday. I went up upon a very high mountain in the morning, just above the town, in hopes of being able to see part of the army, but I was disappointed. I saw an immense way into France, and I saw also part of the smoke rising from the left of our line, but the country being so very hilly prevented my seeing anything^ of the lines. We are waiting in expectation of being called upon every moment, as Lord Wellington wrote to Lord Edward Somerset (who commands our brigade) the night before the action, saying that the frontiers of France were too hilly for cavalry to act, and desired him ta keep us here until he made a further advance into France, so that I have no doubt we shall soon be called upon as the French are retiring so fast.” The Hon. H. C. Lowther to the Earl of Lonsdale. 1813. Nov. 17, Sare. — ‘‘Our regiment is now quartered at Sare ? it is about 6 miles from the frontiers of Spain, and it is where Lord Wellington first commenced his attack upon the French lines. I have been over the greatest part of the ground where the centre and left of our army was engaged, and from the very strong positions the enemy held, you would not have thought it possible for troops to have got possession of the heights, so strongly fortified as they were, in so short a space of time. The French, ever since they took up that position, have been strengthening themselves by fortifications, breast- works, &c., and from Sare to St. Jean de Luz (where Lord Wellington has taken up his head -quarters), which is upwards of twelve miles, their works are innumerable and immensely strong, and for many miles in rear of wher*e the attack commenced, the ground was in every way favourable in affording them the greatest resistance against our troops, by a chain of hills which are scarcely more than seven hundred yard& apart, and at the top of each hill were strong batteries. The French by all accounts seem to have premeditated their retreat, for they took care to have a good road from each of their batteries, and thus retreated in the greatest order possible, and abandoned several of their positions long before our troops reached them. One position in particular, which was full a league in rear of where the attack commenced, and which was an eleven gun battery and garrisoned by six hundred picked men,- chiefly Grenadiers, and what seems more extraordinary they had up- wards of four days’ provisions in it, surrendered without firing a shot. The fact was I believe that the British advanced so rapidly, that they were surrounded before they had the least conception of our troops being so- near them. Our loss compared with the French is very great,^ but that must have been foreseen from the nature of the ground, our troops- upon all occasions having to attack them in their redoubts. The French prisoners I believe amount to nearly 1,000, and they lost also 52 pieces- of artillery. St. Jean de Luz surrendered, their troops making but a slight resistance. The French set fire to the bridge, but the inhabitants extinguished it, before it did any damage. A great number of the inhabitants fled from the town but have since returned, and others are coming back to the town daily- They are uncommonly civil to our troops, they treated our wounded with the greatest kindness possible, and gave them every assistance that lay in their power. The French 240 villages I have been in are nearly deserted, and a great number who have returned, all agree in saying that they were forced by their own troops to quit their houses, with the threat that if they did not, their houses should be burnt and they themselves hung. The only dread the inhabitants have is that of the Spaniards being quartered upon them. Wherever a Spanish soldier entered a house, he destroyed every article in the house and even pulled the roofs from the houses. Lord Wellington hung seven on the 10th inst. and I have heard of several more since that have been executed for plundering. He has sent the whole of the Spanish army to the rear as far asTolosa and Villa Franca. I never saw people more civil or more attentive then the French are to our soldiers. We have marched through a most beautiful country since I last wrote to you, over the very tops of the Pyrenees, which makes France look very flat, although it is a hilly country ; what little 1 have seen is very pretty and resembles Yorkshire. Two sergeants of the Grens d’Armes deserted to our army on the night of the 16th inst., and they informed the officer whom I met the following morning that great discontent prevailed in the French army, they not having received a farthing of their pay for these last five years, and the troops since they have been in their own country have scarcely drawn any provisions. They also stated that they had heard three weeks ago (for the first time) the result of Bonaparte’s campaign in Russia, and that now it was generally spoken of throughout the whole army. They also stated that papers had arrived from Paris, stating that no accounts had been received from Bonaparte for three days and the report was that he was missing. 1 hope he never will be found again. They also said that the French .army had not the least confidence in the commanding officer (Soult) and that the British would defeat them whenever they chose to attack them ; and I am sure you would believe it if you were to see the posi- tions they left without even thinking of making a stand. Our light divisions sufiTered severely, the 54th which forms one of the brigade lost nearly 300 men, and the 95th also had upwards of two-thirds of their men killed and wounded.” The Hon. H. C. Lowther to the Earl of Lonsdale. 1813, Nov. 22nd, Echauri. — “ Since I last wrote to you we received orders to retreat to this part of the country, there not being a sufficiency of forage for our horses in France, which has disappointed us all very much, as we expected to spend our winter quarters in France, and being marched over the Pyrenees at this time of year, we little thought of being sent back again in so short a space of time. Our regiment is now quartered on the banks of the Agra, in seven different villages, my troop at present is at Echauri, it is but a small place, but we have a sufficiency of forage in it to last our troops the whole winter, it is about 2 leagues" and a half from Pampeluna, and about 6 leagues from Estella, and lays in a direct line between these two towns. Lord Wellington has taken -tip his winter quarters at St, Jean de Luz, and all our troops have been allowed to put up in villages and houses for the first time these six months and it is generally supposed that Lord Wellington does not intend making any further movement until the spring. Two of our generals were wounded on the 19th inst. reconnoitering ; General Vachleur is one and General Wilson the other, the latter general was shot through the lower jaw, and the ball was extracted from the roots of his tongue.” Asks his father to use his influence to procure him promotion to a majority in one of the West India regiments, which he would not be compelled to join as long as he remained in Parliament. [The writer was member for Westmorland.] 241 The Hon. H. C. Lowther to his brother Viscount Lowther. 1813, Dec. 2. Kchauri. — We are now under orders to go to the front again, which I am not sorry for in the least, as I am quite tired of remaining still in this country, and as France is far more preferable to any part of Spain, we expect now to have comfortable winter quar- ters, although we shall have the outpost duty, but that will not come to our turn more than once in four or five days, as there is a fine river between the two armies. The French are uncommonly civil to our troops. St. Juan de Luce is a very good town and as good a market as in any town in England. There were upwards of two thousand people returned to the town last week. The peasants are also returning to their cottages daily, and it is generally supposed that in the course of a few weeks, that they will nearly all be returned. They talk of Lord Wellington remaining in his present quarters during the winter, I can- not say how far this is true, but one thing I know, that he is collecting all his force together and orders have been given repeatedly to all the surgeons of hospitals not to keep a man a day after he is fit to do his duty, so that by that he wishes to have as strong a force with him as possible. Lord Wellington has sent the whole of the Spanish army to the rear, they behaved so infamously to the inhabitants, they were not content with plundei'ing the different houses, but in many places they broke the limbs of the poor unfortunate people. And even the inhabi- tants of Spain came for miles and miles, when they heard of the advance of the army into France, and they returned with their mules laden with plunder. When Lord Wellington heard of this, he ordered our regi- ment to send out patrols and catch these plunderers and search their mules, and in the course of four or five days, I believe we sent in upwards of eight hundred of these rascals to head-quarters. They soon found out what our men were always patroling the country for, and for the last two or three days we were in France, the moment they saw a man of our regiment coming, they used to set off across the country as fast as they could.” The Hon. H. C. Lowther to the Earl of Lonsdale. 1814. Feb. 3rd, Hasparren. ‘‘ Every person seems to think that Lord Wellington will advance very shortly, and I should conceive it very probable that he would, for he cannot remain much longer in his present quarters unless he wishes to starve the inhabitants, for they are all crying out for bread, and they all agree in saying that they have not above a fortnight’s consumption left in their houses, and that they must either leave their homes and houses or starve. I believe it to be the case, for when the army first came into this country, both infantry and cavalry took every morsel of grain they could find in the houses for their horses and mules, and I know myself that our regiment has been in every house within ten miles of their present quarters, and that they could not find a grain of corn in any one of them, so that we must either advance to allow the inhabitants to get provisions, or on the other hand, if we remain in our present quarters these poor unfortunate people must remain at home and starve. The country now is nearly drained of everything, and there is scarcely a thing to be got but what comes from England. Our horses have been living these last three weeks upon nothing but chopped furze and about once a week we get about 10 lbs. of corn, every bit of hay and straw being consumed in the country. I am very sorry for the fate of these poor unfortunate in- habitants, for they are the best tempered race of people I ever met with, 0 69070. Q 2 242 and will do anything in the world you ask of them. I should conceive this country in time of peace, to he one of the richest and most beautiful countries in the world. There is not an inhabitant that does not possess a capital house, and as for anything like a poor cottage [it] is quite unknown in this country, and what is more surprising, there is not a single beggar to be met with, which is very different to Spain, for you cannot move in that country without having eight or ten at your heels. Some Spanish officers who arrived at this place two days ago, and who Avere sent from the interior to be exchanged, state that about 200 miles from hence they met two divisions of infantry and 2,500 cavalry marching towards Paris. The inhabitants informed us three weeks ago, that two divisions of Infantry had left Soult’s army, but very little credit was given to them as they bring in so many false reports. However their report is confirmed now, so that Soult’s army at present must be very weak. Their whole arinj* is under arms every morning an hour before daylight and remains so until 11 or 12 o’clock, for they expect to be attacked every day. The Spaniards have had a good deal of skirmishing with them lately, but the Spaniards run away in a most shameful manner.” The Hon. H. C. Loavther to the Earl of Lonsdale. 1814, Feb. 18th, Oregue, 2 leagues on the Hasparren side of St. Palais. — ‘‘ The army advanced on the 14th of this month, and the French retreated making but very little defence. Sir R. Hill had the com- mand of the right of the army which advanced on that day about one mile beyond Hellette which you will see by the map is about 12 miles distant from St. Jean Pied de Port. The French retreated after dark to a height about 3 miles in front of St. Palais, Avhere our army over- took them about 2 o’clock on Tuesday. There was skirmishing until dark and at 7 o’clock the British troops attacked them. They were taken quite by surprise as our troops advanced during the time our artillery kept a heavy fire upon the spot where the French were observed to take their position before dark. The English, Portuguese, and Spaniards, advanced at the same time in three different columns upon the height, and it being perfectly dark, the enemy were panic struck at the approach of the troops, and as they had not the slightest expecta- tion of an attack, they were not prepared for the reception of the allies, and from what I can learn they lost about 300 prisoners, a great number of officers. The slaughter on the enemy’s side was immense. They retreated that night beyond St. Palais, and are moving upon Peyrehorade as fast as they can. The advance of the British have crossed the river Avhich runs by St, Palais, and falls into the Adour and the following day the army crossed the river at St. Palais and Came, and what advance we have made since I am quite in the dark. Our regiment is now turning out to advance to a village about 6 miles beyond Came <;alled Arrante.” The Hon. H. C. Lowther to the Earl of Lonsdale. 1814, March 7th, Barcelona. — I ha\^e been ever since the 15th of last month wishing that we might halt a day that I might be able to send you a few lines to let you know how we were going on, but ever since thjit day until now we have not had an hour to ourselves. So what has been done in this country lately, I must refer you to his lord- ship’s despatches, for we never know what is passing on in the army excepting at the spot in which we are. I am happy to say, and you 243 will also be glad to hear that our regiment received thanks in general orders the day after the battle of Orthes for their steatly and gallant conduct on that day. We charged the infantry twice, tlie first time was early in the day, the second was about 5 o’clock in the evening, when we took twelve officers, and upwards of seven hundred men. We had three officers wounded and our loss was about thirty men killed and wounded. Thornhill I am sorry to say was badly Avounded, he has joined us since and is recovering fast. 1 was very much afraid that his wound was worse than it now appears to have been, for it was a thrust from a standard just below the ribs, the only standard that was taken on that day. He attributes his life being saved by my tumbliug over his opponent, for I saAV the perilous situation he was in, and galloping up to the man, my horse fell with me about two yards before I reached him, which knocked him over, and we all lay sprawling upon the ground together. However in the scuffle Monsieur lost his standard, and I had my sword fast round my wrist, which made him then A^ery civil, and beg for mercy, which I was glad to give him, for I should not have relished a poke from such a Aveapon in the least. The allies’ loss on that day was severe, OAving to the strong position they had to drive the enemy from. Soult is said to have declared to his officers and men, that the British with whatever force they could bring against him, could not drive him from those heights in three days. HowcA^er, he Avas egre- giously mistaken and his loss on that day is estimated at 10,000 men, including deserters after they were driA^en from their position, Avhich was late in the CA^ening, for our attack did not begin until past twelve o’clock. Their whole army was in confusion in a valley near Sault (sic) Sever, about one league and a half from Orthes, and if the country had been open, and not so very much enclosed as it was, their Avhole army must have been cut to pieces by the British caAMry. For the French troops Avere so tired they could not run, but were moving off as fast as they were able without looking behind them to see whether any troops were following them. They have retreated by St. Sever, and Avere making for Bordeaux, but hearing Sir J. Hope had crossed the Adoiir and might get there before them, they altered their course and are sup- posed to be making their way to Toulouse, to join Suchet at that town. They have blown up every bridge on the road, which has impeded us very much, and by which means they have got seA^eral days start of us, and unless Suchet’s army joins M. Soult, 1 do not believe we shall ever see his army again, for deserters are coming in every hour and there is scarcely a day passes without tAA^enty or 30 arriving. Our regimen at present is about a league in front of Barcelona on the Audi road, I believe we shall halt a few days for the Aveather has been very wet lately, Avhich has overflowed the rivers, so that we expect to remain in our present quarters until the weather gets more settled. Sir Rowland Hill gave the French division which was on the south side of the Adour a good drubbing the other evening. I was on picquet on the opposite side of the river close to the town of Air and saAv the whole affair. They drove the French in every direction and took a great many prisoners. Our loss was 150 killed and wounded. There is a report circulated that the allies have entered Paris Avithout a shot being fired, but whether it is the case or not we are quite ignorant.” The Hon. H. C. Lowther to the Earl of Lonsdale. 1815, August 23rd, Beauvais. — ‘‘ I have to thank you for your letter I received a fcAv days ago. I have been to Paris for this last week. Marshal Ney is arrived there, he came last Thursday, and his trial is Q 2 2 244 to come on in a very few days. He was taken in Switzerland at a relation’s house, by the Grens d’Armery, who followed him so close that he had been but a very few hours in the house before they came up. with him. Labedoyere was shot near Paris by a company of Grena-^ diers, on the very day that Ney arrived, and I hope he will have the- same fate. He deserves it richly. Troops are arriving in this country daily, and the general opinion seems to be that the army will not return home until near Christmas. The Duchess of Rutland passed through here on her way to Paris about a fortnight ago. The Prussians have taken a great number of pictures from the gallery and would have taken a vast number more, had not the other Powers interfered. I did not hear until a few days ago, the particulars of poor major Hodge’s death. The man who informed me was a private in the regiment, who had been wounded at the same time, and was passing through this town on his way to join the 7th. The facts are these, that Hodge charged on the I7th at the head of his squadron, against the enemy’s Lancers, who were formed up in the high road, in which charge his horse was killed and himself badly wounded, having a sabre cut across- the head, and his bridle hand nearly cut in two. He was taken pri- soner with two privates of the 7th who had their horses killed also, before they had gone 100 yards to the rear, the 7th charged the Lancers a second time and obliged them to retire, at which period the Lancers conceiving they were defeated, put to death their prisoners. Hodge was piked in two places through the neck and back, and he expired instantly. The soldier who told me this was within two yards of Hodge the whole time and was wounded himself in three places, having two pike wounds in his side and one on his head. This man was in hospital at Brussels at the time Mrs. Hodge was there, she went to see him, and asked him if he knew anything concerning her husband’s death, he gave her the whole account, but she would not believe a single word of it. Alas ! I am afraid she will find it too true.” IT.— MANUSCRIPTS AT WHITEHAVEN CASTLE. Roger Kirkby [M.P. for Lancaster] to his brother-in-law Christopher Lowther, High Sheriff of the county of Cumberland. 1641, July 5, [London] The House of Commons has declared that it is not fit that so much luxury should be used by sheriffs in their entertainments and attendants, and that no sheriff should give any entertainment to the judges, nor fees or gratuities to the judge’s men ; and this declaration the Lord Keeper is to acquaint the judges withal before they go in their circuits ; and the House is resolved to proceed to make an Act for the prevention of such in- conveniences for the future. However this is a sure opportunity to do both yourself and the country right. This I thought good to give you notice of as timely as possible, it being but the motion of yesterday, and so you may fit your occasions.” • • ‘Westerday I must tell you there appeared a little rub in our proceedings which is much feared by many and what effects it may produce is to be feared in- 245 deed. It was this, we had prepared two bills, one for the extirpa- tion of the Star Chamber, and regulating the Council board; and another for the taking away the High Commission Court. These we hoped should have passed, with the great bill of Poll money : but his Majesty gave his assent to the Poll bill, and took time to consider of the other two. This has begotten very much discontent amongst men especially in the City, so as it is thought the money will not be paid unless those bills pass ; but what will be the end no one knows. This great sum is to be received by all the sheriffs of England, and some are to return the money to York and some to London The want of money for the disbanding of the services, and the jealousies amongst men begotten by these plots and conspiracies and discontents about the Court, have put a delay and a stand in all other business ; and yet we. have sitten every day both forenoon and aftereven till 8 or 9 of the clock at night. The business now in hand is the charges against the Bishop (sic) of Canterbury, and the judges, the disbanding of the army, and the further discovery of Perlies (sic) plot, which by some men is much more feared than by others, being verily thought by many it will end in nothing. This day the King hath passed the two bills and all are well pleased, so that now there is no talk but of great disbanding, and the King’s going into Scotland.” Eoger Kirkby [M.P. for Lancaster] to his brother-in-law Christopher Lowther, High Sheriff of the county of Cumberland. 1641, July 10. — “The House of Commons continue in their resolu- tion concerning the entertainment of judges and the exorbitant fees and gratuities challenged by their men. There is a bill in the House which has been twice read against this abuse, and for the present there is a Committee appointed to draw a declaration to that purpose whereof I am one ; this day we are to meet about it. . . . For the judges we hear of none spoken of yet for our circuit but Serjeant Whitfeeld alone . For news I must refer you to the last, only this, the King has made his manifesto concerning the Queen of Bohemia, his sister, and her children; and the House of Commons has approved of it. . . For the Bishops’ bill, which is now the great work in agitation, and it is a great work indeed, for the settlement of the government of the Church doth depend upon it, is as yet but under commitment in our House and hath many rubs, going with much difficulty on ; so that if it pass as it is thought it will go off with much opposition ; and then what will be be done in the Lords’ house may be easily imagined.” The Same to the Same, 1641, August 12. . . . “For the judges Sir Robert Heath is to be your only judge. He will come from York to Appleby, and so to Carlisle, which will be the 2nd of September. I was with him, and did present your service to him, but for matter of his entertainment did not meddle because the House of Commons was still in hand with their declarations concerning these things, but was not finished when I came doAvn.” The Same to the Same. 1641, Aug. 15.-- On prLate matters. 2 246 Protestant Dissenters of Whitehaven. 1694, July 6, Whitehaven. — Memorial of the Protestant Dissenters to Sir John Lowther for the grant of “ so much ground as might serve the good intent and purpose of your humble servants who would not desire more in front than twenty yards and thirty yards backwards, in Hodgson’s Croft near the rivulet.” About 60 signatures attached — only 3 or 4 by mark. [1694, Hov. 5.] and 1694-5, March 20, Whitehaven. — Letters of thanks, signed by Elisha Gale and others, for the great favour conferred upon them by the grant of the above. William Penn to Sir John Lowther. 1701, June 16 lO O"™ ”), Pennsberry. — Honored Friend, I would not but have thought my selfe lost in thy country entertainments but I finde that Whitehaven is much kinder than Whitehall to Pennsylvania, for the one sends it good wishes and the other suffers itselfe to be mis- lead to crush such prosperous beginings. I retui*n my most hearty- acknowledgements for thy obligeing remembrance and beg the continu- ance of thy good word and wishes for our prosperity ; for whatever interested men suggest, we are an approved experiment what sobriety and industry can do in a wilderness against heats, colds, wants and dangers. The Crown gets best by us, but its officers less than by other Governments, and that’s our crime ; but time will sett truth in a better light, to which I adjourn my resentments. We thrive, our town, I think, too much for the country, not keeping a ballance in all things in Govern- ment is (perhaps) the hidden but sure cause of visible obstructions and entanglements in administration. I finde the country 70 miles back, the best land, Sasquehanah a glorious river boatable upon freshes. We are planted 170 miles upon Delaware, and in some places 16 miles back into the woods. Our staple corn and tobacco ; we are trying for rice, con- verted timber for shipping and hemp. Returns for England is what we want, and eitlier we must have less from thence or better ways of making them. Barbado’s and those Islands are our market and we are too hard for our neighbours in our flowr and bread, being the whitest and pre- ferred; we spare much of both to our neighbour colonys also, as New England, Maryland, Virginia, and Carolina, where wheat will hardly grow, but rice to perfection, and silk is got to a good pitch, and will cer- tainly be a commodity. We have had a good share of health since our arrival and my family encreast by a little son, and if ill treatment call us not home are like, if God please to prolong life, to pass away a year or two at least. Only my privat affairs could make me leave it any more, but they will compel it once again, and then it would not dis- please me to lay my bones where I have layd my labour, mony, and solicitation, in Pennsylvania. I shall close with this assurance that I am with great esteem and affection thy very faithfull Friend Wm. Penn.” Nicholas Lechmere to [James Lowther]. 1713, Sept. 17. — I am very sensible how much I am obliged to you for the success of my election. Your presence and favour was a balance to the good will of your brother Lawson, of which I had some account. By ali the computations I have beard of distinguishing between Whig 247 and I'ory, the latter are least 3 to 1 ; but on the Court test, which is, for or against the Bill of Commerce, ’tis believed the Bill has lost ground. [There are two or three letters previous to this touching Lechmere^s election for Cockermouth.] Henry Newman to the Honble. James Lowther, member of Parliament, at Whitehaven. 1713; October 8. — Young man’s Coffeehouse [London]. “ The Guardian was laid down this day senight and the Englishman is rise up to supply its place. The subject of it this day is what I have often heard you bewail, the loss of public spirits (sic) ; and therefore I have sent it for your meditation, it being some satisfaction to find others of the same sentiments with our selves tho’ upon a melancholy theme. That Mr. Steele is the author of this as much as he was of the other I believe I need not tell you, because his style discovers him in whatever he writes. He is very much threaten’d to be voted disqualified to serve this Parliament, but I hope with the help of you and some other of his friends he will be able to keep his seat General Cadogan is come over and has had a gracious reception as is said by the Govern- ment, and my Lord Tr r said t’other day at his levee we expect the Duke over in a little time, but whether he means anything or nothing by saying so time will unfold. I am sorry General Stanhope mis- carried at Cockermouth, but ’tis hoped he will be chose at Sarum- where Mr. (Fox ?) since his election is dead . . . Things abroad look as ever. M. Yillars is besieging Fribourg, and if Pr. Eugene can’t give him battle must in all likelihood carry it, and then nothing but a general battle can hinder his marching into Bavaria. There will be a great struggle in the City election next Monday, and ’tis thought the contest will end in choosing 2 W — gs and 2 T’s.” Henry Newman to the Honble. James Lowther, member of Parliament, at Whitehaven, 1713, October 20. — Whitehall The Poll (in the City) began yesterday se’night and is not yet ended, unless they have closed it by consent this evening when the Poll books yielded the following numbers Ward, 3,654. Hoare, 3,667. Scawen, 3,552. Mithers, 3,587. Heysham, 3,665. Cass, 3,633. Godfrey, 3,604. Nevvland, 3,655. Considering the great influence the magistracy, Common Council,, and Lieutenancy have over the City ’tis a wonder the W — gs have been able to make such a shew on this occasion as they have. Heny Newman to the Honble. James Lowther, member of Parliament, at Whitehaven. 1713, Nov. 3. — Whitehall Mr. St le under the title of Englishman continues to write verr freely and ’tis hoped will open some men’s eyes. Henry Newman to the Honble. James Lowther, member of Parliament, at Whitehaven. 1713, November 21, Whitehall. — The Treasury writers begin to be out of breath, and the W — gs to take heart, and if you’ll believe the Examiner of Monday last there are great prognostications that the present M y will not be of lon»^ 2 248 duration, though he trembles to think what will be the consequences of the W gs getting into the saddle again ; one of which he says will be to involve all Europe abroad in a Civil war. His Paper of yesterday says nothing on this head but gives notice of a voluntary resignation he is about to make of his paper, and to acknowledge that some of his adversaries have acted their parts pretty well, the Medley especially. The Englishman of last Thursday dissected the Jacobite folio about Hereditary Right, &c. so as to spoil effectually the market of the book, and to open the eyes of many people. Henry Newman to the Honble. James Lowther, member of Parliament, at Whitehaven. 1713, December 26, Whitehall. — My last was since the 10th of this month, but what day exactly I cannot tell. The subject of it was to give you an account of the meeting of some of your friends at the Leg tavern in Fleet Street the 9th, with a few of their acquaintance to the number of 21 English to give a dinner to the 10 French confessors that were then in town of those lately set at liberty from the galleys. The appearance was what I am sure would have pleased you, their modesty and behaviour was so moving, that after dinner a collection being pro- moted there was collected what you find a particular account of in the Paper accompanying this [jnissing^ .and ’tis hoped a considerable addi- tion will be made to it by some gentlemen in the City who would gladly have given their company at the entertainment, but it was fear’d their appearance would have been thought too ostentatious. [There are a few other letters of the same writer in 1718 and 1729, dated from the Middle Temple and Bartlett’s Buildings.] Bishop (Nicholson) of Carlisle to James Lowther at White- haven. 1714, October 9, Rose ... We continue here in the most pro- found quiet as to matters of election, every one taking it for granted there’s no room for the disturbers of our peace to fix a foot amongst us. Brigadier Stanwix has been happily instrumental in carrying one great point for Sir R. Sandford at Appleby. His brother Nevinson seem’d resolved to accept of the mayoralty, notwithstanding the due election (according to Charter) of Mr. John Ba}'nes. But the late mayor was at last persuaded to consider the hazard which he would be in by countenancing such illegal pretensions, and therefore resigned his staff to Baynes. Bishop (Nicholson) of Carlisle to James Lowther at White- haven. 1714, Oct. 20. . . . “ You he^r of Sir Con. Phipp’s commencing Dr. of Laws at Oxford, on the Coronation Day, and the reasons given for their conferring that mark of respect. They were — for his wise conduct in Ireland et propter insigneni defensionem Herois nostri Ocroniensis, an improper day for the playing of Ch.ampion Sacheverell against Champion Dimock.” Bishop (Nicholson) of Carlisle to James Lowther at White- haven. 1714, Dec. 4, Rose . . . What comforts I am to promise myself from my new brethren on the Bench I cannot yet tell. Dr. Wyn has the reputation of being a learned and good-tempered person. But my Lord of Cant, seems not to hope for the like respects in him, as in the 249 Bishop of Glocr. His promotion is chiefly owing to the E. of N., who (after his refusal of the see of St. A. for one or both of his own brothers) had the favour allow’d him of giving his third option to his son Mostyn’s friend. The good old man at Lambeth is not quite satisfy’d with this motley succession in the prelates of his province, since it affords no sure prospect of having any end put to his synodical squab- bles. Whether Dr. Phipps (as they call him) will have any further dis- tinguishing mark of the University’s favour for his heroic defence of their champion, time must shew. The fore-mentioned advancement of their Margaret Professor has so far transported some of the most sanguine advocates for the Irish Chancellor that they make use of it as a sure argument of the Court’s inclining to that party of men, as the only stanch supporters of monarchy. A few months more, it is hoped, will convince them of their mistake . . . I am sorry that Mr. Yates’s bodily infirmities have no due effect upon his mind. His picking up young (and loose) curates to call down fire from above on lukewarmness here below, shows what manner of spirit he is of. You are not, sir, to wonder at these intemperances amongst our country zealots; since those of the city are yet more inflamed. They do not only print and preach ; but pray in their pulpits, against the growth of the Lutheran Heresy, and ’tis not difficult to guess what’s meant by that behaviour. This forwardness will do good in the end.” Bishop (Nicholson) of Carlisle to James Lowther at White- haven. 1714-5, Feb. 19. — ^The inclos’d comes down from so good a hand that I cannot doubt of its being very just. I am also able to acquaint you (from the same hand) that the little misunderstandings, which seem’d to be arising amongst the great ones above are pretty well blown over. Enclosure.-— V headed Tories 151 Whigs 244 Queries 2 397 whereof State of Elections, Feb. 9.” Tories in posts at court 1 1 Whigs for Tories 117 Tories for Whigs 3 Whigs in two places 3 Bishop (Nicholson) of Carlisle to James Lowi'her at White- haven. 1714-5, Mar. 3. Bose.— About the election of members to Con- vocation — the old Proctors, Mr. Chancellor Tullie and Mr. Benson returned. “ I can honestly assure you that my nephew Rothery was not advised by Mr. Y[ates] in the preaching against slander ; for he gave us that sermon in my chapel, and ‘twas I who wished him to take it with him to Whitehaven.” Alludes to the new church at Whitehaven. 2 250 INDEX. A. Abercorn, Lord ; 119,120. Aberdour; 79. Abingdon, Earl of. Justice in Eyre ; 114. Accounts, public : Commissioners for auditing ; 192. number of, increased ; 192.! speedy liquidation of ; 193. Acton : Sheriff ; 69. sent for to answer contempt ; 69. Addamsonn, Mr., Primate of Edinburgh College: 84, 87. Addington, Mr. ; 225. Addison : Joseph, letter to ; 119. Thomas, letter of ; 100. Additional Force Act ; 182. Bill to repeal; 182. Pitt attaches greatest importance to ; 182. Admiral, Lord High ; 12, 13, 15 ; and see Villiers, George. “ Admiral, the cheerful ; ” 117. Admiralty, the ; 12, 13, 17, 105, 128, 162, 164, 199, 203, 205. does not allow of constant Parlia- mentary attendance ; 203. Adour river ; 242, 243. French on south side of, defeated ; 243. Adultery or fornication. Act for avoiding ; 62. Adventurers and Planters of the Bermu- das ; 33. Advocates, Scotch : called Expectants ; 82. exorbitant fees of ; 82. method of becoming ; 82. their pleading ; 82, 83. travel in France ; 82. African Company, the ; 102. castles and plantations of, in dan* ger; 102. Agincourt, battle of ; 35. Aglionby, J., letters of; 97, 99. Agna river, Spain ; 238. Agra river ; 240. Agriculture, improvement of, the truest patriotism ; 150. Air, town of, in France ; 243. Aire and Calder navigation ; 151. vast quantities of corn brought by; 151. Albemarle, Duke of ; 125. Alehouses : Act touching ; 58. licensing of ; 65. Alein, Henry, scandalous petition of; 67. Alexander; 28. Alienation, licence of ; 57. Alien Office, the ; 181. Aliens, King not to meddle with goods of; 56. Allegiance, oath of ; 71, 72. Allies, the (English, Spaniards, Por- tuguese, &c.) : losses of ; 243. reported to have entered Paris with out a shot ; 243. victory won by ; 242. Alneager, Deputy ; 30. Altar, the ; 71. Althorp, Lord, stands as M.P. for] Cam- bridge; 159. Althrop, letter dated from ; 121. Alum, price and supply of ; 95. America : breach with England must be ce- mented with blood of the advisers ; 135. the French abandon all ; 132. open rupture with (1775) ; 135. patent to restrain free fishing in ; 30. war with, the horrid, wicked, and abominable ; 138. American Intercourse Bill, the ; 195. American storm, the (1775) ; 135. Amiens, peace of ; 225. Anabaptists, reported rising of ; 92. Anarchy; 43. Angerstein, Mr. ; 171,176. Annan river; 75. Anne, Queen; 117, 121. Council of ; 117. restores the Duke of Ormond to the government of Ireland; 118. Annesley, Sir Francis ; 40. Antichrist, the pope is not ; 43. Apethorpe, letter dated from ; 148. Apparel : Bill of; 8, 15. Bill in Parliament touching ; 34. Appleby; 77, 100, 121, 122, 129, 134, 140, 245, 248. assize sermon at ; 122. refuted by Judges’ charge to grand jury ; 122. 251 Appleby — cont. letters dated from ; 90 (2), 130. Mayors of; 121, 124, 248; and see Tufton, Mr. Quakers in gaol at ; 92. Castle ; 80. Aquavitse; 75. Archbishop, the, confirms election of bishops; 67. Arche, Lord Maxfield’s steward ; 75. Arey : Dorothy ; 90, 91, 92. Margaret; 91,92. Mary ; 91. Jiichard; 91. Argyll : Earl of (1629); 83. - — — eldest son of, is a Protestant ; 83. Arland, Sir Francis, ISl.P. ; 38. Arlington Street : letters dated from ; 133, 139 (2), 159, 163, 169, 196. Arminian doctrine fostered in Court ; 40. faction, the ; 37. — countenanced at Court ; 44. Arminianism, 15, 45, 63, 64, 65, 66, 68. books concerning ; 65, 66. and popery, King will suppress; 45. half popery ; 31. Arminians, 66, 67. books against ; 44. opinions of the ; 43, 67, 68. Armitage, Sir John, letter of ; 92. Arms and tents, &c., for regiments in Portugal; 117. Arms : Bill of ; 54. levying of ; 41. Army of reserve, Yorke’s Bill for sus- pending; 152. Army, the : averse to religion ; 40. Bill for disbanding committed in the Lords; 112. (1641) disbanding of; 245. increased by 300 men a week ; 178. King would be content with 15,000 men; 108. rate (1763) ; 132. reduced by vote of the Commons ; 108. standing ; 108. Arrante ; 242. Arthuret ; 75, 88. church of; 74. — — built by stock ; 74. parson of; 74. Articles of Church of England ; 64, 66, 68 . agreed at Lambeth ; 64, 66, 68, 69. Articles of religion, the, framed in 1562 ; 66 . confirmed by Act of Parliament ; 66. Arundel, Earl of (1733) ; 125 ; and see Howard, Thos. Ash, Mr.; 119. Ashley : Sir Anthony; 13. Lord ; 95. Askerton Kirk ; 76. Vicar’s house at ; 76. Askham ; 90. Assize : justices of; 77. sermons ; 122. refuted by Judges’ charges to grand jury ; 122. Assizes; 1. Association, Articles of ; 137. Astorga, letter dated from ; 234. Atalanta (Miss Mary Lowther ?) ; 228. Atclinson, Scotch coin ; 87. Atkins : Doctor ; 3, 4, 5. Lieutenant, oldest lieutenant in Duke of Eichmond’s corps ; 131. Atkinson : Jennat (Janet) ; 91, 92. Mr.; 100. Eobert ; 92. Attainder ; 49, 50. for high treason ; 34. is and works a release in law ; 50. Attorney General, the; 54, 55, 61, 72, 106, 117, 164; and see Heath, Sir Eobert. chamber of ; 61. examination of ; 72. warrant of; 61. Auckland, Lord ; 198, 225. Auditors of public accounts ; 192. in Somerset Place ; 192. Aurum purum ; 53. Austerlitz, victory of ; 197. Austria, the House of ; 62. Austrians, the, forces raised by ; 195. Avoirdupois weight ; 86. Ayle river ; 7 6. B. Bacon, Francis, Viscount St. Albans, Lord Chancellor; 21, 22. Bailiffs’ fees, reprisal of ; 13. Baily, Dr., attends Mr. Pitt ; 155, 156. Baker, a barber ; 6, 9. Balan, — , suit of; 21. Ball, Mr., M.P. ; 49. Ballmannoe and Aughchinfleck, Lord of ; 87. Baltic Sea ; 62. Bampton ; 90,91. Banbury : Baron Page attempts to corrupt the town of ; 123. election at; 123. Bangor, Bishop of, proceedings in High Commission against; 16. 2 252 Bank Directors, the ; 181. Bank of England ; 103. Banks, John, M.P. ; 50, 52, 53, 54. report of ; 51. Banqueting House, the j 61. Barhadoes ; 246. Barcelona; 105. relief of ; 118. letter dated from ; 242. Barlow, Dr. Thomas, letters of ; 93, 94. Baronets of England ; 42. Barons [of the Exchequer ?] ; 17. Barrington, Lord; 128, 130. department of ; 130. Bartlett, Captain ; 88. his brother ; 88. Bartlett’s Buildings; 248. Barton, Westmoreland; 89. incumbent of. See Eoharts, Timothy. Barwick or Barrick : John ; 90. Eichard ; 90, 92. Bastards dying intestate, administration of goods of ; 55, 56.' Bath ; 114, 116, 152, 213, 215, 217. Bath, Earl of. See Granville, John. Bathurst : Lord, Master of the Mint; 164, 169, 174, 176, 214, 221. letter of; 191. dinner given by ; 180. Bragge ; 205. Baupage, John ; 60. Bavaria ; 247. Baylay, Mr., M.P. ; 117. Baynes, John, elected Mayor of Ap- pleby; 248. Bayonne: French retreat beyond ; 238. Wellington’s headquarters near ; 238. Baytingbush ; 88. Beachy Head ; 17. Beacons ; 88. Beal [Eobert ?], late Clerk of Parliament; 26, 27. Beauvais, letter dated from ; 243. Becher, Sir William, M.P. ; 37. Beckelsone, — ; 13. Beckett, Sir John, letter of; 149. Belfast, letter dated from ; 102. Bellenden, Lord, letter of ; 147. Bellingham, Allan, J.P. ; 92. Bell-wind, Edinburgh ; 80. Belvoir Castle, letter dated from ; 139. Bench, the ; 190. Judge can only be removed from, for misconduct as Judge; 170. of Bishops ; 248. Benefices, non-residents and plurality of ; 65. Bemiet, Henry, Mr. Secretary (afterwards Lord Arlington) ; 93. Benson, Mr. ; 249. Bentinck : J.ord W. ; 236. retreat of army of; 236. William, Earl of Portland, letters of; 108 (2), 109, no (2), 112, 115. Bentinck, William, Earl of Portland — cont, goes to Holland ; 115. horses presented to ; 109, 112. Bergara; 236. Berkeley, Lord ; 105. Berkeley Square, London ; 176. letters dated from; 174, 180, 181, 212, 227. Berkshire, Earl of ; 13. Berlin ; 181. the French at ; 218. matters at, irretrievable ; 218. Bermudas, the ; 33. adventurers and planters of; 33. petition concerning; 33. commodities transported from ; 33. Bertie, Lady Mary ; 95. Berwick ; 35, 75, 98. capture of, temp. Edward III. ; 19. Betwin, Doctor; 4. Bidassoa river, Spain ; 237. Wellington passes ; 237. Bilbao ; 103, 234, 235. letters dated from ; 234, 235, 236. French prisoners at ; 235. wounded at ; 235. Bills : public and private ; 58. answers to ; 58. repealing of ; 194. Binning, Lord ; 180, 215, 220, 225, 229. as eldest son of a Scotch peer ineligible for any seat in Scotland ; 220. fails to obtain a seat in Parliament ; 220. likely to be out of Parliament; 229. most enthusiastic worshipper of Mr. Pitt; 220. Biscay, the Gates of ; 237. Biscayans the worst conditioned people in Spain ; 235. Bish, [Edward], M.P. ; 14, 27, 42. Bishops, the ; 63. Bench of ; 248. Bill concerning; 245. opposition to ; 245. form of electing ; 67, 69, 70. altered by statute ; 67. Irish ; 119. sloth, luxury, &c., of ; 66. Bisley, Glouc. ; 18. Black dog, Scotch coin ; 87. Blackheath ; 198. Blackstone ; 169. Blaikston (Blagston ?) ; 1. Bland : Peter; 60, 62. William ; 90. — ; 55. Blasphemers, palm or ferula for ; 78. Bleckhall (Blackball ?) ; 88. Blencathara or Saddleback mountain ; 154. Bligh or Blyth, Mr. ; 119, 120. exorbitant proceedings of ; 119. petitions of and against ; 119. Blunt, Father ; 71. Bod well or Both well. Lord ; 76. Boeotian fog caused hy the Cabinet; 226. 253 Bointon, Sir J. ; 96. Bolingbroke, Lord ; 151. Bolton, Duchess of (1804) ; 153. Bolton or Boulton, John; 90, 92. Bonaparte : Joseph, King of Naples ; 196, 205. Louis; 196. Napoleon; 196, 197, 198, 199, 218, 235. — campaign of, in Russia ; 240. changeableness of; 196, 197, 198, 199. complaints of French against ; 235. the disturber of nations ; 227, 234. ferocity of ; 234. Government of, horrible pro- ceedings of ; 235. South of France rebels against ; 235. expected to dictate peace ; 197. terms upon which he will make peace; 196. reported missing ; 240. Bongate ; 90. Books, printing of orthodox, hindered ; 40. Booth : SirT.; 127. ; 100 . Bordeaux; 243. Borderers ; 82. Borders, the ; 83. Borough-barony, a ; 77. Boroughs; 137. called the rotten parts of the Con- stitution ; 1"7. officers of militia Parliamentary candidates for ; 215. rotten, 137. — — to be reformed ; 137. members of Parliament from ; 137. Borthacke Castle ; 78. Borthwick ; 88. Bourne, Mr. ; 153. Bowbells Church, London ; 84. Bowdler : Mr. ; 55, 56. — case of ; 55. Bowling Green, the ; 118. Bowman, Robert ; 90, 91, 92. Bownas, Anthony ; 90, 92. Boyde, Sir Anthony ; 30. Boyle, Richard, Earl of Cork ; 48, 49, 50. counsel of ; 48. right of, in Munster ; 48. Braddyll, — ; 146. Bragge, Mr. ; 214. BraitWait, Rich., J.P., declaration by ; 90. Thomas, J.P., letter of ; 96. Bray den ; 13. Brecon county. Lord Camden elected for ; 217. Brennus the Gaul ; 228. Brevium returna ; 54. Brewers : imposition on ; 33. Brewers — cofit. King indebted to ; 33. refuse to serve the King ; 33. society of, Edinburgh ; 84. — — are Englishmen ; 84. Bridges, tolls for repair of ; 50. Bridgewater, Lord ; 176, 225. Bristoe (Bristol) : Earl of; 11 ; and see Digby, John. charges treason on Buckingham f 15. Bristol : Earl of ; 32. witnesses against ; 32. for; 32. Lord; 170, 174. — — motion by, in the House of Lords; 169, 174. Britain ; 85. British successes in Calabria ; 205. Britons, South ; 117. Brittany ; 86. Britton, Sir H. ; 16. Bromley; 180. Hill; 178, 195, 198. letters, &c., dated from; 195, 197, 198, 199, 204, 205, 213 (2), 217, 218, 224, 227, 229, 230. Bromley, Sir H. ; 26. charged for meddling in succession ; 26. Brooks, Lord; 96. Brougham Hall ; 182, Brougham, Mr. Henry; 182, 183, 184. letter of ; 184. champion of Mr. Pitt’s party; 183,- 184. desires to enter Parliament ; 183. father of; 182. comes of an old family ; 182. resides in London ; 183. extremely good speaker; 183. very extraordinary talents of; 183. work by, on Colonial policy of Eng- land; 183. writes in the “ Edinburgh Review ; ” 183. Brougham, Browham Castle ; 89. custody of ; 89. garrison of ; 89. Governor of. See Lowther, Sir JohUo provision in ; 89. Brown, Mr. ; 191. Browne : Ambrose, M.P. ; 54. J. Hawkins, letter to ; 148. Mr., M.P.; 4, 19, 26, 49. , estate of ; 71 . Brumfield manor ; 56. Brunswick, House of ; 146. Bruntelin; 79, 80, 85. ^ harbour, town, and borough of re- gality ; 79. church at ; 79. Lord of. See Melvin. Brussel ; 17. Brussels, hospital at ; 244. Bubbe, Captain ; 98, 99. 2 254 Bubbe, Captain— co«^. stands for election to Parliament ; 98. lodgings of ; 99. Buckden ; 167, 171, 173. Buckbolme bouse ; 78. wood called the ; 78. Buckingham : Countess of ; 44. Duke of. See Villiers, George, Marquis of (1806) ; 196. Buckinghamshire : Lord (1806), to have an office not in the Cabinet ; 162. sheriff of ; 33 ; and see Coke, Sir Edward. Bucplewe (Buccleugh?), Lord; 75, 76. land and coal pits of; 75. Buildings, proclamation for ; 44. Bullion; 15, 52, 53. and money, exchange of ; 53. • none shall buy ; 52. restraint of ; 53. Bulstrode, Sir William ; 7. Bulwarks, statutes for making of ; 52, 53. Burdett : Sir F. ; 224. principles of, hostile to the con- stitution ; 224. Burgundy and Champagne; 176. Burie, Adam de; 17. Burke, — ; 135. Burlemacke (Burlamachi) : Mr. ; 34, 41. — has permission to transport ord- nance ; 41. Burley, Lord ; 87. Burn foot, the ; 76. Burne, Mr. ; 1 80. Burrow, Edward ; 92. Burton Pynsent, letter dated from ; 146. Bury ; 171. Bute : Earl of (1762), 134. letters of; 131, 132, 133. is the mark for the party watch- word ; 131. is to be arraigned before the Lords ; 131. opposition of the Junto to ; 132. Countess of (1768), letter of ; 134. Butler, James, Duke of Ormonde ; 121. restored to government of Ireland; 118. speech to; 121. Byrom, letters dated from ; 121, 126. c. C., Captain, Governor of Carlisle (1688) ; 97. Cabinet, the (1806) ; 159, 162, 163, 169, 170, 198, 205, 226. to consist of nine Foxites and four Grenvilles; 162. impropriety of the Chief Justice being in; 198. great measures omitted by ; 226. qualities of the members of ; 226. Councils; 123, 141. Cadogan, General; 247. Calabria, British successes in ; 205. Calais ; 17, 33. plot employed upon, intended for St. Lucar ; 40. statute for maintaining ; 54. Calder and Aire navigation; 151. Calthrop, Mr., M.P. ; 36. Calves ; 1 . Camhii Cusfos ; 36. Cambii officium ; 52, 53. Cambridge ; 159, 173, 174. University; 140, 186. Chancellor of ; 31,32; and see Villiers, George. Members of Parliament for ; 140, 141. Mr. Pitt, the younger, a candi- date for; 135. Vice-Chancellor, doctors, proc- tors, &c. ; 3 ] . Camden, Lord (1796); 147, 155, 159, 169, 171, 173, 174, 175, 176, 180, 205, 213, 214, 215,219, 221. letters of; 159, 163, 169, 196, 230. elected for co. Brecon ; 217. loses Bath by one vote ; 217. Camdowes, a kind of trout ; 85. Came ; 24^ Campanella ; 43. Campbell, Lord Frederic ; 179. on very intimate terms with Pitt ; 179. Canary merchants, the ; 103. Canning, George; 158, 174, 176, 178, 179, 180, 207, 208, 211, 213, 214 215,230. letters of; 164, 166, 181, 200, 202, 206, 209, 212, 218, 219, 220, 222, 227. letters to ; 215, 218. negotiations with Lord Grenville ; 200, 201, 202, 205, 206, 207, 208, 209, 211, 213, 214, 219, 223. totally unprovided with a seat ; 215. returned for Newtown ; 219. finds a seat in the Isle of Wight; 219. Canongate, Edinburgh ; 84. Canon Law, the ; 70. Canonby; 75. Canterbury : Archbishop of (21 E. II.); 20. (1806) ; 193. (1714) ; 248, 249. called “ the good old man at Lambeth ” ; 249. province of, motley succession in pre- lates of 249. 255 Canterbury, province of — co?it. synodical squabbles in ; 249. Cape of Good Hope ; 196. capture of ; 172. Capons ; 1 . Carew, Mr., M.P. ; 54. Carhampton : Lord, 147. park of, near Dublin ; 147. two men murdered in the lodge of ; 147. Carie, Sir Kobert ; 5. Carleton, Sir Dudley, Vice-Chamberlain; 3, 7, 10, 15, 16, 18, 21, 22, 23, 24, 25, 26, 27, 28. letter of ; 17. speech of ; 22, 23. Carlisle, Lord ; 97, 98. Carlisle; 1, 74,75, 79, 86,88, 126, 127, 129, 146,213,233, 245. bishopric of; 154. Castle ; 99. Common Council of ; 98. corporation ; 98. Dean of ; 151. election W ; 97, 98. garrison of; 98, 99. garrisoned by rebels ; 126. governor of ; 97, 98, 99, 100. letters dated from ; 97 (2), 99. lieutenant governor of ; 127. market ; 1. Mayor of ; 99. reported to be burnt by the Scots ; 88. resort of disaffected Scots ; 126. value [of bishopric ?] of; 232. Carlos, Don; 236, 237. commands the Spaniards -before Pam- peluna; 236. Carlton House, letters dated from ; 142 (2), 146. Carmarthen, Lord (1785) ; 141. Carmerden, [Richard] ; 60. Carolina; 246. rice and silk produced in ; 246. Carrington : Lord ; 156, 157, 158, 221, 228. M.P. ; 7. Cartavum Confirmationes ; 54. Cartmell : Elizabeth ; 92. William ; 92. Cartwright, Mr., M.P. ; 172. Carvell, [John], M.P. ; 7, 16. Cary, Lord; 13. Cass, Mr. ; 247. Cassiobury ; 157. document dated from ; 160. Cassiopceia, chair of ; 19. Castilians, the ; 40. Carstle Howard ; 215. Castlereagh, Lord (1806) ; 158, 159, 161, 164, 165, 174, 180, 213, 214, 215. Castles or Wtresses; 12. Catechisms made and confirmed by Act of Parliament ; 68. Catholics, Roman, of England ; 40- Catterick ; 146. Cattle, statutes concerning ; 52. Cavan ; 230. Cavendish : William, Earl of Devonshire; 41, 42. Lord ; 42. Cawthorne, Mr. ; 215, 225. Chalcedon, Bishop of ; 71. Chamber, Alan, of Kendal, agent, letter of; 122. Chambers, Dr. ; 2, 5, 9. Chancellor, the, 19, 50; (1629) 73 ; (1705' 118. Lord, 125, 226. foreman of jury in Scotland called; 75. of the Exchequer (1806), 160, 193, 226 ; and see Petty, Lord Henry. , Ireland; 120. behaviour of, in Parliament ; 120. fees of ; 120. of Ireland ; 107. of Scotland, the ; 80, 81, 82. Mr.; 41, Chancery; 8,19,50. case of two knights in ; 14. Court of decree in ; 14. reversed ; 60. act for confirmation of ; 62. Chaplin, — ; 136. Charles, Prince, afterwards Charles I. ; 11. match with Spain proposed ; 11. Pope tries to convert ; 11. Charles I., King of England ; 2-^^, passim. letters of ; 32, 33. answers to ; 66. answers of; 18, 24, 30, 31, 41, 42. 44, 47, 48, 59, 69. Armiuianism of ; 65. assent of, to poll-money and other Bills; 245. to petition of both Houses; 50. claims tonnage and poundage as necessity, not a right ; 64. conspiracy against, when Prince ; 11, 20 . Council of ; 33, 73. at Council table ; 74. debts of ; 33. disabled b}" grants and pensions ; 13. dissolves Parliament ; 33, 38. diverted from calling Parliaments ; 35. estate of ; 13. extorts fees ; 7. family of; 34. gives directions by word of mouth ; 71, 12. gives divers answers to the Puritans ; 67. gives way against Buckingham ; 10. goes to Scotland, 245. Government of; 24, 27, 31, 33, 38, 63. his heart firm to religion ; 45. household; 51. never intends to debar himself of ton- nage and poundage ; 58. lands of ; 56. licence granted by ; 65. 2 256 Charles I. — cont, manifesto of ; 245. match with Spain proposed ; 15. medals of; 133. messages from; 14, 15, 16, 25, 32, 33, 34, 36, 37, 38 (3), 42, 51, 53, 58, 61, 64, 65, 74. to; 14, 32, 38, 54. misinformed ; 25, 44. mutability of; 67. his necessity ; 3, 34, 66. recusants’ lands to supply ; 14. person of; 52. attempted by Buckingham ; 28. safety of, feared ; 36, 38, 47. petitions to ; 15, 41, 50, 54, 55, 63, 64, 67, 68. prepares a fleet ; 62. prerogative ; 23, 24, 32, 63, 65, 67. proclamations of ; 58. profession of religion scandalised ; 63. progenitors of ; 57, 58. prorogues Parliament ; 53. remonstrances to ; 15, 38, 39, 47, 48, 57, 64, 66. reprieve by ; 71, 72. will not restrain just liberties of the subject; 38. revenue of; 2, 7, 11, 15, 16, 18,28, 29, 33, 51,68. misemployed; 2, 13, 17, 28. to be rectified and augmented ; 18, 51. rights of ; 58. scandal in words taken by ; 22. sells honours ; 12. sister of. See Elizabeth, Queen of Bohemia, ships ; 45, 62, 88. speeches of; 58, 59, 63, 65. will suppress Popery and Arminian- ism ; 45. usury practised by ; 7. wardrobes; 51. warrants of ; 27, 61, 71. to buy horses and arms ; 41. works with the hands and sees with the eyes of others ; 46. Charles II. ; 05. the only gentleman who ever sat on throne of England ; 215. Gentleman of the Bedchamber ; 95. Charles St., London ; 140,164, 170, 185. letters dated from ; 184, 195. Chars; 85. Chatham ; Earl of. See Pitt, John, and Pitt, William. Lady, illness of ; 162. Cheder’s case ; 73. Chelsea House; 2. Chertsey, letters dated from; 157, 158, 167, i72, 173, 177, 185. Chester; 101,191. CO.; 191. Dean of (ISOO'). See Cholinondeley, Hugh. Chevely, letter dated from ; 135. Chief Justice, the ; 50. of the Common Pleas (1691); 103. Children, Bill to prevent sending of, over sea ; 56, 58. Cholraondeley, Hugh, Dean of Chester; 172, 173, 177, 179, 186. Christchurch : Government interference in election at; 227. letter dated from ; 205. Christianity, works on ; 151. Chubb, Mr. ; 151. Church : government, motion for change in; 26. livings ; 7. of England ; 97. liturgy of ; 90. settlement of the government of; 245. the primitive ; 66. statute concerning non-attendance at; 89. Churches in Scotland, condition of ; 75, 76. Churchill, John, Duke of Marlborough ; 118. Chute, Mr., M.P. for Hants ; 205, 213, 219. contributions for ; 205. proscription of, for supporting Pitt’s measures ; 205. Cicero; 28. Cinque Ports; 2, 17, 21. Wardenry of ; 12. Circuit of the Judges ; 101. Pardon ; 101. Citrons, juice of, used in plaster j 6. Clancarty, Lord ; 215. Clare, Lord ; 74, 148. Lady; 33. Claremont, letters dated from ; 124, 131. Clarence, Duke of, accusation against;. 18, 20. Clark, Mr., M.P. ; 3. Clarke, Catherine; 91. Cleke geese, the ; 83. Clergy, subsidy from; 58. Clerkenwell, prisoners taken at ; 71. Clifford, [Henry], Lord ; 88. letters and warrant of ; 88. Sir Thomas; 95. Clifton, the rebels at ; 127. Clipping, — ; 97. Clitherow, [Christopher], Alderman of London, M.P. ; 34. Close Bolls, the ; 73. Closet, the King’s ; 135. Cloth, imprest on ; 30. Cloths, dispensation for ; 30. Cloudsdaile, Eleanor ; 92. Clyde river ; 75. Coal, found but between Trent and Tay; 83. imposition on ; 65. pits, accident at; 96. Coalition Government (1783), the ; 228 . 257 Coals, new surveyorship of ; 30. imposts on ; 30. Cochineal ; 12. Coekermouth ; 127, 221. buying of burgages in ; 127. election at; 127. breeds ill blood ; 127. for (1713); 246, 247. people of, afraid to lose power of electing: 127. Cockpit, the ; 128, 228. Coe, Mr., of St. Giles’s, a schoolmaster ; 107. family and school of ; 107. Coinage, the ; 54. Coins, Scotch ; 87. Coke, Sir Edward, Secretary of State ; 33, 34, 35, 37, 40, 42, 46, 49, 50, 51, 52, 54, 55, 59, 73. allowed privilege of Parlia- ment; 33, 73. made Sheriff of Buckingham ; 33. served with a subpoena ; 33. Sir John ; 61, 63. Colin, — , Lord of Weemes ; 80. Coll, Boozy Mrs. ; 118. College-wind, Edinburgh ; 80. Collins, papers of the Sidney family pub- lished by ; 151. Collum, — ; 30. Combe; 18. Commerce ; Bill of (1713; ; 247. has lost ground ; 247. Commines, Philip, saying of; 21. Commissary’s court, Edinburgh ; 80, 81. Judges of ; 81. Commission for Impositions ; 44. Commissions; 49, 50, 52. Commodities, prices of; 1. Common law, the ; 53. Common Pleas : Court of ; 50, 56. Judges of ; 104. Chief Justice of the ; 103. Common Prayer : Book of; 43, 68. incumbent apprehended for refusing to read ; 89. Commons, House of (1626) ; 1-33, pas- sim : adjournment of ; 31. affronted by election of Buckingham as Chancellor of Cambridge ; 31. Bills in ; 15, 16, 17, 18, 26, 29, 30, 31, 32. ■ engrossed ; 31. Committees, select ; 1 (5), 8, 9. Chairman of ; 1. — — procedure of; 1, 2, 16. compared to the earth ; 19. conference with Lords ; 25, 27, 30, 31. contempt of ; 31, 32. defaulters in ; 31. divisions in ; 21. door of, members seized at ; 24. o 69070. Commons, House o^--cont. fundamental law of ; 23. impeach Duke of Buckingham ; 2, 14,. 16, 21, 25, 27, 28, 31. key of ; 23. letter from ; 32. members of; 1, 8, 19, 23, 24, 25, 26, 29. High Commissioners ; 14. ■ papers and lodgings of, ran* sacked ; 24. message to ; 32. from ; 32. Orders of; 1, 14, 15, 23, 24, 29>. petition to ; 11. — — from ; 23, 30. precedents; 1, 14. possess liberty of speech ; 29. no power but to fine and imprison ; 29. proceed Parliamentarily ; 33. protest ; 33. remonstrance of; 23, 24, 26, 27, 29. for imprisonment of members ; 24. resolutions of ; 2, 4, 8 (2), 9 (4), 10,. 14, 19, 21, 23, 25, 29, 33. — ~ to proceed in no business until righted in their liberties ; 23. Speaker of ; 8, 11, 14, 15, 16, 20, 27, 28, 29, 32. shun aspersion of King’s Government ^ 24, 25. subsidy roll belonging to ; 27. writs out of; 33. (1628-9), ^k-14 passim. adjournment of; 38, 55, 57, 58, 74, Bar of ; 51. Bills in ; 33, 34, 42, 47, 48, 49, 50, 52, 54, 56, 57, 58, 60, 62, 63. ■ engrossed ; 52. censure King’s commands ; 73. Clerk of ; 57, 58. Committee Chamber ; 52. Committees, for Privileges; 59, 60 - — Select ; 33, 39, 52. Standing ; 59. Chairmen of; 35, 37, 39, 41, 50, 54, 61, 66, 68, 69, 70, 71, 73. procedure of; 39, 61. conferences with Lords ; 35, 41, 47, 48, 50, 64, 66. contempt of ; 61, 69. a Court of justice ; 41. customs to be granted by ; 54. fears of ; 36. impeach Doctor Mannering ; 47. jurisdiction of ; 52. lawyers of ; 67. liberties of ; 37, 38, 39, 44, 49, 51, 59, 62. members of; 37, 51, 52, 57, 60, 73. elections of; 59, 60. have no privilege in recess ; 73. messages to ; 34, 36, 37, 38 (2), 41 (2), 49, 51, 53, 54, 58, 61, 65, 74. from ; 38. opinion of ; 56. R 2 258 Commons, House of — cont. Orders of; 34, 52, 57, 58, 64, 67, 70. petition to ; 33, 67. from ; 39, 50, 54, 63. precedents ; 54. possess liberty of speech ; 37. printer of ; 59, 60, 61. protestation of ; 37. remonstrance of; 38 39, 47, 48, 54, 55, 57, 58, 64, 66. resolutions of; 36, 37, 38, 39, 41, 45, 50, 51, 52, 54, 55, 56, 59, 60, 61, 63, 67. Right, petition of ; 41, 42, 47, 48, 49, 57. Speaker of ; 34, 36, 37, 47, 48, 52, 58, 59, 60, 68, 73. subsidies propounded by ; 48. time of limited ; 35. (1641) ; 244, 245. Bills in ; 244, 245. royal assent to ; 245. Committees of ; 245. declares the luxury of the sheriffs unfit; 244. long sittings of; 245. (1681) ; very roughly dealt with ; 96. have no virtue left but patience ; 96. (1698) ; 109. Bills in; 109, 110, 112. dispute with Lords ; 110. great project before ; 110. leaders of; 108. temper of ; 108. vote of, to reduce the army; 108. sessions of; 110. (1705) ; committee of, upon Scotch affairs; 118. debate in; 117,118. gallery of, full of peers ; 118. new northern brethren in ; 118. Speaker; 117. (1722) ; 123. Bar of ; 123. Baron Page accused in, of corrupting a borough; 123. (1755) ; 128. elections to; 128. Henry Fox leader of ; 128. meeting of; 128. officers members of; 128. (1764); severe attendance in ; 133. (1780-81) ; Committees of, for con- tested elections ; 137. members of to be annually elected ; 138. Mr. Pitt’s first apnearance in; 139, 140. (1788) ; 143. Bills in; 163. Committee of, on the state of the Nation ; 142, 143. direct communication with Prince of Wales; 142. discussion in, against the Prince ; 142. some persons in support the Prince ; 142. resolutions in ; 142, 143. Commons, House of — cont. (1806) ; 158, 159, 165, 167, 169, 171, 176, 182, 192, 195, 197, 199, 205, 230. letter dated from ; 182. Bills in; 182, 192, 193, 194, 195. Committee table ; 183. debates in ; 180, division in ; 171, 176, 177. Government have not an easy time in ; 199. needs strengthening in ; 199. leader in ; 203. members of late Government in ; 232. motion in, for a public funeral to Mr. Pitt; 160. new, state of, compared with the old ; 230. opposition in; 174, 175, 177, 178, 180, 181,182, 199, 208, 214. perturbed spirits in ; 174. returns of members of ; 230. sense of ; 232. on Mr. Pitt’s military system ; 182. Treasury Bench in ; 202. Commons, part of Republic ; 18. Commonwealth, the ; 89. Communion table, the : change in position of ; 71. stood like a table in an alehouse ; 71. Confidence, the, pinnace ; 88. Conge d’elire ; 67. Cories ; 1 . Coningsby, Lord, letter of ; 111. Constitution, the ; 222, 224, 226. unprecedented breach of ; 163. fundamental principles of ; 145. Parliament alone can secure ; 133. poise and balance of ; 145. saved from the revolutionary prin- ciples of France ; 190. struggles of Pitt to preserve; 189, 190. Continent, the ; 234. disasters on ; 230. discussion on conduct of Pitt’s go- vernment on ; 163. English affairs on, mismanaged ; 183. troops return from; 163. the late confederacy formed on ; 183. Continental measures of Mr. Pitt; 195. Conty, le Prince de ; 109. Conventicles, Act to prevent and suppress seditious ; 90. Convocation ; 66. election of members to ; 249. House of ; 34. but a provincial synod ; 65. Conway : Edward Lord, Secretarv of State ; 7, 21 . Earl of, letter to ; 95. — park of ; 95. takes pleasure in building ; 95. Cook, Sir Thomas, charity of ; 116. 259 Cope : Sir Anthony, M.P. ; 26. Sir John; 123. Copperthwait, Guy ; 90. Corby ; 99, 100. Core, col (?) ; 9. Coriton, Mr., M.P. ; 20, 39, 41, 46, 57, 61, 63. Cork, Earl of. See Boyle, Eichard. Corn; 149, 150, 151. crops ; 149. high price of ; 62, 149. laws; 150. magazines of; 149, 151. monopoly of ; 149. and provision freighted for Spain ; 62, 65. _ Eepresentation of the Privy Council concerning; 149. scarcity of; 149, 150. Scotch measures of ; 86. Cornwallis, Lord ; 162. Coronation Day, the ; 248. Corporations all derived from the King ; 32. Corrington, Mr., M.P. ; 15, 25. Corsican, the (Bonaparte), ferocity of; 234. Cosins (Cosens), Dr., chaplain to the Bishop of Winchester ; 63, 66. Cottesmore ; 164, 217, 233. Cottesmore, Stamford ; 146. Cottington, Sir Francis ; 65. Cotton : SirKobert; 115. Sir Stapleton ; 236. Council, the; 33, 117, 163, 169. to be but one for Great Britain ; 117, 118. Board; 134. Bill for regulating ; 245. — of Ireland; 119, 120. reference and order by; 119. books of ; 120. Chamber ; 100. military, George III. consents to ; 163. table; 41. King at ; 74. of War ; 40. Count Palatine, the ; 46. Counties : Deputies from the (1780) ; 136. meet in London ; 136. - — resolutions of; 136. new members of Parliament , to be chosen for; 137. .r are low rated to the Land Tax j 137. County : Committees (1780); 136. meetings ; 136. Court, the (Charles I.) ; 9, 22, 25, 44, 47. Arminian doctrine in ; 40. plots, conspiracies and discontents about ; 245. prime men in papists ; 37. (William 111.) ; 107. Court, the — cont. voters for, in Parliament ; 131. (1713) test at, is the Bill of Com- merce; 247. (George I.) ; 121, 122, 249. Tories in posts at; 249. (George II.) ; 125. (George III.), scheme for separating the State from ; 144. Courts : Barons and burghs ; 75. extortion in ; 3. at Westminster ; 3. of Justice, Bill for prevention of cor- ruption in ; 58. — — Committee of Commons for ; 61. Edinburgh ; 80, 81, 82, 83. macer of; 81, 82. ■ plan of; 80, 81. ■ process of; 81, 82. Kegisters ; 81. of York and Wales ; 51. Coventry : Sir Thos., Lord Keeper ; 58, 62. Lord; 153. Cowgate, Edinburgh ; 84. Coxe, Mr., life of Sir Robert Walpole by ; 188. Crag, Dr. ; 6. Crag of the Parkfoot, alias John Wilkin- son ; 89. Cragthen, Dr. ; 3. Cranfield, Lionel, Earl of Middlesex, Mas- ter of Court of Wards ; 12, 21. Crawfurd, [Charles] ; 203. Creed, the ; 66. Crenyam, Robert; 85. Crew, — , M.P. ; 4. Crive, — , Ambassador from Venice ; 9. Croft’s case ; 56. Crofts, Mr, ; 138. Cromwell, Oliver, Lord Protector, letter of; 89. Crook, Justice ; 72. Crooke, Umpton, M.P. ; 8. accused of bribery and corruption; 8 . Cross dagger, a gold coin ; 87. Crosse, Humphrey, intelligence by ; 71. Crown, the; 212, 246. Heir apparent to (afterwards George lY.); 189. influences Government against the King; 212. livings in the gift of ; 146, officers of ; 246. powers and prerogatives of a trust for the benefit of the people ; 145. revenue of ; 33, lands ; 20. .. . , Office; 40. . Cruntnelly, Mr. ; 208. connexion of, with Lord Grenville; 208. Cuffnells ; 192, 205. Cumberland ; 126, 205, 244. ' it R 2 2 260 Cumberland — cont. election for ; 221. elections in; 127. gentlemen of, pray assistance to re- duce the rebels ; 126. is in utmost distress from the rebels ; 126 Gjfi&ces upon incidents in ; 134. Sir Jas. Lowther elected M.P. for; 130. Duke of (1757) ; 130. Earl of, patent of ; 30. Cunningsby, Mr. ; 101. Currants, imposition on ; 30. Curwen : Mr., parson of Arthuret; 74, 75, 88. Sir Patricius ; 93. Custom : pretermitted ; 30. House, the ; 103. riding surveyor in ; 113. , Edinburgh ; 84. Customer, patent ; 132. Customers, the ; 70, 74. delinquency of ; 73, 74. fees of ; 30. goods seized by ; 70. lease to ; 73. Customs, the; 8, 51, 54, 74. Commissioners of ; 95, 103, 134. great and small ; 54, 57. all taken above is illegal ; 57. old and new ; 54, 70. farmers of, by privy seal ; 8. goods seized for non-payment of ; 60, 61. officers in London ; 60, 61. patent offices in ; 33. taken without bill of tonnage and poundage; 44, before Parliament, never after ; 8 . D. Dacre, Squire ; 100. Dalbeares, Dalbers [Dalbier, John] ; 41, 46. Dalston : Sir George ; 129, 130. ball given by, at election time ; 129, 130. Sir John, J.P., declaration by; 90. Sir William ; 93. Danby, Earl of. See Osborne, Thos. Danegeld, officer called the ; 84. Dantzic; 62. Darcy’s case ; 36. Darliugton, Lord ; 215. boroughs of ; 215. militia of ; 215. Dartmouth, Lord : letter of; 121. made Secretary of State; 121. Dawertey ; 78. Dawes : Abraham ; 60. Mr., commission to ; 72. examination of; 51, 72. information of ; 50. King directs to make no expla- nations ; 72. Dawson, J., letter of ; 119. Deaf Stone, the ; 83. Dean’s Yard, Westminster ; 147. Debatable land, the ; 74, 75. De la Porte, M. ; 20. Delaware, the, plantations on ; 246. Delbridge, Mr. J. ; 8. Denmark ; 7, 37. forces of; 7. Dent, Eliza; 91. Denton : Henry, letter of ; 95. Mr. ; 217, 218. Derby ; 126. Despard, — ; 224. Devonshire : Duke of (1762); 131. a Whig; 131. Earl of (1628) ; 42. bills of; 41. father of ; 42. his son an infant ; 41 , 42. inheritance of ; 41. wife of ; 42. Dialect, specimens of Scottish ; 86. Dieppe ; 28. Dietines, the ; 124. Digby : Cornet ; 130. John, Earl of Bristol ; 21, 33. Lord; 19,20. young Lord; 11. father of; 11. petition of ; 11, 15. Diggs, Digges : Sir Dudley ; 4, 7, 8, 9, 11, 13, 14, 16, 21, 24, 25, 26, 27, 29, 35, 51, 56, 59, 62. carried to the Tower ; 22. King offended at ; 24. his opinion of his own commit- ment ; 27. preamble by ; 19. sent out of the Tower; 25. Serjeant; 62. Dimock, Champion ; 248. Dishington, Dr. ; 2. Dispensation of antiquated laws ; 30. general; 30. Dispensations ; 53. “ Ditte,” a ; 81. Dives, Sir L. ; 15. Doddington, Mr. ; 118. Dodson, Mr. ; 103. Dollar, the Scotch ; 87. Domesday book ; 53. Domus probationis Societatis Jesus-, 71, 72. Don Carlos, disputes about ; 124. Doncaster; 116: 261 Dorauis ; 6. Dorset, Earl of (1629). See Sackville, Edward, warrant of; 71. Dort, synod of ; 66, 68. book of ; 21. Douglas : Dr. John ; 232. dean of Windsor and [bishop] of Carlisle ; 233. Lady, evidence of, against the Princess of Wales ; 196, 198. Lord ; 197, 198. William, Earl of Morton, house of ; 79. Dover; 35. Constable of, 12 ; and see Villiers, George. Dover Street, letters dated from ; 166, 179. Do way ; 7. Dower and jointure ; 83. Dowhill ; 85. laird of. See Lincey. Downing Street, letters dated from ; 132, 133, 134, 140, 141 (4), 142, 143, 147, 148, 153 (2), 154 (3), 193, 197, 198, 199, 203, 207, 218. Downs, the; 89,203. Doyne, — , Lord Chief Justice of Ireland ; 120 . opinion of; 120. Draght, — ; 8. Drake, Mr., M.P. ; 14. uncle of Lord Binning ; 229. Drayton, letter dated from ; 111. Dropmore ; 159. Drury Lane ; 39. Drusus; 28. Dublin; 102, 107, 119, 121, 147. letters dated from ; 107 (2), 146. Archbishop of ; 120. is very full of the Palatine Settlement; 120. Castle, letter dated from ; 119. Lord Mayor of ; 121. Portreeve of ; 119. Kecorderof; 121. Duckett, .Tames, J.P. ; 92. Duel ; 96. Duncombe, Henry ; 138, 146. candidate for Yorkshire; 138, 141. opposer of the present ruinous ad- ministration ; 138. Dundas, — , lord of Fingaske ; 87. Robert ; 180. William, M.P. ; 152, 171. Dundee ; 83. Dunedale Dike or Sike ; 74, 75. Dunira, letters dated from ; 198, 211 (2), 220, 225. Dunkirk ; 34, 105. victualled ; 46. Durango ; 236. Durango river ; 234, 235. Durham; 98. letters dated from ; 232, 234. Bishop of ; 10. ceremonies crept in at ; 64. Durham — co?it. College, letters dated from ; 233 (2). county. Parliamentary candidates for ; 215. prebend of; 154. Dutch, the ; 124. capture fort and shipping at Guine ; 93. fleet ; 97. general officers ; 117. High; 117. ships; 103 of the line ; 115. Admiral, Rear Admiral, and Y ice- Admiral of ; 115. Dyer; 53. Dysart ; 80. harbour of ; 80. markets at ; 80. E. Earldoms and dignities, maintenance for support of; 42. Earle, Sir Walter ; 1, 8, 13, 40, 47, 64. East India Company ; 2, 11, 12, 17, 103. ships ; 12, 103. East Indies ; 16, 85. Eastland Merchants ; 103. bond to be given by ; 103. Eaton, Dr. ; 67. Ecclesiastical Commission ; 65. jurisdiction of; 65. Courts, the ; 58. livings, statute concerning ; 52, Echauri ; 240. letters dated from ; 240, 241. Edinburgh (1629); 75-80, 86, 87, 182, 184, 190, 198, 211. letter dated from ; 229. Abbey; 84. bars and gates of ; 84. Bell-wind; 80. Brewers, Society of ; 84. Canongate ; 84. Castle ; 80, 84. description of ; 80. churches ; 79, 84. College at ; 84. College-wind ; 80. Commissary’s Court at ; 81. Court of Lord Provost at ; 81 . Courts at; 80, 81, 82, 83, 84. Lords of ; 80, 81. plan of ; 80. procedure of; 81, 82. Registers of; 81. trials in ; 81. Cowgate ; 84. crags; 79. custom house ; 84. Danegeld, officer called; 84. English spoken at ; 83. 2 262 Edinburgh —cont. government of ; 84. Grey Friars ; 84. chief haven of. See Leith. High Street ; 84. hospitals at ; 84. King’s Palace at ; 84. NeitherboAve, the ; 84. people of Puritans ; 84. prisons in ; 84. Provost ; 84. public cross at ; 85. St. Giles’s ; 84. Senate of ; 84. Sessions, President of; 81. Towbeoth at ; 84. prison in ; 84. troops in ; 126. walls of ; 84. Edinburgh Review, the ; 183. Edward I., King of England ; 54, 61, 73. Edward II., King of England ; 73. Edward III., King of England; 17, 19, 33, 36, 51, 53, 54, 55, 56, 57, 61. Edward lY., King of England ; 18, 20, 61, 73. Edward VI., King of England ; 64, 66. Eels ; 85. Eldon, Lord; 176, 214. Elections : contested; 137. petitions concerning; 137. » trials of; 137. fraud at ; 129. general, 1708 and 1774; 137. great abuses committed by the mob at; 129. method of carrying out ; 129. state of (17151; 249. Eliott (Eliot, Elliot), Sir John, M.P. ; 7, 9, 13, 14, 15, 16, 17, 25, 28, 35, 36, 37, 39,44,50, 59, 62,65, 66, 69. carried to the Tower ; 22. delivered by King’s warrant ; 27, 28. detained in Tower for matters ex- trajudicial ; 25. to be cleared of what he did by com- mand of the House ; 26. Elizabeth : (^ueen of Bohemia, sister of Charles I., manifesto concerning ; 245. children of ; 245. Queen of England; 1, 7, 9, 10, 15, 16, 20, 23, 26, 29, 48, 51, 52, 54, 56, 64, 66, 70, 73, 74, 79. Armada in time of ; 40. ecclesiastical commission of; 65. petition to ; 23. j)rohibits change in church govcrnimiiit ; 26. statutes of ; 20. subsidies of ; 7. treason against ; 9. Ellenborougli, Lord, Chief Justice of Kind’s Bench (1806); 169, 170, 1 76 , 198 . a})poiiitment of to a seat in the Cabinet ; 1 60, 177. . Ellenhorough, Lord — cont. motion against; 169, 174, 176^ 177. of a coarse and violent disposition ; 170. [Secretary] of Cabinet ; 162, 163. character, temper, and vulgarity of 198. impropriety of his being in Cabinet ^ 198. first criminal Judge ; 163. made both judge and party ; 163. “ our political Chief Justice ” ; 198. vote on the appointment of ; 229. Elphinstone, — ; 235. Ely, bishop of; 27, 28. Embargo, general ; 12. Embercourt, Lord ; 31. Emperor, the, (1704) 117; (1733) 124,. 125. Ambassadors of ; 124. Court of; 124. dissuaded from pushing things to- extremities ; 125. Minister of, in England; 124. treaty with ; ] 24. troops of, advance towards Poland 124. England ; 15, 40, 41, 83, 84, 241, 246. agents of, abroad ; 183. alterations in the military system of 170. armed forces of ; 226. baronets of ; 42. has betrayed Denmark, the French Protestants, &c. ; 37. Catholics of ; 40. Charles II. the only gentleman Avho ever sat on the throne of; 215. Church of ; 10, 43, 97. articles and homilies of ; 10, 43. — — no difference of faith betwixt,, and church of Home; 43. liturgy of ; 90. public acts of ; 66, 68.. tenets of; 67. Colonial policy of, Avork by Brougham on; 183. Commissioners for Union of Scotland Avith; 118, 122. Committee of the Commons on the state of; 142. contest Avith Spain ; 190. continental affairs of mismanaged ; 183. corn crop and method of storing in ;■ .49. debatable land appertaining to ; 74. defence at home the present object of; 166. to be extricated from its difficulties by a strong Government ; 176. the flag of ; 115. r - foreign affairs ; 124,125. and France anxious to conclude. peace ; 196. freeholders in ; 122. French prisoners sent to ; 235.. 263 England —cont. general disaffection in ; 122. horse and arms to be brought into ; 41. Imperial and Spanish ambassadors and ministers to ; 124. increase of commerce and revenues under Mr. Pitt ; 196. insolent behaviour of Quakers throughout ; 93. interposes in favour of Holland ; 190. invasion of (1688) ; 97. the judges of ; 55. marching in Spain as comfortable as in; 237. the whole nation suffers by the loss of Pitt ; 166. negotiation of, with the Emperor and Spain ; 124. negotiations for peace with France ; 196, 197, 198. broken off; 205, 211. parties in ; 122. Mr. Pitt given by Heaven to save ; 166. preserves the general balance of power ; 125. the Pretender called James VIII. of ; 123. loses its best protector in Mr. Pitt ; 157. ^ pulpits in, cause discontent ; 122. reported general rebellion in ; 92. requires union of all parties for war with France ; 204. and Scotland Avooed roughly before they wed ; 78. sedition once more takes the field in ; 133. sheriffs of, to receive the poll-money ; 245. southern provinces of; 121. state of parties interesting, critical and important ; 221. subjects to be free in ; 26. taxation in ; 122. trade Avith ; 83. travelling in Scotland safer than in ; 83. union of with Ireland agitated ; 148. Wakefield greatest corn market iu ; 151. Avool measure in ; 86. Yeomanry of ; 31. English, the ; 79. Army, the ; .234, 235, 236, 238, 239, 240, 241, 242, 244. advance of ; 236, 237, 238, 239, 241, 242. in high condition ; 236, 238. French people very attentive to ; 240, 241. in Spain ; 234, 235, 236, 237. commissariat of; 237. generals of ; 234. headquarters of ; 236. losses of ; 239, 240, 243. Auctories of; 238, 242. English, the. Army — cont. Avinter quarters ; 240. boroughs, members of Parliament from, to be reduced ; 148. cloth ; 84. imposition on ; 30. Court ; 83. envoy in Holland (1688) ; 97. fell upon themselves and lost all ia France ; 21. general officers ; 117. gentlemen, life of ; 234. history ; 233. Avriters of ; 233. men-of-AA^ar used as convoys ; 103. monarchy in a disgraceful and dan- gerous predicament ; 212. papers ; 234. ships ; 235. , store ; 235. troops return from the Continent ; 163. English Channel, the ; 89. “ Englishman, the ” : commences ; 247. Mr. Steele writes in ; 247. dissects the Jacobite folio on HeredP tary Eight ; 248. Eniskeith, an isle in the Firth; 79. fort at taken by the French ; 79. Epsley, Sir John ; 13, 15. Erix Stond ; 75. Erkenholme ; 75. Erne brigge ; 87. river ; 87. Erniston ; 78. laird of. See Seton. Erskine, Lord (1806), proposed for Chief Justice of Common Pleas ; 162. made Lord Chancellor ; 162, 164. appointment of gives universal disgust; 163. Esk river; 74, 75. Eskerigg; 75. Essex : Earl of (1806) : 177. letters of; 155, 156 (2), 157 (3),. 158, 159, 160, 174, 180. has a little chicken establish- ment in town ; 155. moves the Address in the House of Lords ; 155, 1 58. • is the prince of gossips ; 195. • suffers from the gout; 180. plaster used for James I., secret of a man of; 5. Estat Major, pay of the ; 104. Estella; 240. Ethrick ; 77. church of; 77. sheriff of. See Pringle, Sir James. Ettrick Forest ; 76, 77. river; 77. Eues river ; 75. Eugene, Prince ; 247. Europe ; 226. likely to be invoEed in a civil war ; 248. 2 264 Europe — cont. peace and the Protestant religion established in ; 108. Pitt’s oratory “ fulmined ” over ; 187. Eus church; 76. Eusedale ; 75. Euston ; Earl of (1806), letters of; 160, 161. Lord; 140, 151, 222. elected with Mr. Pitt for Cam- bridge University ; 141. Evangelical preachers, the ; 151. Everard, witness against Duke of Buck- ingham ; 15. Examiner (paper), the ; 247. Exchange, the ; 36. Exchangers of money ; 52. grievances of ; 53. patent granted to ; 35, 36. power and office of ; 53. Exchequer, the ; 13, 18, 33, 50, 70. Chamber; 6, 15, 16. Chancellor of; 4, 7, 9, 13, 14, 17, 20, 23, 25, 27, 29, 160, 226; and see Weston, Sir Kichard. Court; 55, 56. Deputy Teller of ; 196. fees ; 3. Lord Chief Baron of ; 104, 106. orders in ; 13, 59, 60. replevin grantable out of ; 72. rolls ; 3. Excise ; 44. commission of ; 40. “ Expectants,” advocates in Scotland so called ; 82. Exton; 105. F. Falkland, Lord ; 13. Fallow, B., Journal of ; 74. Fallow Burne ; 78. Fallowfield : James ; 90. Lancelote; 90, 91, 92. ZvJar< aret ; 90, 91, 92. Mr.; 75. Fanshaw, — ; 20. Farmers and farming ; 149, 150. Famborough, Lord ; 149. Farquhar, Sir W. ; 156, 158. attends Mr. Pitt ; 155, 156, 158. Farrar, Sir John ; 20. Fast : petition for a public ; 63, 64. reasons for a ; 32. Featherstone ; 189. Feefarm rents ; 112. Fees ; 7. citation for ; 3. of customers ; 30. Exchequer ; 3. 4 ;xtraordinary, in probate ; 3. Feilding, Basil ; 97, 98, 99. Ferguson : (1764), pictures by ; 133. James (Pitfour), election of ; 227, 229. opposed by whole power of Government ; 229. Ferrybridge; 126. Fifth Monarchy men, reported rising of ; 92. Finch : Daniel, Earl of Nottingham ; 101, 102 . letters of; 100, 104 (3), 105. Sir John; 54, 95. a Commissioner of Customs ; 95. Fine and recovery ; 33. Firre Bridge ; 50. Firth, the ; 85. Fish: fry of, statute concerning ; 52. in Scotland ; 85. Fisher, Nicholas, J.P. ; 92. Fishing at Greenland, prohibition of, a grievance ; 56. Fitzharding, Lady ; 106. grant to ; 106. Fitzherbert, Mrs., renounces the errors of Popery ; 196. Fitzpatrick, General ; 214. Fitzwilliam, Lord (1806) ; 219. President of the Council ; 162. Flag, the English, honour of ; 115. salutes of ; 114. Flanders : the Armies in ; 105. neutrality of; 124, 125. Flatt, the, Whitehaven ; 130. Fleemeinge, Dan., J.P. ; 92. Fleet, the ; 89, 105. Admiral of. See Bussell, Mr. : Berke- ley, Lord, charge of ; 4. Fleet Street : Conduit; 7. Leg Tavern in ; 248. Fleetwood : Sir Miles ; 51. undertakes to raise a constant revenue; 51. Sir William ; 52. Fleming : Sir William; 127. election of; 129. William; 96. Flemings, ships of taken by the Scotch ; 79. Flemming, Mr. ; 115. Flesh, proclamation for eating in Lent; 44. Fleta ; 53. Fletcher : Advocate ; 87. Sir George ; 97, 98, 99, 100. new governor of Carlisle ; 100. SirB. ; 219. Flood, Sir Kobert ; 16. 265 Florence ; 205. Folde, the ; 88. Foljambe : Mr.; 141. SirF., M.P. ; 29. Foorde, John a ; 75 Forces, the, by sea and land drawn into one hand ; 44. Ford, — ; 55. Foreign Office, the ; 199. Foreigners, Oath of Exclusion of; 124. Forests, the ; 51. revenue out of ; 51. Forgery; 83. Forlet, a Scotch measure ; 86. Forster, J., letter of ; 119. Fortescue : “ the learned justice ” ; 62. Sir—, M.P.; 21. Forts, decay of ; 45. Foulkes, Mr., M.P. ; 71. Fox : Charles James; 142, 159, 163, 166, 168, 174, 175, 181, 191, 198, 204, 214, 216. letter of ; 140. adherents of act on the worst of his principles ; 216. administration of ; 175. brilliant talents and intellect of ; 226. death of ; 199, 200, 201, 204, 209, 214, 219, 232. dictatorship of ; 202. ill-health of; 196, 197. influence of ; 181. made Foreign Secretary ; 162. negotiations with France made over to Grenville by ; 197. opposition directed against ; 221. parties of Grenville and Fox disagree; 161. party of ; 175, and see Foxites. speech of; 166. will never appear again as a public man; 196, 199. history by ; 233. political principles in, very ob- jectionable ; 233. Henry, letters of ; 127 (2), 128 (3), 130. — — first administration of ; 128. department of ; 128. interest of ; 128. made Secretary of State and leader of the Commons ; 128. Mr., curate ; 219. Mr. (1709); 119, 120. — petitions of and against; 119. (Fox?), Mr., M.P. for Sarum (1713); 247. Foxcroft, D. ; 29. Coxites, or friends of Mr. Fox ; 162, 166, 168, 214, 215, 216, 217, 221, 224. act on the worst of his principles ; 216. gain by the elections ; 230. Foxites — cont. led by a person who will stop at nothing to gain his purpose ; 216. party feelings and violent language of; 161. place themselves under the Prince’s leadership ; 213. predominance of ; 216. a sturdy faction ; 215. would prefer a dissolution ; 161. France; 12, 69, 236, 237, 239, 240, 241, 242. the actions in ; 125. assistance promised to the people of Ireland from ; 147. commercial treaty with ; 190. Court of; 125. English army advance into ; 236, 238, 241, 242. expect to winter in ; 238, 240. English lose all in ; 21.] and the French ; 124, 125. continue to talk big ; 124. threaten to attack the Em- peror ; 124. power of, to over run the Em- pire ; 125. King of; 12, 62, 63. old league of Scotland with ; 83. peace Avith ; 197, 200. a most disadvantageous 197« no nearer ; 196. negotiations for, broken off ; 205, 212. power of England as opposed to ; 226. resembles Yorkshire ; 240. Scotch advocates travel in ; 82. slaves of ; 31. south frontiers of, too hilly for cavalry to act ; 239. south of, in rebellion against Bona- parte ; 236. Spaniards come for miles to plunder in; 241. troops arrive in, daily ; 244. tyranny and revolutionary principles of; 190. war Avith ; 203, 204. spirited prosecution of desired ; 230. wines bought in, free of custom ; 83. Frankland, Sir Thomas ; 115. Frederick the Great, King of Prussia, AA’^ork of, undone ; 218. Free Trade ; 29. Freemantle, Mr., Deputy Teller of the Exchequer; 196. becomes Secretary of the Treasury ; 196. French, the ; 20, 46, 79. abandon all America ; 132. are at Berlin ; 218. give up their Louisiana to the Spaniards ; 132. Leith taken by ; 79. removed by the English ; 79. army, at Agincourt ; 35. 2 266 Fren ch — cont. army, British will defeat whenever they attack i 240. defeated by the allies ; 242, 243. in Spain; 234, 235, 236, 237, 238, 239, 240, 242. has no confidence in Soult ; 240. defeated ; 237, 238. great discontent in ; 240. lines of; 238, 239. losses of; 238, 239, 242, 243. officers of; 235, 236, 238, 242. — prisoners ; 235, 237, 239, 242, 243. retreat of; 235, 237, 238, 239, 242, 243. unpaid ; 240. works of, in the Pyrenees ; 239. confessors set at liberty from the galleys ; 248. Gens d’armes desert to the English ; 240. government. Lord Lauderdale sent off by ; 205. Grenadiers ; 239. surrender of ; 239. Lancers ; 244. merchants ; 47. money ; 104. Protestants ; 37. Kevolution ; 166. several towns besieged by ; 97. ships; 79, 235. ships delivered to, employed against Eochelle ; 2. villages nearly deserted ; 240. villagers forced by their own troops to leave their houses ; 240. dread the Spanish soldiers ; 240- writers reprobate early instruction ; 151. Fribourg, siege of (1713) ; 247. Frith, the ; 79, 87. Frosterly burn head ; 76. Fulgoone, Mr., M.Pe ; 19. Fullers’ mills ; 77. G. “ Gag to the Protestants, Answer to the ; ” 43. Gale, Elisha ; 246. Gallejs, French confessors set at liberty from ; 248. Gallowater ; 77, 78. Galloway : Lord ; 220. death of the late ; 220, 221. present vacancy of his seat ; 220. Gallowshields ; 76, 77, 78, 88. Gaol delivery ; 101. Garlics, Lord ; 221. Gayton, near Hoylelake, letter dated from 102 . Geaney Priggie ; 85. Geary, Sir William ; 215, 219. Gelltoughes ; 85. George I., King of England ; 121, 122. Court of; 121, 122, 125. desirous of a Whig Parliament ; 125.- Government of; 123, 124. Ministers of ; 121, 128. Queen of; 125, talks of nothing but elections ; 125. George II., King of England; 125, 127, 128, 129. has been worse than ever ; 125. officers of; 126. son of. See George III. George III., King of England; 131, 132, 140, 143, 144, 148, 159, 160, 161, 162, 163, 164, 165, 17.5, 187, 189, 191, 196,. 200, 211, 212, 215, 216, 231. address to ; 158. affection and loyalty to ; 146 birthday of ; 157. canvassing journey of ; 205. closet of ; 135. consents to a Military Council; 163. constitutional authority of to be maintained; 143. dissolution of Parliament will en- slave ; 212. eyes worse ; 156. gained or subdued by his servants 212 . Government acts against Avishes of 212 . Government of; 164, 175. is with his Government ; 176. has it in his poAver to get rid of an administration; 212. Household of ; 143. illness of; 190. indisposition of ; 143, 144, 146. prevents his attending to business : 143. intrigues of family of; 212. issue of; 143. is very low ; 156, 180. liberty of choosing his OAvn servants. to be decided on ; 131. Ministers of ; 145. great temper amongst, on Pitt’s death ; 159. personal independence of ; 212. exercise of Royal authority by,. interrupted ; 143. petition to, for peace ; 150. prefers a Tory to a Whig ; 131. just prerogatives and authority of ; 144. too old to change his principles ; 175. Queen of; 132. real and personal property of ; 143, 145. recovery of ; 145. 267 George III. — cont. Koyal family, the ; 144, 145. security for maintenance of Koyal authority; 216. servants of; 216. is heartily fond of his shackles ; 199. speech of,* to Parliament ; 227, 229, 230. under the command of his son ; 215. upholds the Government ; 204. George, Prince of Wales (afterwards George IV.) ; 225. alarming state of health of ; 230. belongs to the Foxites ; 230. encroachments of ; 216. takes it into his head is in love with Lady Hertford ; 222. German horse, project to bring in ; 44. Germany; 34, 118. Germie, Sir Thos. See Jermyn. Gerrard, Dutton Lord; 42. daughters of; 42. Gibb, Dr. ; 2, 6. Gibbs, Mr., Chief Justice of Chester; 153. proposed by Pitt for a seat in Parlia- ment; 153. Gibson : Elizabeth ; 90. Hugh ; 91. Gillman, Mr., M.P. ; 71. Gilpin, R.; 126. Ginger; 12. Glanville, [John], M.P. ; 1,4, 8, 16,17, 29, 48, 50. sent to Calais ; 33. Glastonbury, Lord ; 163. Glogaw ; 124. Gloucester, Bishop of (1714) ; 249. Gloucestershire, elections in 125. Godfrey, Mr. ; 247. Godolphin, Lord : letters of; 105, 106 (3), 109, 110 ( 2 ), 111 ( 2 ). his house at Newmarket ; 109. Gold, may be sold anywhere ; 53. new stamps for ; 54. pearl; 17. pure ; 53. and silver lace ; 34. mines ; 36. Goldsmiths : may not buy gold ; 53. merchants prohibited to sell to ; 52. petition of the ; 52. Gondomar; 10, 11. conspires to carry Prince Charles to Spain ; 20, Goodenough, Dr. ; 233. glad to mount the Bench on any terms ; 233. Goodrich, Sir Henry; 105. Goodwin, Sir Francis ; 21. Gordon ; Captain of the Magicienne frigate ; 235. Duchess of (1806) ; 175. Gorges, Ferdinando ; 30. patent to restrain free fishing in America ; 30. Goulding Bridge, camp near, letter dated from ; 102. Government, the; 123, 124, 144,145, 152, 164, 165, 170, 175, 177, 181, 184, 193, 199, 200, 201, 202, 208, 209, 212, 214, 219, 221, 223, 227, 228^. 231. admission of new persons into facili- tated by Pitt ; 232. direct attack by ; 206. candidate of ; 184. departments of; 206. dissolves Parliament ; 204, 205. do not believe in a rupture with America; 135. do not give up the Prussian game ;; 224. executive; 145. formed by a sturdy faction ; 212. Foxite part of; 166. gain by new elections ; 223, 230. innovations in ; 38, 40, 44. intend to abolish Mr. Pitt’s military system; 182. King sends for Lord Grenville to form a new ; 160. late; 201, 214, 232. Lord Grenville fittest head of ; 177. not master of ; 209. in a maimed and debilitated stale i 146. many Pitt trusted neuter or supporters of ; 222. needs some able speakers ; 205. new formed ; 163. direct opposition to ; 177. interfere in Parliamentary elections ; 227, 229. persons have the ears of Majesty to subvert ; 63. Pitt’s friends should share in ; 216. cannot proceed after Pitt’s death ; 159, 160. reins of, seized inauspiciously ; 212. rendered difficult if not impracti- cable; 144. scheme of, during George III.’s ill- ness ; 144. should rout the rebels out of Carlisle ; 126. a strong one needed ; 227. subversion and innovation of; 40. systematic opposition to not wise Or. dignified; 170. to be turned out by force ; 214, upheld by the King ; 204. Gowland, Major ; 134. (Graham), Grame: Baronet ; 74, 75, 88. Sir Richard; 74. Sir Thomas ; 237. Grahams, the : Chief of ; 75. that were, houses of ; 75.. Grame. See Graham. 2 268 Granard, Lord ; 96. Grand Juries; 122. Grant, Sir W. ; 209. proposed as Chancellor; 162. Grantham; 113. Granville, John, Earl of Bath : letter of; 113. Gray stock: Baron, Captain of Berwick; 19. condemned to death ; 19. living of ; 233. Greame. See Graham. Great Britain ; 137, 190, 192. to be hut one Council in ; 117, 118. Customs offices in ; 133. Lords and Commons of, to supply the defect of the royal authority ; 143. powerfully supports other nations ; 190. separate interests of, never suffered by the wars ; 190. Great Seal, the ; 33, 100, 209. Commission for (1689) ; 100. Lords Commissioners of; 104. letters to ; 100, 101. replevin under ; 59. Green Cloth, the ; 33. Greenland, fishing at prohibited by Mus- covia Company ; 56. Green vile, Mr. ; 137. Bill proposed by ; 137. Grenadiers, Labedoyere shot by a com- pan}’^ of, 244. Grenville : George, letters of ; 133, 134. Lord, (1806) ; 159, 160, 162, 163, 164, 165, 168, 169, 174, 175, 176, 177, 180, 181, 191, 192, 193, 195, 196, 197, 199, 200, 201, 202, 204, 205, 206, 207, 208, 212, 213, 215, 218, 220, 221, 222, 223, 224, 225, 228, 230. letters of; 193, 197, 198, 199, 203, 207, 218. letters to ; 195, 201, 231. anxious for good opinion of Pitt’s supporters ; 181. attempts to appoint his brother to Foreign Office ; 199. character of ; 225, 226. colleagues of, in office; 201, 204, 208, 210, 214, 217, 231, 232. convinced of Mr. Fox’s good faith; 191. courts all parties ; 176. does not pretend to be master of the Government; 209. First Lord of the Treasury ; 1 62. and Auditor ; 163. first surviving statesman of the country ; 225. fittest person to be first minister ; 214, 221, 222, 223, 228. head of Government; 177. government of ; 217, 224, 225. opposition to; 221, 223, 232. Glenville, Lord — cont. great wrongs of, towards Pitt’s friends; 228. has changed none of his prin- ciples; 218. insensible of danger threatening ; 215, 216, 220. - -■ lawful inheritor of support of Pitt’s friends ; 164. measures of ; 193, 194. opposition to ; 194, 214. parties of and Fox disagree; 161. party of ; 216, 217, 220, 225. attacks by; 221. possible leader of the Opposi- tion ; 164. proposals of; 199, 200, 202, 203, 204, 206, 207, 208-211, 213, 214, 216, 218, 219, 223, 224, 231, 232. sent for to form an administra- tion; 160, 161, 162, 163, 164. sets up for himself ; 225. — — suffers all patronage to go one way ; 180. table of; 176. under-secretary of dismissed; 165. will derive strength from new election; 216. would not join Pitt without Fox; 204,214. T.; 199, 200,*219. takes the Admiralty ; 203. takes the Home Office and management of the Commons ; 205. “ Grenville Party, the, negotiations with, 1806 ”; 191. Grenvilles, the ; 228. oppose Mr. Pitt ; 228. Grey, Lord (1806) ; 161, 205. appointed to the Admiralty ; 1 62, 164. Grievances; 3, 4, 15, 16, 29, 30,33, 34, 50, 52, 53, 54, 56, 59. not answered ; 29. Committee of ; 35, 59, 60. to be presented before supply ; 32. redress of; 37. redressed by justice and grace of King; 16. Grisewell’s case ; 56. Grosvenor, Sir Kichard ; 4. Grosvenor Square, letters dated from 136, 139, 161, 163. “ Guardian,” the, ceases ; 247. Gueldres, delivered up by Prussia; 132. Guildhall, London, statue of Pitt to be placed in ; 171. Guine, English fort and shipping at, taken by the Dutch ; 93. Gunpowder ; 45. Gurnie, Sir Thomas ; 9. “ Gustavus,” book by Mr. Harte (1764) called; 133. Guy, Edward, a Quaker, letter of ; 90. Gyles, — , scandalous life of ; 21. 269 H. Habeas Corpus ; 3, 26. Hackwell, Win., M.P. ; 56. Hague, the ; 114, 115. Hale, Colonel, corps of; 130. Hales, Sir Matthew ; 1.51. Halifax; 126. Marquis of. See Savile, William. Lord; 133. Hall, Mr. ; 132. Hamburgh, captured by Bonaparte ; 227. Hamilton, — ; 146. Duke of (1806) ; 197, 201. son of ; 201. James, Marquis Hamilton ; 83. eldest son of, a Protestant ; 83. Hammon, Mr. ; 96. Hammond, Mr., under secretary to Lord Grenville; 165. Hamond, Sir P. ; 7. Hampshire ; 205, 219, 227. election for; 227. parliamentary candidates for; 213. petitions Parliament against Govern- ment; 227. Hampton Court ; 100. letters dated from; 114, 116. Hanover; 196. Harcourt, Sir Simon, M.P. ; 118. Hardingdaile ; 90. Harley Street, letters dated from; 159, 169, 176. Harlow or Harley, Sir Robert ; 25, 29, 39, 66 . Harrington, Lord ; 125. Harrison : Fran., letter of ; 121. John; 29. Harrowby, Lord, Secretary of State; 183. Hart, — ; 8. Harte,Mr., anecdotes of ; 133. book called “ Gustavus,’’ by ; 133. Hartington; 18. Hartop, Sir Thomas ; 14. Hartshorn : 6. Harvey, Dr. ; 5, 6. Harwich ; 35, 104. Haslemere ; 213. election at ; 217, 218. Hasparren ; 242. letter dated from ; 241. Hasting, Sir H. ; 14. Hatsell, Mr. ; 224. Havercorne, Lord. See Abercorn. Havin ; 76. Hawick ; 76. Hawkesbury, Lord; 155, 158, 159, 161, 174, 175, 180, 214, 215, 230. will not make up a patched administration; 159, 160. Hayes, Dr., the King’s surgeon ; 2, 5, 6, 9. Heath, Sir Robert, Attorney General ; 54, 55, 245. circuit of ; 245. Heber, Mr.; 172, 177, 179, 181, 219. Hebson : Robert; 91. William ; 90, 91, 92. Hellette ; 242. Helliweare Roog ; 75. Helton ; 1, 92. Henry T., King of England, charter of ; 53. Henry II., King of England; 53. Henry III., King of England ; 36, 55, 56. Henry IV., King of England ; 4, 20, 24, 37, 46, 48, 73, 226. statutes of ; 20, 54. Henry V., King of England ; 19, 40, 53, 56. at the battle of Agincourt ; 35. Henry VI., King of England ; 17, 18, 19, 20, 73 (2), 75. Henry VII., King of England ; 4, 52, 53, 55, 73. Henry VIII., King of England; 26,29,48, 52, 53, 56, 73. Parliament of ; 70. statutes of ; 67, 70. Henry, Prince of Wales, son of James I. ; 63. Herbert : Mr., M.P. ; 13, 16 (2), 73. Philip, Earl of Montgomery, Lord Chamberlain ; 44. Earl of Pembroke ; 114. Sir William, M.P. ; 59. Hereditary right, Jacobite folio about ; 248. Heriot, Herret, the King’s late jeweller ; 84. Herret’s houses, a guest house ; 78. Hertford, — ; 135. Lady ; 222. , Prince of Wales in love with; 222 . Lord; 180. Hertford; 13. Heyhurst, Mr., case of ; 113. Heyman, Sir Peter ; 26. Heysham, Mr. ; 247. Hicks, William ; 126. Hides ; 12. High Commission Court; 10, 14, 16, 58. Bill for taking away ; 245. derived out of Parliament ; 65. Lord President of ; 10. High Commissioners ; 14. Lords and Commoners being ; 14. ordinary, do not imprison closely, &c. ; 11. Highlands, the ; 190. Hill, Sir Rowland ; 242. commands the right of the English Army ; 242. defeats a French division; 243. Hill Street, letters dated from; 161, 177, 211, 218. 2 270 Hilton, Mr., of Westmorland, petition of ; 71. Hoare, Mr. ; 247. Hobart, Lord; 183. Hobie. See jBoby. Hoby (Hobie) : Sir Edward; 10, 15, 26. Sir Thomas, M.P. ; 7, 23, 26, 60, 71. Hodge, Major, of the 7th regiment of cavalry (1815) ; account of death of ; 244. squadron of ; 244. his wife ; 244. Hodnet Hall, Shrewsbury, letter dated from ; 190. Hohenloe, Prince, his surrender ends all hopes of Prussia ; 225. Holborn, London ; 84. papists and priests in ; 40. Holford, Mr. ; 215. Holingshead ; 83. Holland : Earl of; 36, 53 ; and see Eich, Henry. deputies of ; 53. patent to ; 36, 53. Lord (1806) ; 214. ambassador to Berlin ; 181. Holland; 41, 115, 116. bills drawn from ; 102. English envoy in ; 97. folly and supineness of; 190. intervention of Pitt in favour of ; 190. seven provinces of ; 1 24. sovereignty of ; 196. war with; 139. Hollow Wood; 75. Hollwood; 146. letter dated from ; 148. Holm, Christopher, certificate of ; 89. Holme : Anna ; 91. Elizabeth; 90, 91, 92. Mary; 91. Holt, Sir John, Lord Chief Justice, letter to ; 101. Home Oifice, the ; 199, 205. Homilies, the book of ; 43. Honeycomb Punch, horse called ; 106. Honey wood, — ; 128. Honours ; 16. given to men not deserving ; 1 1. sold; 2, 11, 14. Hope : Sir J. ; 243. Mons. ; 118. Hopkins, Thomas, letter of; 118. Horning (or outlawry), process called; 82. Hornings ; 85. Horse to be brought into England ; 41. levying of 1,100, to come out of Low Countries ; 40. Master of the; 13 racing; 107. at Newmarket; 111. Horsham ; 146. Hotham, Sir John ; 32. How : Sir John ; 15. Peter; 126. Kobert, affairs of; 134. Howard : General; 126. Sir Eobert ; 13. ease of; 10, 14. Thomas, Earl of Arundel ; 6, 31. Bill to settle lands, honours and goods to ; 42. heirs male of ; 42. right heirs of ; 42. Lord William ; 42. heirs male of; 42. Sir William ; 13. Howe End, the; 74. Howgill, Francis ; 92. Ho wick. Lord, succeeds Mr. Fox at the Foreign Office ; 1 99. , Tierney and Whitbread, trium- virate of ; 202. Hubert, Sir Miles, M.P. ; 45. Hull. See Kingston-on-Hull. Hume, David ; .135. Huntley, [Earl of?] ; 83. eldest son of, is the ablest man of body in Scotland ; 83. Hustings, London ; 60. Hutchins, Sir George, Lord Commissioner, letter of ; 103. Hutton : Matthew; 31. Sir Eichard ; 24. Hyde, Mr., sworn Gentleman of the Bed- chamber; 95. Hyde Lodge, letters dated from ; 221, 228. Hylton, Sir Eichard ; 127. I. lynatii, Sancti, Societafis Jesus, domus prohationis ; 7L governor of; 71. Imposition, commission for raising money by ; 44. cancelled; 49. Impositions ; 29, 30, 49, 50, 54, 65. King can lay no ; 54. none can be imposed but by Parlia- ment; 29, 65. on brewers against the law ; 33. on native commodities illegal ; 50. Imposts ; 57. disturb trade ; 35. Independents, reported rising of ; 92. India ; 221. Bill; 166, 189, 191. British inhabitants of, subscribe to Pitt’s statue ; 171. House, the ; 166. redeemed from ruin by Pitt ; 189. 271 Indictment, commitments on refusal to submit to or traverse ; 92 (2). Inner Temple, London ; 86. Intestate, goods of those dying, belong to King; 55. “Invocation of Saints,” book called; 43. Ipswich ; 35. Ireland; 15, 18, 20, 128, 215, 219, 222, 230, 237, 248- (1628-9), the Articles in ; 66, 68. dangerous revolt from true religion in ; 44. toleration of religion in ; 39. (1690-97), kingdom of ; 107. Lord Chancellor of ; 107. new Lords Justices ; 107. supply of ; 102. war in ; 102. (1709), Bishop of ; 119. Chancellor of the Exchequer ; 120. Convocation in ; 119. Commons, House of, Tories and Whigs in ; 119. Council in ; 119. order of; 119. minute books of; 120. government of ; 119. Judges of the Queen’s Bench in ; 119, 120. Lord Chancellor of ; 119, 120. Lord Chief Justice of. See Doyne. Lords Justices of ; 120. Lord Lieutenant of; 118, 120. Lords, House of, letter of thanks to Queen from ; 118. Parliament of; 120, 121. Protestors in ; 119. (1745), few regular forces from, would defeat the rebels ; 126. (1796, &c.) ; 148, 161. administration in ; 146. defenderism in ; 147. — — set on foot by the Catholics ; 147. Government of ; 146. Members of Parliament from ; 148. outrages in ; 146, 147. Parliament of (1796) ; 146, 147. opposition in ; 146, 147. people of, desperate from poverty; 147. , promised assistance from France ; 147. reinforcements for ; 148. spirit of sanguinary ferocity and dis- content amongst people ; 146. no taxes imposed on lower orders ; 147. trade, manufacitures and revenue have increased ; 147. union with England agitated ; 148. violence in, nothing but the bayonet can keep down ; 147. witnesses murdered in ; 147. would profit by the war but for in- ternal disturbances ; 147. (1806-7), elections in, unfavourable to Government ; 223. Ireland — cont. juries in, afraid to convict ; 231. militia in, not trustworthy ; 231. lamentable state of ; 230. Thrashers appear in ; 230. civil poAver totally ineffectual to crush ; 230. Irish, the, not w'eli affected in religion ; 44o army, Bill for increasing (1763) ; 132. Chancellor (1714) ; 249. clergy, driven over to England and starving; 100. lesser preferments sequestered to; 101. foot, not Avell affected ; 40. militia. Bill for augmenting ; 152. representative Peers elected for life ; 219. soldiers ; 88. Irurzun ; 236, 237, 238. despatch of Wellington dated from 237. Italy; 15, 124. bad success of English in ; 118. J. Jackson, Dr. ; 66. Jacobite folio about Hereditary Eight; 248. James I., King of England, and James VI. of Scotland; 4-6, 8, 9, 11, 12, 13, 15, 16, 18, 21, 25, 29, 30, 32, 33, 37, 44, 50, 52, 53, 54, 57, 58, 60, 78, 83, 85, 87. ancient burghs take toll of; 78. apothecary of; 3. book of ; 43. college at Edinburgh founded by ; 84. duties paid to ; 72. illness and death of ; 2-6, 8, 9, 10, 11 , 12 , 22 . miscarriage of Buckingham towards ; 11 . palace of, Edinburgh ; 84. papists in time of ; 71. Parliaments of ; 65, 74. pensions paid by; 18. physic and physicians of; 6, 8, 9, 12, 13, 18. plaster and potion given to, by Buck- ingham ; 2-6, 8, 9, 12, 13. protestation in reign of ; 37, 38. his Queen ; 85. statutes of ; 61. subsidies granted to ; 16. his surgeon ; 5. undervalues physicians ; 5. wisdom and pen of ; 66. 2 272 James II., King of England ; 97. history of the reign of, by Lord Lons- dale ; 233. memoir of; 233. Jeffery, Mr., M.P., motion of; 165. Jefford, Mr. ; 2. Jenkinson, IVJr. ; 134. Jermyn, Sir Thomas, M.P. ; 38. Jersey, Lord; 115. Jersey, frigate, the ; 101, 102. Jesuitical and devilish plot ; 52. Jesuits, the ; 66, 67, 71. prosecution of ; 72. Jewels, gold ; 12. Jews; 35. “ Jogges,- the,” instrument of punishment called; 76. John, King of England ; 53. Johnson, Dr. ; 155. Johnstone, George, M.P. for Appleby; 134. letters of; 134,135. John Street, London ; 156. letter dated from ; 156. Jolly Bacchus, horse called ; 107. Jones, Mr. ; 41. Mr. Justice, examination of ; 72. William; 67. petition of ; 67. Jordan Mr., M.P. ; 40, 59. Mrs. ; 164. Judge, a, accused of corrupting a borough ; 123. can only be removed for misconduct as judge; 170. Judges, the ; 46, .58, 72, 73, 104,243, 245. all resolve King and Council cannot commit above 24 hours ; 26. capacities of ; 70. “ careful and reforming ” ; 101. charges against ; 245. circuits of ; 101, 244. compared to the air ; 19. declaration of House of Commons concerning; 244,245. pardon persons attainted of murder ; 102. of Assize ; 122. circuit of ; 122. proems of charges to grand jury refute sermons ; 122. of Scotland; 80, 81, 82, 83. procedure before ; 82. Judicature, the ; 16,47. sale of ; 2, 11. Judicial places, buying of ; 58. Junto, the (1763) ; 132. Jury, election of in Scotland; 75. Justice, administration of criminal ; 170. Committee for ; 71. conveners of ; 77, 83. diet, the ; 1 . the general, in Scotland ; 83. no measure between King and people ; 67. public violation of ; 17. Justices of assize ; 77. in Eyre ; 113, 114. privileges of ; 114. of peace ; 52, 77, 123. power given to, to convict ; 90. Justification, the doctrine of; 68. J ustinius, constitution of ; 69, K. Kale, bowe or white : 77. long ; 77. Keeth; 79. river ; 78. all witches burned at ; 79. Kellmoneth; 87. Kendal ; 122. letters dated from; 96, 122. Quakers at ; 92. road from to Penrith made turnpike ; 127. troops march to Penrith in a day from ; 127. Kensington ; 104, 106. letters dated from; 108 (2), 109, 112. Kent, materials for ordnance found in ; 34. Kerrison, Colonel ; 235. Keswick; 234. Kids; 1. Kildare, Bishop of ; 120. Killaloe, Bishop of; 119 King, the ; 3, 6, 8, 18, 20, 33, 36, 43, 45, 49, 53, 54, 55, 56, 70, 81. addressed by Parliament to remove a minister; 170. bishops named by ; 67, 70, can do and say no wrong; 26. can lay no impositions ; 54. change of; 8. compared to the sun ; 19. corporations all derived from ; 32. nor Council can commit above 24 hours ; 26. duties to ; 70, 72, 73. enacts with assent of Lords and Com- mons ; 34. exchanger of money and bullion of ; 53. not to meddle with goods of aliens ; 56. though madman, is sacred ; 31. may pardon, not dispense with penal laws ; 53. to promise nothing which may not be performed ; 40. supreme ordinary ; 55, 56. tonnage and poundage ever granted for life ; 54. taken from ; 61. 273 King, the — cont. treason to persuade subject of, to treason ; 20. set division between and people ; 24. and kingdom ; 38, 62. danger of ; 39. evils of ; 46. — — service of; 62. King : Mr., quits the Secretaryship of the Treasury; 196. Sir William Balbord ; 41. Kingdom, the, remonstrance of the evils of; 47. Kingoren ; 79, 80. King’s Bench ; 8, 50. Chief Justice of ; 170. King’s Meaberon ; 9 ] . Kingston- on -Hull ; 79, 113. Governor of; 113. Lieutenant-Governor of ; 113. Kinross ; 85, 87. government of ; 85. Kinross-shire; 85. Kirby Lonsdale, petition dated from ; 89. Kirdle, cakes baked on the ; 75. Kirkaldy ; 79, 80. borough regal and haven ; 79. markets at ; 80. towbeoth at ; 79. Kirkby, Eobert, M.P. for Lancaster (1641), letters of; 244, 245 (3). Kirklees, letter dated from ; 92. Kirton : Edward, M.P. ; 37, 40. — , M.P. ; 4, 15, 23, 24, 25. Knaresborough : letter dated from ; 133. waters at ; 133. Knatchbull, Sir E. ; 215, 219. Knevet, Lord; 23. Knighthood, not taking of; 58. Knights : inconvenience of calling men of 40Z. land to be ; 50. of the shire ; 21. election of ; 14. Knight’s service ; 6. “ Kowe ” ; 82. L. Labedoyere, shot near Paris ; 244. Lamb ; 1. Lambert, Dean, case of ; 119. Lambeth ; 249. articles agreed at ; 64, 66, 68, 69. recalled or suppressed ; 66. o 69070. Lancashire, trained band of ; 88. Lancaster ; 7, 88, 201, 215. parliamentary representation of ; 196, 198, 199, 201, 203. Duchy of. Chancellor of ; 7, 16, 17, 19, 26, 45, 53 ; and see May, Sir Humphrey. Court of ; 51. Land tax ; 137. and malt taxes ; 122. Langham; 75, 76. Wood; 75. Langholm ; 75, 86. Langhorne : Michael ; 92. letter of ; 90. imprisonment of ; 90, 92. Thomas ; 92. Lanson, Mr. ; 122. Lascelles : Henry, M.P., moves for a public funeral to Mr. Pitt; 160. Mr. ; 138, 219. Laswade, a market town ; 78, 79. Laud, William, Archbishop of Canterbiuy charges against ; 245. Lauder ; 78. one of the ancientest burghs in Scot- land; 78. river ; 78. Lauderdale ; 78. Lord (1806) ; 175, 197, 203, 225. negotiates peace Avith France 197, 198. leaAms Paris ; 199, 205. his unaccountable stay at Paris ; 203. Viscount. See Metlin. Laureates or Masters of Arts, students called ; 84. Law, common and marine; 19. Law, Dr. ; 233. Master of Peterhouse, Cambridge, &c. ; °233. LaAvder, Sir Louis, sheriff of Loudon ; 87. Lawson : Frances ; 90, 91. Mr.; 246. Sir John ; 225. Laythome, — ; 71. Lead, tin, and baize, imposition on ; 50. Leather, custom on ; 54. Leavens riAmr ; 7 4. Lechmere : Lord, named Speaker of Plouse of Lords ; 123. Nicholas, M.P. for Cockermouth, letter of ; 246. election of for Cockermouth (1713); 246, 247. Leeds, Duke of, Lord-Lieutenant of York- shire ; 113. letters of; 105, 107, 108, 113, 116. memorial from ; 113. Osborne, brother of; 113. Leeds, letter dated from ; 149. S 2 274 Le Fleming, Sir Michael, M.P. for West- moreland, letter of ; 140. death of; 184. Leghorn ; 103. Legislature, the, cannot absolutely fix the price of wheat ; 1.50. Leg Tavern, Fleet Street; 248. Leicestershire, sheriff of ; 14. Leith; 79, 80, 85. chief haven of Edinburgh ; 79. churches in ; 79. hospitals in; 79. river; 79. stone bridge over, 79. ships of; 79. prizes taken by 79. taken by the French and burnt ; 79. Lennox, Charles, Duke of Richmond, letter of; 121. a staunch Whig ; 121. tenants of, have all attorned to him ; 121. Lent, proclamation for eating flesh in ; 44. Letters missive ; 67, 70. patent ; 70. Levant merchants, the ; 103. Leven, Lough ; 85. castle in ; 85. fish in ; 85. river ; 85. Levestone, Dr. ; 6. Levett, — , commission to, for taking tolls ; 50. Ley, James, Earl of Marlborough, Lord Treasurer ; 56. Ley stone ; 18. Liberton; 79. church ; 79. oil well at ; 88. Licake, Ann; 91. Lichtenstein, Prince of, chief minister and governor of Spain ; 117. Lighthouse, patent for ; 30. Limerick, letter dated from ; 121. Limithridate (?) ; 5. Lince}^ : Lady; 79. daughters of; 79. , laird of Dowhill ; 85. Lincoln : Bishop of (1629) ; 67. articles against ; 68. charges King with mutability ; 67. (1802) ; 151. (1806) ; 154, 156, 157, 159, 171, 173, 177, 178, 179, 180, 185, 191. in attendance on Mr. Pitt ; 156, 158. design of, to write a life of Pitt ; 171, 174, 177, 185. Mr. Pitt’s college tutor ; 173. Mr. Pitt’s private secretary ; 157, 173. preceutorship of, vmrth between 700/. and 800/. a year ; 154. Lincoln’s Inn ; 69. Fields; 152. Lincolnshire, corn crops in ; 149. Linen, bleaching of ; 85, 86, Liquids, Scotch measures of ; 86. Lisbon, English army march to ; 234. Lister, Dr. ; 5. Littleton : Sir Edward; 3, 14, 20,24, 41, 59, 60, Mr., M.P. ; 61, 73. Liveries ; 57. statutes concerning repealed ; 52. Liverpool; 199. Livia ; 28. Lloyd’s ; 199. Loans, not willingly paid ; 44. Lock, Mr. ; 107. Lomond, Lough ; 83. London ; 6, 8, 79, 84, 106, 109, 116, 124, 131, 134, 135, 136, 146, 148, 155, 159, 174, 183, 184, 196, 197, 199, 206, 235, 245. letters and documents dated from* 95,97 (2), 105 (2), 108, 112, 116, 118, 121, 123, 131(2), 132, 135, 144, 157 (2), 158, 162 (2), 166, 177. Bishop of (1806); 191. Bowbells Church in ; 84. Charter of Edward III. to ; 33. City of; 171, 247, 248. discontent in ; 243. Common Council of ; 247. custom’s officers in ; 60. election in ; 247. a hot, nasty town ; 135. Hustings in ; 60. imposition on brewers in and around ; 33, 50. infected by complaints ; 152. magistracy of; 247. money promised to be lent in ; 102. poll in ; 247. prisons inconveniently full in ; 101. Ram Alley at ; 86. Royal Exchange at ; 76. spices from ; 1 . strength of Whigs and Tories in: 247. Tower of ; 15, 18. members of Parliament carried to ; 22, 31, 51, 52. powder in ; 34, 45. standard of coinage in; 52. treacle ; 6. Wire Drawers, Company of; 15. Young Man’s Coffee House, letter dated from ; 247. Long: Charles, Lord Farnborough ; 175, 176, 180, 181, 218, 219, 224, 227, 230. • letters of; 161, 177, 195, 197, 198, 199, 204, 205, 211, 213 (2), 217, 218 (2), 224, 227, 229, 230. letter to ; 216. interview of, with George III. j 175. I Mr., M.P., 20, 24, 45. 275 Long, Mr., M.P. — cont. temp. Eliz., turned out of the House ; 51. Mr. (1628-9) ; 17, 72. — — examination of; 72. Mr. (1804) ; 153, 169. Longford; 230. Long Leat ; 111. Lonsdale : Lord, History of reign of James II. by ; 233. Memoir of [James II.] by ; 233. Viscount. See Lowther. Lord: Admiral ; 45. Advocate of Scotland ; 80, 81. in nature of King’s Attorney in London ; 81. €hamberlain ; 44, 166 ; and see Her- bert, Philip, Earl of Montgomery. none made ; 111. place of; 106. •Chancellor (1664) ; 93. (1699) ; 111, 112. (1722) ; 123. detained at a Cabinet Council ; 123. House of Lords would have sent to the Tower ; 123. (1806) ; 170. of Ireland (1709); 119, 120. of Scotland; 97. ‘Chief Baron of the Exchequer (1 693) ; 104, 106. Justice (1629) ; 71, 72. examiiration of ; 72. warrant of ; 71. Keeper (1626-1629) ; 10, 14,41,44, 47, 58, 60 ; and see Coventry, Sir Thomas. signification to, from the Com- mons ; 7 1 . (1641) ; 244. (1700) ; 115. brother of ; 115. Marshal, warrant from ; 88. President ; 44 ; and see Montague, Henrj^, Earl of Manchester. of Scotland ; 80, 82. Privy Seal ; 110, 226 ; and see Lowther, John, Viscount Lonsdale ; and Montague, Henry, Earl of Manchester. Treasurer (1628) ; 56 ; and see Ley, James, Earl of Marlborough. (1713); 247. Lords of the Admiralty ; 128. Commissioners of the Great Seal (1689); 104. letters to ; 100, 101. Justices, the ; 111. of Ireland ; 107, 120. entertainment of ; 120. of Scotland ; 83. of the Session, Scotland ; 83. Lords : House of (1626-1629) ; 2, 8, 10, 12, 14, 15, 18, 19, 20,21, 23, 24, 25, 27, 30,31, 32, 34, 37, 39, 48, 50, 56, 62,, 63, 71. Acts in; 62. adjournments of; 31. answers of ; 22, 31. articles presented in; 11, 18, 43. Bar of; 10, 19. Bills sent down by ; 68, Committee of; 19. compared to planets ; 19. customs not granted by ; 54. exception taken by ; 47. former; 74. judgment of; 47. members of, High Commissioners; 14. messages to ; 21, 22, 32. from ; 32, 41, 49, 54. not named in subsidy bills ; 48. power to judge ; 29. — refuse to commit Lord Conway ; 21. resolve to petition the King ; 41 . sedition betwixt Commons and ; 25. subsidies never propounded by ; 48. treason charged on Bucking- ham in; 15, 20, 21, 32. whole House to judge Duke of Clarence ; 20. (1641); 245. (1698, &c.) ; 110, 111, 112, 116. — — appeal in ; 112. Bar of; 110. — — Bills in ; 110, 112, 116. — - — |Committee of ; 116. dispute with the Commons touching impeachments ; 110. - — — justice of; 112.. — — letters read in ; 112. Northern Lords of ; 110, 118. order of ; 111. petition in ; 112. (1^22); 123. • adjournment of; 123. Chancellor keeps waiting till 4 o’clock ; 123. such a flame in, as cannot be remembered; 123. Speaker of ; 123. (1762); 131. (1788) ; 142. speech of Duke of York in ; 142. (1804, &c.) ; 153, 155, 159, 160, 169, 201. — address moved in ; 155, 158. Bills in; 193. effect of Pitt’s death on ; 158. Lothian, Sheriff of. See Lowther, Sir Lewis. ’ Lough formed out of mossy ground ; 85. S 2 2 276 Louisiana given up by the French to the Spaniards ; 132. Lovelace, Lord, Justice in Eyre ; 113, 114. kills a buck in St. James’s Park ; 113. severely reprimanded ; 113. Lovings, Sir Eichard ; 107. Low Countries, the ; 37, 124. levying of 1,100 horse to come out of; 40. Lowden ; 78. Lownes, Laurence ; 60, 62. Bill for reversing decree against ; 60. Lowther ; 1, 74, 79, 90, 93, 96, 97, 98, 99, 100, 106, 116, 12.5, 135, 185, 195, 198, 222, 227, 233. letters dated from; 123, 124, 127, 201, 215, 216. from, to London is like a flight from heaven; 135. Hall, attack on by rebels defeated ; 126. parish, certificate of rector and churchwardens of ; 89. Lowther : Anthony, letter of ; 123. C., Journal of; 74. Christopher, High Sheriff of Cumber- land (1641), letter of; 88. letters to ; 244, 245 (3). Colonel; 152. son of ; 152. family, materials for a history of ; 151. the Hon. JI. C., son of William, Earl j of Lonsdale, letters of; 234 (2), i 235, 236 (2), 237, 238, 239, 240, | 241, 242 (2), 243. ! M.P. for Westmorland ; 240. ' mother of ; 237. regiment of ; 234, 238, 239, 240, 241, 242, 243. thanked in general orders ; 243. seeks a majority in a W est India. Regiment ; 240. Henry, Viscount Lonsdale ; 121. letters of; 121, 123, 124, 127. letters to; 121, 122, 123, 124, - 126. disinclined for Court employ- ment ; 121. is very fond of the country ; 122. receives mark of honour from the King ; 121. votes against the Court ; 122. interest, the ; 130. James, letters to ; 121, 123, 124. Hon. James, M.P. (1713), letters to ; 246, 247 (4), 248 (4), 249 (2). brother-in-law, Lawson ; 246. Sir James, Earl of Lonsdale (1784) ; 136, 141. letters to; 126 (2), 127, 128, 129 (2), 130 (.3), 131 (2), 132 (3), 1,33 (2), 134 (3), 135 (2), 139 (3), 140 (i), 141 (4), 142 (3), 143, 144,146,147,143 (2). body of troops to be raised by ; 130 , 131 . clamour against ; 129. j Lowther, Sir James — cont. — — death of ; 151. election of, as M.P. for Cumber- land; 128, 129, 130, 135. Mr. Pitt “ his member ” ; 139, 140. son of. See Lowther, Hon. H. C. Mr. J. ; 221. John, letter of ; 107. John, Viscount, Lord Privy Seal (1699); 113. — — letters to; 106 (3), 107 (3), 108 (3), 109 (2), 110 (4), 111 (5), 112 (3), 113 (2), 114 (3), 115(2), 116 (2). agents of ; 112. appeal in the House of Lords against; 112. is apt to indulge his own melan- choly ; 110, 113. excuse of, for not attending in House of Lords ; 111. horses of ; 106, 107, 109. ill-health of ; 110, 112, 114, 1 15, 116. has leave to go into the country ; 114. ordered by the King to return to town ; 112. papers of, about coin ; 107. petition against ; 112. takes the Seals to his own house ; 115. zeal of, for preservation of liberty and religion ; 109. Sir John, knight, baronet, J.P. for Westmoreland (1665) ; 90, 92, 98. letter of; 104. letters to ; 90 (2), 93 (2), 94, 95 (2), 96 (2), 97 (4), 98,99 (3), 100, 101, 102 (3), 104, 105 (3), 106. adjudication by ; 90. commission to, as governor of Browham Castle ; 89. First Commissioner of Trea- sury; 102. grandchild of ; 93, 94, 95. petition of ; 89. regiment of ; 89. seizes arms ; 98, 99. wife of ; 100, 105. Sir John, his nephew ; 93. Sir John (1713), letters to ; 246 (4). Mrs. Katherine ; 128. letter of; 126. letters to ; 127, 128 (2). Lancelot, letter of; 94. Sir Lewis, sheriff of Lothian ; 83. court of ; 83. Mary (1698-9), letter of; 112. Mary (1806); 221. her partiality for a young and handsome member for Cumberland ; 221 . canvasses for Lord Morpeth ; 221 . 277 Lowther — co7i^. | Eichard, sheriff of Northumberland ; 1. - I Thomas, letter of ; 96. i Tom, son of ; 96. j his butler, Charles ; 96. | William, of Swillington (afterwards | Earl of Lonsdale), letter to ; 135. leaves Westminster School for Cambridge ; 135, William, letter to ; 141. Sir William; 107, 142, 147. letter from ; 148. letters to; 146 (2), 147. sons of ; 147. Sir William, Baron and Viscount Lowther, Earl of Lonsdale ; 184, 218. letters of; 184, 195, 201, 215, 216, 231. to; 150, 151 (2), 152 (4), 153 (4), 154 (3), 155, 156 (2), 157 (5), 158 (2), 159 (3), 160 (3), 161 (3), 162 (4), 163 (2), 164, 166 (3), 167 (3), 169 (2), 170, 171, 172, 173 (2), 174, 176, 177 (2), 178, 179, 180, 181, 182, 184, 185, 189, 190, 191 (2), 193, 195 (2), 196 (2), 197 (2), 198 (3), 199 (2), 200, 203, 204, 205 (2), 206, 209, 211 (2), 212, 213 (2), 217,218 (3), 219, 220 (2), 221, 222, 224, 225 (2), 227 (2), 228, 229 (2), 230 (2), 232, 233 ^3), 234 (3), 235, 236 (2), 237, 238, 239, 240, 241 (2), 242 (2), 243. assistant mourner at Pitt’s funeral; 166. boroughs of ; 184. disinterested attachment to Mr. Pitt; 167. dissatisfied with Pitt’s conduct of affairs ; 154, 155. family of ; 179. fit to be leader of Pitt’s fol- lowers ; 180. feels unfit to lead Pitt’s fol- lowers ; 217. cannot support Lord Grenville’s government; 217. owns Haslemere ; 218. party of; 221. unreserved communication of, with George III. ; 187. Lucas, Lord ; 101. letter of; 111. Lucock, John ; 129. Lutheran heresy, the ; 249. Lutwidge, Walter, letters of; 126 (2). L}’on, — , Earl of Kengoreu ; 79. M. M., H., letter of; 117. Macartney, Sir George ; 134. brought into Parliament ; 134. Mackenzie, Mr. ; 171. Maes, the, letter dated from ; 114. Magdeburg ; 218. Magicienne frigate, the ; 235. Mahon, Lord; 155. wife of ; 155. Majestas Regia; 82. Malt, imposition upon ; 33, 50. Malta; 196. Maltby, Mr., chaplain to the Bishop of Lin- coln, work upon Christianity by ; 151. Manchester ; 126. Mandamns, grant of, for 32,000/.; 17. Manderville, Lord ; 12. Mannering, Doetor ; 67. charge of ; 34, 35. conference touching ; 35. impeached by the House of Com- mons; 47. judgment against ; 47. opinions of ; 67. submission of ; 51. Mansell, Sir Kobert ; 17, 37, 40. thrust out of Council of War; 40. Mansergh, William ; 92. Mansfield, Mr. ; 140. appointed Solicitor General ; 140. vacates his seat for Cambridge Uni- versity ; 140. — , to be Keeper or Chancellor ; 162. Manson, Peter, Journal of ; 74. Manufactures ; 65. Margaret Street, letter dated from ; 160. Mariners ; 35. loss of ; 35. pressing of; 35. Marines, the; 128. commissions in ; 128. Marlborough : Duke of (1713); 247. And see Churchill, John. — — (1762); 131. Lord (1698) ; 111. Marque, letters of ; 45. Marriage, Act for free ; 62. Marriages in Scotland ; 83. Marriott, — , M.P. ; 9. Marsh, — ; 13. Marshall, Sir — ; 14. Martin, Sir Henry, Judge of the Admiralty, Dean of Arches, &c. ; 10, 11,46, 67, 70, 71. charges against ; 10. a High Commissioner; 10. defence of ; 10. Judge of the Prerogative Court ; 55. petition against ; 71. Martine, — , M.P., temp. Eliz. ; 73. Martins, — , M.P. ; 4. 2 278 Mary, Queen, wife of William III. ; 101, 104, 105, 113, 114. death of; 105, 113. governing of St. James’s Park left to ; 113. severe reprimand by ; 113. uncle and grandfather of ; 114. warrants of; 113, 114. Maryland ; 246. Mason, Mr., M.P. ; 26. Masons, Mr. ; 49. Mass, adored by Duke of Buckingham ; 15. Mas sere ene, Lord, letter of ; 107. Master of the Bolls (1806) ; 200. Matick, camp at, letter dated from ; 118. Maule, — ; 9. Maunsell. See Mansell. Maxfield, Lord ; 75, 76. steward of; 75. Maxwell, Mr. ; 58. May, Sir Humphrey, Chancellor of Duchy of Lancaster; 21, 72, 73. Maynard, Sir John, M.P. ; 45. Mayo; 230. Meaburn, the rebels at ; 126. Meageld hill, the ; 77. Mease, — ; 60. Med calf e, Sir Thomas ; 29. “ Medley, the ” ; 248. [Meeke ?], Mr. ; 152. Meldrum, Sir John ; 30. patent for a lighthouse ; 30. Mellein, — , master of the ship Peter of Newhaven; 17. Melville, Yiscount ; 162, 179, 185, 188, 189, 203, 209, 227. letters of; 189, 198, 211 (2), 220, 225, 229. illness of ; 204. lived many years with Pitt ; 189. motion by; 196. political creed of ; 204. son of ; 198. secretary of ; 204. success of, in the elections in Scot- land ; 227. Melville Castle ; 190. Melvin, — , lord of Bruntelin ; 79. Merchants, the ; 35. Adventurers; 1. patent of ; 30. agreement of with Edward III. not valid ; 33. dispensation of, for cloths ; 30. foreign, goods of stayed ; 39. information in Star Chamber against; 70. petition of, for tonnage and pound- age ; 69. seizure of goods of ; 61. ships taken from ; 45. tonnage and poundage given to ; 61. ^klessina; 103. Metlin or Matlin, Viscount Lauderdale ; 78. Micledale llolle ; 76. | Middlesex : Countess of ; 13. Earl of; 13, 14, 17, 18 ; and see' Cranfield, Lionel. Middle Temple, London ; 248. Middleton, Sir Peter ; 41. Middleton ; 88. Milcinton ; 76. Mildmay : Sir Henry; 172. Parliamentary candidate for Hants; 213, 219. [Thomas], M.P.; 26. , — ; 180. Milflatt ; 90, 91. Milford Haven ; 103. Militia, the ; 131. draft to be got from ; 166. officers of Lord Darlington’s, Parlia- mentary candidates ; 215. Mills : corn ; 77. fuller’s; 77. Millsforth ; 87. Milner, Dr., Dean of Carlisle ; 151, Millies, Mr. Pemberton; 136, 137, 138. Mines ; 34. gold and silver ; 36, Ministers, the ; 172, 178, 195, 196. breaking off negotiations with France, cannot obtain credit for ; 205. intend to elect Scotch representative peers for life ; 219. intend to meet Parliament ; 224. Lords would have sent to the Tower; 123. Ministry, the ; 230. Act for better maintenance of reli- gious ; 62. not bad enough to be d;estroyed; 222. late; 228. (1713), will not be of long duration 247. Mint, the ; 15, 36, 52, 54. lessened by 150,000/.; 52. Master of ; 164 ; and see Bathurst,, Lord. Mirton, Lough ; 83. Mithridate; 6. Moffat in Annandale ; 75. Moira ; Lord, struggle of, to be commander-in- chief ; 162. to be sent to Ordnance office or Ireland; 162. Monck, George, Duke of Albemarle ; 114. Moncorn (?) as diet; 5. Money : alloy of; 56. depreciation in the value of; 150. dishonoured ; 4. exchange of ; 52, 53. white ; 53. Monkhouse : Dr.; 154. appointed to the living of Wake- field; 155. Monopolies ; 54. 279 Montagu (Montague — , (an eccle- siastic); 31. charges against ; 10. Montague : Baron, Judge of Assize ; 122. Henry, Earl of Manchester, Lord President of the Council ; 44. Lord Privy Seal ; 61. Sir James, M.P. ; 118. Lord (1657), letter to ; 89. Mr., made a Lord Justice; 111. Dr. Eichard, clerk ; 42, 63, 67. articles against ; 43. hook by ; 66. proclamation for confirming him Bishop of Winchester ; 67. Montesquieu; 169. Montgomery, — , M.P. ; 117. Montrose, Duke of (1806) ; 169, 174, 176, 180. Mont St. Andre ; 105. Moore : Doctor; 3, 4, 5, 6, 8, 71. Sir George ; 3, 6, 20, 26. Lieutenant ; 128. desires a company of Marines ; 128. Mr. ; 16, 27. — M.P. ; 31. committed to the Tower; 31. a priest ; 72. Mordauut : B.; 127. General ; 126. More, Sir George; 14. Moreland, Mr. ; 215. Morland, Quakers at ; 89, 90, 91. Morland, Elizabeth; 90, 91. Morley, Lord ; 6. “ Morning Chronicle,” the (1806) ; 181. Morpeth; 221. Lord; 147,219. Viscount (1806) ; 203. Morris : — , M.P. ; 26. ; 146. Morritt, Mr. ; 198. Mortimer, Sir John ; 18, 19. Mortmain, statute of ; 62. Morton : Earl of ; 85 ; and see Douglas, William. castle of, in Lough Leven ; 85. Lord; 79. Mowbray, — ; 13. Mulgrave : Lord; 152, 173, 174, 180, 225. letters of; 157, 159, 169, 170, 176, 225. cousin of Lord Bristol ; 170. Castle, letter dated from ; 225. Muncaster, Lord ; 183. Muncreeth, East; 87. Muncreth, Muncreeth : Lord of ; 87. Sir John ; 87. Munson, Sir William ; 13. Munster, province of ; 48. Murray, Lord ; 79. Murray-] and; 83. finest land in Scotland 76. Muscano, Secretary to Venetian Am- bassador; 9. Muscovia Company, the ; 56. Muscovy ; 124. Musgrave : Sir Christopher ; 97, 98, 99, 123. Carlisle sarrendered to ; 99. drinks health of the young Pretender; 123. — — younger son of, proposed for Parliament; 98. Sir Philip, baronet ; 89. — — letter of ; 93. to ; 90. William, his cousin ; 93, 97. Muskin, the, or pint ; 79. Musquz, Spain ; 238. letter dated from ; 237. Musselburgh ; 79. battle at ; 79. N. Naples : formidable insurrection at ; 205. sovereignty of ; 196. Narrow Seas, the; 16, 17, 45. not guarded ; 12, 45. infested with pirates ; 17. Naseby, the, flagship; 89. “ Nation, state of the,” pamphlet by Brougham on ; 183. Naval war ; 29. Navigation, decay of ; 35. Navy, the ; 13, 18. Treasurers of; 13. victualling of ; 18. Board; 1G5. Ofiice; 181. Neitherbowe, the, Edinburgh ; 84. Nelson, Lord, the right hand of the King- dom ; 168. Nepean, Sir Evan ; 171. Nesse, Lough ; 83. Netherby-in-the-Wood ; 75. the Good Man of ; 75. Netherlanders, the ; 37. Neville, Sir H. ; 21. Nevinson : Edward, J.P., declaration by ; 90. warrant of; 89. Mr. ; 248. Newark; 113. “ Netvbattell, my Lord of, tvho slicked himself;” 78. Netvbery, [Humphrey], M.P. ; 9, 24. Newby ; 90. Quakers at ; 90,91. Newcastle, Duke of (1762), letter of 131 ; and see Pelham, Thomas. 2 280 Newcastle ; 1, 35, 79, 88, 98, 122, 131. letter dated from ; 95. Assize sermon at ; 122. refuted by Judges’ charge to grand jury ; 122. New England ; 246. Newhaven; 12, 17. governor of ; 17. Newland, Mr. ; 247. Newman, Henry, letters of; 247 (4), 248. Newmarket; 109,118. horse racing and plate at ; 111. Newtown, Canning returned for ; 21 9. Ney, Marshal ; 243, 244. trial of ; 243. taken in Switzerland ; 244. Neyle, Eichard, Bishop of Winchester ; 66, 69, 71. petition against; 67. Nicholas, Mr. ; 45. Nicholson, William, Bishop of Carlisle, letters of ; 248 (3), 249 (2). chapel of; 249. nephew of ; 249. Nicholson’s projection ; 30. Noain ; 236. Nobility, Scotch, frequent the English Court ; 83. trade almost wholly with England ; 83. Nonconformist, Puritans be only ; 68. Nootka Sound ; 190. Norfolk; 125. statute for repairing sea banks in ; 52. Duke of (1790) ; 146. (1806) ; 219. Norris, — ; 8. Earl ; 18. North, Lord (1763), letter of ; 132. North, commission concerning recusants in the ; 40. Northern Crowns, tne ; 115. Norton : Mr., nrintcr to the House of Commons ; 59, ‘ 60. warrant to ; 60. Norwich : Bishop of ; 21. bishopric of ; 48. prebend of ; 154. Nottingham, Earl of. See Finch, Daniel. Noy [William], M.P. ; 19, 24, 32, 42, .52, 56, 57. o. Oath of Exclusion of Foreigners ; 124. O’Connor, — ; 224. Officers, members of Parliament ; 123. of Be venue resign their offices to their friends ; 132. Offices : ambition for ; 28. buying of; 6, 16, 17. plurality of; 2, 11, 16, 17. sale of sheriffs’ ; 3. Oil well ; 88. Old Palace Yard ; 167. letters dated from; 167, 171, 173, 191, 196. Olita or Olite ; 236, 237. Olivares, Duke of ; 15. Opera, the ; 162. Opposition, the (1804) ; 153. Orange : Prince of ; 97, 99. embarks for England ; 97. Ordinaries provided for electors, White- haven ; 129. Ordnance ; 62, 85, 88. brass and iron ; 80, commission for transporting ; 41. and corn provided for Spain ; 62, 65. manufacture of ; 34. transported; 18,34, 44. into Holland ; 41. Ore river ; 85. Oregue, letter dated from ; 242. Orford, Lord ; 118. Orkney : Earl of, beheaded ; 85- his son hanged ; 85. Ormonde, Duke of. See Butler, James. Orthes ; 243. battle of ; 243. Orton ; 127. Osborne : Thomas, Earl of Danby, letter of ; 95. Sir Thomas, letter of ; 95. Ossory, Bishop of ; 119. Oustertraynes ; 57. Oysters ; 79. Oxen; 1. Oxford; 12, 31, 67, 179, 219. Parliament at ; 19, 33. dissolution of ; 33. University ; 249. Commoners at ; 93. degree conferred at ; 248. exercises at; 93, 94. Houses or Colleges ; 93. Margaret Professor at ; 249. servitors at, must be gownsmen and scholars ; 94. Upper Commoners ; 93. sons of baronets or knights ; 93. P. Pace, Alderman ; 62. Paddie, Sir William ; 3, 4, 5, 6, 8. 281 Page, Baron, Judge of Assize ; 122. accused in the House of Commons of corrupting a borough ; 123. counsel of; 123. Painted Chamber, the ; 35. Palace Yard, letter dated from ; 184. Palatinate, the ; 11. Palatine Settlement, the ; 120. Pall Mall; 146. Pampeluna ; 236, 237, 238, 240. citadel of ; 238. garrison of ; 236, 237, 238. French General commanding ; 236. Grande of ; 238. siege of ; 236, 237. surrender of ; 237, 238. Papacy, the ; 15. Papists ; 15, 37, 40, 43, 63, 71, 98, 99. English ; 40. at home connived at ; 37. in Scotland ; 83, 85. tolerating of ; 39. Pardons, granting of ; 54, 65. Paris ; 199, 205, 240, 243, 244. letter dated from ; 96. French soldiers march towards ; 242. negotiations for peace at ; 199, 203, 229. rupture of ; 230. peace with England looked upon as certain at ; 197. the plague in; 10. the Prussian soldiers take many pictures from the gallery at ; 244. reported that the Allies have entered without a shot at ; 243. Park Place, letter dated from ; 151. Parliament : annual election of members proposed ; 136, 137. contested elections to ; 137. double capacity of ; 38. duration of ; 137. elections to; 93, 97, 98, 121, 125, 127. Houses of; 1, 41, 56, 58, 142, 143, 144, 153. impositions can only be imposed by ; 29, 65. men ; 61, 62, 72, 73. law against proceeding against ; 26. Scottish law consists of Acts of ; 82. septennial, too long ; 137. triennial, fixed at the Revolution ; 137. writs (1688), proclamation for re- calling ; 97. (1626-1629) ; 1, 2, 3, 7, 8, 9, 10, 11, 12, 15, 17, 19, 20, 23, 24, 26, 28, 29, 34, 37, 49, 58, 59. Acts of ; 7, 20, 29, 33, 34, 37, 42, 49, 52, 54, 55, 56, 61, 62, 66, 68, 69, 70. appeal in ; 20. articles of religion established bv; 66. Bills in ; 8, 10, 34, 58. Parliament — cont. calling of, caused by Bucking- ham ; 46. Clerk of ; 10, 26. commencement of ; 58. Committees of ; 3, 8, 30. ■ — Grand ; 23. Select; 1 (5), 2. examine privately ; 1. good correspondence betwixt both Houses ; 41, 47. — as a Council ; 38. — — Court of ; 4, 38, 42. decree in Chancery only re- versible by ; 60. — — —dissolution of; 16, 19, 31, 33 ( 2 ). High Commission Court derived out of; 65. Journals of; 59. — — King diverted from calling ; 35 enacts with assent of ; 34. liberties of ; 26, 31, 37, 49, 62. members of, free from imprison- ment ; 37. “ Notes in ” ; 1-74. at Oxford ; 19, 31, 33. party not to love monarchy ; 61. petitions of; 34. concerning rights and liberties ; 50. called petitions of Puri- tans ; 67. precedents ; 7, 26, 27, 43. — — privilege ; 8, 10, 14, 23, 25, 26, 31, 37, 59, 68, 70, 73, 74. proceedings of ; 34. ■ hindrances to ; 33, 65. prorogations and adjournments ; 10, 14, 53, 55, 57, 58, 60, 62, 73. — — no purveyance to be taken in ; 33. records of; 65, — — religion confirmed by ; 66. Rolls of; 40, 42, 54, 59, 73. royal assent in full ; 50. — ^ — - rules of ; 48. — —session of, concludes; 34, 38, 52, 53, 58, 62, 64. statutes of, continued ; 52. repealed and not revived; 52, 53, 58. supply ; 6, 7, 8, 12, 19, 34. no tax or tallage to be levied without assent of ; 57. tonnage and poundage taken without ; 32. not due without ; 61. violation of liberty of; 37. (1664), Act of, to suppress conven- ticles ; 90. (1680), meeting of ; 95. the last ; 96. (1698-9); 112. have done no good ; 112. nothing but a nest of strife and contention; 112. 2 282 Parliament — cont. voters for the court in ; 113. (1713); 247. (1733) ; 125. King and Queen desire a Whig ; 125. (1755); 128. meeting of ; 128. (1763, &c.); 134. alone can restore vigour to the laws; 133. meeting of ; 133. (1788), to determine on the means of giving royal assent ; 143. ought to supply the defect of the exercise of the royal authority ; 143. proceedings in ; 144. (1791), meeting of ; 146. (1796, &c.) ; 147, 148. the Address in ; 147. the King’s speech to ; 148. session of; 147. Speaker of ; 148. (1798-9) ; members of, from Ireland ; 148. from English burghs to be reduced ; 148. reinforcements for Ireland autho- rised by ; 148. (1806); 155, 159, 160, 165, 181, 182, 183, 194, 196, 200, 203, 205, 211, 213, 215, 217, 219, 220, 221, 222, 228. 229. Acts of ; 192. addresses the King to remove a minister; 170. candidates for the new, men of revolutionary principles ; 215. censure of; 170. debate on the Address in ; 227, 229. dissolution of; 161, 196, 197, 204, 205, 211, 212, 213, 214, 216, 217, 223, 224, 230. election of a new ; 216,217,219, 221, 222, 226. meeting of the new ; 223, 224, 230. nothing done in, till Pitt’s funeral is over ; 159. the opnosition in ; 221, 222, 224, 231. petition to ; 227. Pitt acquired ascendancy in by his eloquence ; 187. prorogation of; 196. responsibility and coercion in ; 170. session of ; 187. Speaker of ; 227, 229. — — speech from the Throne to ; 227, 229, 2.30. strength of parties in ; 223,230. swearing in of members ; 224. zealous attendance of Pitt’s friends in necessary ; 223. (1813); 240. Parliamentary debates ; 170, 186, 187. reform, infinite danger attending ■■ 149. Parliaments : annual; 137. former; 22, 37, 43, 48, 51, 65, 73, 74. complained of the King’s son,. &c.; 37. laws intended by ; 65. — petition in ; 73. protestation in ; 56. — > — . Speakers of ; 73. Parr : — , a priest; 72. Dr. [Richard]; 151. Archbishop Usher’s letters edited by; 151. Parrett, Sir James ; 14. Parry, — , hanged, drawn, and quartered ; 26. Passage, Spain ; 235. Patent : Customers; 132, 133. with indentures and proclamations a grievance ; 54. Offices in the Customs ; 133. only places a First Lord can bestow on his relations ; 133. Rolls ; 54. Patents ; 30, 53. letters ; 49, 50, 58, 70. Patrickson, J., letter of ; 126. Pauli, Mr. ; 224. Pay Office, letter dated from; 130. Payne, Captain, letter of; 144. Payton, Sir Edward ; 6. Peace : clerk of the, fees of ; 92. commissioners of the, who have taken the oaths (1689), 101. commissions of the; 101. for precincts of the Tower ; 101. justices of; 6. Peers : part of Republic ; 18. representative, Irish and Scotch ; 219, 225. Pelham : Mr., the Duke’s brother ; 125. Thomas, Duke of Newcastle, letters of; 124, 125, Pembroke Hall, Cambridge, letters dated from; 141, 152. Penn : William, letter of ; 246. family of, increased by a son ; 246. has laid his labour, money, and solicitation in Pennsylvania ; 246. prosperity of his colony ; 246. — ; 153. Pennington : Mr. ; 122, 123. a sinecure of 300/. or 400/. per annum his only view ; 122. Pennsberry, letter dated from ; 246. 283 Pennsylvania ; 246. Barbadoes the market of; 246. colony is an approved experiment what sobriety and industry can do against wilderness, &c. ; 246. description of country and products (1701) ; 246. government of ; 246. staple corn and tobacco ; 246. trade of, with England; 246. Penny, the Scotch and English ; 87. Penrith; 127, 182. gentlemen of, defeat the rebels ; 126. road to from Kendal, made turnpike ; 127. Pensioner, the ; 115. an able minister and very honest man ; 1 15. Pensions; 14, 18. payment of ; 113. Perceval, Mr., Attorney General (1806) ; 164, 165, 200, 209, 210, 214. Perch fish ; 85. Percival, Mr, ; 180. Perjury ; 83. Perlies (^sic) plot ; 245. Perry, Mr., of the Morning Chronicle ; 181. Perth; 83, 87. Pertock, — ; 18. Peterhouse, Cambridge, Master of. See Law, Dr. Peter robbed to pay Paul ; 42. Petition of Eight ; 49. Petty, Imrd Henry, Chancellor of the Ex- chequer ; 156, 159, 183, 192, 193, 195. Bills introduced by ; 192. speech of ; 192, 195. stands as M.P. for Cambridge ; 159. Peyrehorade ; 242. Philip and Mary, King and Queen of England ; 25. Phillips : Sir Eobert, M.P. ; 36, 38, 54, 61, 63. Mr., M.P. ; 71. Phingaske ; 87. lord of. See Dundas. Phipps, Sir Con. ; 248. made LL.D. of Oxford; 248. wise conduct in Ireland ; 248. Phcenix, the, pinnace ; 86. Pie, Sir Eobert ; 13, 15, 17, Pike fish ; 85. Pirn, Mr., M.P. ; 10, 13, 17, 22, 29. Pirates, Narrow Seas infested vdth ; 17. Pitcairn, Dr. ; 197. Pitfour. See Ferguson. Pitt : John, Earl of Chatham, (1806) ; 156, 158, 159, 169, 171, 179. letters of; 166, 179. , brother of; 166. William (senior), Earl of Chatham (1775) ; 135, 136, 179. letter of ; 130. Pitt, William — cont. bust of ; 171. family of ; 179. plays written by ; 179. son of ; 135. William, son of Lord Chatham; 189,. 142, 148, 149, 155-232 passim. — - — letters of; 140 (2), 141 (5), 142, 143, 146, 147, 148 (2^, 151 (2), 152 (3), 153 (3), 154 (^3). the acting soul and presiding reason of the State ; 168. administration of ; 172, 175, 183, 187, 189, 190, 201, 222, 228. — attends to distracted state of the revenue ; 190. — — biography of; 170, 173, 174, 176, 177, 178, 185, 188, 189, 190, — — W’ial of; 159, 167. a candidate for Cambridge Uni- versity ; 135, 136, 140, 141. character of ; 168, 169, 171, 172,. 174, 178, 179, 185, 188, 190, 195, 220, 231. conduct of as a public man ; 189, 228. correspondence relating to ; 155, 160, 161. death of; 157, 158, 167, 168,. 172, 191, 195, 221, 222, 225. - debts of, paid by Parliament ; 163. — — driven out of office by the Coali- tion (1783) ; 228. education of; 173, 174, 179, 186, 189. executor of ; 185. facilitates the admission of new persons into Government ; 232. — friends trusted by neuter, or support Government ; 222. public funeral of; 160, 166. government of; 159, 189, 192, 224. continental conduct of ; 163. Lord Grenville would not join without Fox ; 204. most distinguished asso- ciate of; 226. given by heaven to save the nation; 168. last hope of the country expires with ; 158. illness of ; 155, 156, 157, 158. cabal going on during;, 157. India redeemed from ruin by 189. ■ interposition of, in favour of Holland; 190. juvenile compositions of ; 179. ■ less known as a man than as a statesman; 185. life of consecrated to the service of his country ; 186, 189. difficulties in the way of writing; 185, 189, 190. 2 284 Pitt, 'William-*co7^^. history of, must be history of his times; 189. materials for; 169, 170, 171, 173, 176, 177, 178, 185, 188, , 89. short in years, long in activity and honour ; 168. matchless powers of eloquence ; 187. measures of ; 193, 194, 195, 205, 225, 231. vindication of ; 195. ministry have done nothing but imitate ; 221. public monument to ; 198. gross neglect imputed to ; 192, 195. neither to be driven nor diverted from his purpose; 168. opinions of; 165, 185, 231. opponents of ; 187, 188, 189. pamphlet on ; 196. party of ; 221, 223, 230, 231. needs a head ; 204, 215, 216. proscribed ; 217. should unite to resist attacks on Constitution ; 222. will lose by new elections ; 217. physicians of; 155, 156, 157. plan of, to supply defect of royal authority ; 143, 144, 145. posthumous admiration of ; 168, 188. principles of, founded on his father’s ; 136. private life of; 185, 186. private secretary of ; 157, 173. provides seats in Parliament ; 220 . pulse of, at 130° ; 15.5, 157. at Putney ; 155, 156. great reputation of ; 169, 186. resigns office ; 140. greatest of statesmen ; 168, 187. statue of; 169, 171, 176. in Guildhall; 171. struggles to preserve the consti- tution; 189, 190. sublime and comprehensive genius ; 178. suffers from gout ; 152, 155. success of his first appearance in the House of Commons ; 139, 140. successors of, in government ; 194. supporters and friends of; 159, 161, 164, 166, 167, 168, 169, 170, 171, 173-176, 177, 178, 180, 181, 182, 183, 184, 187, 188, 191, 195, 196, 200, 201, 21l», 214, 215, 217, 219, 221, 223, 224, 226, 228. two classes of ; 164, 165. difficulty of keeping to- gether; 180. Pitt, William — cont. *-sjstem of; 164, 182, 193, 194, 232. talents, integrity and firmness of; 168. tutors of; 179. union of with Lord S. (Shel- burne) ; 231. universal and transcendant po wers of mind ; 226. war with Spain daily expected by ; 153. was made for command ; 168. will made by, but has little to leave of any thing ; 158. singular wisdom of; 172. Plague, the ; 10. Plantations and trade : memoranda on ; 102, 103. in the West Indies ; 51. Plantations ill supplied with negroes ; 102. Planters ; 30. protestants ; 49. Plat de Colonel, pay of the ; 1C 4. Plymouth, expedition from the Downs against; 203. Plympton ; 215. Poland ; 34, 124. frontiers of ; 124. Pole, W., Lord Wellesley’s brother; 165. Poles, the ; 124. Polish Election, the ; 124. Poll money ; 245. Bill for; 245. royal assent to ; 245. to be received by the Sheriffs ; 245. Pontefract ; 96. Pope, Sir William ; 14. Pope, the ; 9, 11, 20, 63, 70. the great bishop and ancient ; 43. bull of; 11. not antichrist ; 43. privilege of, before Henry VIII. ; 70. Popery; 10, 43, 64, 196. and Arminianism, King will sup- press ; 45. Ivringing in of; 66. countenancing of ; 44. much multiplied ; 44. Popish officers ; 99. priests ; 71. reprieve of ; 71. recusants. Act for suppressing ; 61. Porter, — ; 11. Portland : Duke of (1800) ; 149. (1806) ; 201, 211, 215. letter to ; 211. proposed as leader of Pitt’s friends; 217. (1808) ; 232, 233. as prime minister is a factor, not a patron of merit ; 233. Earl of. See Bentinck, William. Portsmouth; 116. King of Spain at ; 117. 285 Portugal : Ambassador of ; 117. history of ; 234. ten regiments going to ; 117. Portuguese, the ; 242. Poundage; 16. Powder : for defence of kingdom, great defect in ; 34. shot, &c. ; 88. sold out of ToAver ; 34. Powell, Mr. Sergeant, made J udge of Common Pleas ; 104. Protmunire, a ; 66, 67. Pragmatic Sanction, the ; 124. Prat, Mr. ; 120. Preaching God’s word, neglect of ; 40. want and decay of ; 44. Precedents; 13, 14, 18, 19, 20, 21, 24, 26, 27. dangerous ; 65. Predestination ; 65, 67, 68. Predian, John, gentleman ; 68. petition of ; 67, 68. Prelates, doctrine of the ; 69. Prentices, statute concerning ; 52. Prerogative Court, the ; 55, 56. Judge of. See Martin, Sir Henry. Presbyterians ; 151. protest against petition for peace from ; 151. reported rising of ; 92. Press warrants for seamen ; 103. Preston. See Purston. Pretender, the, called James VIII. of Scotland and James III. of England ; 123. Pretyman, Dr., brother of the Bishop of Lincoln ; 154. precentor of Lincoln and prebend of Norwich; 154. refuses the prebend of Durham ; 154. Price : Captain; 46. Mr., M.P.; 59. Priests; 40. evidence against refused ; 72. prosecuted; 72. repricA^ed ; 71, 72. warrants touching ; 103. Primrose, — , testimony of ; 8. Prince Henrv (afterwards Henry Y.) ; 226. Prince of Wales, the (afterAvards George IV.) ; 142, 144, 157, 158, 159. letters of; 142 (2), 144, 146. character of, likely to be arraigned ; 142, 144. misconstruction of CA’ery action ; 142. supported by some of the House of Commons ; 142. to be empowered to exercise the Eoyal authority ; 143. opinion of, on Mr. Pitt’s plan for a Regency ; 144, 145, 146. [Prince ?], William ; 69. Pringle : Sir James, sheriff of Ethrick; 75, 76, 77, 78. house of; 77, 78. husbandry of; 77. sons of ; 78. Robert ; 75, 88. Pringles, the family of ; 77, 78. were never but on the King’s part ; 78. Privileges : of Parliament ancient birthright of subjects; 37. of subjects ; 59. infringed ; 59, 60. Privy Council, the ; 5, 21, 23, 25, 44, 62. Board, warrant from ; 72. or King cannot commit above 24 hours ; 26. Lords of the; 18. report of, concerning the Princess (1806) ; 197. not to be made public ; 199. representation of, about scarcity of corn; 149. Privy Seal; 13, 114, 115. to buy horse and arms ; 41. farmers of customs by ; 8. Lord (1806). See Sidmouth, Lord. Proclamations ; 14, 40, 47, 53, 58, 65, 67. against the law ; 44. for dissolution of Parliament ; 205, 211 . for recalling Parliament writs ; 97. Profaneness and scurrility at preaching ; 10 . Projectors ; 16, 30, 33, 51. noAV turned to proposers ; 56. Property, security of; 137. Protestant : Dissenters, memorial of ; 246. planters ; 49. religion, the ; 98. and peace established in Europe ; 108. Protestants; 10, 15, 96. “ Answer to the Gag to the ” ; 43. French, betrayed by England ; 37. Protestors, the, in Ireland ; 119. Provisions, land, &c., price of; 150, 151. Prussia : an end to all hopes of ; 225. game of, English Government do not give up the ; 224. offer made by, to deliver up Gueldres, &c. ; 132. King of, at Magdeburg; 218. puts himself out of Russia’s as- sistance ; 218. sues for peace on any terms he can get ; 225. will be reduced to insignificance ; 218. Prussians, the, take a great many pictures from Paris ; 244. 286 Pulteney, Sir William ; 104. nominated .Judge of Common Pleas ; 104. Puritan faction ; 67. Puritans ; 43, 67, 68, 84. ' petitions of Parliament called peti- tions of; 67. Purse Bearer; 115. Purston, CO. York, letter dated from ; 96. Purveyance ; 4, 33. Putney; 155, 156. Pye, Sir Eobert ; 51, 54. Pym, Mr. ; 35, 39, 42, 43, 64, 66, 68, 69, 71. Pyrenees, the ; 235, 240. passes in fortified by the English ; 235, 236. English army crosses ; 239, 240. Q. ■Quakers : in gaol ; 92. insolent behaviour of ; 93. papers concerning; 89-93. to be suppressed by imprisonment and transportation ; 93. transportation and imprisonment of ; 93. Quarter Sessions Commissioners ; 83. Queen Dowager, the ; 106. Queen's Bench : in Ireland; 120. Judges of, properly conservators of the peace; 119. reference to; 119. Queen’s College, Oxford ; 93, 94. letters dated from ; 93, 94, 95. Commoners of ; 93. two ranks of gentlemen in ; 93. tutors at ; 94. Upper Commoners of ; 93. Queen’s House, the ; 40. K. Kaby ; 215, 225. Eachills, letter dated from ; 189. Eagley; 95. the noble possessor of ; 205. Ealeigh : Carew ; 48, 49, 50. act for restitution of blood of ; 34. Bill of ; 49. father of, attainted for high treason ; 34. Sir Walter ; 48, 49, 50. attainder of ; 49, 50. Earn Alley at the Inner Temple, London j 86 . Eamsay (Eamsey), Doctor ; 2, 3, 5, 8. Eamsden : Sir John ; 128,129. Sir William; 113. Eamsey, Lord; 78. Eanelagh, Lord ; 102. Eatcliffe, Mr. ; 56. Eates, book of; 32, 50, 51. new book of, to be made ; 51. Eawlinson : Mr. Sergeant ; 106. recommended for Chief Baron ; 106. Sir William, Lord Commissioner ; 106. letters to; 100, 101, 103, 104 (3). Eead road, the ; 76. Eeal Presence, the ; 43. Eebellion : arrest upon a commission of; 14. the (1745) ; 126. rebels garrison Carlisle ; 126. main body of; 126. proceed as far as Derby ; 126. return northwards ; 126. standard of, raised (1763) ; 133. Eecord, three courts of, in Westminster ; 42. Eecorder, Mr. ; 71. Eecusancy; 2. Eecusants ; 7, 10, 40. lands of, to be taken to supply King ; 14. laws against neglected ; 64. revenue from ; 51. stay of proceedings at sessions against ; 44. toleration of ; 40. Eeed, Jos., letters of ; 97, 98, 99 (2). Eeeves, Mr., displaced from Alien Office j 181. Beformed Church, the ; 43. Eegency, the ; 190. Eeligion ; 60, 64. altering of ; 36. army averse to ; 40. Committee for ; 63, 64, 66. debate on, in the Commons ; 65. exercise of, contrary to liturgy of Church of England ; 90. Grand Committee for ; 42. innovation of ; 38, 39, 44, 47. petition of ; 63. the reformed ; 66. a parliamentary religion ; 66. right in, violated ; 63. subversion of ; 63. toleration of, in Ireland; 39. what is done in the country undone in the city touching ; 63. Eeligious houses ; 56. Eendlesham ; 205. Eendlesham, Lord; 215. Eepentance, stool of ; 87. Keplevin; 70. grantable out of the Exchequer; 72.^ 287 Eeplevins; 59, 60. Republic consists of King, Peers, Com- mons ; 18. Republicans ; 151. Requests, Master of ; 13. Resumptions, bills of ; 56. Revenue, the ; 120. distracted state of ; 190. officers of, resign their offices to their friends ; 132. Revenues, commerce, and navigation, in- crease of under Mr. Pitt ; 196. Revolution, the (1688) ; 137. Triennial Parliaments fixed at ; 137. Reynolds : Dr., attends Mr. Pitt ; 155. Sir George ; 36 Rhe, island of ; 37. disasters at ; 46. Ribcall, George ; 86. Ricard, Mr. ; 62. Rich : Henry, Earl of Holland; 36. Sir Nathaniel, M.P. ; 10, 22, 23, 24, 26, 29, 36, 39, 44, 47, 48, 54, 60, 66 , 68 . Robert, Earl of Warwick ; 5,12. Richard II., King of England; 17, 19, 20, 25,28, 73. Richard III., King of England ; 55. Richardson : Lord; 72. examination of; 72. Mary ; 91. Richmond : Duke of. See Lennox, Charles. (1760), regiment of ; 131. Yorks; 123. Richmondshire, in Yorkshire ; 77. Riddall : Goodman, a burgess of Selkirk ; 76. Laird of ; 76. Ridley, Bishop ; 64. Right, the Petition of; 41, 42, 48, 49, 57, 58, 60. answer to ; 42, 58, 69, 60. Rivers, Lord (1806) ; 158. Robarts, Timothy, incumbent of Barton, Westmorland, apprehension of ; 89. Roberts, Lord ; 2, 17. Robertson : Dr., the historian ; 182. Mrs., stabler ; 80. Robinson : Ann; 91. Edmond; 90, 92. Edward ; 91. John ; 92. letters of ; 129, 130. Mary ; 90. Mr. ; 132. Robert ; 90. [Sir Thomas] ; 128. English ambassador to the Emperor ; 124. Rochelle; 17, 22,27. Dunkirk victualled instead of; 46. Rochelle — cont. English ships employed against ; 2 11, 17. loss of, caused by Buckingham; 2 12 . ships sent to ; 16. Rockingham, Marquis of (1780), letters of; 136, 138, 139. Rockinghams, the ; 135. Rodgers, — ; 60. Rome ; 20. church of ; 10, 43. built on Apostles and Prophets ; 43. tenets of; 43. Rooke, Sir G. : letter of ; 114. the Shreivsbury , flagship of ; 114. Roscommon ; 230. Rose ; 99. letters dated from; 248 (2), 249. election at ; 248. Rose : George, M.P. ; 170, 171, 176, 177, 178, 180, 185, 193, 194, 195. — —letters of; 167 (2), 171, 173, 191,195, 196, 205. unfit to be biographer of Pitt ; 178. executor of Pitt ; 185. interest of, in the West Indies ; 193. measure originated by ; 191. pamphlet by ; 196. son of ; 193. Vice-President of the Com- mittee for Trade ; 193. — ; 153. Rothery, Mr., nephew of Bishop Nichol- son, preaches against slander ; 249. Rotterdam; 41. Rotuli ; Litterarum Clausarum ; 55. Parliamentorum ; 54. Rous, Mr. ; 63. Rouse, — , M.P. ; 23. Rowles, Mr., M.P. ; 60, 61, 73. a “ Parliament man ;” 72. to have privilege for his goods ; 73. Royal Exchange, the ; 76. Rudyard, Sir Benjamin, M.P. ; 3, 15, 23, 24, 38, 46, 61, 66. Rufford, letter dated from ; 113. Rupert, Prince, petition to ; 89. answer to ; 89. Russell : Mr., Admiral of the Fleet ; 105. Mrs. ; 80. Sir William; 13. Russia ; 198. Bonaparte’s campaign in ; 240. concludes separate peace with France j 198. Czarina of; 124. Russians, the ; 218. 2 288 Eutland : Duchess of (1815) ; 244. Duke of (1779-80), letters of; 135, 139 (3). (1806) ; 156. S. S., Sir W. ; 29. S. (Shelburne ?), Lord, union of Pitt with ; 231. Sabbath, Bill for abuses on the ; 58. Sacheverell, Champion ; 248. Sack ; 84. Sackville, Edward, Earl of Dorset ; 14. Sacrament, the, incumbent apprehended for not administering ; 89. Saddle-back or Blencathara mountain ; 154. St. Albans, Viscount; 17, 21; and see Bacon, Eraneis. St. Andero, Spain ; 235. wounded at; 235. St. Antona; 235. lield by the French ; 235. description of; 235. St. Asaph, see of; 249. St. Esteran, Spain ; 238. letter dated from ; 238. St. Giles’s ; 107. St. James’s ; 135. Palace, letters dated from; 109, 113, 140. Park; 113,114. governing of, left to Queen Mary; 113. keeper of ; 114. rangers of ; 114. warrants for killing bucks in ; 113, 114. Square, London, letter dated from ; 130. St. Jean de Luz; 237, 239, 241. description of; 241, 242. inhabitants return to ; 241. surrender of ; 239. Wellington’s headquarters at; 239, 240, 241. St. Jean Pied de Port ; 242. St. John ; 87. Lord (1806); 181. St. Johnstowne ; 87. description of ; 87. craftsmen and government of ; 87. St. Lucar, plot against ; 40. fort of ; 40. St. Palais ; 242. French retreat to and beyond ; 242. river by crossed by English ; 242. St. Peter, the, ship of Newhaven ; 12 (2), 13, 16, 17 (3), 19, 22. St. Quintin, Sir William ; 120 St. Sebastian, Spain ; 235, 236. St. Sever ; 243. St. Vincent, Lord (1806) ; 165. former colleagues and defenders of ; 165. naval administration of ; 165. system of, revived throughout naval departments; 165. — — detrimental to the public ser- vice; 165. “ Saints, Invocation of,” book called ; 43. Salmon; 85. Salt: patent for; 15. monopoly of; 16. Saltpetre ; 34. Sandal, letters dated from ; 150, 152, 153, 233. Sandford : Sir Bichard; 117, 248. Thomas, J.P., warrant of; 89. Sandforth, Mr. ; 100. Sands, Sir Edward ; 7, 14. Santry, Lord; 119. Sare; 239. letter dated fr(»m ; 239. action commenced at ; 239. Sarkfoot; 74. Sarum, election at; 247. Sasquehanah, the ; 246. Saunders, Sir Nicholas ; 4. Savile, Saville : Sir George, letter of ; 131. Sir John; 7, 23, 26, 29, 71. letter of ; 29. committed to the Tower from the door of the House ; 22, 24. William, Marquis of Halifax, letter of; 113. coach of ; 113. — , M.P. ; 16. Saxony : Elector of; 124,218. treaty between, the Em- peror and Czarina ; 124. will be erected into a kingdom ; 218. Sayer, Sir Edward, M.P. ; 51. answers of ; 51. committed to the Tower; 51, 52. unworthy ever again to sit in the House ; 52. Scaife, William ; 92. Scawen, Mr. ; 247. Schombergh, Duke of ; 117. Scidmore, Sir John, M.P. ; 37, 46. Scone, Lord of ; 87. Scotch, the ; 79, 128. Commission; 118. Secretary to ; 118. Peers, eldest sons of ineligible for seats in Scotland ; 220. representative Peers to be elected for life; 219. shipping stayed ; 88. Scotland : (1626); 15. 289 Scotland — cont. (1629) ; 75, 76. (1720) ; 122. (1806) ; 230. “ Account of a Journey into ” ; 74. advocates of ; 82. exorbitant fees of ; 82. bleaching of linen in ; 85. Chancellor of; 80, 81, 88, 97. Charles I. goes to ; 245. churches in ; 76, 77. coalpits in ; 75, 76, 83. coins of ; 87. Commissary’s Court ; 80. Committee of House of Commons for affairs of; 118, 122. Council of ; 85. Secret; 78. lords of ; 83. craftsmen ; 87. dialect of; 86. doctrine of the Church of ; 68. dower and jointure in ; 83. eldest sons of Scotch peers ineligible for seats in ; 220. elections in ; 227. turn against Government ; 223. and England wooed roughly before they wed ; 78. farming in ; 76, 77. fish in ; 85. food in ; 77, 78, 84. James YIII. of. Pretender so-called ; 123. judges; 80, 81, 82, 83. judicial procedure in ; 81, 82. jury system in; 75. Justice, the general, throughout ; 83. King of ; 84, 85, And see James I. jeweller of ; 84. lairds’ houses in ; 75, 76. law in ; 82. Lord Advocate ; 80. Lord President ; 80. marriages in ; 83. mason and joiner work in ; 83. measures of liquids and corn in ; 86. Murray land, finest land in ; 76. nobility of; 85, 88. frequent the English Court ; 83. North; 84. old league of, with France ; 83. outlaws in ; 75, 76. papists in ; 83, 85. presbyteries of ; SO. one Privy Council for, and England ; 118. proclamations in ; 85. protestants in ; 83. Queen of ; 85. reported general rising in ; 92. sheriffs ; 83. courts of; 83. sheriffdoms ; 77. commissioners in ; 77. South ; 84. tillage in ; 83. trade of ; 83, 87. ^ o 69070. Scotland — co7it,. travelling m ; 83. treason against ; 85. trees in ; 77. trouble from possible ; 116. Union of, with England, Commis- sioner for ; 118, 122. victuals throughout good; 77. wives alter not their surnames in ; 77. Scots, the, Carlisle said to be burnt by ; 88 . ' state and temper of ; 116. j disaffected, resort to rebel garrison at Carlisle; 126. Scott : Sir John, one of the Secret Council ; 78. Messrs.; 215. i Sir Eobert, of Havin ; 76. I Scourge of Mankind, the ; 132. ! Scrayingham, letter dated from ; 151. Seals, the ; 162. Seamen : concealed ; 103. press warrants for ; 103. Seas, guarding of the ; 61. Secret Council, Scotland, lords of the ; 83. are spies over other judges ; 83. Secretary of State ; 117 ; and see Conway, Edward Lord, none made ; 111. seals of ; 128. for War and Colonies ; 226. at War, the (1760) ; 130. Sectaries and maligners ; 67. Seditious doctrine, impeachment for ; 47. Seisin, liveries of ; 48. Sejanus ; 27, 28. Selden, Mr., M.P. ; 10, 13, 16, 17, 20, 38, 47, 48, 49, 53, 53, 54, 55, 56,57, 59, 60, 61, 62, 67, 68, 74. Selkirk ; 75, 76, 77, 86. antiquity of; 76. borough regal ; 76. church of 76. government of ; 76. hammermen and other tradesmen of: 76. inhabitants of, drunken ; 77. “ the Jogges ” at ; 76. Semibijani, students called ; 84. Sergeant Lieutenants ; 131. Major promoted to be Lieutenant ; 1 3 1 . Sessions ; Judges of ; 82, 83. order of ; 92. President of the, Edinburgh ; 81. proceedings against recusants at, stayed ; 44. Quarter ; 83. Utlawry, committal upon a; 92. Seton, — , laird of Erniston ; 78. coal mines of ; 78. property of ; 78. Seymour, Sir Francis ; 63, 72. I Shap ; 127. ! Quakers at; 90-92. T 2 290 Sheep farming ; 76. Sheffield ; 138. Shelburne, Lord ; 136, 281. Sheldon, Sir Richard, Solicitor-General ; 42. Sherfield, Mr. ; 70. Sheridan, Mr. ; 181, 200. election of, as M.P. for Westmin- ster ; 224. Navy Office account of ; 18!. Sheriffs, the; 33, 52. | luxury of condemned by House of Commons ; 244. l sell their offices ; 3. shall not entertain the Judges ; 244. to receive the poll money ; 245. Ship, illegal stay of ; 17, 19. Shipping : decay of ; 39, 45. Scotch, stayed ; 88. Ships ; 27, 28, 41. building of ; 35. cast away ; 47. to be employed as convoys, etc. ; 103. the King’s, never so strong ; 45. loss of ; 47. and mariners, loss of ; 45, 47. merchant, taken by the Dutch ; 93. pressed ; 35. and ports to be maintained by coun- try ; 3. provided for Spain ; 62, 65. taken by the enemy ; 47. from the merchants ; 45. unjustly seized and detained ; 12. Shirland, [Christopher], M.P. ; 37, 42, 63. Shrewsbury : Duke of; 106, 110, 111; and see Talbot, Charles. dangerous state of his health ; 109. distemper of; 106. his place ; 106. Earl of (lemp. Edward III.) ; 36. (1629), 71. the, flagship ; 114. j Shropshire; 111. [ Sicily, sovereignty of ; 196. I Siddons, Mrs. ; 164. j Sidraouth, Lord (1806) ; 159, 163, 164, 165, i 168, 169, 174, 177, 181, 214, 2,30. j — — in close conference with the | Prince of Wales ; 158. j friends of, ready to purchase seats ; 230. ■ influence of, with George III., 164. leans to Fox and the Prince of Wales; 159. • loses 16 or 18 followers by dis- solution of Parliament ; 230, made Lord Privy Seal ; 1 62. | party of; 217. Sidney : Sir Henry ; 151. letters of, to his son ; 151. Sir Philip ; 151, 233. character of ; 151. Sidney, Sir Philip- cont. picture of death of ; 233. drawing of; 233. life of; 233. Sidney family, papers of the, published by Collins ; 151. Signet manual, the ; 73. Simpson, Mr. ; 93, 97, 100, 127. [father of, letter of] ; 97. Skelton, Lieutenant-General, regiment of ; 127. Skepp (Shap ?) ; 1. Skiddaw ; 154. Sleagill, Quakers at ; 90, 91. Sligo ; 230. Sligo, Lord ; 175. Slonger, camp near ; 118, Smirke, — ; 225. Smith : Ann ; 91. Dr.; 94. ; 219. Janet ; 90, 91. John; 90. Thomas ; 91. William, rector of Lowther, certificate of; 89. Smyrna ; 103. Smyth, — , M.P. ; 7. Socage ; 6. Societas Jesus ; 71. Soldiers : billeting of, not removed ; 44. loss of 1,600; 45. mutineers; 16. reported rising of old ; 92. Soleme Moss ; 75. Solicitor General, the; 42, 51, 106, 140; and see Sheldon, Sir Richard. Somers, Lord, letters of; 112, 116. Somers Islands ; 50 ; and see Bermudas. planters in ; 50. Somerset : [Duke of?] (1626), committed for felony; 19. Duke of (1703) ; 117. (1722); 123. — — named Speaker of House of Lords ; 123. (1747); 127. agents of, at Cockermouth ; 127. requires strict compliance with his directions ; 127. Lord Edward ; 239. commands a cavalry brigade ; 239. Somerset House : letters dated from ; 164, 166. Place; 192. Soult, Marshal ; 235, 240, 242, 243. French Army in Spain commanded by ; 240, 242. has no confidence in ; 240. in confusion ; 243. deserter from ; 243. two divisions of infantry leave ; 242. 291 Soult, Marshal — cont. loses 10,000 men ; 243. South Hill, letters dated from ; 200, 202, 206, 209,218, 219, 220, 22. South river; 79. Southampton, Earl of ; 9. his treason against Queen Elizabeth ; 9. Southey, Mr. ; 234. brother of a physician ; 234. poetical and other works of ; 234. fertile imagination ; 234. Southill; 158. Southwell : Sir Robert, letters of; 101, 102. letter signed by ; 102. T., letter of ; 120. Spa well ; 79. Spain; 9, 11, 12, 15, 20, 32, 45, 46, 234, 235, 237, 238, 241. Ambassadors of ; 124. beggars in ; 242. breach with ; 7. contest of, with England ; 190. description of the country ; 234, 237. discontented by Buckingham ; 11 . England sends fleet to ; 7. French defeated in ; 237. frontiers of ; 239. inhabitants of, come for miles to plunder in France ; 241. King of (1626-29) ; 15, 40, 62, 63. aims at a general mo- narchy ; 46. 1 00,000 ducats given to ; 65. -■ gun belonging to ; 77. invincible navy of; 40. (1704) ; 117. dinner and supper of ; 117. a very pretty gentleman ; 117. Gentlemen of the Bed- chamber ; 117. has 300 Germans with him; 117. talks languages ; 117. understands mathematics and music ; 117. match w ith, broken off ; 11. Minister of, in England ; 124. ports of; 103. ships provided for ; 62, 65. success in ; 121. the war in ; 234-241. war with, daily expected ; 153. will rather improve England’s position; 153. Spaniards, the ; 234, 235, 236, 237, 238, 242. acquire Louisiana from the French; 132. army of ; 234, 236. can only be called savages ; 237. do not like the English ; 234. expect to regain their losses ; 236. habits and life of ; 234. o 69070. Spaniards, the — cont. infamous conduct of ; 237, 241, 242. sent to the rear by Wellington ; 240, 241. soldiers hung for pillaging ; 240, 241 . Spanish, the ; 17. captain, saying of ; 40. hearts in English bodies ; 7. Inquisition ; 59. merchants; 103. Specie ; 35. Spedding, Mr. ; 129. Speech, freedom of ; 29. Spencer : Lord (1806) ; 159, 163, 199, 205, 226. made Home Secretary ; 162. Sir Edward ; 4, 23. Mr., M.R. ; 8, 46, 66. Sir William ; 26. Spices ; 1. Spinster, a Scotch ; 85. Spital Sermon on Modern Education; 161. Stafford, Lord ; 1.53, 180, 219. Staines; 158. Stanhope : Lord Charles ; 157, 158, 159. General, miscarries at Cockermouth ; 247. sets up for election at Sarum ; 247. James; 168. Mr.; 132. Robert ; 133. W. Spencer; 170. letters of ; 161, 163. motion by, in the House of Com« mons ; 169. — ; 173. Stanislaus; 124. exclusion of, from Poland ; 124. Stanwix, Brigadier ; 248. Star Chamber, the; 8, 29, 58, 62. Bill for extirpating ; 245. declaration of ; 72. information in ; 70. suits in ; 74. State, the, diseases of ; 44. sick and diseased in every part ; 44. States General, the ; 30. Statute concerning non-attendance at church ; 89. Statutes : Act for continuance, repeal, and mak- ing perpetual ; 52, 56. touching alloy of money ; 56. Steanbiars, Lord of ; 78. seat of; 78. Steele, Richard, writings of; 247. threatened to be disqualified to serve in Parliament ; 247. Stenick Castle ; 79. Steward : Dr., argument of ; 69. petition of; 70. SirF. ; 9. Sir Simon; 74. Stirling; 85. strange outbreak of water at ; 85. U 2 292 Stobhill; 78. Stonard, John ; 176, 177, 190, 198. letters of; 157, 158, 167, 172, 173, 177, 178, 185, 190. requested to write Pitt’s life ; 172, 1 73, 174. ■writes a life of Pitt; 176, 177, 178, 189. pupils of ; 177, 191. Stonnobiars. See Steanbiars. Stool of repentance in Scotland ; 87 . Strafford, Lord ; 233. Straits, fleet in the ; 105. Strange, Lady, a Frenchwoman, Act for naturalizing; 69. Strangeways, [Sir John], M.P. ; 26. Stranguish (Strangeways), Sir John; 40. Strawberry Hill : letter dated from ; 134. Horace Walpole’s house at ; 134. Streignish. See Strangeways. Strickland, Great, Quakers at ; 90, 92. Head, Quakers at ; 90. Little, Quakers at ; 91. Strode, Eichard ; 26. Stroud, Mr., M.P. ; 72. Stroude, [William], junior, M.P. ; 3. Strowde, Sir William; 17. Subsidies; 3, 4, 6, 7, 13, 14, 15, 35, 58. Bill for; 16. collectors of ; 58. and fifteenths ; 4, 15. grant of ; 48. and grievances ; 4. Subsidy ; 33, 50. a benevolence of the subjects ; 57. Bill ; 32, 42, 47, 48, 58, 62. amendment to ; 48. no conference to be touching ; 48. from clergy ; 58 free gift of Commons ; 58. preamble of ; 29. roll; 27, of tonnage and poundage ; 54, 57. undue taking of ; 55. Suchet, Marshal ; 236, 243. army of; 243. Suffolk; 205. Duke of; 20. Sunderland, Earl of. Secretary of State ; 108,111, 121, 123. letter of ; 118. suspected by the Commons ; 108. withdrawing of ; 108. Supply; 6, 102. Surveyor of coals ; 30. Sussex ; 125. materials for ordnance found in ; 34. Swaledale, Richmond, Yorks; 123. Swans ; 85. Swedish fleet, the ; 114. Swillington ; 96, 233. vSwingler, Mr. ; 105. Swiss troops ; 104. muster of, on frontiers of Switzer- land ; 104. pay of ; 104. Swiss — cont. treaty with ; 104. ratification of ; 104. Switzerland ; 244. Protestant cantons of ; 104. Swiss troops muster on frontiers of j 104. Synod of Dort ; 21. Sysbinge, the female char ; 85. T. Talbot : Charles, Duke of Shrewsbury ; 106, 109, no. 111. letters of; 100, 101 (2). office of ; 104. place of ; 106. — ; 135. Tallage or tax not to be levied without assent of Parliament ; 57. Tallies; 13, Tanckard, — ■ 96. duel fought by ; 96.. Tangier ; 96. Tar used for sheep ; 76. Tarleton, General ; 172. Taste, Committee of, prepare inscriptions for public monuments ; 198. Tawbott (Talbot), Dr., argument of ; 69. Taxes : on land and malt ; 122. a lesser evil than losing all ; 122. Tay, the ; 83. lough so called ; 83. Teat river ; 76. Teath river; 87. Temple, London, the ; 183. letter dated from ; 184. Temple, Lord; 213,219. Tenison, Thomas, Archbishop of Canter- bury, letter of ; 106. Thanet, Lord ; 97, 184. Thelusson ; 215. Thompson : John ; 92. — ; 135. Thornhill, — ; 243. Thoroton, Robert, letter of ; 146. Thorp Salvin ; 116. letter dated from ; 116. Thorpe, — ; formerly Speaker of the House of Commons ; 73. arrest of ; 73. Thrashers, the, appear in great numbers in Ireland ; 230. civil power totally in effectual to crush ; 230. Thrimby; 92. Throckmorton, Sir Clement ; 1. 293 Thynne, Thomas, Viscount Weymouth, letter of ; 111. sister of; 111. son and daughter of ; 111. Tierney, Mr. ; 202, 205, 214. Tilbury ; 17. Timber, slate, &c. ; 18. Tirrell, Sir Walter, killed William II. ; 9. Toads’ or frogs’ flesh in plaster; 6. Tobacco ; 33. imposition on ; .50. Tolls, commission for taking ; 50. Tolosa ; 236, 240. Tolston Lodge ; 138. Tomline, George Fretyman. See Lincoln, Bishop of. Tonnage and poundage ; 8, 29, 30, 32, 35, 44, 57, 64, 65. Bill of; 30, 48, 50, 54, 64, 65, 67, 69, 70. not yet entertained ; 67. preamble of ; 47, 48. remonstrance for; 57, 58. not due without Act of Parliament ; 61. given to the merchants to guard the seas ; 61. goods staved for denying ; 63. but lately granted for life ; 57. illegal; 30, 57. King never intends to debar him- self of ; 58. petition of merchants touching; 69. seizure for non-payment of ; 57. undue taking of; 55. Tories, the; 118, 128, 247, 249. interest of, better cultivated than Whigs ; 122. Irish; 119. in posts at Court ; 249. practice of, when in power ; 122. southern; 118. subalterns of, cared for; 122. Torretleys ; 78. Toulouse ; 243. Towbeoth, Tolbooth ; 84, 85. ‘Towbeoths’; 79. Tower of London, the ; 15, 18, 34. letter dated from ; 111. House of Commons commits a mem- ber to ; 51, 52. liberty and precincts of ; 101 . Lieutenant of ; 19. Members of Parliament committed to ; 22, 31, 51, 52. released from ; 25. the standard in ; 52. want of powder in ; 45. Towneley, Mr. ; 96. Townshend : Lord, life of ; 228. ^ separates from Walpole ; 228. Trade : Act for the advancement of ; 68, 69. Committee of; 35, 193. decay of ; 39, 45. export, war with Holland prejudicial to; 139. Trade — cont. nearly at an end (1801) ; 151. and plantations, memoranda on ; 102, 103. West India; 194. Treason ; 19, 20, 21, 22, 32. no appeal for ; 20. complaint not ; 20. to set division ’twixt King and peo- • pie; 24. and felony ; 26. no person committed but for ; 24. high; 163. attainder for ; 34. Treasurer, the ; 46. Treasurership, sale of; 2, 12, 17. Treasury, the ; 95, 192. Bench, in the House of Commons ; 202 . not the pleasantest seat; 197. Eirst Lord of patronage of ; 133. sealed orders left by King at ; 111. Secretaries of ; 196. writers ; 247. Treaties : breach of ; 7. dissolution of ; 2. Trent river ; 83. Trevor, Sir John, letter of ; 101. Trim : borough of ; 119, 120. portreeve of ; 119, 120. charter of: 120. Trinity College, Cambridge ; 135, 149. House, the ; 45. petition of ; 35. Trorgill ; 6. Troy weight ; 86. Truro, lordship of; 17. Tufton, Mr., mayor of Appleby ; 124. Tuidale. See Tweeddale. Tullie, Mr. Chancellor ; 249. Turaco, battle of; 235. Turkey, ships from ; 103. Turnamoure, Scotch coin ; 87. Tweed, the ; 75, 77, 78. fortified bridge on ; 78. Tweeddale; 76, 77. u. Underpeter, lord of ; 88. Union of England with Ireland ; 148. Scotland, Commissioners for; 118, 122 . Universities, the ; 32. for Commons to intermeddle with, derogatory to prerogative ; 32. readings in; 68. 2 294 University of Edinburgh ; 183. Mr. Pitt’s party in ; 183. corps of volunteers of, members of; 183. Usher, Archbishop, letters of; 151. V. Vachleur, General ; 240. Valentine, Mr., M.P. ; 37. Vanguard, the ; 12. Vaudois, the, money furuished for sup- ply of; 102. Vaughan : Ur.; 197. Mr. ; 130. offers to raise five companies of 100 men each ; 130. Venice ; 103. ambassador from ; 9. plague in ; 10. Venison ; 1. Ventris, Judge, of the Common Pleas; 104. Vernon, Mr., Secretary of State; 114, 116. letters of; 114,115. Mr.; 233. Vice-Chamberlain, 9 ; and see Carleton, Sir Dudley. Vice-Chancellor, the ; 25. Vienna; 205. peace signed with (1763) ; 132. Villa Franca ; 240. Villars : SirE.; 18. M. ; 247. Villiers : Sir Edward; 36. patent to ; 36. George, Duke of Buckingham (1627- 8) ; 1-38 passim, 44-47. abuses King and both Houses ; 11, 17, 27, 32. accused of treason; 21, 32. attempts person of King ; 28. casts excuse on King ; 33. caused loss of Rochelle ; 2, 12. his chamber ; 2, 6. Chancellor of Cambridge; 31, 32. charges against ; 2, 8, 9, 10, 11, 12, 13, 14, 15, 16, 17, 18, 19, 20, 21, 24, 27, 28, 31, 32, 33, 37, 3S. commission to ; 44. commitment of; 19, 20, 21. common enemy ; 37, 38. compared to a prodigious comet ; 19 . Villiers, George — cont. conspires to carry the Prince into Spain; 11, 20. General by land and sea ; 37. is grievance of grievances ; 37. hazards King’s favour ; 2. honours sold by ; 12. conferred on obscure men ; 28. impeachment of; 1, 2, 25, 27, 31. Lord Admiral ; 12. mind only bad ; 27. miuded to cut men’s throats ; 37. mission to Spain; 11, 32. no author of recusancy ; 2. offices of; 12,31. plaster and potion given to the King by ; 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 8, 9, 12, 13. Pope sends bull to ; 11. power of, in England, Scotland, Ireland ; 15. power of and its abuse chief cause of evils ; 46, 47. protests against Arminianism ; 45. relations of; 2, 3, 13, 17, 28, 45. sacrament adored by ; 11, 15. takes offence at being called “this man;” 27, 29. Treasurer; 13,17. — — uses Prince’s letters ; 11. Wardenry of Cinque Ports, &c., bought by ; 12, 17, 21. zeal to his country ; 238. Lord; 153. Virginia; 246. Vittoria (Spain) ; 237. battle of; 237. Vivian, Colonel ; 236. Volunteers, the; 182. Government measures discontent ; 182. disband ; 182. w. Wade, Marshall ; 126. marches in pursuit of the rebels ; 126. Wakefield ; 126. manufacturers petition George III. for peace; 150. principally Presbyterians and Republicans ; 151. greatest corn market in England ; 151. living of, bestowed on Dr. Monk- house; 155. 295 Wales ; 196. courts in ; 51. George, Prince of (afterwards George IV.) ; 204, 2 U!, 215, 216. aggrandisement of, at the King’s expense ; 212. Government acts under auspices of, against the King ; 212. King under command of; 215. progress of in the north, for political intrigue ; 215, 225. promises support to Parliamen- tary candidates ; 215. votes with a sturdy faction; 215. Princess of (1806) ; I7l, 197, 198. charge against ; 199. evidence against ; 196, 198. indiscretion and levity of; 198, 199. report to the King concerning ; 196. of the Privy Council; 197, 199. story of her having had a child disbelieved; 198, 199. Wallace, Mr. ; 215, 219. “ that great man 158. Waller, Mr., M.P. ; 62, 64. Walmer ; 230. Castle, letters dated from; 151, 152 (2). Walpole : — ; 228. Horace ; 233. letters of; 133, 134. books by ; 133. has two houses full of pictures ; 133. housekeeper of ; 134. [Horace], will always be laughing or talking ; 118. Sir Robert ; 125. letter of ; 122. life of; 188. well received in Korfolk ; 125. Wandesford : Mr., M.P. (1626) ; 3, 4, 7, 8, 13, 15, 16, 19, 23, 26, 29. (1700); 115. War, Council of ; 40. Office, letter dated from ; 127. Secretary at (1760) ; 130. ^Vard : Mr.; 247. Robert, barrister ; 152. desires a seat in Parlia- ment; 152. Robert, an old worn - out India Captain ; 221. letters of; 221, 228. seat of, in Parliament; 228. Warden, Sir Edward ; 55. W ardrobe , the ; 128. Wards ; 4. Court of; 51, 61. revenue out of ; 51. reversal of a decree in ; 33. Master of ; 12, 17. Warren, Mr., engraving by ; 233. Warriner, Rowland; 92. Warwick, Earl of. See Rich, Robert, Warwicke, young Mr. ; 97. Watson, Grace ; 92. Mr. James, steward of Mrs. K. Lowtber, letter to ; 126. Webb, — ; 225. Weddel, Mr. ; 141, Weden, a priest ; 72. Weemes ; 80, a borough and barony ; 80. lord of ; 87 ; and see Colin. West, castle ; 87. Wellesley : Arthur, Lord Wellington ; 235-240 passim. advance of, into France ; 236, 237, 238, 239, 241. despatches of ; 237, 239, 242. headquarters ; 238, 239. passes the Bidassoa ; 237. Spanish soldiers hung by, for plunder- ing ; 240. sends whole Spanish army to the rear; 240, 241. victories of ; 238. winter quarters of ; 240, 241. Lord (1806); 165,194. Wellington, Lord. See Wellesley. Wells, the camp at, letter dated from ; 101. Wentworth; 139,215. letter dated from ; 137. Castle ; 233. Wentworth, Sir Thomas; 50, 134. West, Mr. ; 233. his house at Windsor ; 233. West India Bill ; 194. plantations; 175. — ^slaves on; 175. regiments ; 240. West Indies, the; 192, 193. abuses in ; 192. Act for sending Commissioners to (1801); 192. Commissary- General in ; 193. Commissioners ; 192. Bill; 192. measures concerning ; 192, 193. plantation and trade in the ; 51. Planters in; 193. trade of; 194. Westminster ; 84, 200. bridge at ; 30. Courts at ; 3, 14, 59. three Courts of Record at ; 42. election ; 224. Fox’s speech to the electors of; 166, School; 135. statute of ; 56. Westmorland; 71, 79, 126, 184, 240. candidate for Parliament for ; 184. declaration by J.P.’s of ; 90. elections in ; 97, 98. Justices of Peace for ; 127. Knights and burgesses for ; 71. offices upon incidents in ; 134. Quakers in ; 89. 2 296 Westmorland — cont. subject to pillaging by the rebels, 126. Earl of (1798) ; 148. (1806); 213. letters of; 160, 162 (4) ; 166. W eston : Sir Eichard, Chancellor of the Ex- ehequer ; 4, 10, 13, 14, 15, 32. E., hanged and drawn; 19. West Eiding, Yorkshire ; 92. woollen manufactories of ; 139. Wethers; 1. Weymouth, Viscount. See Thynne, Thomas. Wezel, “Scourge of Mankind” (1763); 132. Whaddun; 18. Wharton ; Anne, letter of ; 96. Lady; 119. Mr.; 222. Philip, Duke of Wharton ; 123. drinks the health of the young Pretender; 123. estate of, in Swaledale, Yorks ; 123. Justices of Peace unwilling to meddle with; 123. treats the country people ; 123. Hon. Thomas, letter to ; 96. Thomas Lord, letter of; 117. letters to; 118 (3), 119, 120,121 ( 2 ). Wheat; 1. exportation of ; 150. price of ; 150. improperly depressed by corn laws ; 150. general law for regulating ; 150. the Legistature cannot fix; 150. Whig club, the ; 166. Parliament desired by King and Queen ; 125. Whigs, the ; 99, 118, 121, 12.5, 247, 249. begin to take heart ; 247. ‘ chiefs of, engross all places ; 122 . comparative strength of, in Par- liament (1713) ; 247 ; (1715) ; 249. comparative strength of, in Lon- don ; 247. consequence of their getting in- to the saddle again ; 248. neglect^their under-agents ; 122. Irish ; 119. Whitbread, Mr. ; 202, 214, 224. Whitby, Mr. [Edward], M.P.; 13, 16, 29, 37, 39, 41. Whitehall; 61,246. letters dated from; 89, 106, 114, 115 (2), 118, 122, 247 (3), 248. Whitehaven ; 88, 246, 247, 248, 249. letters dated from ; 88, 100, 126, 129, , 246 (3). alarm at ; 88. Whitehaven — cont. ball to ladies of, at election time ; 130. Castle, manuscripts at ; 244-249 election at (1757) ; 129, 130. theFlattat; 130. the Globe Inn at; 129. Hodgson’s Croft at ; 246. innkeepers and inspectors at ; 129. new church at ; 249. ordinaries, &c., provided for the elec- tors ; 129. Patent Customer at ; 132. pier at ; 88. port of ; 88. Protestant dissenters of, memorial of ; 246. rivulet at ; 246. Scotch shipping stayed at ; 88. wine, punch and ale provided during election at; 129. Whitehead : Sarah ; 92. William; 90. White money ; 53. White’s Club, dinners at ; 180. Whitfeeld, Serjeant ; 245. Whitlocke, Justice ; 72. Whittiker, [Lawrence], M.P. ; 39. Wickham, Mr. ; 192, 193, 194, 195. conduct of, in Parliament; 194, 195. Wiclif, letter dated from ; 135. Widdop, Tom ; 96. Wight, Isle of ; 219. Wilberforce : Mr.; 141. William, letters of; 182, 184. letters to ; 184 (2). Wilde, [John], M.P. ; 6, 16, 55. Wilderness; 176. letter dated from ; 230. Wild fowl ; 1, 85. Wilkinson, John, alias Crag of the Park- foot; 89. Willa Bridge; 50. William II., King of England; 9. William III., King of England; 100, 101, 104, 105, 106, 107, 108, 109, 111, 112, 113, 114, 115. letters of; 102 (2), 114, 116. camp of, letters dated from ; 102 (3). goes to Holland ; 116. memorial to ; 113. orders a gaol delivery to relieve the prisons ; 101. Queen of. See Mary. relieves the Irish clergy j 100 , 101 . titles and offices distributed by; 111. vote to reduce the army disliked by ; 108. William, Mr. ; 36. Williamite Society, the ; 130. Williams, John, Bishop of Lincoln; 31. Wilmot, Sir Eobert, letter to ; 131. 297 Wilson : — ; 7. General ; 240. Mr., tutor of William Pitt ; 173, 179. Mrs.; 173, 177, 179, 186. family of ; 173. Wimbledon ; 139, 185. Lord, ; 40. — — book by ; 40. Wincbelsea, Earl of ; 116. Winchester, Bishop of ; 66, 69, 71 ; and see Neyle, Kichard. petition against ; 67. Windeleys ; 78. Windham, Mr., M.P. (1806); 168, 178, 203, 209,211. expedition sent by, from the Downs against Plymouth ; 203. malevolence of towards Pitt ; 179. offensive speech of; 161. opposition directed against; 221. proposes new military plans ; 178, 182. removal of ; 209, 210. all the world agree is expe- dient ; 211. Windsor; 106, 175, 233. letter dated from; 110. deanery of ; 233. Park, letter dated from ; 110. Wine ; 1. licenses : 30, 65. Register of ; 141. office of, worth 100/. per annum; 141. , punch and ale provided at elections ; 129. white, price of ; 79. Winter : Edward ; 90, 91, 92. Elinor; 91. Jane ; 91. Robert ; 90, 91, 92. Winterton Ness, lighthouse at ; 30. Wire Drawers’ Company ; 15. give more for bullion than the Mint ; 15. Wisbech ; 72. Witches burned ; 79. Withers, Mr. ; 247. Woods, — , Attorney-General temp. Eliza- beth ; 26. Woodside, document dated from; 90. Wool: custom on ; 30. measures of ; 86. woolfells and leather, custom on ; 54. Woolfe, — , apothecary ; 4, 6. Worcester ; 153. bishopric of, vacant ; 153. Wordsworth, Rev. Dr., Master of Trinity College, Cambridge ; 149. [Wordsworth ?], poem by; 153. Workington; 1,88. Worsenam [Sir John, farmer of the Cus- toms] ; 60. Worsley, Thomas, letter of ; 132. Wright : Christopher ; 40. John ; 40. Writ of summons ; 42. Writs : for Parliamentary elections ; 60. of prohibition, &c. ; 65. Wybergh, Mr. ; 112. petition of, in the House of Lords; 112 . Wycombe Abbey, letter dated from; 155. Wymy (Weimar ?), D., General of Danish forces ; 7. Wyn, Dr. ; 248. promotion of, to a bishopric; 248, 249. Wyndham, made Secretary at War ; 162. Wyvill, Mr. ; 136, 137. Y. Yare manor, tenants of, made freeholders ; 56. Yarrow river ; 77. Yates, Mr. ; 249. picks up young and loose curates; 249. York; 79, 98, 126, 136, 137, 138, 141 233, 245. Archbishop of; 107. Castle ; 19. county meeting at; 136, 138. Court of; 51. Dean of ; 151. Duke of (1788); 142. (1806) ; 205. struggles to be Commander-in- Chief; 162. election for ; 138. House ; 18. the place of consultation for Arminianism ; 45. Place, letter dated from ; 153. Yorke’s Bill for suspending the Army of reserve; 152. Yorkshire; 77, 92, 136, 138, 139, 141. letter out of ; 29. corn crops in ; 149. deputies from ; 136,137. election struggle in ; 215, 219. gentlemen freeholders in ; 137. High Sheriff of ; 92. Lieutenancy of ; 113. woollen manufactories of ; 139. 32 members of Parliaineut sent by 137. rotten boroughs in ; 137. south of France resembles ; 240. West Riding, deputy lieutenants of 92. 2 298 Yorkshiremen ; 51. Young man’s coffee house, London, letter dated from ; 247. z. Zante; 103. Zouch: Eev. Henry; 151. letters to; 133,134, 136, 138, 139. Zouch — cont. Lord ; 12. Major; 148. Mr.; 146, 153. Dr. Thomas; 153, 154. letters of; 135, 150, 151 (2), 152, 153, 232, 233 (3), 234. his late brother Henry ; 151. Spital sermon by ; 151 . collects materials for a history of Lowther family ; 152. recommended for next vacancy at Worcester; 153. preferment for; 153, 154. declines the mitre ; 233. living and prebend of ; 233. life of Sir Philip Sidney by ; 233. London: Printed by Etre and Spot tiswoodb, Printers to the Queen’s most Excellent Majesty. For Her Majesty’s Stationery Office. HISTOmOAL MANUSOfllPTS COMMISSION. 1870 (Re- printed 1874.) 1871 1872 Appendix and of Lords ; Cam- Stonyhurst Col- First Report, with Appendix Contents : — England. House of Lords ; Cambridge Colleges; Abingdon, and other Cor- porations, &c. Scotland. Advocates’ Library, Glas- gow Corporation, &c. Ireland. Dublin, Cork, and other Cor- porations, &c. Second Report, with Appendix, and Index to the First and Second Re- ports Contents - England. House of Lords; Cam- bridge Colleges ; Oxford Colleges ; Monastery of Dominican Friars at Woodchester, Duke of Bedford, Earl Spencer, See. Scotland. Aberdeen and St. An- drew’s Universities, &c. Ireland. Marquis of Ormonde ; Dr. Lyons, &c. Third Report, with Index Contents : — England. House bridge Colleges ; lege ; Bridgewater and other Cor- porations ; Duke of Northumber- land, Marquis of Lansdowne, Mar- quis of Bath, &c. Scotland. University of Glasgow ; Duke of Montrose, &c. Ireland. Marquis of Ormonde ; Black Book of Limerick, &c. 1873 Fourth Report, with Appendix. Part I. - Contents :~— England. House of Lords; West- minster Abbey ; Cambridge and Oxford Colleges ; Cinque Ports, Hythe, and other Corporations, Marquis of Bath, Earl of Denbigh, &c. ^Scotland. Duke of Argyll, &c. Ireland. Trinity College, Dublin ; Marquis of Ormonde. 1873 Ditto. Part II. Index - - - 1876 Fifth Report, with Appendix. Part I. - Contents : — England. House of Lords ; Oxford and Cambridge Colleges ; Dean and Chapter of Canterbury ; Rye, Lydd, and other Corporations, Duke of Sutherland, Marquis of Lansdowne, Reginald Cholmondeley, Esq., &c. Scotland. Earl of Aberdeen, &c. Ditto. Part II. Index - - - E 69070 f’cap [C. 55] s. d, 1 6 [C. 441] [C. 673] [C.857] [C.857i.] [C.1432] [C.1432 i.] 3 10 \^Out of print. 1 6 8 2 6 7 0 3 6 2 2 Date. 1877 1879 1881 ]881 1881 1883 1884 1884 Size. Sixth Eeport, with Appendix. Part I. - Contents : — England. House of Lords; Oxford and Cambridge Colleges ; Lambeth Palace ; Black Book of the Arch- deacon of Canterbury ; Bridport, Wallingford, and other Corporations ; Lord Leconfield, Sir Eeginald Graham, Sir Henry Ingilby, &c. Scotland. Duke of Argyll, Earl of Moray, &c. Ireiand. Marquis of Ormonde. Ditto. Part II. Index - - - Seventh Eeport, with Appendix. Part I. - Contents : — House of Lords ; County of Somerset ; Earl of Egmont, Sir Frederick Graham, Sir Harry Verney, &c. Ditto. Part II. Appendix and Index - Contents : — Duke of Athole, Marquis of Ormonde, S. F. Livingstone, Esq., &c. Eighth Eeport, with Appendix and Index. Part I. - . « Contents : — List of collections examined, 1869-1880. England. House of Lords ; Duke of Marlborough ; Magdalen College, Oxford ; Eoyal College of Physicians ; Queen Anne’s Bounty OlRce ; Corporations of Chester, Leicester, &c. Ireland. Marquis of Ormonde, Lord Emly, The O’Conor Don, Trinity College, Dublin, &c. Ditto. Part II. Appendix and Index - Contents : — Duke of IVlanchester. Eighth Eeport. Part III. Appendix and Index - - - - _ Contents : — Earl of Ashburnham. Ninth Eeport, with Appendix and Index. Part I. - Contents : — St. Paul’s and Canterbury C.athedrals ; Eton College ; Carlisle, Yarmouth, Canterbury, and Barnstaple Corpora- tions, &c. Ditto. Part II. Appendix and Index - Contents : — England. House of Lords, Earl of Leicester ; C. Pole Gell, Alfred Mor- rison, Esqs., &c. Scotland. Lord Elphinstone, H. C. Maxwell Stuart, Esq., &c. Ireland. Duke of Leinster, Marquis of Drogheda, &c. Ditto. Part III. Appendix and Index _ . - _ - Contents : — Mrs, Stopford Sackville. Pcap >} » )> Sessional Paper. Price. s. d. [C.1745] 8 6 [C.2102] lOiitof printf] [C.2340] [Out of print.'] [C.2340 [^Out of i.] print.] [C.3040] 8 6 [C. 3040 i-1 1 9 [C.3040 ii.] 1 4 [C.3773] [^Out of print.] [C.3773 i.] 6 3 [C.3773 1 7 ii.] 3 Date. — Size. Sessions Paper. Price. 1883 Calendar of the Manuscripts of the Marquis of Salisbury, K.G. (or Cecil MSS.). Part I. - - - . 8vo. [C.3777; s, d. ] lOutof print.'] 1888 Ditto. Part II. ... » [C.5463; I 3 5 1889 Ditto. Part III. 3> [C. 5889 V-] 2 1 1892 Ditto. Part IV. - _ . [C.6823' 1 2 11 1885 Tenth Report . _ - - This is introductory to the following - JJ [C.4548] 0 3§ 1885 (1.) Appendix AND Index - Earl of Eglinton, Sir J. S. Max- w'ell, Bart., and C. S. H. D. Moray, C. F. Weston Underwood, G. W. Digby, Esqs. )) [C.4575] [Om< of print,] 1885 (2.) Appendix and Index The Family of Gawdy. » [C.4576 iii.] 1 4 1885 (3.) Appendix and Index Wells Cathedral. }> [C.4576 ii.] 2 0 1885 (4.) Appendix and Index Earl of Westmorland ; Capt. Stewart ; Lord Stafford ; Sir N. W. Throck- morton, Stonyhurst College ; Sir P. T. Mainwaring, Misses Boycott, Lord Muncaster, M.P., Capt. J. F. Bagot, Earl of Kilmorey, Earl of Powis, Rev. T. S. Hill and others, the Corporations of Kendal, Wen- lock, Bridgnorth, Eye, Plymouth, and the County of Essex. if [C.4576] 3 6 1885 (5.) Appendix and Index - The Marquis of Ormonde, Earl of Fingall, Corporations of Galway, Waterford, the Sees of Dublin and Ossory, the Jesuits in Ireland. » 0 " [^Ont of print.] 1887 (6.) Appendix and Index - - . Marquis of Abergavenny, Lord Braye, G. F. Luttrell, P. P. Bouverie, W. B. Davenport, M.P., R. T. Balfour, Esquires. 35 [C.5242] 1 7 1887 Eleventh Report - - - . This is introductory to the following ; — S3 [C. 5060 Vi.] 0 3 1887 (1.) Appendix and Index - . - H. D. Skrine, Esq., Salvetti Corre- spondence. 3 , [C.5060] 1 1 1887 (2.) Appendix and Index - - - House of Lords. 1678-1688. 33 1 'C. 5060 i.] 2 0 1887 (3.) Appendix and Index - - - Corporations of Southampton and Lynn. ,3 ( "C. 5060 ■ ii.] 1 8 1887 (4.) Appendix and Index - - - Marquis Townshend. ,3 [ 'C. 5060 ■ iii.] 2 G 1887 (5.) Appendix and Index - Earl of Dartmouth, ” [ C. 5060 iv.] 2 8 2 4 Date. — Size. Sessional Paper. Price. 1887 (6.) Appendix and Index - . - Duke of Hamilton. 8 VO [C. 5060 V.] s. 1 d. 6 1888 (7.) Appendix and Index - - - Duke of Leeds, Marchioness of Waterford, Lord Hothfield, &c. ; Bridgwater Trust Office, Beading Corporation, Inner Temple Library. [C.5612] 2 0 1890 Twelfth Eeport - - - - This is introductory to the following : — >> [C.5889] 0 3 1888 (1.) Appendix - Earl Cowper, K.G. (Coke MSS., at Melbourne Hall, Derby) Vol. I. ” [C.5472] 2 7 1888 (2.) Appendix _ _ _ _ Ditto. Vol. II. [C.5613] 2 5 1889 (3.) Appendix and Index - - - Ditto. Vol. III. 1 1 a 00 1 4 1888 (4.) Appendix _ - . _ The Duke of Kutland, G.C.B. Vol. I. [C.5614] 3 2 1891 (5.) Appendix and Index - Ditto. Vol. II. » [C. 5889 ii-] 2 0 1889 (6.) Appendix and Index . - - House of Lords, 1689-1690. 55 [C. 5889 iii.] 2 n 1890 (7.) Appendix and Index ... S. H. le Fleming, Esq., of Rydal. 55 [C.5889 iv.] 1 11 1891 (8.) Appendix and Index - - - The Duke of Athole, K.T., and the Earl of Home. 55 [C.6338] 1 0 1891 (9.) Appendix and Index - - - The Duke of Beaufort, K.G., the Earl of Donoughmore, J. H. Gurney, W. W. B. Hulton, K. W. Ketton, G. A. Aitken, P. V. Smith, Esqs. ; Bishop of Ely ; Cathedrals of Ely, Glouces- ter, Lincoln, and Peterborough ; Corporations of Gloucester, Higham Ferrers, and XeAvark; Southwell Minster; Lincoln District Eegistry. 55 [C. 6338 i-] 2 6 1891 (10.) Appendix . - - - The First Earl of Charlemont. Vol. I. 1745-1783. 55 [C.6338 ii.] 1 11 1892 Thirteenth Eeport _ - _ This is introductory to the following : — [C.6827; 0 3 1891 (1.) Appendix _ . - The Duke of Portland. Vol. 1. 55 [C.6474] 3 0 (2.) Appendix and Index - - - Ditto. Vol. II. 55 ( 1 p to •