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HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION 
 
 FOURTEENTH REPORT, APPENDIX, PART IV. 
 
 THE 
 
 MANUSCRIPTS 
 
 OF 
 
 LORD KENYON. 
 
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;■ ■ ■ ■■ .r »l„ 
 
11 
 
 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 The mss. in the possession of Lord Kenyon at Gredington Hall 
 may be said to relate chiefly to Lancashire, in which county the 
 Kenyon family has been settled from very early times : but the 
 earliest documents in the collection do not relate to the Kenyon 
 family. A curious account, dated in 1524, of a miracle per- 
 formed near Doncaster, and ten letters dating somewhat later in 
 the 16th centuiy, interesting as being illustrative of domestic 
 life and feeling, belonged to and are connected with the Radcliffes 
 and Faringtons. The spelling in these letters gives an idea of 
 the local pronunciation, and bears a striking resemblance to that 
 found in Scotch writings. 
 
 The papers, relating actually to county affairs in Lancashire, 
 begin with the 17th century, being those preserved by Alexander 
 Rigby, then Clerk of the Peace, and by his descendants, one of 
 whom, Alice Rigby, the lieiress of George Rigby, also Clerk of 
 the Peace, married Roger Kenyon, and brought into the Kenyon 
 family the property at Peel in Lancashire. 
 
 Without instancing individual documents, it may be observed 
 that from the commencement of the l7th century, there are in 
 Lord Kenyon s MSS. valuable materials for a history of Lan- 
 cashire — ecclesiastical, political, and social, besides much useful 
 matter for the compilation of the personal history of many Lan- 
 cashire families, especially those which had their origin in or 
 around Liverpool, Manchester, and Wigan ; the rapid rise in the 
 social scale of some of these being illustrated by No. 1024. 
 
 In 1604 (No. 14) there is a detailed account of the Clergy in 
 the county and of the nature of their cures. Manchester was 
 “ a colledge consisting upon (sic) a warden and certaine fellowes, 
 who jointly, together with two ministers and four queristors, 
 doe maintaine the service in that church.’' Didsbury was a 
 chapel annexed to the mother church of Manchester; whilst 
 Stretford, Chorlton, Gorton, Blackley, Newton Heath and 
 
 a 2 
 
 73480. Wt. 15972. 
 
IV 
 
 Dayneton were chapels-of-ease to the same, “ the curates and 
 preachers ” there being “ onely maintained by the severall in- 
 habitants.” Liverpool was a chapel-o£-ease to Walton and was 
 supplied with a “ reading minister.” 
 
 Of the religious state of the county in 1609, a writer says: 
 “ In Lancashire, thanks be to God, there is nowe, such as not 
 many yeares agoe was used in Manchester ; yet do all fanatical 
 and schismatical preachers, that are cashiered in other countries, 
 resort into this corner of Lancashire, but not entertained accord- 
 ing to their expectation. God deliver England from my sins, 
 dwelling and committed, and from all Jesuits, seminaries, atheists, 
 and factious preachers. I have sent you a book written in 
 defence of our communion book, but lately crept out of the 
 press, and, God be thanked, this corner is purged of schismatical 
 preachers, excepting Gossnall of Boulton and Hunte of Ould- 
 ham. Mr. White is now vicar of Eccles and one of the fellows of 
 the College of Manchester, whereof Mr. Burne is not [now ?] 
 warden. Mr. White is greatly respected by my Lord of Canter- 
 bury, and hath subscribed.” — (No. 25.) This document is fol- 
 lowed by “ Regulations for the Sabbath,” somewhat later in date, 
 which forbid a variet}^ of harmless and healthy recreations 
 (No. 28), whilst the measures taken against recusants (No. 89), 
 nonconformists of various denominations, and non-jurors show 
 with what strict impartiality successive Governments have 
 persecuted those who differed from the established religion of 
 the country. 
 
 A valuable list of the names of the “ Conformable Clergy” in 
 Lancashire in 1689, followed by a list of nonconformist meeting- 
 houses throughout the county, may here be mentioned (No. 712) ; 
 a comparison with this list and that of 1604, just mentioned, 
 is interesting. 
 
 Of the political history of Lancashire there is a considerable 
 amount of evidence, although the great civil war does not find 
 any material illustration. The Rigby family was opposed to 
 the King’s cause, and we have a letter (No. 197) from a kinsman, 
 Luke Lloyd, to his wife, in which he gives an account of a rout 
 of the Royalist forces near Stafford, on the 13th of June, 1644 
 — one of the numerous small engagements prior to Marston 
 Moor. On the morrow of the great battle, the same writer 
 describes it in another letter to his wife (No. 198). 
 
V 
 
 On the restoration there is a plentiful supply of addresses 
 from various loyal bodies throughout Lancashire. 
 
 In 1685 is a list (No. 597) of the men of Manchester, and 
 other parts of the county, who offered themselves to James II. 
 as volunteers on the occasion of Monmouth’s rebellion ; the 
 loyalty and attachment of the great Lancashire land-owners to 
 the House of Stuart and their hostility to William III. are 
 revealed in many letters from or about them ; and the famous 
 “ Lancashire Plot,” hatched by the informer John Lunt, receives 
 fuller contemporary illustration than it has hitherto received. 
 The policy of the Lancashire people during the risings of 1715 
 and 1745 also finds illustration — the most important docu- 
 ments in connection with the latter event being the “ case ” of 
 one of the bailiffs of Manchester who was charged with com- 
 plicity in the rebellion (No. 1224), which gives a minute account 
 of the proceedings of Prince Charles’s forces in and around Man- 
 chester ; a dying testimony to the atrocities committed by the 
 Duke of Cumberland’s army after Culloden (No. 1222) ; and 
 the petition from the inhabitants of Manchester to the different 
 members representing Lancashire in Parliament, in which is set 
 forth the oppression and injustice offered to the petitioners by 
 the continued quartering of troops upon them (No. 1226). 
 
 Of the political events here referred to, the “ Lancashire 
 Plot” deserves more particular attention. The trials in con- 
 nection with this were held at Manchester in 1694, and were, it 
 is but too evident, undertaken by the Government of the time on 
 very insufficient and untrustworthy evidence ; the known sym- 
 pathies of the accused with King James being evidently held a 
 sufficient ground for bringing charges against them of having 
 allowed these sympathies to take the form of actual treason. 
 
 Roger Kenyon apparently acted as Solicitor for the accused, 
 and, as a consequence, there is in the collection of his de- 
 scendants’ papers here calendared, a great deal of very important 
 information probably not elsewhere recorded. 
 
 The two most authentic accounts of the alleged plot and of the 
 trials for it, which resulted in the immediate acquittal of the 
 prisoners, are to be found in ‘'The Jacobite Trials at Manchester,” 
 published by the Chetham Society in 1853, and in “Abbot’s 
 Journal,” and “An Account of the Tryalls at Manchester,” pub- 
 lished by the same Society in 1864. Several of the documents 
 
VI 
 
 in Lord Kenyon’s collection — such as the Information of 
 John Lunt and George Wilson (Nos. 873 and 874) — contain 
 material differences in, or additions to, the copies of these docu- 
 ments printed in the former of the two works above mentioned. 
 There is, too (No. 886), an amusing and instructive account of 
 the trial in the handwriting of Koger Kenyon, which tells of 
 Lunt’s hopeless incapacity to identify the prisoners with whom 
 he had been, as he alleged, till just before, so intimately associ- 
 ated. But the account does more than this : it shows how, to 
 the last, the Judge did his best to avoid Lunt’s collapse, to help 
 him out of his difficulties, and to suggest to the Jury possible 
 explanations for his shortcomings — all very important facts in 
 considering whether or not William III. and his advisers really 
 believed in the guilt of those whose estates would have yielded, 
 had their possessors been convicted of treason, a welcome 
 addition to an impoverished exchequer, and would have ridded 
 the north-west of England of some powerful sympathisers with 
 the Stuart cause. 
 
 The ve7‘hatim account of the examination of Lnnt and his 
 accomplices before a Committee of the House of Commons 
 (No. 893), commencing shortly after the termination of the trials 
 at Manchester, has not before been printed. 
 
 Of John Lunt’s life a very detailed description is given in a 
 statement, probably prepared for the defendants at the trial, or 
 for the subsequent prosecution of the informers for perjury ; it 
 will be found under the date of October, 1694 (No. 888). It 
 has been hitherto said that Lunt was born in Ireland ; here, on 
 evident authority, it is stated that he was born at Macclesfield 
 in 1666, and christened, soon after, in a Derbyshire tavern; he 
 is described as “ son to a bungling bookbinder, wlio pedled with 
 pamphlets and ballads.” His mother was a papist and his 
 father a protest ant. His subsequent adventures and the work- 
 ing out of his plot are carefully traced, whilst his susceptibility 
 to the charms of the female sex is narrated with amusing 
 gravity of language. 
 
 From the political history of Lancashire, we may turn to the 
 social. This receives varied illustration in Lord Kenyon’s 
 MSS. — the state of the towns, the highways, the prisons and 
 prisoners, the conduct of schools and colleges, sports and pas- 
 times. The prevalent crime appears to have been clipping and 
 
vn 
 
 coining, and the confessions of some notorious offenders — who 
 saved their necks by making political discoveries ” and giving 
 accounts of the methods of their accotnplices — reveal the way in 
 which the clippers and coiners proceeded in their work. The 
 plague, nurtured no doubt by the unsanitary state of the towns 
 and villages of Lancashire, receives mention : it was a frequent 
 visitor in the county, one of the earliest references to it being in 
 1605, when we have the return of a tax levied in Salford Hun- 
 dred for the relief of infected persons which shows that, in one 
 week^ 1,157 people received assistance (No. 15). In August of 
 the same year there is also allusion to the ravages of the plague 
 in Manchester. 
 
 From a purely domestic point of view, many of the earlier 
 letters among Lord Kenyon’s MSS. are interesting ; daily life 
 and sentiments on matters which to-day remain debateable, 
 receive illustration, and these, if nothing more, are at least 
 curious. The letters — to which allusion has been already made — 
 connected with the Radcliffe family, give a picture of the method 
 of conducting matrimonial negotiations in the middle of the 
 16th century, and suggest that young ladies exercised a little 
 more free-will in such matters than is sometimes supposed. 
 Other groups of letters of this kind may be found in the col- 
 lection, notably those from Alice Kenyon to her husband Roger, 
 whose parliamentary labours in London, at the end of the 17th 
 century, gave her a good deal of mental anxiety, especially as to 
 the growing length of the sittings ; “ Pray thee,” she writes in 
 one letter, keep warm as thou can, and take something in thy 
 pocket to the House to sup off ; thy age and weakness require 
 it ” ; and, a little later, I fear thou art not kind to thyself in 
 staying so long in the House everyday without some refreshment.” 
 
 Roger Kenyon, it may be here remarked, was very closely 
 connected with one of the most prominent and powerful men in 
 Lancashire — the ninth Earl of Derby, grandson of the steadfast 
 adherent of Charles the First and of the courageous Charlotte 
 De La Tremouille. A great deal concerning the career of this 
 nobleman is consequently contained in the Kenyon MSS., in- 
 cluding a diary of his proceedings from September, 1688, to the 
 21st of November following (No, 635), The history and con- 
 dition of the Isle of Man, of which Roger Kenyon acted as 
 governor for Lord Derby, also find very frequent mention. 
 
Vlll 
 
 After the close of the 17th century the letters and papers in 
 Lord Kenyon’s collection become less numerous and less interest- 
 ing until we arrive at the correspondence of the first Lord 
 Kenyon, Lord Chief Justice of England, who appears, from his 
 youth, to have carefully preserved the letters he received. 
 There are, however, some curious, interesting letters during the 
 early part of the 18th century from Dr. Koger Kenj^on, who 
 was physician to James II. and his Queen at the court of 
 St. Germains, where he was brought in contact with many 
 leading Jacobites. He was evidently a strong sympathizer 
 with the fugitive royal family. 
 
 The correspondence of the future Lord Chief Justice, Lloyd 
 Kenyon, begins in 1750 ; he was then 18 years of age, having 
 been born at Gredington in Flintshire, an estate which his father 
 had acquired by marriage with the heiress of the Eddowes 
 family, in 1732. Much of this correspondence is now for the 
 first time brought to light, although some of the letters here 
 calendared were used by the Hon. George Kenyon, M.P., in his 
 able sketch of the Chief Justice’s life ; the existence of a great 
 deal of the correspondence was, however, when he wrote, un- 
 known to him. 
 
 Lloyd Kenyon was, at the outset of his legal career, articled 
 to James Tompkinson, an attorney at Nantwich, and we have, 
 in a letter dated 22nd March, 1755, the first indication of his 
 commencing work as a student for the Bar. Tompkinson, who 
 is in London, gives him advice as to taking chambers and as to 
 the best Inn of Court to enter at. “ I find,” he says, “ the Society 
 of the Middle Temple is esteemed equal, if not preferable, to any 
 other” (No.l241). Here he accordingly entered on 7th February, 
 1756. There is little interesting correspondence till some fifteen 
 years later, when Lord Thurlow, for whom Kenyon had assidu- 
 ously ‘ devilled,’ consults him on a point of law (No. 1273). He 
 had by that time a fair practice of his own, as is shown by two 
 letters to his father, written respectively in 1772 and 1773, 
 mentioning his earnings at the Bar as amounting to over 2,000Z. 
 a year. 
 
 From this time onward his correspondence with leading 
 lawyers and politicians increases. The year 1780 saw him Chief 
 Justice of Cheshire and member for Hedon, and it was then that 
 he gained public reputation as leader in the defence of Lord 
 
IX 
 
 George Gordon. The riots which occasioned this trial are fully 
 described in letters from Mrs. Lloyd Kenyon (Nos. 1292 and 
 1293), in one of which occurs the passage, “ Mr. Kenyon is pro- 
 voked beyond measure at Lord G. Gordon — says he is mad and 
 should be confined, and wishes some spirited conduct may he 
 pursued to suppress this first lawless outrage.” 
 
 Among Kenyon’s correspondents were John Walter, the 
 founder and proprietor of -‘the Times” — who, in 1799, sketches 
 the incidents of a singularly chequered career, and of the early 
 history of his newspaper (No. 1413) — Burke, Fox, Pitt, 
 Lord Camden, Erskine, Sheridan, Warren Hastings, who writes 
 about his trial, Thurlow, who discusses the Regency, Wilber- 
 force, who enlarges upon his measures of social reform, 
 Plowden, who refers to his proposed legal works, and a host of 
 other well-known men. 
 
 From March 1782 to April 1783, and from the following 
 December till March 1784, Kenyon was Attorney General, 
 being created a baronet upon the first bestowal of the office. 
 He quitted that post to become Master of the Rolls. William 
 Pitt’s first letter to him is that in which he announces his 
 appointment (No. 1316). After this the Prime Minister con- 
 sults him frequently on legal points connected with measures 
 before Parliament, and, in so doing, often gives an interesting 
 expression of his own opinion on legislative reforms or changes. 
 Thus, on the 20th March, 1785, he writes to Sir Lloyd Kenyon 
 from Putney, sending him the draft of a proposed measure 
 dealing with Parliamentary representation, in which letter he 
 says, “ I trust the plan guards against the principal objections 
 hitherto suggested, either with respect to arbitrary disfranchise- 
 ment, or to introducing further innovation. The idea of trans- 
 ferring a certain proportion of representation from boroughs to 
 counties (which is limited by the impossibility of more than a 
 certain number being ever conveniently chosen by counties\and 
 of providing that the boroughs which must continue to elect 
 shall be those best entitled to it, seems to include all the 
 amendment which our constitution can admit in the frame of 
 Parliament, unless some new principle were to be admitted, for 
 which I see no reason ” (No. 1321). 
 
 Sir Lloyd Kenyon was raised to the Chief Justiceship of the 
 King’s Bench, on the retirement of Lord Mansfield in 1788. 
 
 b 
 
 73480. 
 
X 
 
 Lord Mansfield had, in the April of that year, communicated to 
 him his intention to retire, in a letter in wliich occurs the 
 passage, '' Except Mr. Justice Buller, to whom Lord Mansfield is 
 hound by many ties, there is no man by whom Lord Mansfield 
 had rather be succeeded, than by the Master of the Rolls” 
 (No. 1340). 
 
 Sir Lloyd’s advancement to the peerage is notified to him by 
 Pitt on the 5th June 1788 (No. 1341), and a fortnight later, 
 the new Lord Chief Justice bought of his predecessor, for the 
 sum of a hundred guineas, his gold collar of office (No. 1343). 
 
 With George III. and the ro}^al family Lord Kenyon appears 
 to have been on terms of the closest intimacy, and some of the 
 details of domestic life at Court are interesting from their 
 evident accuracy. On many matters of urgent importance 
 Lord Ken}^on was the King’s adviser. In a curious holograph 
 letter, written from Queen’s House, on March 7th, 1795, 
 George III. expresses very freely the abhorrence and alarm 
 with which he regards the policy of his Lord Lieutenant, Lord 
 Fitzwilliam, particularly with respect to the Roman Catholics of 
 Ireland (No. 1391); the letter is accompanied by a series of 
 queries, as to how far the proposed changes in favour of “ the 
 papists in Ireland ” are really constitutional, and on these the 
 King desires Lord Kenyon’s opinion. 
 
 Lord Kenyon died in 1802; a few letters addressed to his 
 son and successor in the title, though of a somewhat later date 
 than the majority of papers usually dealt with by the Historical 
 MSS. Commission, have been included in this report from the 
 interest attaching to their writers. Amongst them may be 
 mentioned a pathetic letter from Ernest, Duke of Cumberland, 
 in which he refers to the accident to his son which had resulted 
 in his partial blindness ; a grateful acknowledgment by Lady 
 Eleanor Butler and Miss Sarah Ponsonby, the two “ ladies of 
 Llangollen,” for Lord Kenyon’s successful efforts to obtain for 
 them a pension ; and a bat eh of letters, written from Keswick 
 during the years 1834-1837, from Robert Southey, in which the 
 staunchness of his conservatism is demonstrated : — “ A new 
 election,” he says, writing in July 1834, “might throw out 
 many Whigs, but they would be mostly replaced by Radicals ; I 
 do not say tliis would be casting out devils by Beelzebub, 
 because it is difficult to s^y which of the two parties is the 
 
XI 
 
 worst (sic).’' His subsequent letters, free from political expres- 
 sion, are penned in graceful language, tinged with a melancholy 
 in which we ma}" almost see indications of the coming mental 
 aihiction by which the poet was soon to be overtaken. 
 
 In referring to the numerous matters of miscellaneous interest 
 contained in the present report, mention should be made of the 
 detailed account of King James I.’s visit to Scotland in 1617 
 (No. 87), and of a royal ‘"progress” in 1619 from Theobalds, 
 through the Midlands, and back to Windsor (No. 45) ; illustra- 
 tions of the method of lead mining in the reign of Charles I. 
 (No. 94); of the state of New England in 1658 (No. 166); of 
 horse racing at Newmarket in 1682 (No. 486) ; and of materials 
 for the history of the administration of the Duchy of Lancaster 
 during the 17th century. The picture of the social and political 
 state of the Isle of Man has been already referred to. 
 
 At the conclusion of the report on the letters and papers, has 
 been added a calendar to an old Memorandum book — the entries 
 in which are in the handwritings of various dates — which 
 contains some curious information as to the introduction of the 
 weaving industry at Leeds ; the Dean of Peterborough’s account 
 of the execution of Mary, Queen of Scots and other particulars 
 relating to her trial and execution ; and a great deal of additional 
 information as to the religious state of Lancashire in the 16th 
 and 17th centuries. 
 
 Throughout the compilation of the report, the Commission has 
 received constant assistance in bringing to light undiscovered 
 bundles of papers, not only from Lord Kenyon himself, but from 
 his lordship’s mother, the Hon. Mrs. Bulkeley-Owen, and his 
 uncles, the Hon. George and the late Hon. Edward Kenyon ; by 
 the latter most valuable aid was given in copying or noting 
 several of the nioi'e recent letters, and it is to be regretted that 
 he did not live to see the publication of the report in whicli he 
 took so lively an interest. 
 
 In conclusion, I must ask leave to return my personal thanks 
 to Lord Kenyon for the hospitality he has shown me on the 
 occasion of my numerous visits to Gredington. 
 
 W. J. HARDY. 
 
THE MANUSCRIPTS OF LORD KENYON AT 
 GREDTNGTON HALL, SHROPSHIRE. 
 
 A Mieacle. 
 
 1 . 1524, July 15. — Testimony by William Nicolson, and others, to a 
 miracle worked upon them, by which they escaped drowning. 
 
 ‘‘Be it known to all Christyn pepull, that on the 15tli day of 
 Julii, anno Domini, 1524, that oon William Nicolson, of the parish of 
 Townsburgh, three myle from Doncaster, as the said William schuld 
 have passed over the water of Doune at a common forde callyd Stea- 
 forth Sandes, with an yren bownd wayn, six oxen, and two horsse, looden 
 with howshold stuff, and bavyng also in his said wayn oon Robert Leche, 
 his wyff and their two chyldren, oon chyld beyiig but half a yereof age, 
 and the other child beyng under seven yeres of age, sett his servaunte, 
 callyd Ric. Kychyn, uj)on the formast horsse, and whan the draghte was 
 past the myddes of the water, the streem and the wynde was gret, and 
 drofe the wayn, the oxen, and the horsses down the water. And the 
 formast horsse, which the servaunte roode upon, was drowned, and the 
 wayn, with all the company, was turned upsodown, and the whelis 
 upwardes. Than all the company beyng therin, did call and cry to 
 Allmighti God and to our Blessid Lady, whose ymage is honorde and 
 worshept in the Whyte Freeres of Doncaster, by whos grace the said 
 servaunte gate holde of an oxe bele, and soo gate to land ; and his 
 master William Nicolson, lying in the bothom of the water emonges his 
 beasts’ feete, gate holde of a beast’s heed, and thrast hymself towardes 
 the land, and so, by the grace of God, and of this good Lady of Don- 
 caster, was savyd. Fyrst [he] dyd take hold of a willow busch, which dyd 
 breke, callyd of our Blessed Lady, and gate hold of another and was 
 savid. Now the said Robert Leche, his wyff and their two yong chil- 
 dren, after that was dryfen down with the wynde and streem in the 
 myddes of the mayn water, the space of three score foote and more, to 
 an owler busch ; at the which the said Robert, with his two yong 
 children, by the help of God and of our good Lady, gate to land. Then 
 after that, the wyff of the said Robert Leche was dryven down, with the 
 wayn, oxen, and the horsses, the space of three hundred foote and more, 
 with the gret wynd and the streeme, in the myddes of the mayn water ; 
 and the wayn turned with the water three times upsodown, she beyng 
 therein. And than all the peple beyng on the land, seyng this pituous 
 and hevy sithte, dyd knele down upon their knees, and made thar speciall 
 prayers to Allmightie God and to this Blessed Lady of Doncaster, that 
 if ever she shewed any merakill, to shew some grace upon this said 
 woman. And anoon, after the woman was cast above the water, and 
 spake to the pepill, she beyng in the water, and said she did ritht well, 
 for God and our Blessid Lady in Doncaster had preservyd hyr ; and so, 
 by grace of Allmighti God and of this s.aid gracious Lady, the wayn, 
 with the beasts and the woman, was cast towards the land, and soo was 
 savyd, all the christyn soules ; howbeyt, 'there was three oxen and one 
 horsse drowned, and three oxen and one horse savid. And that thes 
 premysses been true and not fayned, the fornamyd William Nicolson, 
 Robert Leche, his wyff and their two yong childeren, cam to our Lady 
 in Doncaster apon Mare Mawdleyn’s day next after the date herof, and 
 dyd declare this gracious merakill, and was sworn apon a boke before 
 
 73480. Wt. 13104. 
 
 A 
 
2 
 
 the Prior and Covent, with other of sufficient wyttnes of their neburs, 
 as followeth : Thomas Boswell, gentillman, Job. Turnlay, Job. Mapill, 
 Kobt/I^ewcome, with other moo ; and as that day this gracious merakill 
 was rongne and songne in the presence of 300 peple and rnoo. Deo 
 graciasP 
 
 Lady Radclyffe to Sir Andrew Windsor, Knight. 
 
 2. [1549 ?*] October 7. Wynmerley. — “ Syr, as tochyng your laste 
 letter, qwerein I persawe ye dyssyryt me to be gud moder to my 
 swnne, and yours, that ther be no predysciall nar hwrtte unto my 
 swnny’s anarretans; Syr, has ferr has lys in my pore power, I wyll 
 be lotthe to se yt swlde hwrit. And yf there be ony more abowth 
 to do hym any wronge, your masterscheppe shall hawe knawlyge, 
 trystyng that ye wylle se remedy for hym, for he, nor I, has no noder 
 socar both you. Syr, has tochyng the custum londe, qwere I wrothe 
 to you to send it uppe, Syr, ye may persawe a woman’s wytte : the 
 custum londe is that all seche londes has is custum landes; one of 
 my swnnys kynginsmen, of hys moder syde, after the custum, is a 
 custum to resawe all seche landes to the chylde, cum of xv yeres of age, 
 and then to mayke acowtte to the chylde of all seche profeyttes after 
 xii custumiers (?). Bysechyng your masterscheppe regarnot my worddes 
 in my wryttynges, for my mynde is, and sail be at all tymys, that all 
 profettes that may contunyally falle or cum to my sune, has ferr as lys 
 me, I wolde your masterscheppe hadde yam. There sail be no profettes 
 senyt from your masterscheppe. Syr, yflf it be your pleswr, ye may 
 sende into the cuntre, and then ye may knawe of the custom & the 
 trawthe in all thynges. Sir, I persawe be your letter, ye desyre me to 
 sende wordde to your masterschejipe of seche artikylls has cum in your 
 wryttyng, ze wyche ye sende to me by my seivant, Thomas Jakeson. 
 Syr, your wryttyng come nott .... me tell after the Natevite 
 of Our Lade, the last paste. Syr, qwer has ye wrotte to me thowchyng 
 my swone and my doghter that I swlde be contente with thone of yame ; 
 Syr, I wolde to God my doghter wolde be consoled by me and hur 
 fryndes, wyche thynges it wer and swlde be do hwr cumfurthe and 
 howres in tyme cumhynges. Besechyng your masterscheppe to take no 
 dysplesur with me, fer my doghter is of renabull hage to gyf a* nonswarre 
 for her selfe, and sche is not of good mynde to leffe the cunttree. Syr, 
 therfor I beseche you to be gud master to my swne has long has he is 
 in your kepyng, for he has no noder fader both you to soker hym. Syr, 
 
 I wolde beseche you gyff any mon cum to dyssyre the pore tenens [tene- 
 ments ?] the wech belongs unto my swne to hawe thyam, I beseche you 
 lett no mon hawe thyam, both thame that ye hawe pouttit {sic)^ for it 
 wolde be grett hwrt (?) to thame. Syr, qwer ye commande it to me to 
 speke with my Lorde Steward, or elles with Syr Rechard (?) Sach- 
 ewerell, tha cum nott throghe Loncaschyre ; how be it, I am boune be 
 your purr bedde womon, that yt wold plese you to speke to seche men 
 for me in my sunny’s ryghte.” 
 
 Sir Andrew Wyndesor to Mistress Alyce Radclyfp 
 of Wynmerlegh.” 
 
 3. [1549-50?] February 10. London. — ‘‘So yt is that I percey ve 
 by your letter that your doughter is not mynded to be maryed owt 
 of her countre, whiche is but a syngler appetyte of herself and her 
 
 Sir Alexander Kadcliflfe, husband of the writer, died on 5th February 1548-9. 
 
3 
 
 frendes. I assure you ther is noon of them that 1 entended to have 
 maryed her to, hut she schold have lyved better with any of them, 
 the worst day of the yere, than sche schall do with hym that you 
 here say sche schalbe maryed to, in the best. If she forsak her 
 good fortune, sche schall blame no mann but her selfe and her 
 frendes. And as for your sonn, as soone as I am throroughe with the 
 Master of the Wardes, I wyll send for hym in the fayre season of the 
 yere. And if your doughter schuld come into this partyes, I wode be 
 content that she dyd abyde with yon, for I wold not have hyr owt of 
 your handes tyll her were of greatter age. I entended her mariage in 
 two places, wher sche schuld have hadd 40^^ poundes of joynter and to 
 an man of c.c. markes of land, delyvered in hande ; and the other myght 
 be myche more made a better bargayn. I pray you gyve credence to 
 this berer, and be better advysed or [ere] ye yett conclude for her.” 
 Signed. 
 
 Thomas Faryngton to “Maystres Radclyfp at Wynmerley.” 
 
 4. [1550 ?] — ‘‘ Mother, I thanke you for kyndnez in tymes past. And 
 qwere ye excusyt you to make me onsware, by wrytyng, off my last 
 letter send unto you, by cause youre chaplane was not at home ; he is 
 now at home, as I suppose, or, at the lest, ye have had suffycent laysur to 
 take youre concell off your supposyt most trusty frendes. Qwerefore I 
 desyre you, lett me have onswere by wrytyng by thys berer in that 
 behalff. And qwereas ye woold not delyver your doghter, and myn {sic) 
 with owt sume tokenynge, I hertely thanke you, for that was a tokenynge 
 off luff to her at the lest, although ye have lytyll unto the father or 
 mother. Qwerefore 1 desyre you, suffer her to be delyvered by youre selff, 
 or sume off your servantes, unto thys berer. And thys my wrytyng shall 
 be your discharge in that behalfe. I wold wryte more unto you, but I 
 suppose it wold move you so much. Qwerefor at thys tyme, all other 
 thynges I omyt. Youre lovyng son, qwen it shall please you, Thomas 
 Faryngton.” 
 
 Sir Richard Wyngfeld to Maistreis Alice Radcliff, wedowe.” 
 
 5. [1550?] I^ovember 10. London. — Has received her letter of the 
 4th November, by which he perceives that both she and the feoffees 
 of her late husband “ be contented to surcease farther to pursue to 
 the vexacioQ of Thomas Farington, considering that you have perfitt 
 knowledge that your dowtter, and he, without any constraint made 
 unto her, was, before the taking of her awaye, affianced, and that if 
 ye had knowen so motche afor-e, ye wold never have troubled him 
 for that matter ; wherein, I promise j^ou, ye have don right worship- 
 fully, wisely, and discretly. And farther, I parceyve by your said 
 letter that concernyng suche londes as the said Thomas Faringdon, 
 in the right of his said wife, your dowtter, dothe clayme to have, 
 and allso concernyng suche mariage money, as by the bequaest of 
 her father, your late husband, she should have uppon certayne con- 
 dicions, you and the feoff es will be at your liberteyes to defende 
 the lawe in that behalf, if the said Thomas Faringdon and your 
 dowtter shall demand the same. Wheryn, allthough all the condicions, 
 whiche on the part of your said dowtter (as you do alledge) should have 
 ben performed, have not been observed accordingly, yet, considering 
 that ye be at your libertye, and not constrayned to do the extremyte in 
 that behalf, I hartyle desyer you to be good unto them, and specially for 
 the said marriage money, which if it may please you to lett them have 
 
 A 2 
 
4 
 
 the same, and the rather at this myn instannce and desyer, you shall 
 not oonly do theryn right charitably and naturally for the advancement 
 of your owne chilld, but you shall allso thereby bynde me to be gladde 
 to do you such pleasur as shall lye in me to do from tyme to tyme.” 
 Signed. 
 
 “The Sayinge of Alys Radclyff, wedwe.’’ 
 
 6. [1550?] December 16. — Sir Henry Faryngton, knight, had written 
 to the said Alice, and desired to be ordered according to good conscience 
 and the true intent of an award made between the said Alice and the 
 other feoffees of Thomas Radclyff, Esquire, on the one part, and the said 
 Sir Henry, Thomas Faryngton, his son, and Cicely, wife of the said 
 Thomas, on the other part. “ The seyd Alys Radclyff sayth and grauntyth 
 by this by 11, she being but a gentylwoman, ignorant and dissolate of cown- 
 sell, thynking that she hath fulfylied all covenaunts and articleys in the 
 seyd awarde, on her partye ; and, if anye be nott donne, she wilbe redye, 
 at the next Sessions of Asyes to be holden at Lancaster, with hyr 
 freynds, ther to be orderet in all the seyd articles, acordynge to the trwe 
 intent of the seyd ward, by the Kynge’s Justices and other lerned cown- 
 sell, as Ireyndes shall thynke reasonable/’ 
 
 Sm Henry Faryngton. 
 
 7 . [1550 ?] — Articles “desyred by Sir Henry Faryngton, knight, to 
 be ordret accordyng to gud conciens, to the true intent of award maid 
 bitwix Alys Radclyff, widow, and other feoffees of Thomas Radclyff, 
 Esquyer, on the one parte, and the said Sir Henry Faryngton and 
 Thomas Faryngton, sone off the said Sir Henry, and Cecill his wyfe, 
 dochtter of the said Thomas Radclyff and Alez, on the other parte/’ 
 
 John Atherton to “ Mr. Radclyfe.” 
 
 8 . 15[60,] April 23. Atherton.— Has received the Earl of Derby’s 
 letter of the 13th April, commanding and appointing him — by virtue of a 
 letter addressed to the Earl by the Lord Lieutenant of the Horth, “ for 
 the levying of a certayne numbre of men within this shire of Chesshire ” — 
 to be captain, and to have the “ conduction of 100 men ; of the which 
 his Lordshipp aponteth you to make 22 men. Of them you must make 
 8 archers, with stele cappes, leadde malles, daggers, bowe[s] and arroys; 
 And all youre hoole numbre to be talle and lustie men ; and to be afore 
 me, at leght, at 12 of the clocke, the Thursday being the 29 day of Aprill, 
 that I may see the furnysshing of theym, and that I may certifie my 
 Lord thereof.” Signed. 
 
 Wigan Market. 
 
 9. 1561-1567. — A book of the tolls received from the market or fair 
 by the mayor of the borough of Wigan. The receipts for each fair 
 commence with an account of the keepers of the toll at Milne gate, 
 Standishe gate, Wall gate, and Hall gate. The fair appears to have 
 been held twice yearly on the vigils, feasts, and morrows, of the festivals 
 of the Ascension of Our Lord and of St. Luke the Evangelist. 
 
 Wigan Church Seats. 
 
 10 . 1591, May 14. Lancaster. — Writ of the Queen to John, William, 
 and Ralph Lowe of Aspiill, and Hugh Lowe of Ince, within the parish 
 of Wigan. Recites that Thomas Grudlawe, gentleman, ex devotione sua, 
 
5 
 
 gave to his parish church of Wigan aforesaid, as an ornament thereof, 
 quondam scedulam vocatam, a pewe or seate,” Avhich was lawfully 
 placed in (he nave there by the churchwardens, and which has now, 
 by you and other disturbers of our peace and the quiet rule of the 
 Holy Church,” been broken down {inter umpitm) and disturbed under 
 a title of prescription made by the said Lowes, their kinsmen, and those 
 of their name ; whereas there is no such prescription to any person in 
 the nave of the church, which is common to all the parishioners. Recites 
 fui’ther that the Lowes have commenced an action against the said 
 Gudlawe for the premises, before Doctor David Yale, principal of the 
 Consistory Court of Chester, in the Coiirt-Christian. Such action 
 should belong wholly to the churchwardens, and should have been 
 brought at common law. The writ directs that the plea so begun before 
 Dr. Yale be not further proceeded in, “allowing and rendering to the 
 same Thomas Gudlawe his reasonable costs, charges, and expenses in 
 that behalf sustained, by reason of his unjust vexation.” Further directs 
 that possession and use of the seat aforesaid shall remain in the state in 
 which it was before, at the time of the gift and first placing thereof by 
 the churchwardens. 
 
 John Sedon to Alexander Rigby, clerk of the peace for Lancashire. 
 
 11 . 1600-[1,] January 24. Salisbury Court. — Has received his note 
 of the Recusants, “ which he did move the Lord Treasurer about, who 
 answered that Her Majestic was determined to direct foorth commission 
 for improving Recusants’ lands, and therefore wished not to proceed till 
 the effect were knowen.” Knows now that it is “ otherwise ordered.” 
 
 John Haworth to his brother-in law, Christopher Cunliffe, 
 at the Sparth, near Blackburn. 
 
 12. 1602, June 16. London. — Yesterday was appointed to have been 
 our “ crucyfying day,” and Mr. Robert Hesketh was in the Duchy, but no 
 Counsel with him but himself, for bis meaning was not to have any hear- 
 ing, saving that which we would not hear, and that was Mr. parson 
 Shuttleworth, who encountered Mr. Nowell, and dealt very inwardly 
 with him for an unity and an agreement. My young master goeth not 
 the circuit with us, as I hear. Signed and seal. 
 
 Directions for Ministers by King James I. 
 
 13 . 1603-1625. — 1. “ That no preacher under the degree and calling 
 of a bishop, deane of Cathedrail or Collegiall Church (and they upon the 
 Kinges dayes and sett festivalls) doe take occasion upon the expounding 
 of any text of Scripture whatsoever, to fall into any sett discourse or 
 commonplace, otherwise then by opening the discourse and division of his 
 text, which shall not bee comprehended and warted {sic) in essenc, sub- 
 stance, effect, or naturall inference, within some one of the articles of 
 religion sett forth. Anno Domini, 1562, or in some one of the homilies sett 
 forth by authority in the Church of England, not onely for an help for 
 the now matching, but withall for a paterne and a boundary, as it were, for 
 preaching ministers ; and for the further instruction for the performance 
 thereof, that they forthwith read over, and peruse diligently, the said 
 Booke of Articles and the twoe Bookes of Homilies. 
 
 2. That noe parson, vicar, curatt, or lecturer, shall preach any sermon 
 or collation hereafter, upon Sondayes and holydaies in the afternoone, in 
 any cathedrail or parish church throughout the kingdome, but upon 
 
6 
 
 some parte of catechisme, or some text taken out of the Creed, Ten 
 Commandmentes, or the Lordes Prayer (funerall sermons onely ex- 
 cepted), and that those preachers be most incoraged and approved of 
 whoe spend these afternoone exercises in the examining of children in 
 their catechisme, and in expounding of the severall points and heads of 
 the catechisme, which is the most ancient and laudable custome of 
 teachinge in the Church of England. 
 
 3. That noe preacher, of what tytle soever, under the degree of a 
 bishopp, or a deane, at the least, doe, from hencforth, presume to preach 
 in any popular audience the deepe points of predestination, election, 
 reprobation, or of the universality, eificacity, resistability or irresistability 
 of God’s grace, but leave those thames to be handled by the learned 
 men, and that moderatly and modestly by way of use and application, 
 rather then by way of positive doctrine, as being [more] fitted for the 
 schooles and universities then for simple auditors. 
 
 4. That noe preacher, of what title or denomination soever, shall pre- 
 sume from henceforth, in any auditory within this kingdome, to declare, 
 limitt, or bound out, any way of possitive doctrine, in any lecture or 
 sermour, the power of prerogative, jurisdiction, authority, or duty of 
 soveraigne princes, or otherwayes medle with these matters of state and 
 referrences betweene the princes and the people, then as they are in- 
 structed and presidented in the Homyly of Obedience and in the rest of 
 the Homiles and Articles of Eeligeon sett forthe, as before is mentioned, 
 by publicke authority, but rather confyne themselves wholly to theese 
 twoe heades of faith and good life, which are all the subject of the 
 ancient sermons and homilies. 
 
 5. That noe preacher, of what title or denomination soever, shall 
 causelessly and without invitation from the text, fall into bitter in- 
 vectives and undesent raling speeches against the persons of either 
 papistes or puritanes, but modestly and gravely, when they are occasioned 
 thereunto, by text of scripture, free both the doctrine and discipline of 
 the Church of England from the aspersions of either adversarie, 
 especialiie where the auditorie is suspected to be tainted with the one 
 or the other invection. 
 
 6. Lastly, that the archbishopps and bishopps of the kingdome, whome 
 his Majesty hath good cause to blame lor his (sic, ? their) former 
 remisnes, [be] more wary and choise in lycencing of preachers, and re- 
 voke all grantes to any chancellor, ofiiciall, or comissary, to passe licences 
 in this kind, and that all the lecturers throughout the kingdome, a new 
 bodie, severed fi'om the ancient clergie of England, as being neither 
 parsons, vicars nor curates, be licensed henceforward in the Court of 
 Faculties onely upon recomendation of the p . • . y from the bishopp of 
 the diocese, under his hand and scale, with a fiat from the Lord Arch- 
 bishopp of Canterbury and a coufermation under the great seal of 
 England. 
 
 And that such as transgress any one of theese directions be suspended 
 by the bishop of the diocese, or in his default, by the Archbishopp of the 
 Province, ah officio et henejicio, for a yere and a day, untill his Majesty, 
 by the advise of the next Commissioners {sic) convocation, shall prescribe 
 some further punishment.” Copy. 
 
 Lancashire Clergy. 
 
 14 . 1604. — ‘‘ Certaine briefe observations truly gathered, partly by ex- 
 perience and partly from others, comprehending the whole estate of 
 Lancashire clergy, rightly divided into its six proper hundrethes, with 
 the severall parishes conteined in the same. 
 
7 
 
 The Names of the 
 Parishes. 
 
 Kirkby Ireleth 
 Broughton in Bur-« 
 nes, a Chappell - 
 
 Loynsdale Hundreth. 
 
 A donative in the nature o£ a Yiccaridge. 
 
 The Patron there, the Dean of Yorke. 
 
 The Incumbent there, Mr. Dodgson, a preacher. 
 The farmer of the impropriation, Mr. Latus. 
 
 Dalton 
 
 Aldingham 
 
 { A Viccaridge ; the Patron, the Chancellor of the 
 Duchye. 
 
 The Incumbent, Mr. Gardner, noe Preacher. 
 
 The farmer there, Mr. Joseph Hudleston, gent. 
 
 f A Parsonage; the Patron, the Kinge. 
 
 \ The Incumbent, Mr. Gilpin, a preacher. 
 
 Urswick 
 
 ' A viccaridge ; the patron, the Chancellor of the 
 Duchy. 
 
 The Incumbent, Mr. Lindall, a preacher. 
 
 The farmers, John and Anthony Sawrey, gentle- 
 men. 
 
 Ulverston Parish » 
 Pennington - 
 
 Hawkeshead 
 
 Cartmel 
 
 War ton 
 
 Boulton by the 
 Sands 
 
 Kellett 
 
 Halton 
 
 Aughton 
 
 Whittington 
 
 { A Donative in the nature of a Vicarridge. 
 
 The Patron, the Deane of Yorke. 
 
 The Incumbent, Mr. Leighe, no preacher. 
 
 The farmers, the whole parishioners. 
 
 " A Donative in the nature of a Viccaridge. 
 
 The Patron, the Kinge. 
 
 < The Incumbent or Stipendary Preacher, Mr. 
 Magson. 
 
 , The farmers, Adam and Edmund Sandes. 
 
 { An Impropriation, and meanely served onely with 
 a reading minister. It is belonging to the Bpp. 
 of Chester. 
 
 d.die farmer is George Preston, Esq. 
 
 { A viccaridge ; the Patron, the house of Worcester. 
 The Incumbent, Mr. Oburne, a preacher. 
 
 The farmers, Sir Thomas Samford, Knight, and 
 Richard Sherborne, Esqre. 
 
 r A Viccaridge ; the Patron, the Bishop of Chester. 
 < The Incumbent, the before-named Mr. Oburne. 
 LThe farmer, the Lord Buckhurst. 
 f A Chappelry unto Boulton. 
 
 \ The minister, Mr. Barker, no preacher. 
 
 { A Parsonage ; the Patron, the Bishop of Cdiester. 
 The Incumbent, Mr. Sawrey, a preacher. 
 
 A Chappellry. 
 
 f A Parsonage ; the Patron, Thomas Cams, gentleman. 
 \ The Incumbent, Mr. Newton, no preacher. 
 
 T unstall 
 
 Tatham 
 
 Claughton 
 
 r A Viccaridge ; the Patron, John Girlington, Esq. 
 
 < The Incumbent, Mr. Birkett, noe preacher. 
 
 LThe farmer, the said Mr. Girlington. 
 
 r A Parsonage ; [the Patron,] the Lord Mounteagle. 
 
 < The Incumbent, Mr. Dewhurst, a preacher. 
 hThe farmer, Edmund Moore, gentleman. 
 
 r A Parsonage ; the Patron, Edward Crofte, Esqr. 
 
 \ The Incumbent, Mr. Seenehouse, a preacher. 
 
8 
 
 The Names of the Loynsdale Hundreth — continued. 
 
 Parishes. 
 
 { A Viccaridge ; the Patron and farmor, the Lord 
 Mounteagle. 
 
 The Incumbent, Mr. Burrowe, no preacher. 
 Hornby and Ac- f The Stipendary reader, Mr. Mann, with the like 
 holme Chappells - \ reading Minister. 
 
 { A large Viccaridge ; the Patron, Mr. Farrington. 
 The Incumbent, Mr. Kinge. 
 
 The farmor. Sir Pobert Bindlose. 
 
 There are many Parochiall chappells, hamletts, 
 and forrests belonging to Lancaster, and far dis- 
 tant from their Mother Church. 
 
 The Incumbent or Stipendary minister, Mr. 
 Grrenoepp, noe preacher. 
 
 The Minister there, Mr. Cragge, no preacher. 
 
 A parochial Chappell. 
 
 The Stipendary minister, Mr. Picke, noe preacher. 
 
 { A Chappell, without service, in the King’s Chase. 
 The stipend deteined by Robert Parkinson, Com- 
 missary of Richmond. 
 
 Mierscough - - The King’s Chase without a Chappell. 
 
 ^ without a Chappell. 
 
 Memorandum that Stalmyn, Bleasdale, Miers- 
 cough, Fullwood, and Toxtethe, are within the 
 Hundred of Derby and Amoundernes ; albeit they 
 belong to Lancaster, their Mother Church, 
 r A Parsonage ; the Patron, Mr. Parkinson. 
 Heisliam - -< The Incumbent, but a reading minister. 
 
 [_The farmor, the said Mr. Parkinson, 
 r A Viccaridge ; the Patron, Mr. Calvert. 
 Cockerham - -< The Incumbent, John Calvert, noe preacher. 
 
 l^The farmor, the said Mr, Calvert, the Patron. 
 
 Ellell and Shireside Both Chappells belonging to Cockerham. 
 
 Gressingham, a pa- 
 rochial Chappell 
 Wiersdale in the 
 King’s forest 
 
 Stalmine 
 
 Amoundernes Hundreth. 
 
 Garstange 
 
 St. Michael 
 Wyer 
 
 r A Viccaridge ; the Patron, Mr. Anderton. 
 
 ! Tlie Incumbent, Mr. Ainesworthe, noe preacher. 
 I Mr. Foster, the King’s preacher. 
 
 I The farmers, Mr. Dalton and Mr. Bindlosse. 
 
 f A Viccaridge; the Patron, the King, 
 upon I farmor, Sir William Cooke. 
 
 " LThe Incumbent, Mr. Woolfenden, noe preacher. 
 
 W oodplumpton 
 
 Poulton 
 
 r A parochiall chappell to St. Michaells. 
 
 < The Stipendary Minister there, Sir John Hollin- 
 1^ worth, no preacher. 
 
 ( A Viccaridge; the Patron, Edmund Fleetwood, Esqr. 
 The Incumbent, Mr. White, a preacher, but never 
 preach eth. 
 
 The farmers, Mr. Singleton, Mr. Tildesley, Mr, 
 , Rigby, with others. 
 
9 
 
 The Names of the 
 Parishes. 
 
 Bispham 
 
 Lytham 
 
 Kirkham 
 
 Goosiiargh - 
 
 Chippin 
 Stidd - 
 Ribchester - 
 Preston 
 Broughton - 
 
 Amoundernes Hundreth — continued. 
 
 r A parochial chappell to Poulton. 
 
 < The Stipendary minister there, Mr. Walkden, noe 
 L preacher. 
 
 { An usurped Impropriation, as it is supposed, pos- 
 sessed by one Mr. Roger Ley, gentleman, dwell- 
 ing in the Parsonage house ; the Stipendary 
 Minister, a bare reader, and careless. 
 
 { A Viccaridge in the gift of Christ Church in Ox- 
 ford. 
 
 The Incumbent, Mr. Greenacres, a preacher. 
 
 The farmer, Mr. Clifton, Esqr., with others. 
 
 " A chappell to Kirkham. 
 
 The stipendary minister, Mr. Dupbury, no 
 preacher. 
 
 The farmer, Thurstan Tildesley, from Christ’s 
 Church in Oxford. 
 
 { A Viccaridge ; the Patron, the Bishop of Chester. 
 The Incumbent, Mr. Parker, noe preacher. 
 
 The farmers, the parishioners. 
 
 r A Donative from the Lord Archbishop of Canter- 
 < bury. 
 
 LNoe minister there resident. 
 
 r A Viccaridge ; the Patron, the Bishop of Chester. 
 < The Incumbent, Mr. Norcross, a simple preacher. 
 L The farmers, the parishioners. 
 
 A Viccaridge ; the Patron, Sir Richard Houghton. 
 The incumbent, Mr. Paler, a preacher. 
 
 The farmer, the said Sir Richard Houghton. 
 
 A Chappellry to Preston; the Stipendary minister, 
 Mr. Witton, noe preacher ; the farmer. Sir 
 Richard Houghton, Baronet. 
 
 Memorand ; that Chippin, Stidd, and Ribchester, 
 albeit they are sett down as in the hundred of 
 Amoundernes, because they are of that Deanery, 
 yet they doe properly belong to the hundreth of 
 Blackburne. 
 
 Longridge Chappell 
 
 Blackburne 
 
 Samlesbury 
 
 Dinckley 
 
 Langoe 
 
 Healey 
 
 Harwood 
 
 Blackburne Hundreth. 
 
 r A Viccaridge; the Patron, the Lord Archbishop of 
 I Canterbury. 
 
 I The Incumbent, Mr. Welsh, a preacher. 
 bThe farmer. Sir William Fleetwood, Knight, 
 f A chappell belonging to Blackburne. 
 
 \The Stipendary reader there, one Jameson. 
 Another chappell, but noe reader. 
 
 - Another chappell, neither reader nor stipend. 
 
 - Another chappell, neither reader nor stipend. 
 
 - Another chappell, maintained by the King. 
 
10 
 
 The Names of 
 Parishes. 
 
 Tockholes 
 
 Darwin 
 
 Whalley 
 
 Clitherall 
 Downham - 
 Colne - 
 Burnley 
 Haslingden - 
 Church 
 Altham 
 
 Padiham 
 
 Ack ring ton - 
 
 Marsden 
 
 Holmes 
 
 Castle 
 
 Pend ley 
 Whitewell 
 Rossendalo - 
 
 Goodshawe - 
 Leyland 
 
 the Blackburne Hundreth — continued. 
 
 1 Another chappell^ the reader, Mr. Shaweeross, 
 ' \ maintained by the inhabitants. 
 
 f Another chappell, the minister there, Mr. Medcalfe, 
 \ maintained by the inhabitants. 
 
 { A Viccaridge; the Patron, the Lord Archbishop of 
 Canterbury ; the Incumbent, Mr. Ormeroyde, a 
 preacher ; the farmer, Mr. Asheton, Esqr. 
 
 f A parochiall Chappell to Whalley. 
 
 \ The Minister there, Mr. Dickson, no preacher. 
 
 r Another parochiall Chappell ; the Stipendary Mi- 
 \ nister, Mr. Carrier, noe preacher. 
 
 { Another parochiall Chappellry ; the Curate there, 
 one Mr. Bryerley, well atfected. 
 
 f Another parochiall Chappell. 
 
 \ The Stipendary Minister there, Mr. Ryley. 
 
 f Another parochiall Chappell ; the Stipendary Mi- 
 \ nister, Mr. Butterworth. 
 
 r Another parochiall Chappell ; the Stipendary Mi- 
 \ nister is now gone. 
 
 r Another parochiall chappell ; the Stipendary Mi- 
 1 nister is . 
 
 •{ 
 
 ■{ 
 
 -{ 
 
 •{ 
 
 ■{ 
 
 Memorandum, that every one of these seven 
 
 parochiall Chappells have onely four pounds per 
 
 annum allowed them, out of the Viccaridge of 
 
 Whalley, to the severall Curates in the same. 
 
 Another parochiall Chappell belonging to Whalley. 
 
 The Stipendary Minister there, Mr. Baxter, main- 
 tained by the King. 
 
 Another Chappellry well affected, maintaineing Mr. 
 Marcrofte of their voluntary benevolence. 
 
 Another Chappellry, with a bare reader, maintained 
 by the inhabitants. 
 
 Another Chappellry haveing a simple reader, one 
 Mr. Townley, maintained by the inhabitants. 
 
 A Donative ; the Patron I know not ; noe minister 
 there. It hath these parochiall Churches and 
 Chappellry followeing : — 
 
 A parochiall Chappell well affected ; the Minister 
 there, Mr. Kutter. 
 
 Noe parochiall Chappell nor minister. 
 
 1 A parochiall Chappell; the Stipendary preacher, 
 \ Mr. Kershawe, maintained by the Inhabitants. 
 
 { Noe parochiall; a minister there maintained by 
 benevolence. 
 
 Leyland Hundreth. 
 
 r A Viccaridge; the Patron, Richard Feetwood,Esqr. 
 \ The Incumbent, Mr. Bryars, a preacher. 
 
11 
 
 The Names of the 
 Parishes. 
 
 Exton and Heapey 
 Standish - - 1 
 
 Brindle 
 
 Leyland Hundreth — continued. 
 
 Two ould Chappells within Leyland parish, without 
 Curates. 
 
 A parsonage ; the Patron, Edward Standish, Esqr. 
 The incumbent, Mr. Leigh, a preacher, 
 
 f A parsonage; the Patron, the Lord Cavendish. 
 
 \ The Incumbent, Mr. Bennett, no preacher. 
 
 Croston 
 
 Rufforth 
 
 Chorley 
 
 Eccleston 
 
 Douglas 
 
 Penwortham 
 
 1 A Viccaridge ; the Patron, Sir Edmund Huddleston, 
 Knight; the incumbent, a preacher. 
 
 The farmer, the said Sir Edmund Huddleston, 
 Knight. 
 
 r A parochiall chapped to Croston. 
 
 ~ \ The minister, Mr. Bradshaw, a preacher. 
 
 f Another parochial] Chappell to Croston, 
 
 " \ The minister, noe preacher. 
 
 r A Parsonage ; the Patron, Thomas Lathome, Esq. 
 ' [ The Incumbent, Mr. Adam Rigby, a preacher. 
 
 r A Chappell within Eccleston, without minister or 
 ' \ stipend of late times. 
 
 { An ould Priory in the possession, by inheritance, of 
 Richard Fleetwood, Esqr., who maintaineth a 
 Stipendary Minister there. 
 
 Manchester ^ 
 
 Didesbury 
 
 Stretforthe, Chore- 
 ton, Gorton, 
 Blakeley, New- 
 ton Heath and 
 Dayneton. 
 
 Prestwich 
 
 Ouldham 
 
 Shawe 
 
 -{ 
 
 Boulton in 
 Moores 
 
 Rivington and Tur- 
 ton - - - 
 
 Salford Hundreth. 
 
 A Colledge, consisting upon a Warden and certaiue 
 fellowes, who jointly, together with two Minis- 
 ters, and four Queristers, doe maintaine the 
 service in that Church. 
 
 The Impropriation is the King’s, and leased to 
 Mr. Holland, Esq, 
 
 A chapped annexed to Manchester, the mother 
 church. 
 
 All these are Chappells of ease within the said 
 parish of Manchester, the Curates and preachers 
 whereof are onely maintained by the several! 
 inhabitants. 
 
 A parsonage ; the Patrons in severall courses are 
 Mr. Holland, Mr. Ashton of Chatterton, and 
 Mr. Radishe ; the incumbent, Mr. Langley, a 
 preacher. 
 
 A parochiall Chapped to Prestwich ; Mr. Hunter, 
 preacher. 
 
 Another Chappell of ease, supplyed by a Curate. 
 
 An Impropriation belonging to the Lord Bishop of 
 Chester, who is patron ; the Incumbent, Mr. 
 Sanderson, a preacher. There is allsoe Mr. 
 Gosnad, a preacher, maintained by the parish. 
 
 Bothe these are Chappells of ease to Boulton, and 
 bothe wed supplyed with ministery. 
 
12 
 
 The Names of the 
 Parishes. 
 
 E ccles 
 
 Deane - 
 
 Eli X ton 
 
 Bury 
 
 Salford Hundreth — continued, 
 
 r An impropriation belonging to the King. 
 
 The farmer, James Anderion, Esq. 
 
 LThe Incumbent, Mr. White, a preacher. 
 
 J Ellenborough Church in Worsley; Mr. Hunt, a 
 \ preacher. 
 
 A Viccaridge; the Patron, the King; the Incumbent, 
 a levvde minister, neither preacher himself nor 
 will suffer anie other to preach. 
 
 The farmer, James Anderton of Lostock, Esqr. 
 
 { A Donative from the Deane and Chapter of Lich- 
 field; the Incumbent, Mr. Jones, a preacher. 
 
 1 ' A parsonage ; the Patron, the Earle of Derby. 
 
 The Incumbent, Mr. Watmoughe, a preacher. 
 
 Outcome, Eaton 
 fell, Heywood 
 
 ' Chappells of ease, maintained by 
 
 the Inhabitants. 
 
 Middleton - 
 
 Cockley 
 
 Ratchdale 
 
 A Parsonage; the Patron, Sir Richard Asheton, 
 Knight. 
 
 The Incumbent, Mr. Assheton, a preacher. 
 
 A Chappell of ease. 
 
 A Viccaridge ; the Patron, the Lord .Archbishop of 
 Canterbury; the Incumbent, Mr. Kenyon, a 
 preacher. 
 
 The f armor. Sir John Byrron, Knight. 
 
 Todmei den. White* f Qliappells of ease to Ratchdale, maintained by the 
 worthe, Litle< i • i ^ 
 
 -o T. T\T*i I several inhabitants. 
 
 Burgh, Milrowe - L 
 
 r A parsonage; the Patron, Sir George Boothe, 
 
 <1 Knight. 
 
 LThe Incumbent, Mr. Parker, a preacher. 
 
 There is eleaven parishes in Salford Hundreth. 
 
 Warrington - 
 Hollinfery - 
 
 Prescott 
 
 Farnworth, Rain- 
 forth, St. Ellen, 
 Windleshawe 
 
 Childwall 
 
 Haslewood - 
 Hyton - 
 
 Derby Hundreth. 
 
 A Parsonage impropriate ; the patron, Mr. Ireland. 
 
 The Incumbent, Mr. Gellibrand, a preacher. 
 
 The farmer, the said Mr. Ireland. 
 
 A Chappell of ease haveing no certaine Curate. 
 
 A Viccaridge ; the Patron, the King’s Colledge in 
 Cambridge. 
 
 The farmer, the Earle of Derby, 
 
 The Incumbent, Mr. Mead, a preacher. 
 
 Tiiese are all chappells of ease belonging to Pres- 
 cott, supplied onely with readeing Ministers. 
 
 A Viccaridge ; the Lord Bishop of Chester, Patron. 
 
 The Incumbent, Mr. Hopwood, a preacher. 
 
 The farmer of the Impropriation, James Anderton, 
 Esq. 
 
 A Chappell. 
 
 A Viccaridge ; the Patron and Impropriatory, Mr. 
 Tarbock, Esqr.; the Incumbent, Mr. Hankin- 
 son, a preacher and the King’s preacher there. 
 
13 
 
 The Names of the 
 Parishes. 
 
 Walton 
 
 Derby Hundreth — continued. 
 
 ' A Parsonage ; the Patron, Sir Richard Molineux, 
 Knight, 
 
 The Incumbent, parson by way ol* dispensation, 
 Mr. Molineux ; the Incumbent, [the] vicar, no 
 preacher. 
 
 Liverpoole, Kirke- 
 by, Darby, Form- 
 by - - - 
 
 Sefton - - - 
 
 Crosby 
 
 Alker - 
 
 J All Chappells of ease to Walton, and all supplied 
 I with readeing ministers. 
 
 r A Parsonage ; the Patron, Sir Richard Molineux, 
 Knight. 
 
 LThe Incumbent, Mr. Turner, a preacher. 
 
 A Chappell to Sefton ; a curate, no preacher, there. 
 
 r A Donative impropriate to Sir Richard Molineux, 
 < Knight ; no Incumbent, but a bare reader, and a 
 meane pension. 
 
 Aughton 
 
 Ormeskirke - 
 
 Lathom 
 
 Halsall 
 
 Maghull and 
 linge 
 
 / 
 
 r A Parsonage; the Patron, Gabrieli Hesketh, Esqr. 
 [ The Incumbent, Mr. Bannister, no preacher. 
 
 A Viccaridge ; the Patron, the King. 
 
 The Incumbent, Mr. Ambrose, noe preacher. 
 
 ^ Mr. Knowles, the King’s preacher, placed there. 
 [_The farmer, the Earle of Derby. 
 
 f A small Chappell to Ormeskirke. 
 
 [ A Curate with a small pension. 
 
 f A Parsonage ; the Patron, Sir Cuthbert Halsall. 
 
 [ The Incumbent, Mr. Hatsull, a preacher. 
 
 Mel- 
 
 ' I Chappells without preacher 
 
 or service. 
 
 Win wick 
 
 Ashton, Newton, f 
 and Newchurch- \ 
 
 Northmeales 
 Leighe 
 
 Wygan 
 
 Holland 
 
 linge 
 
 and 
 
 A parsonage ; the Patron, the Earle of Derby. 
 
 The Incumbent, Mr. , a preacher. 
 
 The Curate there, no preacher. 
 
 Chappells belonging to Winwick, haveing small 
 pensions and seldome curates. 
 
 A parsonage ; the Patron, Richard Fleetwood, Esqr. 
 
 The Incumbent, Mr. French, a preacher. 
 
 A Viccaridge ; the Patron, Richard Urmeston, Esq. 
 
 The Incumbent, no preacher. 
 
 Mr. Midgeley, one of the King’s preachers, placed 
 there. The farmer, the said Richard Urmestoji, 
 Esqr. 
 
 A parsonage; the Patron, Richard Fleetwood, Esqr. 
 
 The Incumbent, Doctor Massy, a preacher. 
 
 Beinge chappells in the parish of Wygan, haveing 
 but small pensions and no preachers. 
 
 Soe the totall of 
 the parishes in 
 Lancashire, be- 
 sides Chappells, 
 are - - - 
 
 '' In Blackborne hundred 
 In Derby hundred 
 In Salford hundred 
 In Leyland hundred - 
 In Amoundernes hundred 
 ^ In Loynsdale Hundred 
 
 xiiij 
 
 vj 
 
 X 
 
 XX ^ 
 
 In all, Ixiiij. 
 
14 
 
 Tax for the Relief of Infected Persons. 
 
 15. 1605. — A book of receipts and payments of moneys, collected by a 
 tax levied within the Hundred of Salford by the Justices of the Peace at 
 the Session of the Peace held at Newton Chapel on 17 July 1605, 
 towards the relief of the poor infected persons, and others, in Manchester 
 and Salford. The tax was discharged on 18 Septehiber, 1605. During 
 the first week 1,157 persons received pecuniary assistance from this tax. 
 
 Persons Infected by the Plague. 
 
 16. 1605, August 9. — A list of persons who were infected, suspected, 
 or “ needers,’’ by reason of the plague in Salford and Manchester. 
 
 E[dmond] H[opwood] to James Asheton. 
 
 17. 1607, December 15. — I meant to have been this night at Chaderton, 
 but such is the extremity of the cold, that I dare not venture to go from 
 the fire, except it be to church. I pray you to satisfy my friend 
 Mr. Cockesone. . 
 
 William Crombock to Mrs. Byrom. 
 
 18. 1607[-8], January 26. — According to your request I have visited 
 Mr. Carmerden, and he is now in such extremity as he could not read 
 your letters. I told him, from you, of the cure that Mr. Thomas Gerrard 
 did, and of the means that the parson of Middleton uses ; but this comes 
 too late, for after an operation on Thursday last, his pains are so grievous 
 that he desire th rather to die than live in this extremity, yet he 
 endureth all with patience. 
 
 News Letter. 
 
 19. 1 607 [-8] ,February . — ‘H''or Manchester news, there is none but this. 
 Dr. Batts brought a preacher from Chester on Byfold (sic) who preached 
 two sermons on the last Sunday, and, at Dr. Batts’ request, they got him 
 a collection. The collectors were Mr. George Tipping, Humfray Booth, 
 Christopher Downes, Robert Atkinson, and others, and, as it is reported, 
 my Lady Boweyer gave him 25s.^ Mr. Holland of Denton 20s., Sir Edmund 
 Trafibrd, IO 5 ., the College, 6s.8<i.; the rest they gathered of the townsmen. 
 His whole collection he has was 9/. odd moneye. The collectors came 
 unto [the] parson of Shuters Brooke, on Picrofte, in Salford, Parnill’s 
 husband, and he tould them hee durst give no monye, beecause the 
 preacher would not subscribe unto the King’s lawes. And I did heare 
 that he came from about Northampton and lost his benefice, because he 
 would not subscribe, aud is going into Ireland, and his wiffe fell in 
 laboure at Chester, and my Lord Bush op gave him leave to preach until 
 he could go over.” 
 
 Edmond Hopwood to Thomas Sothworth, at York. 
 
 20. 1608, July 29. — I pray you write me what is done at this assizes 
 with the Brownists. I beseech God to deliver this Kingdom and State 
 from all my sins, all atheism, popery, and puritanism, which, in this 
 corner, grows ripe for the sickle. 
 
15 
 
 Theophilus Assheton to Edmund Hopwood. 
 
 21. 1608, October 11. — I am in health, I thank God; and for the 
 general sickness it hath decreased, this last week, forty, of the number 
 of them that die of the plague, and so God grant it may do still. 
 
 Ed. Bybbye to Edmund Hopwood, at Salford, 
 
 22. 1009, March 29. — Little news save that I am neither bishop nor 
 knight. The sickness is but three score and six this week. 
 
 A[rthur] S[colfelde] to Edmund Hopwood, at Hopwood. 
 
 23. 1609, April 9. — ‘‘ Within two howres after your man Shawe was 
 with me on Friday laste, I mett a Londoner of my acquaintance wich 
 was going to the colledge to Mrs. Foxe to bring her comeudations from 
 her husband, and to tell her that Mr. Foxe wolde be at home the daie 
 folloing, and to tell her that her husband sent her worde that at his 
 home cominge he wolde give the townsmen of Manchester good content- 
 ment aboute the^bussynes he went to London about. Whereupon I 
 consevid that Mr. Burne was warden (or John Foxe) with a non 
 obstantihus. Much rejoy sing ther was emonges the brethren that 
 nighte ; but late upon Fridaie nighte a frend tolde me for certaiue, 
 Mr. Burne was not Warden, but Mr. Richard Morreye, for he had the 
 same daie sene a letter, under Mr. Morey’s hand, sent to Mr. Lee, parson 
 of Standishe, importing that himselfe had prevented Mr. Burne and was 
 warden hymselfe, and an Irisheman seaconded the same newes ; and 
 yesterdaie Mr. Burne, Mr. Foxe, and Adkynson came home, and afferme 
 that he hathe a grant to have some 30/. a yeare out of the living, and 
 this is all. The brethren are in greffe as yet and saie litle, but that the 
 master had bene more fitte for the wardenshipe then a Scott; but I 
 thinke the Kinge and Counsell knowe better whom is fitt then they.” 
 
 E[dmund] H[opwood] to Arthur Scolfelde. 
 
 24. 1609, May 8. Salford. — “ Cozen Arther, your nephew and my 
 kynsman, of Langley, standetli in need of your helpe, dyvers wayes.” 
 Prays for the delivery of a deed. The letter is sent on by the recipient 
 and William Thorpe to Mr. Ratcliffe,” with the request to ‘‘ come and 
 rejoyce with us, and all other our Christian breetheren and sisters, at 
 the installment of our new Warden, Mr. Burne. The day is uncer- 
 tayne; but, for that we know you love to conjoyne in the fraternitie, 
 wee, or the one of us, will eyther send you word, or [if] not, come our 
 selfFs.” 
 
 E[dmund] Hopwode to Edmunde Schollefyllde, sometime parson 
 of Padyame, and now vicar of Loppyngtone, in Shropshire. 
 
 25. 1609, August 7. — I thank you for Cheshire exercises.” I 
 heard not of them but by your letters. In Lancashire, thanks be to God, 
 “ there is nowe such as not many yeares agoe was used in Manchester ; 
 yet do all fanatical and schismatical preachers, that are cashiered in 
 other countries, resort into this corner of Lancashire, but not entertained 
 according to their expectation. God deliver England from my sins, 
 dwelling and committed, and from all Jesuits, seminaries, atheists, and 
 factious preachers. I have sent you a book written in defence of our 
 
16 
 
 communion book, and but lately crept out of the press, and, God be 
 thanked, this corner is purged of schismatical preachers, excepting 
 Gossnall of Boulton and Hunte of Ouldham.” Mr. White is now 
 vicar of Eccles and one of the fellows of the College of Manchester, 
 whereof Mr. Burne is not (^sic) warden. Mr. White is greatly respected 
 by my Lord of Canterbury, and hath subscribed. 
 
 Theophilus Assheton to Edmund Hopwood. 
 
 26. 1609, August 22. — We have here no news now but that Mr. 
 Gerard, a reader of our house, is dead lately. The sickness was last 
 week 152 of the plague, and there is one of our house dead, about 
 three days since, of it. 
 
 John Wryht to Edmond Hopwood. 
 
 27. 1609, September 1. Standish.^ — ‘‘ I desire as much to see you as I 
 perceive by your letter you have a desire to see me, and am gladd you 
 purpose to be att our next Communion at Standishe, which is upon 
 Sondaie come sennet, the 10th daie of this September, where, by God’s 
 grace, we shall have tyme to conferr of our former actions and of the 
 ruynes of the church of God [in] manie places of this countie, by reason 
 of the increase of Papistes’ profaning of the Sabboath and other enor- 
 mityes, which the most are not ashamed to committ without remorse of 
 conscience or feare of lawe. The Lord redresse it in his good tyme ; 
 for the which let us all strive with the Highest in praier most ferventlie 
 to obtaine, not leaving Him till we have received a blessing. I thanke 
 you for the good opinion you have of my sonn. God give him grace to 
 deserve the same of you and others, his good freindes. For my sonne- 
 in-law, Mr. Leigh, he will write unto you himself touching the matter 
 you writt to me of, and for which I have beene instant with him.” 
 
 Eegulations for the Sabbath. 
 
 28. [1610-1627.] — Orders, signed by Judge Edward Bromley, to be 
 observed within the county of Lancaster, set down by the Justices of the 
 Peace within the said county by appointment of the judges of assize. 
 
 1. That no wares or victuals be shewn or sold upon any Sunday 
 (necessary victuals only excepted), and no butcher sell any flesh upon 
 any Sunday after the end of the second peal for morning prayer, nor at 
 any time in the afternoon upon any Sabbath day^ 
 
 2. That no householders, after the beginning of the last peal to 
 morning prayer, suffer any person (not being of the household) to eat, 
 drink, or remain in their house in time of divine service, but shall shut 
 their doors up so that all persons may go to church. If any be found in 
 any ale-liouse in time of divine service, the said ale-house is to be put 
 down, and thenceforth not to be licensed again. 
 
 3. If any ale-house keeper will not suffer the constables or church- 
 wardens to search their houses to see whether good order be kept 
 therein, the said ale-house keeper to be discharged from brewing and 
 not again licensed. 
 
 4. Every ale-house keeper, with his wife and family, to go every 
 Sunday to church. 
 
 5. Such persons as shall be found walking, talking, or idly standing, 
 either in the churchyard or market place, in time of divine service shall 
 pa}" VM. apiece, and be bound to good behaviour and appear before the 
 justices of assize. 
 
17 
 
 6. If the constables, churchwardens, or other officers for the church 
 be negligent or refuse to do their duties in these articles, that they be 
 bound to appear before the justices of assize. 
 
 7. Tliat there be no piping, dancing, bowling, bear or bull baiting, or 
 any other profanation upon any Sabbath day, or upon any festival day 
 in time of divine service. 
 
 8. That the Justices of the Peace, themselves, do sometimes search 
 whether the churchwardens and constables have done their duties, and 
 that the minister or incumbent do read these orders publicly once every 
 quarter of the jear, tliat they may be better remembered and observed 
 by the parishioners. Signed. 
 
 Sir Julius Cj^sar to the Bishop of Durham. 
 
 29 . 1612, July 12. — Calling upon the said Bishop to pay the sum ot 
 eight hundred and four score pounds yearly, which he and his predecessors 
 have half-yearly answered to the former receiver of the county, to Balph 
 Assheton, esquire, the younger, His Majesty’s Receiver-General of the 
 county of Northumberland. Copy. 
 
 The Lords of the Council to Ralph Assheton, Receiver for 
 the counties of Northumberland and Durham. 
 
 30. 1612[-13], March 1. Whitehall. — Touching annuities to be paid 
 to Mr. Francis Dacre, son of the late Lord William Dacre, to Anne, his 
 wife, and Ranulph, son of the said Francis. Signed. 
 
 Fee-farm Rents. 
 
 31 . 1612-13, March 2. — Memorandum of the fee-farm rents, due and 
 unpaid by the heirs of George, late Karl of Dunbar, deceased. The 
 rents include those payable for Berwick Castle, the fishings of the Tweed 
 and of “Broad and Orrett,” and for the coal mines and salt-pans in 
 Flatworth and Billymore. 
 
 T[homas, Earl of] Suffolk and Sir Fulke Grevill to Ralph 
 j^.SHTON, Receiver of the county of Northumberland. 
 
 32 . 1616, June 10. Whitehall. — Sir William Selby has for his fee 
 for the custody of Tynmouth Castle, in the county of Northumberland, 
 100 marks, and other fees for gunners and servants. These fees are 
 now to be paid to the Earl of Northumberland. Signed. 
 
 Sir Fulke Grevill, Chancellor of the Exchequer, to Roger Kenyon, 
 Surveyor of the Lordship of Middleham, in the county of York. 
 
 33 . 1616, August 29. Austen Friars, London. — Whereas divers free- 
 holders of the manor of Middleham have enclosed parts of the Avastes and 
 demesne lands of the manor, Kenyon is to make survey of such incrcach- 
 ments. Signed and .seal of arms. 
 
 Rent in Gray’s Inn. 
 
 34 :. 1616, December 11. — Receiptfor 205. paid by Alexander Rigbye, 
 of Wigan, to David Cardwell, for the rent of a chamber in Gray’s Inn. 
 
 73480 . 
 
 B 
 
18 
 
 Ini'Or:mation against Popish Eecusants. 
 
 35. 1616, December 21. — The information of Elizabeth Marcrofte, 
 wife of James Marcrofte, curate of the chapel of Cliderowe, in the county 
 of Lancaster, in which the said Elizabeth accuses John Birtwisle, of 
 Huncote, and Dorothy, his wife, of being Popish recusants, and of en- 
 deavouring to persuade her to become a Papist. Also she accuses them of 
 harbouring seminary priests, two of whose names she remembers were 
 Mr. Huther&all, otherwise Heath, and Mr. Kirkham; and of har- 
 bouring John and Peter Worthington, brothers of Mrs. Birtwisle, who 
 were Jesuits. She likewise accuses Mr. Peter Ormercde, vicar of 
 Whalley, of having frequented the house of Mr. Birtwisle, and on one 
 occasion of having conversed for three hours wdth the said priest, 
 Mr. Huthersall. 
 
 In the examination of Mr. Peter Ormerod, he says he has no remem- 
 brance of Huthersall, but that he had been sundry times at John 
 Birtwisle’s house, who indeed was a Popish recusant, and who is a near 
 kinsman “ unto this examinant” ; but he went there for the most part to 
 confer with his kinsman touching his religion, and conform him to our 
 Church of England. 
 
 Mrs. Dorothy Birtwisle denies that she ever persuaded Elizabeth 
 Marcroft, now the wife of James Marcroft, clerk, and late wife of 
 Nicholas Grymshawe, deceased, to become a Popish recusant, or that 
 she did ever receive seminary priests or Jesuits, or was ever present at any 
 mass in her husband’s house. She says the said Marcroft’s wife ‘‘ showed 
 as though she were of the Popish religion,” but she rather thinks 
 she Avas of no religion at all, for she lived a very lewd and dishonest life, 
 and in great disobedience and disloyalty to her first husband, as all the 
 country reported. She said she had two brothers, John and Peter 
 Worthington, but AAdiether they were priests or whether they are living, 
 she cannot tell. She denies that ever either of them Avas lodged or 
 had relief in her husband’s house since they Avere priests. 
 
 Order addressed to Constables for keeping Avatch in the West 
 Riding of Yorkshire. 
 
 36. 1617, May 28. Thornton. — For asmuche as there hath l)een 
 great neglect in setting of dayly Avatche through the West Rideinge 
 of the countie of Yorke, by reason Avherof rogues and Avandering 
 persons are suffered continually to passe without anie punish- 
 ment, to the great annoyance of the inhabitants of everie toAvne and 
 hamlett, and contrarie to the statute in that case made and proAuded : 
 For reformation thereof it was ordered at the Sessions, holden at 
 Pontefraite the 29th of Aprill last, that there should be in every 
 tOAvnand hamlett a sufficyent able mann, hyred at the charge of the said 
 towne, to bee appoynted as a bedle to keepe the Avatche daylie in everie 
 towne and hamlett ; and that the same shall bee presently observed 
 throughout all the toAvnes and hamletts in the said West Rideing upon 
 notice or publishing the said order. And that eAmry constable or officer 
 shall see this order deAviy put in execution according to the tennor 
 thereof, upon paine of tenn poundes to bee forfeyted by everie constable 
 oi officer that shall bee negligent or remiss in the premises. These are 
 therefore, in his Majesty’s name, straitly to charge and comand you 
 forthAvith upon the receit heirof, for the better suppressing and driveing 
 away of rogues, vagaboundes, and sturdie beggais, Avhich suppresse and 
 surcharge the con trie, you cause a bedle to bee hyred and proAuded, and 
 by him a due Avatchc to bee kept at and in such conAcnyent places as 
 
19 
 
 shall, bee thought most fitt and needfull for your townshipp. That the 
 said wandering rogues, vagabounds, and stiirdie beggars, may be severely 
 punished in such manner and sorte as the statute, in that case made and 
 provided, doth lymitt and appoyiit.” Copy. 
 
 John Ckowe, the younger, to Mr. Alden. 
 
 37. 1617, July L — ‘‘The King, his majestic, took liis journey from 
 Berwick unto Dunglas, and at the bound rod, qui.lk is 2 myll from 
 Berwick, quilk is the martche betwixt England and Scotland, the 
 King he stood with the one foot in Scotland, the other in England, and 
 said : Kow, my Lords, I am both in Scotland and England, and was so 
 glaid as could be. That nicht he came to the said Dunglas, a place of 
 my Lord Home’s and stayed two nichts. He -was met be my Lord and 
 his gentelmen, all of one sule and apparrell, with the earls, lordes, 
 knichtes, sqyres, barronnes, with their traines, all that pairt of the 
 countrie round about. He had sutche content in Dunglas that he spoke 
 to the Lordes : Kow, my Lordes, you knowe since I cam from London 
 I have had naughtie weather all the way, and now since I cam to 
 Scotland, the heaven smyleth upon me. Tell me, my Lordes, did you 
 feid so wmll sence you cam from London ? Thairefter from Dunglas he 
 came to my Lord of Seetoun his place, and efter the Ijdve manner was 
 met as of befor, and satisfactioun for enterteanment, and stayd yair one 
 nicht, and the King his two shipes sailed out of Leith Bode and came 
 foment the place off Setoun and schot. The morning yeirefter he cam 
 from Setoun, quilk is sum eight mylles from Edenborough, by the sea 
 coast, and by Leith, quilk is a myll from Edenborough, and cam from 
 Leith up to a way quilk is in the North syd of Edenbrough, the north 
 loche lying betwix the citie and it. He was alwayes in his cotche untill 
 the tyme he had allmost cum to the middell of that way called the Long 
 Gate, and then he lap on upon ane hors, and as he lap on hors bak, 
 being accompanied wuth his nobilles, the Castle men ceased schuiting 
 untill the tyme he had enteret in at the west pairt off the citie called 
 the West Port; and a littell within the Port, thair was a scaffold maid 
 of tries and dailies quhair my Lord Provest, Baillies and Counsell off 
 the citie stood, being accompanied wdth a grit number off citicens, being 
 all arrayed in guidlie apparrell and in thair velvet goiiues. Then thair 
 was so many on every syd oil' the way quhair the IGng cam throu, with 
 their costly speit staffes, and quhen the King cam a littell throu, being 
 foment the Lord Provest, he cryed to his nobilles and maid thame stay. 
 Then thair was ane oration maid, quilk the King iyket weill off, and 
 thair was presented to him the scepter off the citie, as also, in a silver 
 basen, over gilt with gold, a thousand angells in a velvot bag ; and quhen 
 all was endet, then the King cryed : Leap on, my Lord Provest, upon 
 your hors. So he lap on and rode betwix two Earles, at the King’s 
 command, carying the scepter off the citie on his schoulder. And all 
 the time he was in the citie the peopell schouted and cryed for joy. So 
 the King refuised his owne guard and took him to the guard off the 
 citie, and so rode foreward up the Strait Bow and down the High Streit, 
 untiil he cam to the cros, and thair he, wdth his nobilles, lichtet doun 
 with gret triumphe, and went into the Hie Kirk and heard ane sermoun 
 maid be the Archbishop off St. Androis. So, quhen sermon wms endet, 
 he came forthe and lap on againe and rode doun the streit Avilh his 
 nobilles, in great pompe, and cam thiou the Netherbow' Port, Avher his 
 pictur standes very reallie, and at the end off the libertie off the citie, in 
 the Cannongait, thair the King made the Lord Provest leap off his hoi s 
 and knichtet him with the sword of honor, according to the ancient 
 
 B 2 
 
20 
 
 maner, in presence of the nobilitie, and sajs unto him : I, King James 
 the Sext, knichtes the, Sir Williame Kisbott, Knicht off the Dean, Lord 
 Provest of Edenhorough. So Sir William, the Lord Provest, with the 
 Baillies, Councell, and citicens, retired bak againe, having done their 
 oheysance, and then the Baillies off the Cannongait (being a suburhe to 
 the citie), with their company, receaved him and was his guard untill he 
 came to. his aune pallace, the Abbay, and in the utter court off the 
 pallace, efter the King had lichtet doun, thair kneiled doun upon their 
 knees about sum 30 yong men, in gounes off the Colledge off Eden- 
 boiroughe, quherof one of thame maid an oration, in Latin, in praise 
 and commendation of the King. In the mean tyme off the orationn, 
 the King was so glade of it that he made Pembrughe, Southhampton, 
 Montgomerie, and the Bischopes, draw hyer to heir quhat was spok. 
 Thus I saw with myne eyes. And efter the oratioun was endet, he 
 presentet a buik to him off verses in Latin, all in his prais, quilk he 
 kissed and gave to his Majestie ; the King very gladlie accepted of the 
 same, and so went in with the nobilitie to his palace. Upon the morrow 
 he went forth to his baulking and hunting. The second day, quilk was 
 the Sabboth day, he staj^ed in the chaipell royall at sermoun, and upon 
 Monday he went over the water in a bardge maid by the Citie of Eden- 
 borrow of purpos for him. Then the Castle schot, and at the Bode his 
 aune two schips, quilk wer lying thair, went and convoyed the bardge 
 over the water, and quhen the King landet at Bruntiland, they schot 
 and returnet bak againe to the Rode. Then the King tooke his hrek- 
 fast in Bruntiland, in the Provest his hous, and quhen he came furth, 
 was met with many gallant gentlemen of Fyff; also thair was fyve 
 hundred hors without the toun off Bruntiland that went home againe 
 and had no caryadge of the Kinges. There was so many waitinge on 
 upon his caryadge, not onlie at that place, hot wheresoever he went, and 
 at nicht came to his oune pallace off Fakling, a pallace quilk may he 
 very weill sein, and tooke your nobilles and made them se the park, and 
 in it many a troup and company of does and roes, with many other 
 thinges. Thairefter from Falkling he went over the water of Tay, in a 
 bardge, and landet at Brughtie, a littell castell by the sea syd, sum two 
 mylles from Duudie, and was yair met with many a gentleman of 
 Angusche. The King himself cam up with sum off his nobilles unto 
 the Constahill his hous of Dundy, hot the rest of his company went in 
 unto Dundie and wer very well used. The Constahill his house is a 
 quarter myll above Dundie. Upon the morrow thairefter, he tooke his 
 journey from thence and cam at nicht unto Kinnaird, a place of my 
 i^ord Carnegies, sum two mylles from Muntrois, the sea camming up 
 unto it by Muntrois. Thair he stayed sum six or eight dayes, hunting 
 sumtimes upon Mewremont, and sumtyrnes visiting sum places round 
 about, and one of the dayes ; he, with his nobilles, went to the Castle of 
 ]h-icliane, a place of the Earle of Mares, quilk stands upon ane water 
 syd, sum four mylles above Kinnaird. Tlie water runneth doun by 
 Kinnaird ; it is six rnyll from the sea ; and thair he desired the Earle of 
 Mar to cans sum fishers to be brocht to fische sum salmond. The 
 tischers cam ; they tooke a net and went into the water, bot be they had 
 gone a littell way off, the net was so full of salmondes, that they were 
 forcet to let a pairt of the net go, els it had broken, it was so full, and 
 as it was, thair was above a hundreth salmondes into it cast upon the 
 grein grass, quick. This is a grit matter (sic) six myll from the sea 
 mouth, as allso in sumrnertyd many tymes a man may go over the 
 water almost dry foot, and in Kinnaird itselff they may look on the 
 window and sec thame taken in the water. About sum two dayes efter 
 the King his coming to Kinnaird, thair was sum of your countriemcn 
 
21 
 
 about sum 24, that wes desjrous to go and sie Aberdein, which is sum 
 30 my lies from Kinnaird and 68 mjdles from Edenborrow. When they 
 earn thair they wer well accepted of and payed notliing. They wer so 
 well accepted that when sum of thes men of Aberdein cam to Eden- 
 borrow, to the Parliament, your countriemen gave them tlie banquet 
 severall tymes. Giff so be it had pleased thame to have gone a huudretli 
 mylles beyond Aberdein they would have fund meit and drinke also, for 
 many nobillmen duelleth far beyond Aberdein. in the bakcuming from 
 Aberdein or in the feildgoing, I know not whenhither, they wer 
 desyrous to sie Denotter, ane ancient castell of the Earle of Merschelles 
 upon the sea coast, and assoone as they came to the utter gate thereof, 
 one by one (for no mo bot one efter another can enter, the entres is so 
 strait) thair Aveapons was taken from them, and, in signe of welcome, the 
 canones played thair pairt, bot they wer gritlie afrayd becaus of the 
 way taking of their Aveapons. They supposed they wer about to do 
 sum tressonn to thame, bot they fund othenvayes before they went, and 
 assoone as they had sein all, they wer brocht into the hall and their 
 dyned. Bot, sayes your men, Avher is the blak stok that we have heard 
 tell of in England ? Then Avas ansAAmr maid : You sail sie it befor you 
 go. Then they arose up, and giff so be thair Avas guid preparation in 
 the hall befor, thair was far better at the blak stok. This blak stok is 
 of ane ould oak of a grit thikncs, standing on stomjDes in a hous be 
 itselff. The use of the blak stok has bein thus. QuhatsumeAmr they 
 wer travelling by the Avay, many or few, being needfull of meit and drink, 
 Aver let into the castle and sate doun at that blak stok, and had meit and 
 drink in abundance and never payed anything for it. Now efter thair 
 wes giffen to thame sutche content as could be in the ca^tle, they came 
 furth ; then the Earle took them to his park, and desyred thame stand 
 at the park dyk. Then he maid one of his servants go in unto the park 
 and blow on ane hunting home, bot assoone as the Avyld beastes off 
 diAmrs sortes heard the blowing of the home, they cam skipping and 
 . . . OAmr the dyk. Thus I haAm by report, and so mutche for 
 
 them. Now efter the King had stayed in Kinnaird his appointed tyme, 
 he returned bak to Dundie and then entered into tlie toun, bot not 
 qunen lie came first over. He Avas thair rcceaved with the Constabill, 
 Baillies, Counsellers, Citicens, so many in gounes, so many Avith speit 
 staffes, the cannones schuiting, the cros j-uning with wyne, many of 
 thair staires layed over with tapestrie, ane oratioune maid, thair gift 
 preseuted ; so contentment Avas giffen thair also. I speak breifflie. 
 From thence he came over againe unto Fakling and stayed thair one 
 nicht ; from thence unto Kinghorne, quhair his bardge Avas Avaiting for 
 him; all his mariners, clothed in silkes and Amlvotes, came to Leith and 
 so to his pallace againe that nicht. Efter his ciiming over agane, upon 
 the 11th day of June, as our usuall custome is every yeir, our 
 Aveapon schacing AVas so AAmill liket off by your coiintrie men, that 
 they thocht thai had bein all gentillmen brocht out of the countrie, bot 
 in treuth it Avas not so. Neyer (sic) came the tuo pairt of the inhabi- 
 tantes off the Citie fui-th ; it mych haAm bein a pleasour to any king in 
 Europe to sie one citie yeild sutche a cum pan ie of brave and gallant 
 subjectes. The King sate in his oune pallace Avindow and sie thame 
 march in and out agane off the utter court onlie thrie seAmrall tymes ; 
 the ensinges was casten thair, and three severall schuitings off muscots 
 and hagbutes, quilk maid the earth tremble round about. Efter that 
 sicht, the King Avent up, with his court, unto the Castle off Dalkeith, sum 
 four my 11 from Edenborrow, that same nicht. It is a place of my Lord 
 of Mortoimes, a castle for strenth, and a pallace for pleasour. He 
 stayed thair three nichtes, and every day tooke Ms pastyme and pleasour 
 
22 
 
 in liaulking and liunting, and in visiting some places round about, as my 
 Lord of Cranstounes Dreddin place and yardes, the Castle of Eosling, 
 and the chaipell thairoff, off grit raritie, also in the park of Newhattell, 
 and many uther places, quhair thair was presented to him in his hunting, 
 by haiidsum maides (as also to his court), many varieties olF delicat 
 milkes and confectio lines, quilk was well accepted of, and command 
 giffen no harme sould be done to the virgin-es by courteoures. Upon 
 the 14 June, in the efternoone, his home cuminge to the Abbay was 
 thus. Quhill his men were waiting for his outcuming, in the utter 
 court of the Castle, he convoyed himselfe furtii with a few and took 
 them through ane secret way to the wood, quhair his hors was ready 
 attending him, so before his men knew he was gone, he was halff way 
 at home. Upon the 17th day of June, the first day of the Parliament 
 was ; the maner of their ryding was this (the citie being in their armour 
 and having the way cleir for them). They lap all on at the Abbay and 
 cam ryding all along up unto the Parliament hous. Halff ane hour 
 before the rest, the Cancellar of Scotland vdth the Secretar, with sum 
 other Lordes, cam up with thair rid rob royalles, and fenced the Parlia- 
 ment, thairefter two and two, according to every man’s place and degree 
 they rode. First of all rode so many Lord Commissioners for bor- 
 roughstones with their footmantells, nixt unto thame the Commissioners 
 for Barronnes and Knichtes, nixt unto thame the Lordes wdth their rid 
 rob royalles and ritche footmantells, nixt unto them the Vicuntes with 
 their rid rob royalles, nexte unto thame the Earles with their rid rob 
 royalles, nixt unto thame the trumpets, nixt unto thame the Herauldes 
 and the Kinge of Herauldes, nixt unto thame the Bischopes and the 
 Archebischopes, nixt unto thame the Earles that caryed the honors 
 (with their rid rob royalles), as the crown, the swmrd of honour, the 
 scepter, and sutche lyke, nixt unto thame the King his Majestie and on 
 his left hand Lord Bukinghame ; no ino of your countriemen rode. 
 Behind the King, rode the Duke and Marquess ; tlie styll quilk they go 
 thorow to the Parliament hous was keipet be the Earle of Arrell and his 
 guard, and the entres itselff, v/here they go into the Parliament hous, 
 was keipet be the Earle of Merschell, quilk is thair offices alwayes at 
 Paliament. Then the Poll was called of the Earles, Loi des, and sutche 
 lyk, hot thair was many absent. Upon the 19th June, quilk is his 
 Majesties birthday, he dyned in the Castell of Edenborrow, and assoon 
 as the King was within, the Castle never ceased schuiting till 9 or 
 10 o’clock at nicht. It is reported thair .... fourtie knichtes 
 maid at that same t[yme]. About 9 or 10 o’clocke at nicht, the King 
 cam doun from the Castle to the Abbay, and all the way, both in the 
 one syd and of the uther, thair was grit fyres set furth, and at the 
 entres of the utter court in the Abbay their was a boy of nyne yeires 
 ould that maid ane oratioun in Greike to the King. This is of treuth ; 
 lie is one Mr. John Car his sone, minister of Prestoun Pannes, sum six 
 mylles from Edenborrow. Then went his Majestie into his pallace and 
 sate in ane window with his nobilles, and beheld a playe of fyrwork ; 
 tlieir was many thousands beholders of it ; I myselff w^as one. The 
 play breifflie was thus. It w'as actet in the nicht. Their was 2 castles 
 erected in the utter court, one castle at the one end off the court and 
 another castle at the uther end, the one called the pallace of St. Androis, 
 the other the Castle of Envy. It was acted and played by the yong 
 men of Edenborrow^. Their was so many fuilles with their belles, so 
 many daunceres, a playmeir casting fyr both behind and befor, a maid, 
 so many hagbiittes, so many muscetters, thair ensignes, thair horsmen, 
 thair footmen runing with speires oft* fyr, the one castle schuiting fyr- 
 balles at the other, quhcilles [wheels ?] runing round about of fyr and so 
 
many scliotes into it, so many twix the Castles fycliting, so many 
 keiping every Castle, sumtymes the one syd winning, then agane re- 
 tyring bah and flying. Thair was a devys maid, that out off the pallace 
 off St. Androis cam Sanct Andrew ryding on a hors, with a speir off fyr 
 in his hand, and met the dragon midway, that came out of the Castle of 
 Envy, and out of hir mouth cam fyr spouting, so they foght aspace 
 togither; hot Sanct Andrew did overcome the dragon and cam home 
 ryding, and was welcomed home by the men of the pallace. In the mids, 
 betwix the two castles, was a devys set up that schot so many schotes, 
 and a thing going about with horsmen and footmen ; then the quheill 
 wald [wheeled ?] about agane and persew theis men, and at a certaine 
 space so many schottes, and ane man maid of timber in the mids of the 
 quheill, that went ay about as the two troupes of men, did, having an 
 ensignc in his hand, and on it St. Androis cros. Then their was four 
 hieland men, dressed up so of purpos, that came out of the pallace of 
 St. Androis with their boues and arrowes of fyr, that did win the Castle 
 of Envy, quilk castle had for their badge, St. George. The castle was 
 throuen down, the men taken prisoners, and the captain sould have bein, 
 as it wer, hanged. Giff so be the King had stayed longer, thair was 
 many more toyes in it nor I can tell. Upon the 26th day of June thair 
 was a banket giflen to the King his Majestie and his nobilles, by the 
 Citie of Edenborrow. Thair was a house built of timber and glas 
 round about, maid of purpose for it, liung with taspestrie. Thair was 
 above four score young men of Edenborrow, all in gold chaines, that 
 served. They had such varieties of flesches, flsches, and provision 
 . . . . that one of your countriemen spoke thus, who was ane 
 
 master houshold himselfP in England ; sayes he : I have been in Italic, 
 in Spain, in France, in England, and now come to Scotland, and wheras 
 I thot their sould have bein nothing heir, I have scin the best both for 
 variety of meites, and also for service. The secund day of the banket, 
 5 'our gentellmen ushers, with so many others, wer invited, and efter 
 dinner wer maid burgesses of Edenborrow. I speak nothing of thos 
 pleasant sortes off melodies, musickes, w^yncs; giff so be I wold enter a 
 discours of this matter, it wold be too longsume. Upon the 28th day 
 off June, the last of the Parliament was rode; they rode as off befor, 
 except onlie the Earle of Arrell rode upon the Kinjjes right hand and 
 Bukingharae on his left hand, quhen they rode home to the Abbay 
 agane : this is Arrell his dew for that dayes service. As concerning 
 Church government, thair is no new statutes maid, praised be God, bot 
 the old confirmed, and the auld auncient Actes of Parliament of the 
 countrie concerning the Commouns .... and sum gov .... 
 set doun concerning tenths and ministers stipends. As for the King’s 
 returning, he is to be, God willing, the 5tli day of August, in Carleill, a 
 town quilk bordereth with Scotland. 30th June the City bid the King 
 fairweill in the Abbay, for from thence the King hes taken his journey, 
 and is not at this progress for to returne bak agane, now he is gone frog^. 
 us. We was all glad of his cuming and now sorowfull for his waygoind 
 It will pleas yow to accept of this. I have written jmu breiSlie, anm 
 have me excused for the rest of his progres.” 
 
 John Bi\coN, resident at King’s Lynn. 
 
 ^ 38. 1617, November 30. — Certificate by Bichard Stonham, mayor of 
 King’s Lynn in the county of Norfolk, to the Lord Treasurer and 
 Barons of the Exchequer, that John Bacon, gentleman, son of 
 Francis Bacon, late of London, gentleman, deceased, and brother of 
 Edward Bacon, gentleman, also deceased, late one other of the son.s of 
 
24 
 
 the Bame Francis, is at present lying and resiant within the borough of 
 King’s Lynn. Signed and seal. 
 
 Edward Mosley to John Nutter, Deputy Steward of 
 Blackburn Hundred. 
 
 39. 16l7[-18,] February 20. My Chamber in Graye’s Inne.” — 
 The copyhold tenants of Haslingden, Acrington, and Oswaltwisle, have 
 compounded with the King for establishing their copyhold estates ; 
 “ and the same is accordingly decreed in this honourable courte.” 
 Directs him therefore to suffer their admittances to passe,” &c. 
 
 Sir Fulke Grevill to Ealph Assheton, Eeceiver- General for 
 Eichmondshire, Durham, and Northumberland. 
 
 40. 1617[-18,] March 23. Whitehall. — William Watson, keeper of 
 Eaby parks {sic), has “ verie insolently” laid hands on the King’s rents for 
 the manors of Brauncepath, Eaby, and Barney ” Castle, for which he is 
 to appear before Barons Bromley and Denham, Justices of Assize, at their 
 next coming into “ that countre.” There was, at the last declaration of 
 accounts, a super'" for about 150/«. arrearages depending upon 
 Humphrey Wharton, Esquire, and William Scaife, his deputy. Wharton 
 is ‘‘an honest and sufficient gentleman; yet, for that Scaife hath fayled 
 two yeres together to clere his accompts I would have you, for his 
 Majesties securitie, to receive the rents of that collection now due.” 
 Fragment of seal. 
 
 Wigan. 
 
 41. 1618, May. — Petition by the mayor and burgesses of Wigan to 
 the King, that the Quo Warranto against the said town, procured by 
 Doctor Bridgman, may be stayed. Note at the end, dated Theobalds, 
 12 May, 1618, that the Kmg ivas pleased to refer the petition to the 
 Archbishop of Canterbury and others. 
 
 Justices of the Peace. 
 
 42. 1618, July 31. — List of the Justices of the Peace for the county 
 of Lancaster. 
 
 E[alpii] A[sheton] to Mr. Johnson. 
 
 42a. 1618, October 8. Salley. — Complaining of Lord Have’s agent, 
 Mr. Eichniond, who will not permit him “ so much as take a stone out 
 of the old decaied Abbey walls to buyld or repaire ” upon his lands at 
 Salley. 
 
 Sir Walter Ealetgh. 
 
 43 . 1618, October 28. — Sir Walter Ealeigh’s speech at bis death. 
 Copy, incomplete. It differs in words, but not in sentiment, from the two 
 copies amoiKjst the State Fapers {State Papers, Pomestic, James I., 
 VoL 103, Nos, 52 and 53.) 
 
 The Same. 
 
 44. [1618, October 28.] — Sir Walter Ealeigh to his wife the night 
 before his execution, being ivritten immediately after he had warning to 
 prepare for death. Copy. 
 
25 
 
 Itinerary of King James I. 
 
 45. 1619, Julj 19 to Auf^iist 28. — Monday, July 19, from Theobalds 
 to Koystou 1 night; Tuesday, July 20, to Ainpthill 2 nights ; Thursday, 
 July 22, to Bletsoe 2 nights; Saturday, July 24, to Asheby 3 nights; 
 Tuesday, July 27, to Kirbye 2 nights ; Thursday, July 29, to Apethorpe 
 4 nights ; Monday, August 2, to Burleigh on the Hill 1 night; Tuesday, 
 August 3, to Belviere 3 nights ; Friday, August 6, to Kufford 5 nights ; 
 Wednesday, August 11, to Nottingham 2 nights; Friday, August 13, to 
 Derby 1 night ; Saturday, August 14, to Tutbury 4 nights ; Wednesday, 
 August 18, to Tamworth 1 night; Thursday, August 19, to Warwick 
 1 night ; Fryday, August 20, to Sir William Pope’s 1 night ; Saturday, 
 August 21, to Woodstock 5 nights ; Thursday, August 26, to Kycot 
 1 night ; Fryday, August 27, to Bissam 1 night ; Saturday, August 28, 
 to Wyndsor during pleasure. 
 
 Wigan. 
 
 46. [1619-20.] — Petition of Robert Barrowe, mayor, and the bailiffs 
 and burgesses of Wigan, to the king, that John, Bishop of Chester, being 
 parson of the rectory of Wigan i?i comm.endum, worth 1,000 marks by 
 the year, claimed the liberties pertaining to the corporation, and 
 committed the mayor of the said town to prison, until he was delivered 
 by a writ of habeas corpus. He also gives out in speeches that the said 
 mayor is his mayor, and has not authority to whip a dog. The said 
 mayor, bailiffs, and burgesses pray that they may be permitted to enjoy 
 all their liberties in peace. Draft. 
 
 Prescott Cfiurch. 
 
 47c 1619[-20,] January 15. — Order by the Bishop of Chester touching 
 a dispute between the parishioners of Prescott, who attended Prescott 
 parish church, and the parishioners of Prescott who attended Farn worth 
 side chapel, as to repairs, and the election of churchwardens, of the said 
 parish church. Copy. Translation. 
 
 The Earl of Suffolk to Ralph Assheton, Receiver-General 
 for Northumberland. 
 
 48. 1619[-20], February 11. Northampton House. — “ Whereas you 
 or your predecessor, John Lyons, have heretofore receaved letters from 
 the late Lord Treasurer,” together with a copy of the King’s privy seal, 
 on behalf of Sir William Selby, knight, touching the payment to nim of 
 fees and allowances of ‘‘certaine gunners and ordinarie servants attend- 
 ing the service of the castle of Tynmouth, now in his keepinge.” 
 Directs the due payments of these fees. Signed. Seal of arms. 
 
 The King to the Speaker of the House of Commons. 
 
 49. 1G21, December 3. Newmarket. — Lias heard that his detention 
 by ill health, at a distance from Parliament, had lead some fiery spirits to 
 meddle with matters far beyond their capacity, intrenching upon the 
 prerogative, &c. Copy. {Calendared in State Papers^ Domestic. 
 James /., Vol. 124, No. 8.) 
 
26 
 
 Eemonstkance of the House of Commons. 
 
 50 . 1621, December 3. — Petition and remonstrance of the House of 
 Commons to the King, stating the causes of the increase of Popery in 
 England. Copy. (Calendared in State Papers, Domestic, James 
 Voh 124, No 3.) 
 
 William Foster to George Eigby, “ at his chamber in Holburne 
 Court, at Grayes In. With this a bever felte.” 
 
 51 . 1622, May 16. Wigan. — My master and mistress intreate you to 
 gett the bever felt, sent herewith, to be new dressed, and made broad 
 in the bruerds (sic) and low in the topp or crowne.’’ Seal of arms. 
 
 The Sa:me to the Same, at his chamber in Grayse Inn, under 
 Sir Thomas Tyldesley his chamber, in the pales in Holburne 
 Court.” 
 
 52 . 1622, May 25. Chester. — As to procuring copies of the patents 
 for ‘‘ the Attorney’s place in Chesire.” A copy of the King’s patent 
 is to be had at the Eolls; and of the Prince’s, at the “Prince’s Council 
 chamber in Fleet Street.” Seal of arms. 
 
 Alexander Eigby to his brother, George Eigby. 
 
 53 . 1622, June 14. Wigan. — Mr Peter Ellis has his “ booke of 
 quadragesimes of King Edward 3.” Begs that his letters, books, 
 writings, and other goods “in the chamber” be kept safely. Would 
 have “all such bookes as are not law bookes” sent down to him. 
 
 Adam Eigby to his nephew, George Eigby. 
 
 54 . 1622, June 18. Eccleston. — Joseph Tompson is gone towards 
 Cambridge, “and, if you have any of St. John’s with whom your 
 good word or lettre may doe him pleasure, I pray you spare not to 
 speake or wryte for him at his entrance, that hee might get to serve 
 sommebodie as a poore scholler.” Seal. 
 
 William Foster to George Eigby. 
 
 55 . 1622, June 22. Wigan. — His master knows of a desirable 
 chamber to let over Sir Thomas Tyldesley’s lodging under Mr. Banister’s 
 chamber. “ Your cosin Joseph Thompson is gone to Cambridge. 
 
 . I have given over taking tobacco .... My love to 
 chast Dyana. ... I pray you to buy me a Fitzliarbert’s nafura 
 hrevium, at the second hand if it be possible.” 
 
 Alexander Eigby to his brother, George Eigby. 
 
 56 . 1622, June 26. Wigan. — “ I concoave that I shall have another 
 chamber from Mr. Chisnall in the same buildings, but I am not 
 yet through with him, and I well lyke not of the chamber you mention 
 
 in your letter The covers of the windowes in the 
 
 inner chamber, all the formes in both chambers and studies, the little 
 thicke table removeable, and the bedsteed in the study, are not to follow 
 
27 
 
 the chamber; but the great bedsteed in the inner chamber, and the 
 great table, belong to the chamber, as also the cover of both the study 
 windows. The writing desk, I think, ought not to goe with the 
 chamber ; for I had it from my father, but know not how he came unto 
 it. 1 have sent unto you by this bearer, Mr. Danby, thirteen pounds 
 and tenne shillings, which I desire you to pay unto Mr. Duncombe, and 
 to take in from him two bounds therefore to him, and another bj me 
 given.” 
 
 William Foster to George Rigby. 
 
 57. 1622, June 27. Wigan. — “Your brother Joseph, in midsomer 
 day last, escaped a sudden . . . ; for, on Barbers Moore near Eccleston, 
 at a horse race there, your brother was ridinge, or rather runninge 
 his new bought geldinge, and, being aboute the height of his speed, he 
 mett a man (I think he was old Mr. Hesketh, his horse-keeper) running 
 thother way, who, as they say, was drunke ; and your brother givinge 
 the way, the man gave way on the same side your brother did, soe that 
 they mett with a great force, for your brother’s geldinge broke thother 
 horse his necke and back, and, with throweinge up her head, hitt your 
 brother on the nose and jowles, broke the garths, and left your brother 
 sitting on the saddle, on the earth, in a swound ; and soe he continued 
 about halfe a quarter of an houre, but was never the worse.” The other 
 man lay under his dead horse, but was not much hurt either. Seal 
 of arms. 
 
 John Waring to Roger Kenyon, at Whalley. 
 
 58. 1622, July 26. London. — “ Kewes wee have little more then was 
 att your being here, saveing that wee hear that Count Mansfeild is come 
 into Loraigne (?) ; part of the dukedom of Bulloigne is doubted to goe 
 either against the Arche Dutches, or else against some part of Fraunce, 
 to the helpe of the poore protestants ; and some saie that the French 
 King is gon from his seige of Rochelle to Parris ; yett my Lord 
 Doncaster is not come from France.” Seal. 
 
 The Lord Keeper to the Judges of Assize. 
 
 59. 1622, August 1. Westminster College. — “His Majesty havinge 
 resolved, out of deepe reason of State, and expectance of lyke corre- 
 spondence from forraigne princes to the professors of our religion, to 
 graunt some grace and connivence to the imprisoned papistes of this 
 kingdome, hath commanded me to passe twoo writtes under the great 
 scale for the same purpose, requiringe the judges of every circuite 
 to enlarge the said prisoners, according to the tenor or theffect of the 
 same. 
 
 I am to give you to understand from his Majesty how his royal 
 pleasure is, that upon the receipt of the said writts you shall make noe 
 nic[e]nesse or difficulty to extend his princely favoure to all such 
 papistes as you shall fynd imprisoned in the goales of your circuit, for 
 eny churche recusancie whatsoever, or for the refusall of the oath of 
 supremacy, as for havinge or dispensinge of papish bookes or for 
 hearinge of masse, or any other part of recusancie which doth concerne 
 religion only, nor matter of state which shall appeare unto you to bee 
 meerely and totally civill and political.” Copy. 
 
 William Foster to George Rigby, at Gray’s Inn. 
 
 60. 1622, November 12. — “I would likewise intreate your paines to 
 buy for me a Fitzherbert’s Nadira Breviiwi^ at the second hand, but I 
 
28 
 
 would have it a reasonable good one ; likewise a brass ringe, with a 
 tobacco stopper at the end, and the three accorns, or the three broad 
 arrow heads cutt in the midst of the same, in manner of armes cutt for 
 a signett, on the broade end thereof ; the price is Id. . . . Alsoe a 
 standish {sic) blacke inckehorne with the 3 arrow heades cutt on the 
 topp in forme afforesaide, and, lastlie, a booke called Kitchin, for keeping 
 of courts, etc. I woulde intreate you to take consideration of my Littleton. 
 , . . You write me that you delivered my letter to Dyana Waringe, 
 
 who onelie retorned thanks and commendations, but, if it please you, 
 when you next see her, lett her know that I expected an answer to my 
 letter in writing, or else her reason to the contrarie. . . . Commend 
 
 me to Christopher Parkins, Mr. Duncombe and his man, and tell him 
 that now I could be content to rest his deb ter for 2 or 3 pipes of good 
 tobacco.” 
 
 William Foster to George Eigby. 
 
 61. 1622, November 16. Wigan. — should receive, as a kinde 
 token from you, 2 or 3 pipes of tobacco ; I dare not say I will pay for 
 them, for I am almost broke this deare yeare.” Seal of arms. 
 
 The Same to the Same. 
 
 62. 1622[-3], January 31. Wigan. — Accordinge to my maister’s 
 commandment, I am bould to wryte unto you to intreate your 
 paines for the buyinge a little booke for my master, entytled a 
 Commission, with Instructions and Directions, graunted by his Majesty 
 to the Master and Counseil of the Court of Wardes and Liveries ; for 
 compoundinge for Wardes, Ideotts and Lunatickes, and given under 
 His Highncs’ Great Seal of England the 21st of August 1622.” 
 
 Orders by the Judges of Assize for the County of 
 Lancaster signed “ Thomas Chamberlaine.” 
 
 63. 1623. Fifth week of Lent. — That the justices in their severall 
 divisions shall make a collection for the mayntaynaunce of the gaole 
 in the Castle of Lancaster, and that the same be collected, and sent 
 with all speed to the keeper of the gaole there to be distributed. 
 
 “ That the High Constables and Petty Constables shall, every forth- 
 night attend the justices in their sever all divisions to take directions 
 from them about the mayntaynaunce of the pore, and other matters 
 concerninge the good of the countrie, upon paine that every liigli 
 constable makeing defalte shall pay 20/. and every petty constable 10/. 
 for everie fortnightes defaulte. 
 
 “ That the justices of peace in their severall divisions shall, at some 
 convenyente tyme, meete and appoint a beadle in every constablcrie, I'or 
 punishment of beggers and roges. 
 
 “ That highewaies be repayred and amended before Midsomer next, 
 upon paine of everie parish 5/.” Copy. 
 
 Names of the Ministers and Bailiffs of the King in the 
 County of Lancaster. 
 
 64. 1623, June 2. — Bailiffs : — William, Earl of Derby, bailiff of the 
 Hundreds of Lonsdale and Amunderness; Sir Edward Osbaston, bailiff 
 of the Hundred of Blackborne ; Eichard Shereborne, and Edward Eigbie, 
 bailiffs of the Hundred of Leyland ; James Worthington, bailiff of the 
 
29 
 
 Hundred of Salford; Robert Dobson, bailiff of the Hundred of West 
 Derby ; Thomas Dauson, bailiff of the Liberty of Fumes. 
 
 Chief Constables : — Humfrey Nicolson and William Carter for the 
 Hundred of Lonsdale ; Thomas Walles and Richard Blackborne for the 
 Hundred of Amunderness; Peter Haworth and Nicholas Duxberie for 
 the Hundred of Blackborne; Thomas Cheetam and Francis Warberton 
 for the Hundred of Salford; Thomas Wilson and William Healde for 
 the Hundred of Leyland; John Assheton and Henry Astcroft for the 
 Hundred of West Derby. 
 
 Coroners : — Thomas Cowell, John Cunlieffe, Richard Lancaster, 
 Richard Meadowcrofte, and Thomas Serjeant. 
 
 Edward Kenyon to his brother, Roger Kenyon, in London. 
 
 65. 1623, June 10. Dinkley. — Asking him to buy a book called 
 
 A declaration of certcn Spirituall desertions” by William Parkines. 
 Portion of seal. 
 
 The King and Queen of Bohemia. 
 
 66. 1623, November 1.— -Receipt by Abraham Williams, agent for the 
 King and Queen of Bohemia, for 56/«. from the Hundred of Layland, in 
 the County of Lancaster, by the hands of Mr. Alexander Johnson, being 
 money contributed from the same Hundred for the service of the said 
 King and Queen. 
 
 House of Commons. 
 
 67. 1623-[4], February 21. — Speeches hy the Speaker of the House 
 of Commons, and the Lord Keeper’s replies. Copij. Printed in Lords 
 Jounials, Vol. III., pp. 211-213. 
 
 The Eb^fect of the Statement made to both Houses at Whitehall 
 by the Duke of Buckingham. 
 
 68. 1623[-4], February 24. — ‘‘That the first discoverie of the inten- 
 tion of Spaine not to deale faierly Avith the Kinge touching the resti- 
 tution of the Pallatinate, was att the treaty att Brussells, where the 
 Arclidutchess first assured the Commissioners that she had power to 
 raise forces, and to commaiind them downe. And thereuppon the King 
 liad caused Mannsfeild to retyre out of the Pallatinate. And then she 
 being required, answered, she had noe power to commaund the forces 
 downe, she must expect authoritie from Spaine. 
 
 “ Uppon this, the Kinge sent Porter into Spaine to have a resolute 
 answer touching the match and the Pallatinate, and assigned him but 
 ten de.ies to staye there. 
 
 “ Lord Digby fedd Porter with hopes, but delayed him ; whereuppon 
 Porter went boldly to Count Olivares, whoe tould him plainely that 
 Spaine meant neither the match nor the restitution of the Pallatinate. 
 
 “ Lord Digby seeing that Porter Avould retorne with this answer, 
 perswades him to speak with Olivares once more. Then Olivares was 
 very wroth Avith Porter for relating his answer to Digby and denyed to 
 give him any answer att all. 
 
 “ Lord Digby still persAvades the Kinge with hope of both. The Prince 
 desired hee might goe himself into Spaine ; his coming Avas unexpected. 
 The match att first Avas absolutely denyed unles he Avould be converted ; 
 and it Avas tould the Prince plainely, that Spaine gave noe commission 
 for a treaty of this match untill Avithin theis 4 monethes. Then the 
 
30 
 
 Prince offring to retorne, faier otters were made of hope of a dispensation 
 for the match from the Pope, which their divines neither could, nor 
 would, otherwise permitt, unles the Prince would be converted. 
 
 ‘‘Lord Digby pers wades til e Prince to be converted, at least in showe. 
 The Prince absolutely denyes it, but would retorne. Then more hopes 
 were offred the Prince, and att last the dispensation comes, but soe 
 clogged that the Prince refused it and Avould retorne. 
 
 “ Then they had another devise ; that Commissioners should treate 
 touching the King’s dispensation with recusantes, which being sent into 
 England, they expressed their firm hope it would cause a rebellion in 
 England, and offred the Prince an army to assist him to suppress the 
 same. Being disappointed of this, they pretended a new dispensation from 
 the Pope. The Prince would not tarry till it came, but left a proxie 
 with Bigby to conclude the match if their dispensation were according to 
 their agreement, and soe retorned. Being att the seaside, the Prince 
 wrote to Digby not to proceede unles he mought be sure to have his wife 
 when he was contracted to hir, for hee understood they meant to putt 
 hir into a monastary presently after the contract, and have good caution 
 for the restitution of the Pallatinate. The Kinge did write to Digby to 
 the same purpose, and to doe nothing if the dispensation were clogged. 
 
 “Digby proceeds notwithstanding, and if Gresly had not brought from 
 the Prince a revocation of that proxie overnight, Digby had delivered 
 the proxie next daie. Yet all this while the Prince could never speake 
 with the Infanta but once, and uppon this condition, that hee should 
 salute hir with his hatt, and speake certaine words sett downe to him 
 in wry tinge and noe more. 
 
 “ Since the Prince his retorne and a resolute answer demaunded under 
 the Kinge of Spaine his owne hand. The answer is brought, whereof 
 I doe remember noe more but this; that Spaine will onely treate with 
 the Emperour for the restitution of [the] Pallatinate, but will not other- 
 wise meddle therein. 
 
 “ Upon this the advise is required of the Lordes and Commones.” 
 Copy, 
 
 Justices for Laxcashike. 
 
 69. 1623 [-4], March 10. — List of Justices of the Peace for the 
 county of Lancaster. {Torn.) 
 
 Effects of Alexander Eigby. 
 
 70 . 1623[-4], March 11. — Deed of Sale by George Rigbye, of Gray’s 
 Inn, gentleman (one of the Executors of the last will of Alexander Eigbye, 
 of Wigan, in the county of Lancaster, esquire, deceased), to Alexander 
 Rigbye, of Middleton in Amunderness, in the county of Lancaster, 
 esquire, Thomas Morte, of Asteley, in the county of Lancaster, gentleman, 
 and Roger Piccoppe, of Goosnarghe, in the county of Lancaster, yeoman, 
 of all the goods, books, and household stuff of the said Alexander Rigbye, 
 deceased. 
 
 Joseph Tompson to George Rigby, “at the parsonage of 
 Eccleston.” 
 
 71. 1G24, Mayll. “From behind Chappell,” [Cambridge,] — “As 
 for yo*ur tabell, chest and serplice, I doe not know what to doe with them ; 
 for I cannot get neare so much as you would think I^ shoulde. For I 
 cannot have past 4.y. for the serplice. As for your beddinge, I have it not 
 yet ; for they say that Clarke left yt with Atherton, and Atherton left 
 yt to be redelivered unto Clarke. Neyther doe I thinke I shall have it, or 
 
31 
 
 liny tliinge els, untill you write to your tutor; for your tutor com- 
 manded them that keepe in your chamber, that they should let noe 
 thinge goe.” Seal. 
 
 Marriage of Prince of Wales. 
 
 72 . 1624, November 20. — Articles agreed upon by James I., King of 
 England, and Louis XIII., King of France, concerning the marriage 
 between the Prince of Wales, son of the King of England, and the 
 Lady Henrietta Alaria, sister of the King of France. Copy. 
 
 II mi pure Y AIay [Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster] to the 
 Sheriffs and Justices of the Peace for the County of Lan- 
 caster. 
 
 73. 1624[-5], February 21. The Duchy House in the Strand. — I 
 understand that there is much abuse in the summoning and impanelling 
 of juries within your county, “divers of verie meane ranke and qualitie 
 being usually yrnployed in enquiries, and tryalls at the generall Assizes 
 uppon the graund juries, juries for life and death, and betweene partie 
 and partie, whereas in truth your countie affourdeth great store of good 
 jurors,” by reason whereof the King and county often suffer in their 
 titles and estates. I therefore pray you, at your assize, to cause a 
 “ perfect freehold book ” to be made for the whole county, of all the 
 knights, esquires, gentlemen and freeholders of quality, only excusing 
 those who are really above the age of 70 years, or otherwise in- 
 capacitated. But, on the other side, I commend it to your good cares to 
 be tender in charging any poor or mean freeholder for this service, 
 Avhich meaner sort may sometimes serve to be joined with others, at 
 Quarter Sessions, Escheators’ inquests, or other services ot less con- 
 sequence, and Avithin their OAvn Hundreds only. Which book I desire 
 you to hand to the Sheriff to be made the “ common freehold booke,” to 
 be delivered OA^er by indenture, or otheiuvise, from Sheriff to Sheriff, and 
 I desire that the book may be amended every three years at the least. 
 
 Huhfrey May to the Bailiffs and Burgesses of Clitheroe. 
 
 , 74 . 1625, 9 April. “ From the Dutchie House.” — Recommending 
 l)is friend. Sir Thomas Trevor, knight, one of his Majesty’s Auditors of 
 the Duchy of Lancaster, as a Burgess to serve in the Parliament now 
 about to be held. Signed. Seal of arms. 
 
 Farthing Tokens. 
 
 75 . 1625, May 13. — A proclamation for the continuing of our farthing 
 tokens of copper, and prohibiting the counterfeiting of them and the use 
 of any other. 
 
 Table of Mortality. 
 
 76 . 1625. — A table of mortality for some toAvn not named, jjossibly 
 Manchester. It is headed from the 30th of June to the 7th of July, 
 1625. The sum total of persons Avho died Avithin the said Aveek is 1,222, 
 of Avhom, inter alias, 14 died in childbed, 69 from consumption, 273 
 from fcA^ers, 8 from “ impostnme,” 48 infants, 1 from falling sickness. 
 1 from fistula, 2 from “ greife,” 3 “ livergrowne,” 5 from ‘^megrom,” 
 
32 
 
 5 from measels, 593 from plague, 9 from “purples,” 21 from “ scour- 
 ings,” 3 from small pox, 27 from “ surfels ” [surfeits ?], 1 from “ plaunet,” 
 1 from “risingliglits,” 1 from “ scabbs,” 1 from “sore mouth,” 1 from 
 swine pox, and i from “ tissike.” 
 
 Articles of the Earl of Bristol, “ whereby he chargeth the 
 Duke of Buckingham.” 
 
 77. 1626, May 1. — “ That the Duke of Buckingham did secretlie com- 
 bine and conspire with the Conde of Grondomar, Ambassador for the King 
 of Spaine, before the said Ambasadour’s last retourne into Spaiue in the 
 somer, 1622, to carrie his Majestic, then Prince, into Spaine, to the 
 end that hee might bee informed and enstructed in the Bomane religion, 
 and thereby have perverted the Prince and subverted the true religion 
 established in England. From which misserie this kingdome (nexte 
 under Godes inercie) hath by the wise, religious, and constant carriage 
 of his Majestie, beene almost iniraculouslie delivered, considering the 
 nianie bould and subtill attemptes of the said Duke in that kinde. 
 
 “ 2. That Mr. Porter was made acquainted therewith, and sent into 
 Spaine, and such messages at his retourne framed as might serve for a 
 ground to sett on foote this conspiracie, the which was done accordinglie, 
 and thereby the Kinge and Prince highlie abused and theire consentes 
 tliereby first gotten to the said journey, that is to saie, after the retourne 
 of the said Mr. Porter, which was abaut the end of December or the 
 beginninge of Januarie, 1622[-3], whereas the said Duke had plotted it 
 manie monethes before. 
 
 “3. That the Duke at his arrival in Spaine, nourished the Spanish 
 ministers not onelie in beleefe of his owne beinge papishe affected, but 
 did bothe by absenting himselfe from all exercises of religion constantlie 
 used in the Earle of Bristoll’s house, and frequented by all theire 
 protestant English, and by conforminge himself, (to please the Spaniards) 
 to divers rightes of theire religion, even soe farr as to kneele and adore 
 theire sacrament from tyme to tyme, hee gave the Spaniardes hope of 
 the Prince his conversion. The which conversion he endeavoured to 
 procure by all meanes possible, and thereby caused the Spanish ministers 
 to propound farr worse conditions for religion then had beene formerlie, 
 by the Earle of Bristoll and Sir Walter Aston, setled and signed under 
 Iheir Majestie’s handes, with a clause in the Kinge of Spaine’s aunsweare 
 of the 12th of December, 1622, that they held the articles agreed upon 
 sufficient, and such as ought to induce the Pope to the grantinge of the 
 <lispensation. 
 
 “ 4. That the Duke having, severall tymes, in the presence of the Earle 
 of Bristoll, mooved and pressed his late Majestie, att the instance of the 
 Conde of Gondomar, to write a letter to the Pope, and [for] tliat 
 })urpose havinge once broughte a letter readie drawne, wherewith the 
 Earle of Bristoll, beinge by his Majesty made acquainted, did soe 
 stronglie oppose the writinge of anie such letter, that duringe the abode 
 of the said Earle in England the said Duke could not obtaine itt, yet nott 
 longe after the Earle was gone, he procured such a letter to bee written 
 from his late Majestie unto the Pope, and to have him stiled therein 
 Sanctissime Pater. 
 
 “ 5. That the Pope being informed of the Duke of Buckingham’s 
 inclination and intention in poinie of religion, sent unto the Duke a 
 particular bull in parchment for to perswade and incourage him in the 
 ])erversion ol his Majestie, then Prince. 
 
 “ 6. That the Duke’s behaviour in Spaine w’as as that hee thereby soe 
 incensed the King of Spaine and his ministers, as they would adrnitt of 
 
33 
 
 noe recon siliation nor furthur dealinge with him ; whereupon the Duke, 
 seeinge that the match would nowe bee to his disadvantage, hee indeav- 
 oured to breake it, not for anie service of the kingdome, nor dislike of 
 the matche in ittselfe, nor for that hee found (as since hee hath pre- 
 tended) that the Spaniairdes did not reallie intend the said match, but out 
 of his particular end and his indignation. 
 
 ‘‘ 7. That after that hee intended to crosse the marriage, hee put in 
 practice divers undue courses, as, namlie, makinge use of the letters of 
 his Majestie (then Prince) to his owne endes, and not to what they 
 were intended, as likewise concealinge diverse thinges of high im- 
 portance from his late Majestie, and thereby overthreAve his Majestie’s 
 purposes and advanced his owne endes. 
 
 “ 8. That the said Duke, as hee had with his skill and artifices formerlie 
 abused their Majesties, soe, to the same end, hee afterward abused both 
 houses of Parliament by his sinister relation of the cariages of affaires, 
 as shalbee made appeare }dlmost in everie perticuler that hee spake unto 
 the said houses. As for the scandall given by his personall behaviour, 
 as allsoe the imployinge of his power with the Ki nge of Spaine for the 
 procuringe of favour and offices which hee bestowed upon base and 
 unworthie persons for the recompence and hire of his lust, these 
 thinges are neither fitt for the Earl of Bristoll to speake, nor indeed for 
 the house to heare ; hee leaveth it to your Lordshipps’ wisdomes how far 
 you will bee pleased to have them examined, it haveinge beene indeed a 
 great infamie and dishonor to this nation, that a person of the Duke’s 
 great qualitie and imploymentes, a Privie Counsellour and Embasador 
 eminent in his Majesties favour, solelie trusted with the person of the 
 Prince, should leave behind him in a forraine Court ‘soe much scandall 
 as hee did by his ill behaviour. 
 
 “ 10. That the Duke of Buckingham hath beene in great parte the 
 . cause of the ruin and misfortune of the Prince Palatine and his estates, 
 inasmuch as those affaires had relation unto this kingdome. 
 
 ‘‘11. That the said Duke hath, in his relations to both houses of 
 Parliament, wronged the Earle of Bristoll in point of honor, by manie 
 sinister aspersions which hee hatli laid upon him, and, in point of his 
 libertie, by manie undue courses through his power and practises. 
 
 “ 12. The Earle of Bristoll did reveale unto his late Majesty, both by 
 word and letter, in what sort the Duke had disserved him and abused 
 his trust, and that the Kinge, by severall waies, sent him word that hee 
 should rest assured that hee would heare him, but that hee should leave it 
 to him to take his owne tyme, and thereupon, fowre daies before his 
 sicknes, hee sent the Earle word that hee would heare him against the 
 Duke, as well as hee had heard the Duke against him, which the Duke 
 himself heard, and notlonge after, his blessed Majestie sickned and diedp 
 havinge in the interim beene muche pressed and vexed by the saici 
 Duke.” Copy. 
 
 The King to the Justices of the Peace within the County of 
 
 Lancaster, 
 
 78 . 1626, July 7. Westminster. — “ It is not unknowen unto you that, 
 in Februarie last, our High Court of Parliament was by us sommoned 
 and assembled to treate of the greate and waightie affaires concerningii 
 the Church of England and the true religion therein established, and 
 the defence and safetie of the kingdome, and that they there contynucd 
 together uutill the loth of June laste. Within which tyme manie 
 thinges of good moment and muche conducing to our honour and the 
 honour and safetie of this kingdome, were propounded and begunn to be 
 73480. ■ C 
 
84 
 
 handled. And, amongest other thinges, our Commons then assembled, 
 takinge into their serious considerations our present and important 
 occasions, not for our owne private use, but for the common safetie of us 
 and our people, did, with one unanimous consent, agree to give unto us a 
 supplie of fower entier subsidies and three fiefteenes, and did, by order of 
 that House, sett downe the dales and tymes for payement of the same, 
 which, their lovinge and free offer unto us, wee did graciously accept and 
 relye uppon, and dispose of our affaires accordingly, and afterwardes with 
 muche patience, even beyond the pressinge necessitie of our publique 
 affaires, contynuallie did expect the real! performance thereof, and wee 
 are assured the same hadd beene performed accordingly, had not the 
 disordered passion of some members of that House, contrarie to the good 
 inclination of the graver and wiser sorte of them, soe farr misledd them- 
 selves and others, that they neither did nor would intend that which con- 
 cerned the publique defence of the kingdome, for which they were specially 
 called. Wherefore, when noe gratious admonitions could staye them, 
 though much against our hart, wee have dissolved that Parliament. 
 And the Parliament beinge nowe ended and yet the necessitye of a 
 suppiye of money lyinge still upon us and pressinge us, without which 
 the common safetie of us and our people cannot be defended and maine- 
 tayned, but is in immynent and apparant daunger to be assayled and 
 swallowed upp by a vigilante and powerfull enemye, we have beene 
 enforced to cast all the wayes and meanes which honorably and justly 
 wee might take for supplie of theis important affa'ires, and manie severall 
 courses have beene propounded and offered unto us. And although noe 
 ordenarie rules can prescribe a lawe to necessitie, and the common 
 defence and safety, and even the very subsistence, of the whole might 
 justly e warrant us if out of our royall prerogative and power wee should 
 take anie waye more cxtraordenarie or lesse indifferent to anie parte 
 thereof ; yett wee, desiringe nothinge more (next to the love and favour 
 of Allmightie God, by whose gracious assistance wee desire to governe 
 ourself and all our actions) then the love of our people, which wee 
 esteeme as our greatest riches, wee have made clioyce of that waye 
 which male be most equall and acceptable unto them. And therefore 
 wee do desire all our lovinge subjectes, in a case of this unavoydable 
 necessitie, to bee a lawe unto themselves, and lovingly, freely, and volun- 
 tarily, to performe that which by lawe, if it hadd passed formally by an 
 Acte as was intended, they had beene compellable unto, and soe in a 
 tymely waieto provide not only for ours, but for their owne, defence and 
 for the common safety of all our frendes and allies and of our lyves and 
 lionours. Tlie performance of which our request will not onely give 
 us an ample testymonie of the dutifull and good affections of our people 
 in generall, but will give us just incouragement the more speedily to 
 meete in Parliament. 
 
 “ Wee therefore desire you forthwith to meet together and to take 
 such order as maie best advance our service, and in our name to desire 
 and cxhorte our people, accordinge to such instructions as herewith wee 
 send unto you, that they would not fade freely to give unto us a full 
 su])plye answearable to the necessitie of our present occasions.” 
 
 “ Instructions to the Justices of Peace in the Countie of Lancaster : — 
 
 ‘‘ 1. That speedily, upon the receipte of these our letters, you 
 assemble togeather att some place convenyent and lake them and the 
 matter thereby recommended unto you into your due considerations. 
 
 “ 2. That when you are thus assembled, yee cade to mynd the reso- 
 lution in the Parliament lately dissolved, to have give us fower subsidies 
 and three tiefteens and that the severall daics of payement were orderred 
 for the same, and thereby the somme of money to have been raised 
 
35 
 
 thereby was, in the judgement of the Parliament, out competent, and 
 the tymes of payement convenyent for the present and pressingo 
 occasions. And wee are confident that the same considerations will 
 prevaile with our people. 
 
 “ 3. That you lett them knowe ho we much it will availe to our 
 affaires, and the affaires of our frendes and allies, to assaile our enemyes 
 on their owne coastes, and that wee have begunn a preparation to that 
 end, but want moneyes to perfecte the same. And that whilst wee are 
 in these consultations, wee are advertised from all partes of powerfull 
 preparations made to assaile us at home or in Ireland, or both. 
 
 “4. That you putt them in mynd that nothinge invites an enemye 
 more to an invasion then an opinion that that part intended to bee 
 invaded is either [in] secure or distracted, and soe unprovided for a 
 resistance. 
 
 “ 5. That therefore you, the Depiitie Lieutenantes, give present 
 direction to have all the troopes and bandes of the countie compleated, 
 mustered, trayned, and soe well furnished, that they maie bee prepared 
 to march unto the rendezvous att an bower’s warninge, uppon paine of 
 death. 
 
 ‘‘ 6. That ye conclude upon a constant waj'^e of propoundinge and 
 pursuinge this our supply in your severall divisions, to the inhabitantes 
 of the whole countie. 
 
 7. That when you have first setled this worke amonge yourselves, 
 ye agree howe to divide yourselves, throughout the whole countye, into 
 soe many partes and divisions as yee in your judgementes shall thinke 
 fittest, and then that those who shalbe there imployed’, deale effectuallye 
 with the rest of the countie in those severall divisions. 
 
 “ 8. That ye agree in the nomination of such able persons as yee 
 shall thinke fitt for the collectinge and receivinge of these moneyes and 
 payinge the same over to our Excheaquer. 
 
 9. That yee assure them in our name and in our royall word, 
 which wee will not breake with our people, that we will whollye ini)3loye 
 all the moneys which shall thus be given to us, to the common defence 
 of the kingdome, and not to or for anie other end whatsoever. 
 
 “ 10. That (together with the moneyes yee collecte) ye send a per- 
 fecte rolle of the names of all those which doe thus contribute and of 
 those which shall refuse, if anie such bee, that wee maye bee thereby 
 informed whoe are well affected to our service and whoe are otherwise, 
 and what moneyes are given unto us, that soe wee maie require an 
 accoumpt of those who shalbee trusted to receive it, and that it maie 
 afterward appeare that wee have expended it to those endes and pur- 
 poses it is given. 
 
 ‘‘ And lastly, that all this be instantly performed, for that all delayes 
 will defeate and overthrow our greatest councells and affayres.” Sign 
 manual. 
 
 Trained Bands. 
 
 79 . 1626, August 23.— Order by the Deputy Lieutenants of the County 
 of Lancaster, stating that as the trained bands for the County, called 
 trained soldiers, are put to great pains and charges in attending musters, 
 training, exercising, and disciplining, it is ordered that the said trained 
 soldiers for the time being, be discharged and freed from being hereafter 
 chosen or appointed constables, churchwardens, or overseers for the poor, 
 or charged to keep watch or ward within the County aforesaid. 
 
 c 2 
 
86 
 
 Preacher at Whalley. 
 
 80. 1627, Midsummer. — A subscription list of money contributed to 
 tbe preacher at Whalley, collected by Samson Eawcliff. 
 
 A Proclamation. 
 
 81. 1627, June 25. — A proclamation against unjust pretences for 
 colouring of French goods taken by way of reprize. 
 
 Witchcraft. 
 
 82. 1627, July 24. — A certificate, by her neighbours, that Elizabeth, 
 the wife of Thomas Londesdale, of Simonston, in the county of Lancaster, 
 yeoman, being accused of witchcraft, is no sorceress or user of charms, 
 or any such wicked art, but a good, honest, orderly neighbour. 
 
 Prices of Clothing. 
 
 83. 1627, July. — Note of purchases made in London for Richard Coul- 
 ton. 3^ yards of ‘‘ baize for lyninge his cloake,” at 2s. lOd. a yard ; velvet 
 for the cloak, 6s. 6d. ; 2 dozen ‘‘ of silke and silver laice ’’ for the same, at 
 4s. 2d. the ounce ; one long button for the cloke, ” 12d. ; buckram to 
 stiffen the collar, 3d. ; for making the cloak, 4^. 6d. ; 2J yards of satin 
 “for his doublet,” at 15^. 6d. the yard ; for silk “ to make the button holes 
 and set on the laice,” 2s. 4d. ; ^ ell of “ taffetie to lyne the doublet 
 skirts,” 3s. 4d. , 4 dozen “silke and silver buttons,” at 7d. the dozen; 
 11 yards of “ brode clothe,” at 13^. 4(7. the yard, “for his breches;” 
 1 dozen of “ silke pointes,” 2^. 2d. 
 
 R[alph] A[ssheton] to . 
 
 84. [1627 ?] — “ So hath your vertues and perfection prevailed with 
 me, that my pen is ledd to treat of a new matter, love, never till now em- 
 ploied on that subject, nor my mind or thoughts at any tyme sensible of 
 such captivity as I finde may bee by such a power. If I shall expresse 
 myselfe weakly unto you, pardon my maiden lynes : no man is an artist 
 on the first daie. For my owne parte, I should desire to bee no more 
 happy here then to be blessed with such a wife as yourself, and might I 
 finde, by any industry of mynde, the like (but that were too much) motion 
 of affections in you to meewardes, I should accompt myself fortunate, 
 however God should dispose of the successe. My first and great 
 request is that you would accept my love and service, as you shall finde 
 them constant and duteous. Next, that as I on my part shall use my 
 best meanes to my father to condiscend to all reasonable conditions, so 
 you would also bee pleased to advance it on the other side with your 
 parentes, so farre as may bee without inconvenience to them or dis- 
 paragement to yourself. Leare Mistress, let mee drawe from you, by the 
 berer, or otherwise as you plea-se, a fewe lynes that may encourage and 
 occasion my quick revisiting you ; till when I rest suspended from frui- 
 tion of free thoughts or comfort. Thinke it no lightnes in mee, upon so 
 short acquaintance, to bee taken with your worth ; if it bee a faulte yow are 
 the cause. I dare make my letter no longer for offending yow. Accept 
 this srnale token as a lover’s remembrance. Adieu. From your faithful 
 servant whilst you will entertayne him.” Endorsed : '"'•My yonge Master 
 to his Mistress i in Wales. 
 
37 
 
 Jo. Binglev to Ralph Assueton, “His Majesty’s Receiver-General 
 of his revenues in the Bishopric of Durham and Northumberland.” 
 
 85. 1628, July 7. — “ My Lord William Howard is desirous to healpe 
 my Lady Ann Ingleby with the payment of her pension here in the North, 
 where she reside th ; and hath acquainted me that he hath dealte with 
 you to give her satisfaction for some parte of that which is due unto her. 
 What you have disbursed to her allready, or shall hereafter, untill nexte 
 Michaelmas, pay unto her, beinge due by his Majesty’s Letters Patentes, 
 I will see you readily allowed of it here in the Exchequer, without any 
 trouble or delay.” Seal. 
 
 Office of Under-Sheriff. 
 
 86. 1628. — An estimate of what the office of under-siieriff Avill cost. 
 The sum total is 352 / 2 . ISs. 6e/., and includes, inte?' alia, the following 
 items: — For apparel, lOli.; for wine at the Lent assizes, 6//. 185.; for 
 wine at the Summer assizes, 20//. 
 
 Fuel. 
 
 87. 1628. — “A most excellent offer of a certaine invention for a new 
 kind of fire, being both cheapeand good, and most necessary for all men, 
 especially in iliese deare times of fuell.” 
 
 A Prognostication. 
 
 88. 1629, March 31. — A Document dated “ from our office in the 
 Minster garth in Yorke,” and headed, “ Ordered and taken out accordinge 
 to the calculations of the principall Astrologers upon this present yeare, 
 1629, sent from Rome to his Imperiall Majestie and the Prince Elector 
 of Saxonie.” 
 
 “ In the yeare 1629, the sunne beinge in the celestiall signe Libra, all 
 the planets will assemble together about the sunne, at the tayle of the 
 dragon, whereby all may presume that terrable things will ensue, and 
 with such a tempest, that all the windes of the fower quarters of the 
 whole world will meete together ; whereupon will followe so horrable an 
 earthquake, that men, for feare and terror shall . . . without anie vio- 
 lence offered unto them. The trees, mountaines, and vallies, shall change 
 the places ; townes and villages shalbe removed by the earthquake, but 
 cheeflye those that stand nere anye water, or built on sandes, shall fall to 
 the ground, horrable ecclips will appeare, and afterward a bloudie raine- 
 bowe shall be seene, which shall cause greate trouble and bloudie warre 
 amongest manie people in the world. All these will be seene in the 
 monthe of September about the Exaltation of the Crosse. The most 
 learned and most understandinge, both Almaine, Spanishe, and Gretian 
 astronomors, have approved this prognosticatione. The eighteenth of May 
 there shall bee greate assemblye of men of warre. The eleaventh of 
 June, three princes shall dye. The twelfte of June, a lord shall attaiue 
 to greate dignitie and honour. The eighteenth, a greate winde shall arise. 
 The neenteenth, a banished Prince shall returne to his owne countrie 
 and receive his former dignitie. The 28th, shall bee intollerable heate 
 both by sea and land. The eleaventh of August there will bee great 
 preparation for warre. The seaventeenth, greate effusion of bloud. The 
 18th, halfe of the world shalbe drowned. The twentye, busines of greate 
 importaunce shall bee sent to severall places. 
 
38 
 
 ‘‘But forasmuch as God kuoweth the successe of these thiuges, and none 
 other, the most humble and obedient servantes of his Imperiall Majestic 
 and there consortes, hath shewed this unto him, whereby e to governe 
 himselfe and the comihon people to prepare them to repente, addressinge 
 likwise his said Majestic to withdraw himselfe to some place of temperate 
 aire and to furnishe himselfe with victualles twentje dajes.” 
 
 Lord Wentworth and others to the Bishop of Chester and the 
 Justices op the Peace within the County of Lancaster. 
 
 89 . 1629, December 29, “ At the Manner of York.” — “ His Majesty 
 havinge bene pleased, upon the often complain te of the growinge 
 numbers of popish recusants, to take into his pyous consideration ho we 
 soe spreading an evill might be tymely mett with, hath upon serious ad- 
 vyce with his Councell and for the greater safety and contentment of his 
 kingdomes and better subjects, taken a firme resolution to free his govern- 
 ment from soe foule a scandall. To which purpose wee have receaved 
 his gracious directions for the indyteinge and convictinge of all such 
 recusantes, and for fyndeing the estates of all such soe convicted, that 
 the duties thereupon accrewed unto his Majesty by the statutes of this 
 realme maie therebj^ soe be answered as might both manifest his princely 
 care in this behalfe, calle backe (if maie be) such as. are already fallen, 
 or at leaste represse the further increase of them hereafter. 
 
 “ And because of the distance of the place we cannot with conveniency 
 se this service put in due execution nor those things performed which 
 may conduce to the furtherance thereof in such manner as is requisite, 
 but must rely upon your Lordships’ good assistance and the care and dis- 
 creete indeavours of the justices of the peace within that countie as 
 persons, both by his Majesty and the lawe, immediately intrusted. We 
 therefore desire your Lordship, and the rest, to take this service into your 
 good consideration, that such as have beene formerly presented maie be 
 forthwith convicted, and such others presented as were either altogether 
 omitted heretofore or have since increased. And lykewyse that such con- 
 victions (whereof we desyre to have a duplicate retourne) maie be 
 certifyed into the Exchequer, that they maie be proceeded against after a 
 due and legall manner. We conceave it wilbe much furtherance to the 
 service, if the curates, churchwardens, and constables, alsoe have warrant 
 and directions from you to present the names of all the recusants not 
 formerly presented within their severall parishes and constableries, 
 wherein some stricte and severe charge had need be laid upon them that 
 the same be not done after a sleight and negligent manner, more for 
 formes sake then otherwyse, as usually they have bene accustomed, but to 
 let them knowe that you will expect to receyve from them an exacte 
 accompte of what they shall have in charge, without anie manner of 
 forbearance or remissnes.” Seal with crest. 
 
 Alms for the Poor of Whalley. 
 
 90 . 1629, December. — Orders and agreements made at the Parish 
 Church of Whalley in the County of Lancaster, by and amongst Sir Ralph 
 Asheton of Whalley, baronet, Richard Sherburne of Stonyhurst, Richard 
 Townley of Townley, Richard Shutleworth of Gawthrop, Roger Nowell 
 of Read, John Braddill of Brockhole, Thomas Sherburne of Little 
 Mitton, John Starky of Huntrode, Thomas Walmesley of Coldcotes, 
 George Shutleworth of Esterlie, Richard Crombock of Clarkhill, 
 Francis Paslewe of Wiswall, Roger Kenyon of Whalley, John 
 Crombocke of Wiswall, John Holker of Relid (?), tlic present church- 
 
39 
 
 wardens of the said church, the present overseers of the poor of the said 
 parish, together with the greater part of all and every the residue of the 
 inhabitants of the eight towns which are chargeable with the repair of 
 the said church, for the employing of a certain sum of money left by 
 John Chewe, late of Whalley, gentleman, deceased, to the poor of the said 
 parish, as also for the ordering of moneys given hereafter for a like 
 purpose. 
 
 The orders recite that ‘Hhe doles usually given and distributed at 
 funeralls and burialls in theis parts, do not only little or no good to the 
 neighbouring poore (to v-hom the same doles are ment), but also drawe 
 infinite numbers of other poore together from places farre remote, 
 amongst which many wanderers, incorrigible rogues, and vacabauds, do 
 fiocke in and unworthilie share in the devotions of the dead, never 
 intended for them, as also do pester and trouble those parts (where such 
 funeralls happen to bee) for a longe tyme after, and manie tymes 
 robberies and other outrages are committed ere the couiitrie bee quit of 
 that disordered crew. And often tymes also wee see that great numbers 
 of persons who are no needers in that kynd (nor take themselves to bee) 
 do by pretext of a custome (but indeed an abuse) come themselves or 
 send theire children, or both, to the said doles and partake thereof, soe as 
 the true indigent poore, indeed, (for whom it was ment) do receave the 
 least part.” It is therefore agreed that in future mcney so left shall be 
 kept in stock for the use and benefit of the poor of the said eight towns, 
 viz. : — Whalley, Wiswall, Head, Simonston, Padiham, Hapton, Pen- 
 dleton, and Mitton, Henthoriie and Coldcotes, in the hands of George 
 Shutleworth and Robert -Starkie, of Read, being two of the church- 
 wardens, to employ the stock to the best improvement and increase they 
 can until Tuesday in Easter week next at the election of the new church- 
 wardens, when it is to be given over to the new churchwardens, and the 
 increase to be distributed amongst the poor as shall be thought fit. 
 
 Alms for the Poor of Whalley. 
 
 91. 1629, December. — Order touching the distribution of certain 
 moneys arising from a charity left to the poor of the parish of Whalley 
 by John Chewe, deceased. 
 
 The Feoffees of Bolton School (J. Bradshaw, Scowcroft Touneley, 
 James Leyver, Ellys Crompton, James Crompton, Ellize Bradshaw, 
 Arthur Isherwood, and Henry Crompton) to - — . 
 
 92 . 1629, . — -They have lately heard of some land, now belong- 
 
 ing to Sir William Norris, lying within a mile of ‘Hiouckhorne Boate,” 
 in which they think they might conveniently invest the school money. 
 They therefore beg the repayment of certain money in order to effect 
 the purchase. 
 
 The Lords of the Council to Sir Thomas Trevor and Sir 
 Humphrey Davenport. 
 
 93 . 1629 [-30], Eebruary 26. Whitehall. — ‘‘ Whereas the contribution 
 heretofore, for the defence and reeoverie of the Palatinate, beiiige a 
 volimtarie guifte, was collected by persons of whome noe accompte was 
 taken, either of theyr names or of the moneyes by them soe collected ; 
 and for that wee are informed that diverse somes of money to a good 
 vallewe are still remaininge in the handes of the said collectors, wee 
 
40 
 
 have therefore thought fitl, for the better discoverie of the same, to praie 
 and require your Lordshipps that, at the next Assises to be held within 
 the severall counties in your circuite, you conferr with the justices of 
 peace of the said counties concerninge the same, and direct them to cause 
 a speedie enquirie to bee made of the names of the collectors within 
 everie of the said counties, and to certifie them to the Board in writinge, 
 to the end such further course may bee taken therein as wee shall 
 finde cause.’’ Copy. 
 
 Joseph Deaeden to “ Mr. Kenyon.” 
 
 94. 1630, April 8. Rochdale. — Refers to Sir Ralph Ashton and ‘‘the 
 reste of the worshipfull gentlemen that meete this daye about the lead 
 myne.” Though it has cost the “ King’s servants,” and himself, at least 
 40/., and they have had three several grants from his Majesty “ for the 
 King’s parte of those mynes att Theeffley,” yet they can get no redress. 
 Suggests to Mr. Kenyon, as the King’s General Surveyor, that the course 
 that “ is and has bene taken hether toowe ” is neither benefit to the King, 
 nor good for the subject nor for the commonwealth. “ And for that 
 sparke you have att Theeffley, in comparyson of the great fyer which is 
 partly knowne and further maybe by good endeavore hereafter, which if 
 the Court will not be posset (^sic) to have Darbishire order, there is a 
 higher power will command it. What subjects are we heare in Lanki- 
 shire, that are debarred from that privilege that the whole kingdom hath ? 
 And what privilege others have, nowe I am bould, we in truth have the 
 same.” By John of Gaunt’s charter, “ nowe in the Tov^er att London,” 
 about lead getting, they are “ as free as Darbishire or any other parte, 
 and Darbishire to come and gett with us.” Thinks “ if there might be 
 a free order, as other partes have, there would be hundreth to worke; 
 and then his Majesty’s part would be a hundreth tymes more profitte, 
 for there is very much lead ore about you, if it might be sowght for.” 
 
 Postscript.— “I have sent your maister and Mr. Ratclifiean ownc of 
 Tarfgjyna tobaco, to pass this sitting.” 
 
 Adam Assheton to his cousin, George Rigby, at Manchester. 
 
 95. 1630, July 13. — Asking favour on behalf of Richard Brooke, 
 who had used some “ unadvised speeches,” for which he is now sorry. 
 Portion of seal of arms. 
 
 Jo. Talbot to Roger Kenyon, at Parkhead. 
 
 96. 1630, July 18. Carre. — If the bellows be of Carre’s best making, 
 it is better to buy them than to be at the charge of mending “ your owne.” 
 Mr. Butler of Newcastle and all the best lead masters have fetched their 
 bellows from Carre ; the price is about 61. or 20 nobles. “ If your 
 smelter have been used to a foote blaste, then no doubt of his well 
 doinge. I gave my smelter a noble a tunne (?), and found one to helpe 
 him, and foure blowers or treaders, to whom I gave an other noble, so 
 that my leade lay me a marke a tunne (?), besydes my chopwood, which 
 must be cut to the size of the smelter’s hearth, otherwyse there wilbe 
 more wood spent or lesse leade runne.” 
 
 Alexander Rigby to his brother, George Rigby, at Peel. 
 
 97. 1630, July 27. Preston. — “ I have purposely sent this messen- 
 ger to be by him acertened from you whether my two boys may be sent 
 
41 
 
 to my cosen Raebone. 1 pray you to signifie to me what a lodging and 
 bed they may have; whether he will allow them wheat- bread ; what he 
 expecteth for their dyet, lodging and washing, and what for their scoot- 
 ing ; how many schollers he hath, and whether he intend to follow the 
 ministrie or wholy to apply himselfe to teaching children, and what the 
 place is wherein he teacheth the children.” Seal of arms, broken. 
 
 Alexander Rigby to his brother, George Rigby, at Wigan. 
 
 98 . 1630, August 3. Preston.— Asking him to inquire about one 
 Banks or some other who dwelleth in the “ Scoles ” in Wigan, in the Fair 
 House, near over against Alexander Forth’s house ; if he is a fit man to 
 take the said Alexander’s children to board. 
 
 Lead Mines. 
 
 99 . 1630, August 22. — Rules concerning the working of lead mines 
 in Derbyshire. 
 
 [Alexander Rigby] to his brother, George Rigby, at Peel. 
 
 100. 1630, September 1. — Asking if Mr. Ralph Heaton will be clerk 
 of his commission. Seal of arms. 
 
 Memorandum as to Clitheroe School. 
 
 101. 1630, November 11. Lever. — All charters, &c. concerning the 
 school, in the hands of any governors or others, to be called in and locked 
 up in the school chests, and a transcript made of the foundation charter, 
 the statutes, &c., for the use of counsel, so that the originals may be kept 
 under lock and key. Orders had been sent to the governors to meet the 
 Bishop [of Chester], “ being visitor of that schoole,” at Bolton ; but few 
 made their appearance. Copy. (See also 25th April 1631.) 
 
 Proclamation of Peace. 
 
 102. 1 630, December 1. — Proclamation concerning the Peace between 
 England and Spain. 
 
 George Rigby to his cousin, Alexander Tompson. 
 
 103. 1630, December 16. Peqle. — I have heard you commend Alex- 
 ander Rigby, of Shevington, for his skill in physic. I would entreat you 
 to ride over and ask him to come over and see my wife, who is ill. 
 Seal of arms, broken. 
 
 Alexander Rigby to his brother, George Rigby, at Todmoiden. 
 
 104 , 1630, December 31. Preston. — “ The trueth is, wee have here 
 amongst us a very infectious disease, which our tradesmen will not call 
 the plage. There have dyed, within these fyve or six weekes, neere 
 twentie ; some three houses are shut up. We hope there is no great 
 danger, but upon Muuday next I send my children out of towne (if God 
 so please) to prevent danger. I am loath to remove rashly, because I 
 would not wrong the towne by my example; but if things growe worser, 
 then I purpose, God willing, the next weeke to remove all or most of my 
 family to my house at Myddleton. It is to noe purpose for you to speake 
 
42 
 
 of removeing the Sessions till the next weeke, and then it will not be 
 any use that you come, or send, over for that purpose to the Justices 
 about the midle or latter end of the weeke.” Seal of arms, 
 
 Thomas Carr to — . 
 
 105. 1630, . — I was at Preston on Wednesday last, and hoped to 
 
 have paid you all such rents as I have received for you. A great sesse- 
 ment or tax is laid in our parish of Penwortham towards the making of 
 a new roof to the church and one side of the church wall or more, which 
 by the Bishop, is appointed to be done before midsummer next, and not to 
 be “ driven ” for fear of further danger. 
 
 Mines. 
 
 106. 1630[-l], January 28. — “ A trewe note of charges disborsit by 
 mee, George Cosson, [on the mines] for myself, after hee {sic) was set in 
 by Master Kenyon for the King,” from September to Christmas [1630]. 
 Paid at Padiham. 
 
 The items include — three days’ work, 2s. 6d. ; a drawer, 2s. ; for a 
 workman, bs. ; 3 wiskkeets, Qd . ; for candles, Id. ; “for a pigin to till 
 water with,” 3c?. ; for a “ corfe,” 4c?. ; for nails, \d. ; “ for five weekes 
 worke for my wife and mysellfe, working and drawinge, 28^. 
 
 Poaching. 
 
 107. 1630[-31], March 7. — A bond, taken before Sir Ralph Assheton, 
 by Hugh Leathwood and Abraham Porter, for the appearance, at the next 
 sessions of the peace, of Daniel West of Burnley, dyer, now in gaol at 
 Lancaster “ for sunderie greate ciymes, as shoottinge gunes, keepinge of 
 grayhoundes, trasing or killinge of hares, keepinge of crosebowes, or 
 usinge any unlawfull games v*^hich may tend to the hurt of gentlemans’ 
 sportes.” 
 
 The Lords of the Council to the High Sheriff and Justices of 
 THE Peace for the County of Lancaster. 
 
 108. 1631, April 2. Whitehall. — “ Wee cannot but greatly marvayle 
 that, notwithstandinge his Majesty’s proclamation, the Booke of Orders 
 and the divers earnest letters of this Board, the price of come and other 
 grayne is risen soe high, and the same sould at such excessive rates in 
 many places. Hither can wee conc'eave howe this should bee if the 
 directions sent from hence had ben duely executed. You are therefore 
 to take notice that wee expect a more careful performance thereof and a 
 more particular accompt then hath hitherto bene given us. And ac- 
 cordingly, we doe hereby, in his Majesty’s name, expressly charge you to 
 cause presently a dilligent and exact survey to be made, through all 
 that County, what provision of grayne there is, and to retorne to this 
 Board certifficatc thereof with all expedition, and likewise to see the 
 inarketts well served accordiiige to the Orders, and not forestalled by 
 greedy ingrossers, to the intollerable wronge and prejudice of those that 
 are to buy, especially of the poorer sort. You are likewise to use your 
 best care and endevor, that during the continuance of this present 
 dearth, the maltsters be not permitted to make any greater quantity of 
 malt then may be sufficient for necessary use, that soe there may be a more 
 plenty of barly for the reliefe of the poore.” Signed. 
 
43 
 
 to George Rigby, at Peel. 
 
 109 . 1631, April 9 (date of receipt). — “Cosen Rigby, I must intreate 
 you to christen mee a childe at Eccles, the next Lorde's day, in 
 the afternone. I made chouse of you, and my cosen, Peter Eggerton, 
 and my mother, not doubting but that you will [come] if your ocasiones 
 be not other waise.” 
 
 James Win Stanley to George Rigby, at Peel. 
 
 110 . 1631, April 13. Lathome. — “ Good cosen, I desire a favour of 
 
 you, because I am, at this present, poore in apparell, and have travelled 
 farr, both in England and Ireland, for preferment, which, I hope in God, I 
 shall obteyne, ere it be long ; but this want of fitting apparell, makes a 
 man disesf eemed and . . . less respected .... You may doe me 
 
 an extraordinary favour herein by my cousin Jollibrand, the bearer 
 hereof . . . The great cockinge [is] to be shortly at Ormschurch.” 
 
 Seal^ broken. 
 
 The Plague. 
 
 111 . 1631, April 16 to July 23. — Detailed accounts of the distribu- 
 tion of the contribution for the plague at Preston. 
 
 John Norres to Sir Ralph Assheton, Baronet. 
 
 112 . 1631, April 18. — As to differences between Sir Ralph and “ the 
 Bishop,” about the profits of the “ colie and canell mynes.” Conceives 
 that it is “ right the Bishop should bee paid for the mynes ; and 1 
 dowte this courte will sj order yt, so I pray you conceeder of yt, for 
 the sweete (suit) will be chargable and in the end dowttfull that 
 profit of the pitts will bee ordered for you to pay ; which will bee a 
 dishcredyt to have tou orders ageneste you in the Duttcie.’’ Fragment 
 of seal. 
 
 Thomas Mort to George Rigbv, at Ormskirk. 
 
 113 . 1631, April 21. Damhouse. — Writes on behalf of the bearer, Anne 
 Green, “who hath been servant a great whyle” with his uncle Jackson. 
 Geoffrey Foster was “ a suitor to this Anne Green, above tenn yeares 
 agoe ; and this Anne Green (beinge a madde wyld wench) coming with 
 one Mary Watkinson, another younge Avench, away by the house where 
 Forster lived, and fynding his mother within (who was an olde Avoman) 
 but not fynding him, this Anne Green takes his byble in sport, thinking 
 (as I suppose) to give Forster occasion to come to her. Whereupon 
 he that very daye (as I take it) goes to this Marye Watkinson, and asks 
 her for his byble. She told him that Anne Green had it ; and soe he 
 goes after Anne Green, to the house Avhere she lived, and fyrids the 
 byble cast upon the table in th’ouse, in open sight ; Avhich he takes, 
 and after he had stayd a tyme Avith her, he returns home by Mary 
 Watkinson’s, having the byble with him; and this, Mary VYatkin son 
 wilbe at the Sessions to afiirm. But since this, Forster and this 
 bearer falling out, and breaking of companie th’one with th’other, 
 shee hath sued him for money that he owed her, which he, thereupon, 
 hath saiisfyed ; and now, I suppose in revenge, prosecutes her for 
 felonie ” for stealing the bible. ^Desires she may have an attorney and 
 that Rigby Avill “ speake a Avorde or two ” if need be. Hopes the jury, 
 “ if they be rightlie informed, will never fynd this (which Avas done, as 
 
44 
 
 it seems, in sporte, and soe longe agoe, and never questioned tlien as to 
 be anie offence) to be done feloniouslie ; but if there be any scruple, I 
 suppose the generall pardon, 21° Jacobi Regis, will clear it.’’ Seal with 
 crest. 
 
 [The Bishop of Chester,] Visitor of Clitheroe School, to [the 
 Governors of that school]. 
 
 114 . 1631, April 25. Lever Hall. — Complaint has been made to him 
 by the Schoolmaster, that besides the 20/. due to him and unpaid (of 
 which he before complained), his wages since last midsummer are also 
 in arrear. Mentions other irregularities, which he admonishes them to 
 reform. Copy, 
 
 John Grenehalgh to George Rigby, at Peel. 
 
 115 . 1631, June 3. Brandlesome. — The estrayts for highe wayes ” 
 within the township of Toddington ‘‘ have slept, and the fines been 
 unlevied,” by reason of which the inhabitants have become so negligent 
 in the amendment of the ways, that they are become impassable. 
 
 Robert Tompson to George Rigby. 
 
 116 . 1631, June 3. London. — “ God be praysed, the sickness doth 
 cease ; for there died but one of the plague this weeke.” Seal. 
 
 Lord Newburgh, Humphrey Davenport, and Thomas Trevor, 
 Judges of Assize, to Sir Ralph Assheton and the rest of the 
 Justices of the Peace within Blackburn Hundred. 
 
 117 . 1631, June 21. The Duchy House. — Whereas weare informed 
 that the town of Preston continueth still dangerously infected with the 
 sickness, to the great impoverishment of the town, whereof you and the 
 rest of the Justices of the Peace within the county, at the last general 
 assizes held at Lancaster, did order that the whole county should be 
 charged with the weekly sum of three-score pounds towards their relief, 
 until the ceasing of the said sickness, and that they may have a 
 market there, which we did give allowance of. And whereas the town 
 did consist most of tradesmen and handycraftsmen that had no carriages, 
 and therefore always had fuel brought in the summer time to the town, 
 which now they want, nor cannot be suffered to be fetched by them- 
 selves into the said town, and which in the winter time cannot be well 
 brought into the town ; we therefore think fit, and do pray and require 
 you, that you take order that some of the next Justices of the Peace to 
 the said town do take course that sufficient fuel may be brought to some 
 convenient place nearest to the said town, where they may buy the 
 same, as likewise they may have provision of victuals brought to .^omo 
 convenient place near the town whither they may resort to buy the 
 same. Seal. 
 
 Thomas Covei.l to George Rigby, at Peel. 
 
 118 . 1631 , June 28. Lancaster. — Mr. Alexander Rigby has affirmed 
 that he will not “ sit the sessions accoAlinge to the summons.” Since 
 which, he (Coveil) sent to Mr. Parker, “ whome is so farr from sitting that 
 day, that he voweth, but in legard of the love he beareth me, he 
 
45 
 
 would have us all in the Star Chamber for keeping the sessions the last 
 year, contrary to our othe. . . . The sickness is dispersed in 
 
 dyvers places in Furneis, which will make the sessions small.” Seal 
 of arms. 
 
 Writ from the Bishop of Chester, and others, to the Constables 
 and others of the parishes of Bolton and Blackburn and all 
 places between Bolton and Huntcoates. 
 
 119. 1631, July 7. — ‘‘Whereas Henrie Towneley hath discontinued to 
 dwell at Bolton and inhabited the parish of Churth, in or near places 
 infected by the plague, and hath sent his wife and children wandering and 
 begging in the country, who have, in these dangerous times, laid in the 
 highways about Bolton, and it is suspected they are infected with the 
 plague. These are to command you that you convey them forthwith 
 to the town of Huntcoat, where they have lived all or the most part of 
 this year, and that the inhabitants of the said town permit and cause 
 them there to stay, that they wander not abroad to the endangering or 
 affrighting of the country.” 
 
 James Winstanley to his cousin, George Rigby, “ Clerk of the 
 Peace at the Sessions at Ormschurch.” 
 
 120. 1631, July 10. Wigan. — Begs for “a black cast suit of apparell. 
 . , . We have not wherewithal! to sustevne nature, nor to cover our 
 nakedness ; soe that you see our povertie.”’^ Seal of arms, 
 
 Alexander Rigbv to his brother, George Rigby, at Peel. 
 
 121 . 1631, July 29. Middleton. — “The sickness in these partes in- 
 creaseth much, and disperseth. It is now in Fnlwood, Cadeley, and 
 Broughton, and in Kirkharn ; so that the i nhabitants and bordering neigh- 
 bours leave their howses and seeke and resort to forrin places.” If it 
 spreads, he proposes to send his children into Cheshire. Portion of 
 seal. 
 
 George Livesey to [George Kenyon]. 
 
 122. 1631, August 12. Ravenshead in Sutton. — The bearer lives in 
 Ellell near Lancaster, which place is not infected; “and he came to 
 Holland, and would not drink, because he might be free from danger.” 
 
 Thomas Barton to George Rigby. 
 
 123. 1631, August 15. “ Smythills.” — Has received notice that in- 
 
 structions have come down from the king for l estrayning of travellers 
 and ordering the people at home for the better prevention of the in- 
 fection of the plague by virtue of which, justices of the peace may 
 nominate ‘ suflbcient men in every town and village for the furtherence 
 thereof.” 
 
 R[oger] K[enyon] to the Justices of the Peace for the County 
 
 of Lancaster. 
 
 124. 1631, August 21 . Whalley.— I have perused and examined the 
 
 accounts of the distribution of the moneys levied in the county for the 
 rehet ot the infected and poor people of Preston. I find that in 15 weeks. 
 
46 
 
 from 16 April, there hath been distributed 8o6/i. 5s. 5d. The receipts 
 I find to be 812/e., and so more distributed than received by, 44/e. 5s. 5d. 
 The rates given to every person weekly, are uncertain, viz. : to some 8c?., 
 to some 9c/., lOo?., 11c/., and 12c/., I suppose as their needs were, but 
 now of late, few have had less than 12c/. I do not purpose to receive 
 any more books till Grod make it less dangerous. 
 
 With the letter is a schedule of the number of persons relieved week 
 by week. At the week ending 16 April, 1,372 persons were relieved. 
 The number reached its height at the week ending 30 April, when 
 persons were relieved, after ichich date the number decreased till, 
 at the iveek ending 23 Jidy, 1,017 persons icere relieved. 
 
 Sir Gilbert Hoghton, Ealph Assheton, Eoger N'owell, and 
 John Starkie to the Justices of the Peace for the County 
 of Lancaster. 
 
 125 . 1631, August 22. Houghton. — ‘‘ Takinge into consideration the 
 distressed estate of the people yet living in the towne of Preston, and to 
 satisfie the cuntrie, so farre as wee knowe or understand thereof, havinge 
 had many meetinges and examinations of the state of the said towne since 
 the last Assises, because some of us shalbe absent from the Borde now 
 at the usuall general meetinge at Lancaster for the cuntries affaires, 
 wee thought good to certefie unto all you present what wee conceave 
 thereof. According to the agreement at the last Assises and other orders 
 since, there hath been a continuation of the allowance of 60/. a weeke 
 unto them, which hath been paid by most hundrethes, yet in some places 
 part is behinde, which they who solicit for the towne will make to 
 appeare. Wee receaved accompts from Mr. Langton for 15 weekes, 
 endinge the xxiijth of July last, which wee have caused to bee 
 perfectly cast upp and examined, by which wee are (for our partes) 
 satisfied that there hath been reall and faire carriage in the busines, by 
 employing of honest and careful men as distributors, by the competency 
 of the sommes given, and by the plainenes and particularitie of the 
 accomptes; nor can we judge, in reason, that time of the weekely allow- 
 ance could hitherto have beeue spared. For the further continuance of 
 their allowance, wee shall hmiiblie submit yt to the judges and your- 
 selves, with declaration unto you how wee conceive the present estate of 
 the towne to stand. By a perfect survey sent us from the maior, sub- 
 scribed and explained by himself, yt appeareth there was livinge, the 
 xvjth of this month within the towne,. 887 persons, wherof, weekely 
 releived 756, not releived, 131. The unreleived, or most of them, wee 
 heare (and doe beleive yt) cannot longe subsiste by their private stores, 
 but will shortly become needers also. Their winter’s fuell is whollie 
 unprovided, and all those that live, their needes still increase. What 
 in the beginninge would have served well, will now doe them little good, 
 all their owne helpes beinge gone. What taxe shalbee laide will fall as 
 heavie on us as others ; yet theire miseries are enough by the plague ; yt 
 were pittie famine should also distroy them. Soe wee leave them to 
 Godes mercie, and, for theire releife, to your better judgement.” 
 ^eal of arms, 
 
 Edward Tj^lbot to Eoger Kenyon. 
 
 126 . 1631, September 10. Thiefley. — Thomas Cawcroft will give 
 3//. 105. for the [lead] ore “gotten,” and 31. 2s. for the ore “to gett.” 
 He says “ the sickuesse is sore in Heptonscale.” Fragment of seal. 
 
 
47 
 
 Alexander Rigby to his brother, George Rigby, at Peel. 
 
 127. 1631, September 16. Middleton. — “ I am muchbounde to yon 
 
 for your care over my childe, and I know, and am confident, you thinke 
 noe paynes too much at this tyme upon such occasions, and, therefore, I 
 would intreate you to ^oe over to my cosen Rathband, and to advyse 
 seriously with him for the best ; and if he remove himself, I should be 
 well pleased that my children remove with him ; and if you and he think 
 well that they stay a tyme where they are, expectiiiff God’s mercy to 
 stay his judgment, I shall referre the event to God. Oiiely my desyer 
 is, that, if it increase, I would not have him over bold. And if you find 
 cause, I would intreat you, good brother, to go there yourself with the 
 children to Adlington, where I know they will be welcome. And if 
 Macclesfeild stand clere from all infection, I would have them in Mr. 
 Wrn. Burges’ house, who I know, upon sight of this letter, will inter- 
 teyne them with all carefulnes over them. You need not to . . . with 
 
 him, for he will not doubte my thankfulnes. The reason of my desyer to 
 have them with him is, that they may there goe to the free schoole, and 
 not loose their tyme, most precious to them. Or otherwise let them 
 stay at Adlington till my comeing thither. Yet, nothwithstanding what 
 I have written, if you please to remove them onely to your owne house 
 till my goeing towards London, I shall refer them to you. You writ 
 touching their goeing to the Shagh ; I shall be willing at another time 
 (if God so please) that they may goe thither, but this is not a tyme to 
 visit friends, and 1 know they will not censure anything herein 
 unkindely. Yow if you, before I see you, shall remove the children to 
 any place, my intreaty is that when you have so done you would forth- 
 with signifie so much to me, that I may comply with that course. And I 
 pray God we may all make a right use of these miseries. . . . The 
 
 sicknes doeth not (God be praysed) increase behynd Garstange. The 
 last week there dyed eighteen in Preston ; this week I know not yet 
 how many. Kirkham continueth infected, and some parts of Wood- 
 plumpton. Our parish (God be praysed) is, for anything I know, free 
 from the plague. My little boy (God be praysed) hath mended verie 
 well these two weekes last past, and, as I hope, is well overbroken his 
 ague. Hugh Hindley hath never had any fit of ague since you weare 
 heare in the Assize weeke, and is very well. Ellen Charneley, who, as 
 you know, had two or three fitts of her ague in the Assize Aveeke, is 
 fallen into it againe. Margaret is afraid of an ague ; all the rest of my 
 familie (God be thanked) are in verie good health. These partes are 
 wonderfully trobled with ague. I pray God be mercifull to us.” Seal 
 of arms, 
 
 Edavard Veale to George Rigby, Clerk of the Peace at 
 Lancaster.” 
 
 128. 1631, October 3. Whinnybeyes. — “ The miserable distresse of 
 this pore fylde is now so greate, by reason of the fearfull infection, so 
 dangerously dispersed in divers places amongst us, that I conceive it were 
 greate indiscretion to admit ether the cunstables or partyes bound by 
 recognizances (inhabiting within theise partes) to appeare at the 
 Sessions to bee houlden at Blakeburne, upon Wednesday next.” Prays 
 that those bound, and the constables, may therefore be excused; thinks 
 the latter “ would hardly bee admitted in the toune, if they should 
 come.” 
 
 Richard Burgh to George Rigby, Clerk of the Peace at Blackburn. 
 
 129. 1631, October 4. Layrbreck. — eJohn Hudson of Elmswicke, 
 husbandman, ‘Gooke a hawke uppe, called a merlion, of Mr. Edmund 
 
48 
 
 Fleetwood’s/’ Mr. Veale sent a warrant to arrest Hudson ‘‘for suspicion 
 of felonye, for taking upp, concealinge, and detayninge the sayd hawke,” 
 but Mr. Fleetwood is unwilling to prosecute ; “ a prettie case to have been 
 tryed to cause rurall fellowes not to meddle with gentlemen’s hawkes.” 
 
 Richard Laws, Giles Bolton, George Tomlinson, Ellis Edge, 
 and James Cowper, to “Mr. Rigby,” Clerk of the Peace .at 
 “ Streat Yate.” 
 
 130. 1631, October 17. Blackburne. — Understanding that quarter 
 sessions were to be held at Blackburne on the next Wednesday, “ Wee, 
 and divers others of our towne, resorted to Sir Raphe Assheton, and some 
 other of our neighbouring Justices of peace, and enformed them that 
 the infection of the plague is lately much broken out, and scattered 
 aboute us, as in Eggleshill, Lyttesay, Walton, Clayton-super-Moras, 
 Altham, and other places besides, the same fearful contageon spred in 
 soe many parts in Amondernes Hundred ; whereupon, and upon con- 
 sideracion of God’s late mercifull deliverance of our towne, wee desired 
 the Justices to give us leave to keepe out of our towne all persons whom 
 we knew not to come from free places, and that the sessions might not 
 hold ; which they agreed unto, as in reason we thought they had cause. 
 Therefore, to prevent your travel, we thought good to give you this 
 advertisement, assuringe ourselves, there will not two Justices come, 
 and thoughe you may come your selfe, yet we purpose to keepe out all 
 or moste of the common people. The like advertisement we have 
 written to Mr. Undersherif.” Seal. 
 
 Richard Hallywell to George Rigby, at “ Todmordine.” 
 
 131. 1631, November 29. Manchester. — Has sent him six quarts of 
 “ good claret wine, for what there is none in toune fitt to send you : on 
 Saturday next wee shall have new wines at home, which we doe 
 purpose to drawe the same day they cum, allthoe they bee in the 
 lees.” His wife has sent Rigby’s wife “abarell of picklt oystres, a 
 small peec of stergen, and a botle of new malligoe wine.” He has sent 
 Mr. Radclyffe “ a peec of verie good verindes (?) tobako.” Endorsed 
 “ Young Mr. Hally well’s letter to me.” 
 
 John Osbaldeston to Thomas Walmesley. 
 
 132. 1631. — It lies not in my power to constrain my neighbouring 
 adjoining towns, much less the rest of the parish of Blackburn, to pay to 
 the contribution for the town of Clayton super-Moras. Their principal 
 reason is because the town of Over Darwen is infected and restrained 
 from church and market, and moved to have some contribution for the 
 relief of their poor, which was at the least 300 and more, and was 
 utterly denied to receive any contribution' at all. Seal. 
 
 Thomas Mort to George Rigby, Clerk of the Peace. 
 
 133. 1631-2, January 16. — “ There is in Astley one James Mather (.^>) 
 and Margaret his wyffc, beinge a verie poore, aged, and impotent couple : 
 and my father, in his lyfe tyme, did, in charitie, give them house roome 
 in a peece of buildinge (called a kitchin) belonging to a house of his ; 
 they beinge soe poore that they are not able either to pay rent or keep 
 
49 
 
 it in repaire. I could never else bee content to give them houseroom, 
 still soe I might not incurre anie danger thereby ; but if I cannot doe it 
 without danger, I must turne them upon the parish to provyde them 
 house room.” Begs the Court will grant him licence “for a cottage,” 
 to continue for as long as “ poore people of the parish of Leigh should 
 inhabit therein.” 
 
 Ralph Assheton to Henry Gerard. 
 
 134, 1631 [-2], February 11. Whalley.— The vicar of Wh alley is 
 dead. I have written tetters of recommendation to my Lord of Canter- 
 bury and Mr. Dobson on behalf of Mr. Burne, whom I labour for. If Mr. 
 Warriner come up about this business, seek by all means to prevent him. 
 Seal of arms, broken. 
 
 R[ichard], Archbishop of York, to the Bishop op Chester. 
 
 135. 1632, June 18. Winchester House. — “ I have received letters 
 from the Lords of his Majestie’s most honorable Privy Councell, the tenor 
 whereof followeth : After ourverie heartie comendations to your Grace. 
 Whereas wee are informed that sometymes it hath hapned that those 
 ministers who are appointed to preach before the Judges of Assises in 
 theire severall circuits, are either men of ill disposition to the present 
 state or government, or want sufficiencie or experience for those places 
 and auditories (being assemblies of the principall persons of each 
 Countie), and have given cause of scandall and offence, which is of 
 dangerous consequence, and might bee easily prevented, if ellection were 
 made of discreete and able men, but if yt shoulde fall out otherwise, that 
 then such as give the scandall bee reprehended and punished for their in- 
 discretion. Wee do therefore earnestly recomend unto your Grace the 
 serious consideration hereof, and do accordingly pray and require you 
 to direct your letters to the severall Bishops within your Province, 
 willinge and requiringe them to take carefull and effectual! order 
 that from henceforth the elections of preachers for those tymes and 
 places be either made by them in their severall dioceses, or (at least) 
 with their knowledge and approbation. And that the said preachers 
 bee chosen of the gravest and most discreet and learned ministers in 
 the counties respectively, with expresse directions to handle only such 
 points as are seasonable and fitt for such assemblies, and that they for- 
 beare to medle with the persons of men, or anything prejudicial! to the 
 lawes or present government, or anything els not befittinge their 
 callinge. And, lastly, with intimation unto them that if they faile 
 herein they shalbee censured and punished by them, being theire 
 Ordinaries, secundum canones et gradus delecti. And so wee bidd 
 your Grace verie heartily farewell. From Whitehall, the last of 
 Maye 1632. 
 
 “ I have found by experience that usually the Sheriffs make choiee of 
 the preachers without eyther leave or practice of the Bishop of the 
 Diocese ; out of which libertie, so taken by the Sheriffs, the abuse com- 
 plained of to the Lordes of the Councell, hath grown. I do therefore pray 
 your Lordship to lett the High Sheriff of every County in your Diocese 
 know that, by comaund from the Lordes of the Councell, you have re- 
 ceived direction not to suffer it to be so hereafter, but that whosoever 
 shall preach in any place to the Judges maye thereunto bee allowed of 
 by you, and that you will make choice and allowance of such discreet 
 and learned men as will not rune into the errors which the Lords o\ 
 tlie Councell have noted in theire said letters.” Copy. 
 
 73480. D 
 
50 
 
 Order made at tlie Session of tlie Peace held at Preston. 
 
 136 . 1632, July 11. Preston in Amounderness. — ‘‘ Whereas this 
 court was this daye informed, as well by some Justices of the Peace of 
 this countie inhabiting within the hundred of Blackburn, as by sundrie 
 gentlemen and others of that hundred, that therein is a verie dangerous 
 passage within the said hundred, over the river of Calder, called Fenys- 
 ford, lying betweene the Townshippes of Whalley and Great Harwood, 
 within the countie and hundred aforesaid, and being in the King’s high- 
 waye, between the burrow-town of Clitherowe and the townes of 
 Whalley, Wisswall, Pendleton, and other townshipps on the one side 
 of the river, and the townes of Manchester, Burye, and other markett 
 townes and townshippes on the other side, over which ford, when the 
 water is little, there is commonly tow or three hundred lowden horses 
 everie daye passe over, besides great numbers of other passingers; but 
 the river being very often (especially in the winter season) soe great, 
 that there is no passage for man or horse, and many attempting at 
 suche time to passe, have been drouned, and almost daylie some persons 
 are there putt in danger of their lives, and have their loades and car- 
 riages drowned and lost ; and that the said ford is of late years so worne 
 and groune so rocky, that in short time it is thought will become alto- 
 gether impassable, being almost impossible to be amended by the charge 
 and labour of man. Whereupon some gentlemen of those parts have 
 endeavored to obtaine from the bordering townes and some personages 
 of worth, a voluntary contribution, or gratuity, for erecting of a stone 
 bridge over the said river, in the passage or highway aforesaid ; wherein 
 we are credibly informed that a good sume will bee that way raysed 
 towards the said worke, to the value of one hundred pounds or there- 
 abouts, which, as is thought, will halfe suffice to build a bridge. This 
 Court, considering that it weare much pittie that suche a worke should 
 go backe for want of a tryfie or small contribution, to go through the 
 said Hundred by way of fifteenth. It is therefore this daye ordered by 
 an unanimous voice of all the justices of peace present, with con- 
 sent of all the constables and inhabitants of the said Hundred, 
 assembled at this Sessions, that a taxe of two fifteenes shall be assested 
 and paid throughout the said Hundreud of Blackburne, to be employed 
 towards building of the said bridge ; the same to be collected by the 
 high constables of the said Hundred and paid over unto the hands of 
 Sir Baph Asheton, Barronet, Thomas Walmisley of Dunckenhalgh, 
 Esq., Sir Thomas Walmisley, Knight, and Roger Kouell of Read, Esq., 
 or anie of them, whoe this court doth intreat and authorise to be over- 
 seers of the said work. Provided that this assessement shall not be 
 hivyed nor go forth until suche time as the Clerk of the Peace for this 
 county be certified by the said overseers, under their hands or the 
 hands of two of them at the least, that there is apparent hopes that the 
 money voluntarily contributed, together with this taxation, will per- 
 forme the saide worke.” Copy, Seal of arms. 
 
 Edmund Pollard to Henry Gerrard, at Preston. 
 
 137 . 1632, July 20. London. — I have directed to you a box, with a 
 hat for my sister Isabel!, which I entreat you to have carried to her. 
 Postscript . — “ This comes a week after the date, now 27. Yesterday, a 
 post from the King of Sweden sang Victoria as he rode through the 
 streets towards the Court.” 
 
51 
 
 Accounts connected with working the Lead Ore at Theefley, 
 
 138 . 1 632 [-3], January 2 to March 16. — ‘^Samuel Robinson, 37 dayes 
 and nights, at Sd. per diem ; Sara’s wiffe’s wadges, for 24 dayes and 
 nights, ^d, per diem,’’'' The rest of the payments are to other male 
 labourers, and for candles, washing the ore, wood, nails for the 
 
 corfes,” &c. 
 
 Sale of an Outlaw’s Goods. 
 
 139 . 1632[-3], January 3. — Deed of sale by John Hilton, of Preston 
 in Araounderness, farmer unto his Majesty, of the goods and chattels of 
 all persons outlaAved, or to be outlawed, within the Hundreds of Salford 
 and Blackburn, of the goods and chattels of Roger Kenyon, of Park- 
 head in Whalley, now standing several times outlawed, to Robert 
 Cunliffe of Sparth and Thomas Turner of Preston. 
 
 Robert Mawdesley to his ‘‘brother,” George Rigby. 
 
 140 . 1632[-3], February 17. Wigan. — Is sorry his father [William 
 Mawdesley] will not part with a certain hawk ; but “ ould men, as the 
 auncyent proverb goeth, are twys children.” Mi’. Edward Bridgeman 
 desires copies of the informations or examinations taken and certified 
 against “ Mr. Cade, the precher.” Seal of arms. 
 
 Wines, 
 
 141 . 1632[~3], February 18. — “A Proclamation for Prizing of 
 Wines.” 
 
 Sir Ralph Assheton to Sir Henry Agard, “ at his house, Fosson 
 
 in Derbyshire.” 
 
 142 . 1633, March 25. Whalley.— “ Mr. Wright hath been here with 
 us at the lead-mynes, and seen and understood what his place, undertak- 
 ing, and entertaynment, should bee” ; he is not anxious for the appoint- 
 ment, which is only fit for “ a man that hath been reallie brought up a 
 myner, or an overseer of myne-workes, or a berghmaister : such a one as 
 hath speciall good judgment in lead oare, in the lyeing of the vaines and 
 rakes in the earth, and can be able to direct the groof workes for 
 orderly working, and tryall of the myne, that will go doune into the 
 workes, twice or thrice a weeke, and oftener, if need bee, can judge what 
 wages are fit for the King to give, and who are, or are not, expert and 
 fit men to sett on work .... and do all things that belongs to a 
 skillful mynerall man. Such a one it is Mr. Chancellor expects.” 
 Recommends sending for a man from Derbyshire, where many such men 
 may be found “versed and trayned upp in that profession, even from 
 their cradles.” Copy. 
 
 Richard Hallywell to [George Rigby.] 
 
 143 . 1633, March 25. Manchester. — “ You wry t for the larger rund- 
 let to be filled with whyt wine, but, trulie. Sir, altho’ the whyt bee vorie 
 good, yett it will not be nether for your credet nor mine to send wdiyle ; 
 for it will, within 2 or 3 dayes, both lose hed and culler .... I 
 would advise you to claret, for it will hould best.” Sends a “ bottle ” 
 of each for trial. 
 
 D 2 
 
52 
 
 Sir Henry Agard to Thomas Eyre. 
 
 144. 1633, April 1. Foston. — The Chancellor of the Duchy desires 
 Eyre to recommend a man skilful in lead -mining, as there is great hope of 
 working a lead-mine in Lancashire for the King’s use. Signed. Seal 
 of arms. 
 
 Dorothy Legh to George Rigby. 
 
 145. 1633, April 29. Lyme. —Great complaint is made of the foul- 
 ness ” of the highways, especially in Little Hulton. Prays him “ to bee a 
 means, that everie one that ought to worke in those wayes, may come 
 and doe their duties therein .... now whiles the season of the 
 yeare doth fitt for it.” 
 
 Repair of St. Paul’s Cathedral. 
 
 146. 1633, June 7. — An account of the sums subscribed by various 
 towns in the County of Lancaster, for the repair of St. Paul’s Cathedral. 
 Sum total, 19/^. 10^. Zd. 
 
 Alexander Rigby to his brother, George Rigby. 
 
 147. 1633, June 17. Gray’s Inn. — Desires search made ‘‘ in your 
 office” as to the whereabouts of Sir John Pilkington’s manor of Eves- 
 green, in Lancashire. Conceives his land at Evesgreen was no part of 
 Sir John’s property, ‘‘for it was only a little common in Gosenargh, 
 which, before the enclosure, was called Evesgreen, and noe manor ; and 
 there is also another little common neere the burgh, called Eyvesgreene, 
 but I know not whether any more lands in that place are conteyned 
 under that name.” Sir John was Escheator of Lancashire. Has 
 spoken with “ your glass man about your glass works, and he will not 
 work them for 1.9. apeece, as you writt, but demaundeth H. Qd. for every 
 quarrell ... I think you might have them done in Preston.” Seal. 
 
 Robert Mawdesly to George Rigby. 
 
 148. 1633, August 13. Wigan. — Sir Peter Leighe, who is at Haidock, 
 desires copies or notes of the orders made at the sessions, for building 
 bridges, for two or three years last past, since the building of Newton 
 Bridge. Seal of arms., broken. 
 
 [Sir Ralph Assheton ?] to Thomas Covell, at Lancaster. 
 
 149. 1633, October 20. Whalley. — “ I understand by Tom Green- 
 feild, my cosen Braddill’s man, that you have removed my cousin from 
 the Receaver’s Chamber into the Gatehouse, a place of much lesse ease, 
 and (belike) more incomodious for health, his privacy, and bestowinge and 
 placeinge of his necessaries, &c. ; and this his remove, comeinge so soon 
 after my beinge at Lancaster, may, by the jeleous, bee suspected to have 
 been brought to this passe, out of some speech or conferrance between 
 you and mee, which (if any such conceipt bee) you know is most untrue 
 and misgrounded. But to let that passe. Yt is like enough my cosen 
 Braddill, in his old garbe of talke, hath provoked you justlie to this 
 course, but I know your generous disposition dispiseth revenge, especially 
 when it is in your owne power, which more assures me of prevailinge in 
 my sute, which is, that you wilbee pleased, for my sake, to returne him 
 to his former lodginge, the Receavor’s Chamber, and to restore him to 
 
5 :^ 
 
 the eojoyment o£ all the ease and libertie hee had there before. I am the 
 more earnest in it for that 1 heare his wife is to come unto him and stays 
 for a time ; whilst, for his more profitt, hee gives over housekeepinge 
 here. I praie you deny me not. I shall take it as a curtesie done at my 
 request, and will place it as a speciall one amongst the rest.” Draft. 
 
 [Sir Ealph Assheton] to Mr. Covell. 
 
 150. 1633, October 29. Whalley. — I lately wrote unto you (and some- 
 what ernestly) for my cousin Braddill’s restoration to such chamber and 
 ease as, till of late, by your good permission, he enjoyed in this his 
 durance. The good gentlewoman, ids wife, as you may perceive, is now- 
 come to him to stay for a time, and I should be no little grieved she should 
 be lodged in a 4 or 5 bed chamber, and most of them therein men. There 
 be also many other inconveniences, and therefore, as I may move you in 
 any thing, deny me not again. 
 
 James Anderton to Eogek Kenyon. 
 
 151. 1633[-4], January 31. Cleyton. — I thank you for your love, 
 care, and pains taken, touching the CoucherBook, which 1 have sent you 
 by this bearer, and I wish 1 had sent it you sooner, as Sir Ealph Assheton 
 hath this night sent to me for it (very ernestly), but in respect of my 
 promise to you, I have returned him answer that I am assured it is safe 
 and it shall be with him before Tuesday at night. Seal. 
 
 Christopher Hall to Eoger Kenyon, at his house near Whalley. 
 
 152. 16343 May 14 Clitherce, — You cannot but wonder at my more 
 than boldness, having so largely of late tasted your kindness, to solicit you 
 for a second favour. I ma.ke no question but you know" of my too long 
 continued imprisonment. My father-in-law is still obstinately churlish, 
 and doth not only refuse to purchase my freedom, but, to add more to my 
 bondage, hath sent my wife and child to me, so that I am constrained, in 
 great extremity, to purvey for maintenance botli for them and myself. 
 The debt and charges for which I am here imprisoned, will not all 
 amount to above 16/^., and my creditor offers me seven years to pay it in, 
 so he may be secured by sufficient bond. Now my purpose is, to procure 
 eight friends for the accomplishment hereof ; two have alieady under- 
 taken a share ; will you make a third and procure me a fourth ? 
 
 Egbert Blundell to George Eigby, Clerk of the Peace at Wigan. 
 
 153. 1634[“5], January 7. Tnce Blundell. — “ There is a fffteene 
 charged upon Darbie hundred, to make a new stone bridge in North 
 Meales, which was never laid on the hundred before ; but it was still 
 made, at the charge of the toune, with plankes, and it is but a })rivate 
 waie, and no high waie, and therefore the hundred ought not to bee 
 charged with it.” Seal of arms, brokevi. 
 
 The Lords of the Council to the Justices of Lancashire. 
 
 154. 1635, March 31. Whitehall. — Eequiring them to send a true 
 particular of the names and qualities of all malsters within the County, 
 and what number they think should be allowed ; so that his Majesty may 
 take further course for the reformation of the damage to the kinguoin, by 
 the excessive number of malsters. Copy. 
 
54 
 
 William Horrocks to Koger Kenton. 
 
 155. 1635, December 26. — “ I have, by my messenger purposely sent, 
 saluted all Mr. Sequestrators with my Lord’s letter, save Mr. Starky 
 and John Robinson, whom he (sic) could not meet with, but now, in the 
 sending of this letter from the knights and us two blackccats, they 
 with the rest (Grod willing) shall have shown them what is to be done.” 
 Seal. 
 
 Acknowledgment by the Churchwardens of Wigan as to a Pew. 
 
 156. 1636, May 10. — “ Whereas,we Eaph Broune and Bichard Turner, 
 gentlemen, elected Churchwardens in the town and parish of Wiggan 
 for the year of our Lord Grod, 1633, did, upon Sundays and hollydayes 
 during that whole yeare, kneele, sitt in, and make use of, one certaine 
 place or pew, lying and being in the uper end of the north syde of the 
 midle-ile, within the Church of the affbresaid parish of Wiggan, and 
 next adjoyning to a place in the same Church, commonly called the 
 parsons chancell. Now this our present act testifyeth that we, the 
 foresaid Baph Browne and Bichard Turner, had and used the afforesaid 
 place or pew during the tyme afforesaid, lying and being as afforesaid, 
 in the parish Church afforesaid, not making any challendge, title, or 
 claim, unto the same, as of due or right, either to our person’s, houses, or 
 office for that year belonging or anywyse, or at any tyme, then or 
 heretofore, appertaininge ; but by the sole and speciall leave and 
 permission (by intreatie obtained) of Joseph Bigbye, gentleman, one of 
 the same parish, to whom, and whose house, of ould, we have heard the 
 forenamed place or pew of right to belouge.” Signed, ‘^^Bautfe Broune 
 
 . . . Bichard Turner, the other churchwarden, died before his 
 
 hand was required to this writing.” 
 
 Katherine Badcliffe to her son-in-law, George Bigby. 
 
 157. 1636, August 10. — “ It hath pleased God to call my brother 
 Harrie, who desired to be buried at Todrnerden, whither we do carry his 
 body tomorrow. Mr. Badclif and I would be glad of your company there 
 tomorrow night.” 
 
 Belief of Poor Prisoners. 
 
 158. 1637, August 23. — The weekly taxation of the several parishes 
 within the Comity of Lancaster. Subscribed by the Justices of the 
 Peace for the County. Endorsed ‘‘ A Taxation for the relieffe of the 
 poore prisoners within the Gaolc at Lancaster, agreed upon 23 die 
 Augustin Anno 13 Caroli Regis Anno Domini 1637.” 
 
 Peter Heywood to George Bigby, at Lancaster. 
 
 159. 1636, August 24. — If there be any mention at the Board of Jus- 
 tices’ wages, do me the favour to inform them that, not ten days since, I 
 received the first extracts of fines imposed since our grant began. I 
 find the sums so small that, were they wholly gathered, the money will not 
 amount to wages for the justices, nor for meaner men, the collectors. 
 Seal of arms. 
 
55 
 
 “ Gaeryt Wynnan, Dotchman within the Minster of Chester,” to 
 Mn. George LIigbye. 
 
 160. [1637, July 14.] — I have sent your worship four dozen “ qarnls 
 [quarrels] and one ovall.” I will come and stay a day or two with you, 
 for to draw these pictures you were desirous to have. I can hardly sell 
 these “qarels” after the rate of the first, for I sell none under 6s. a peice 
 in Chester, but if your worship will not have all the four dozen, you may 
 send me the rest again, and the oval broke in the burning, but it will not 
 be much worse when it is set up. 
 
 Joseph Tompson to his cousin, George Rigby. 
 
 161. 1637, December 16. — Asking that an “antimoniall cup ” may be 
 intrusted to his brother, as he is i)ersuaded of its great virtue, and is 
 willing to take it, for he has long been, and still is, tormented with some 
 such diseases as the “ printed copy ” saith it hath virtue to I'emove. 
 Portion of seal. 
 
 Peter Winn to Mr. Rigey. 
 
 162. 1637 [-8], January 14. Latliom. — “The bearer hereof, Sara 
 Crosse, wife to one Richard Cross, deceased, beinge a longe tyme servaunt 
 to my Lord, and beinge, as all the neighbours conceave, and by his owne 
 confession, all the tyme of his sickness and at his last departure, most 
 grieviously tormented with sundry torments, by the wichcrafte of one 
 Anne Spencer, a knowen wich, and, as by her examinations, beinge 
 taken before mee and Mr. Ashurst, doth appeare, who, in regard of my 
 sudden goeinge upp to London, the poore woeman’s cause hath beene a 
 little neglected, for I would desire you to certify this my letter to the 
 Bench, and withall to doe the poore woeman that favour ' as to get her a 
 mittimus where the said Spencer may forwith bee sente to Lancaster, 
 there to remaine till shee receaveher further tryall accordinge to equity 
 and justice.” Seal of arms. 
 
 Alexander Tompson to George Rigby, at Peel. 
 
 163. 1638, June [4]. — He came, last week, to Peel, intending to stay 
 and wait on Mr. Radcliffe, to make up the books, and have “ our 
 meeting of Wiganers and Cowbent dogs at some indifferent place.” 
 
 Hugh Hargreaves to George Rigby. 
 
 164. 1638, September 11. — -Desires to have the names of those which 
 are licenced within these hundreds,” and also “ word ” what he shall do 
 with ‘‘ butchers and bakers, as well as badgers,” which are not licenced. 
 “ There are divers, both badgers and baiters, that will not take licences, 
 but say they will give over; but yet they will continue.” These dispute 
 his authority. 
 
 Thomas Covell to George Rigby, at Peel. 
 
 165. 1638, September 18. Lancaster. — “ I, hearing, as well by yourself 
 as by dy vers others, of the great cures and good that have been donne by 
 the vertue of your antimoniall cupp, earnestly desyre to make tryall there- 
 
of, in regard of ray infirmilie ; and, therefore, doe intreat you heartily 
 to doe me the favour to send the cupp and your servant maide, who 
 knoweth the use of the same.” Seal of arms. 
 
 John Wiswall to Gteorge Rigby, at Peel, “in old England, 
 Lancashire, Deane Parish.” 
 
 166. 1638, September 27. “ Dorchester in ISTew England.” — “ Being 
 mindfull of your worshipes kindnes and readynes, at all tymes, to doe me 
 
 good and rescue me out of the handes of immeritinge and 
 
 men, accordinge to the place and power God had stt you in, I could not 
 excuse myselfe of great ingratitude if I should not show my thankefull- 
 ness some waye, and not knowing how more acceptably to doe it, 
 I have adventured to present a few rude lynes unto your worshipes veiwe, 
 certifieiiige your worshipe of our prosperous, pleasant, and speedy jorney 
 unto New England, in seven weekes and odd dayes. Twenty three 
 shipes more besides us, I think have come, but none so speedy : we were 
 the first of all in Nantasket. It is a place where shipes oftymes anchor, 
 before they goe downe into Boston or Chari estowne river. In the waye, 
 there is a pritty castle and fort to which the shipes lore [lower] their 
 top gallans before they passe into Boston, and divers there, shoot two 
 or three canons, and then the fort will welcome and salute them with 
 one. For the land, it is a fyne land, good for come, especially Indian, 
 which is a very precious graine for divers uses beside bread, good for 
 pasture, and good haye land, plenty of wood. It is a pleasant country 
 to looke upon. Truely Sir, I like it very well, and soe I thinke any godly 
 man God calls over will, when he sees Moyses and Aaron, I meane 
 magistrate and minister, in church and commonwalke {sic) to walke 
 hand in hand, discountenancing and punishinge sinne in whomsoever, 
 and standinge for the praise of them that doe w(dl. Our sovereigne 
 Lord and Kinge, is Kinge Charles, whose crowne and honnor is dayly 
 jirayed for in all the churches. Under him we have a Governour, 
 Deputy, and Counsell, and men called Assistants, in power, much like 
 your justices; Constables we have in every towne ; men we call 
 Comittyes we send from every towne to the Generali Court. Plantations 
 there are divers, and they succeed and prosper well. Boston is a pritty 
 towne ; in it there are fyne houses and some six or seven shopes fynely 
 furnished with all commodityes. There is a prity key and a crane, as at 
 Bristol!, to lade and unlade goods. There is a warehouse v/herein 
 strangers and passengers’ goods may be put. Newtowne now is called 
 Cambridge. There, is a University house reared, I heare, and a prity 
 library begune. There is also Boxbury, Dorchester, Salem, and divers 
 townes. At Conectichute, there are some pritty plantations. But to 
 wind upe all in one word, thinges prosper well, and men of pritty parts, 
 God sends over, both for church and comonweale. The Indians 
 
 are a prity active, ingenious people in kind, yet loveinge to us 
 
 For personal! strength, I thinke it not inferiour to us, if not exceed[ing]. 
 They are active to cram (?) as they speake, that is : kill deere, fishe, 
 fowle, beaver, and divers wilde beastes, in the woods. Our plantations 
 are not anoyd with any. Some W(dves now, at this tyme of the yeare, 
 come downe after deere, and doe some hurt to calves, goats, and swine, 
 &c. but it is but little.” 
 
 Postscript . — “ I have for my owne share, a pritty house and outhouses 
 with 12 (?) acres of my owne land, besides half a good house, to which 
 p(‘rtaines 47, my share being then 23^.” 
 
 Endorsed, “John Wiswull’s letter to me; received 22 January 
 1638 [-9].” Seal. 
 
57 
 
 Miles Atkinson to George Rigby, at Peel. 
 
 167. 1638, November 21. Lancaster. — The bearer’s son is “ diseased, 
 very vehemently,” with the falling sicknesse.” Begs the aid of the 
 
 antimoniall cupps,” and a ‘‘ sufficient quantity of the liquor wherein the 
 cupps shall be boyled.” Also begs the “ best directions ” for taking the 
 cups. Seal of arms. 
 
 Giles Heysham to George Rigby, at Peel. 
 
 168. 1638, November 26. Lancaster. — A friend and neighbour has 
 come from Scotland witli a hundred “weathers,” not large, but “ well 
 coloured mutton.” They cost him about 4/. 10^. a score, at Dumfries, and 
 he was offered 7/. a score at Lancaster. Fragment of seal. 
 
 Hugh Hargreaves to George Rigby, at Peel. 
 
 169. 1638, December o. Wiswall. — Numerous “ badgers ” about ; say 
 they were licensed at Manchester Sessions, but will not show their licences ; 
 shall these be indicted at the next sessions ? Thinks he has heard of 
 Rigby’s “ bed-fellow’s ” ring, lost near Whalley. Robert Ouldfield “ the 
 bell-founder,” who lives in Preston, found it, and offered to “pawne 
 it ” in Whalley. 
 
 Ellen Bent to George Rigby, at Peel. 
 
 170. 1638, December 31. Hulme. — “Since my beinge with you, 1 
 received a precept from Mr. Hughe Rigby, the escheator, for the ffndiuge 
 out of an office, after my husbands death ; thetyme is verie short, beinge 
 nppon the 16th of Januarie next, to be sitten at Boulton. And nowe, you 
 beinge absent (on whome I onlie relyed) I am forced to write unto you 
 desiringe your answer and advice herein. You knowe good cosin, how 
 farr unable and unfitt I am for such a busines, and therefore in this 
 extremitie, must crave your helpe and other of my friends. Yetr, your 
 judicious uudcrstandinge and hel[)e herein, 1 most wisli ; wherefore, I 
 luunblie intreate your best assistance herein and your advise, by waie of 
 your letter, what to doe in the meane tyme.” Seal of arms. 
 
 “ A brief Note of Remembrance for the Lord’s Prerogative in the 
 
 Isle of Man.” 
 
 171. 1638. — As to the dower which Ann, Countess Dowager of Derby, 
 claimed in the said Island, It was agreed that the Island formed no 
 part of the realm of England, and therefore the Council had no 
 jurisdiction. 
 
 Organist of Prescot Church. 
 
 172. 1639, April 16. — Order by J. Aldem, the vicar of Prescot, and the 
 eight men of the Chappelry of Parnworth, to increase the salary of 
 Mr. Parker, organist of Piescot parish church, from 611. 13^. 4<i., to 8/7 
 Copy. [An increase to 12/. is granted in 1747 to William Banister., the 
 then organist.~\ 
 
 Urian Rigby to George Rigby, at Peel. 
 
 173. 1640, June 29. Gray’s Inn. — “ There is little news, except that 
 Lord Lowden is released and is cre-cxted an Earl ; some hope that there- 
 upon will follow a “c imposition of Scottish matters.” 
 
58 
 
 Koger Eogerson to George Rigby. 
 
 174. 1640, June 30. Manchester. — “1 have perused Rastall’s inven 
 
 . . . owne parenthesis, hut I find by the Statutes att Large 
 
 from the Parliament Rowle, the Sessions ought to bee weeke 
 
 after the Translation of St. Thomas the Martyr, which .... whom 
 
 I beleeve, saith is 3 July ; foi* I am very that Thomas 
 
 Beckett was, nor is, adjudged a martyr ac[cording] to the Church of 
 
 England. However, Lambert saith no but, accordinge to 
 
 the Statute, limitts noe day. Thus much I thought fitt to certifie you, 
 leavinge it to your consideration.” 
 
 Alexander Rigby to his brother, George Rigby, at Peel. 
 
 175. 1640, July 6. Preston. — Last term, one Mr. Yssherwood,“ a great 
 
 acquayntpmce and familiar of Mr. Cheeteham,” happened to be 
 
 in the writer’s chamber in Gray’s Inn, “ where fynding my eldest soone, 
 he tould him that Mr. Cheeteham had a neece who kept his house, and 
 to whom he intended much preferment, and wished there might be a 
 match betweene my sonne and her.” Desires to know what preferment 
 Mr. Cheeteham will bestow ; wli ether, failing issue of his own, he will 
 settle Clayton, or some other estate, upon her. You may make knowne 
 unto him my sonne’s education and demeanour hitherto, which (I hope) 
 promiseth noe worse hereafter ; and for his person, you may referre him 
 
 to this Yssherwood’s relation, who did see him at London 
 
 I hear a good report of the young woman, and that her person also is com- 
 mendable.” Is ready to meet and treat with Mr. Cheeteham ; “ if upon 
 our interview there shalbe cause, I shall send for my sonne from 
 Graye’s Inn, where now he is, and where I have left him to study the 
 
 law I pray you, if you happen to see the young woman, to 
 
 write to me what her [face] is, for if it be not pleasing, I will not 
 urge my sonne unto her, though preferment may come by her.” 
 
 Alexander Rigby to George Rigby, at Wigan. 
 
 176. 1640, October 13.^' — “ I pray you to procure Mr. Ashton of 
 Midleton and some other gentlemen of qualitie, my goodfrends, wliowill 
 be this day in towiie, togoe to Mr. Maior of Wigan, and first, in afrendly 
 manner to reipiire him to give unto my brother Mawdesley, or to some 
 other whom you and he shall thincke fitt, three dayes warning at the 
 least, of the tyme of the election of the burgesses of the Parliament, to 
 the end they may have notice and be present at the election. And if 
 he will not consent or promise soe to doe in curtesy, then let them signifie 
 to him that it is his duty, that if he doe otherwise they will appeale to 
 the Parliament house for justice ; but let this be soe caried, that I may 
 not ap])eare in this course, but that it may be solelie their owne acte 
 
 I pray you to put Mr. Ashton in mynd to send the warraiil 
 
 to Wigan for me, but I fear that Richard Worseley will prevent it.” 
 
 Alexander Rigby to George Rigby, at Peel. 
 
 177. 1640, October 23. Preston. — The election of burgesses will be 
 on tlie following Monday, at eight o’clock in the morning, “ when 1 
 desyre, and doubt not, of your assistance.” Seal of arms. 
 
 - V 
 
 of receipt. 
 
59 
 
 Robert Owen to George Rigby, at Peel. 
 
 178 . 1640, October 24. Tratford. — Encloses the Justices’ order for 
 estreating 20 marks on the inhabitants of Manchester, for repair of the 
 highway in Stretford. Desires that he will duly ‘‘ issue out the 
 estreat/’ and direct it to the high constables for levying it. Seal, 
 
 Alexander Rigby to his brother, George Rigby, at Peel, to be left 
 “ with Mr. Halliwell at the signe of the Bull’s Head in 
 Manchester.” 
 
 179 . 1640, November 10. Gray’s Inn. — The Parliament lias 
 ordered for disarming recusants and banishing them teune myles from 
 London ; and all projectors slialbe expelled the House of Commons.” 
 Burton, Baswick, and others, are “ to follow their own complaints ” 
 in person. ‘‘ Great matters are expected.” Some projectors give up 
 their patents voluntarily. “ Sope is falle 2d. in 5r^.” Lord Cottington, 
 it is said, has given up his patent of lieutenancy of the Tower and 
 the Ordnance. Seal of arms, broken. 
 
 George Pigot to George Rigby, Clerk of the Peace for Lancashire, 
 
 at Peel. 
 
 180 . 1640, November 17. Staple Inn. — Hears that Joseph Rigby 
 will be Under-Sheriff to Mr. Egerton. “ Sir George Radclifte is sent for 
 by the Parliament House. A generall fast is commanded this daic for 
 London, this daie fortnight for the countrie. The papists are by pro- 
 clamation restrayned 10 miles from the King’s, Queen’s, and Prince’s 
 Courts, and confined to abide within 5 miles of their homes ; and their 
 armes to bee seized. There is noe danger oi» expectation of alteringe 
 anie elections for Lancashire. The Scots are comne, but have done 
 nothinge as yet.” Seal., broken. 
 
 Ralph Assheton and Roger Kirkby to George Rigby, Clerk of 
 the Peace for the County Palatine of Lancaster. 
 
 181 . 1640, December 8 . — Enclosing, by direction of the House of 
 Commons, an order, whereby it is desired that especial care be taken for 
 indicting all the Popish recusants within the County of Lancaster, 
 that have not already been indicted and convicted. Signed and seal, 
 
 Thomas Dickonson to [George Rigby]. 
 
 182 . 1640, December 13. “ Goosnargh.” — This is to let you under- 
 
 stand that my daughter Elizabeth is in the way of marriage unto a young 
 tailor, and I humbly iiitreat your worship’s favour that you would 
 consent unto this match, and I will rest obliged unto you so long as I 
 live ; also that you will be pleased to let them have this house and 
 ground, as I have, doing you what service they can to the utmost of their 
 poor powers. 
 
 Alexander Rigby to George Rigby. 
 
 183 . 1640, December 23. Gray’s Inn. — “ Wee in the House of Com- 
 mons, have voted ship money unlawfull, and made a Committee for taking 
 petitions of persons complaining against Sheriffs &c. and we are ready 
 to transmit that vote to the Lords. Wee have also the canons illegall 
 
60 
 
 and that none of the King’s subjects shalbe bound thereby. Secretary 
 Windebancke is fledd out of the Kingdome. The examinations against 
 the Earle of Straford are almost perfected. The Archbishop is, by the 
 House of Commons, accused of high treason and thereupon stands 
 committed. Bishop . . goeth under baile to abyde the judgment 
 of Parliament. The Lord Keeper is likely, within these two dayes, to 
 be charged with treason, and the principall cause of his charge is his 
 soliciting, urgeing, and procuring, and advance[ing] the busynes of 
 shipmoney and the opini[ons] and judgements thereupon. This weeke 
 our house receyved a petition from about fifteen thousand Londoners 
 and some others, for the abolishing of bushops. Monopolies goe downe 
 apace. Wee are aboute, with the King’s allowance already had, to take 
 into consideration the King’s expences and revenew, and to settle him a 
 meete supply, which now wilbe necessary upon the abolishment of 
 . We have a faire correspondence in Parliament both 
 betweene us and the Lords and the King and both. 
 
 “There is also noe doubt, as I conceyve, of a happy yssue of the treaty 
 between our English Commissioners and the Scottes Commissioners 
 now at London, and wee trust to see a settlement both of our religion 
 and peace, with the punishment of offenders and reformation of 
 greevances, which had almost m.ade a deluge of the whole kindome.” 
 
 Postscript . — “ The Archbishop is, by the House of Commons, accused 
 of high treason and stands committed by the Lords’ house. 
 
 “Pirn and Burton weare accompanyed into the towne v^itli many score 
 of coaches and many thousand of men, both horse ana foote, and so 
 lykewyse was Bastwicke. 
 
 “7'he Lord Keeper was accused of high treason by the House of 
 Commons and is fledd away. The judges Bramston, Davenport, 
 Crawley, Bartley, Treavor, and Weston, are under baile to abide the 
 judgment of Parliament. Their crime is not yet voted.” Seal of 
 arms. 
 
 Palpii Assheton to George Kigby. 
 
 184. 1640, December 25. — I hope you received from me and Mr. 
 Kirkby, by the hands of Cousin Preston, of Holcar, a letter, wherein was 
 enclosed an order of the House of Commons, whereby we were required, 
 as knights of the shire, to signify to the justices of the peace, within the 
 county for which we serve, that it is recjuired ihat all recusants within 
 tlie said county should be indicted at the Sessions of the Peace to be 
 held after Christmas ; to the end they might be convicted and further 
 dealt withall, as the law in such cases requires. Seal. 
 
 Thomas Worsley to George Rigby. 
 
 185. 1640[-1], January 27. — Desiring to know how it is that he, his 
 Wile, son, and daughter, are presented for not going to church. Whether 
 thei(i is a distinction between them and papists. Hopes he may not come 
 into the Parliamcmt House under the name of papist. Wishes for the 
 same information regarding Thomas Harwood, of Manchester. 
 
 Richard (?) Raucliffe to George Rigby. 
 
 186. 164U[-1], March 5. Todmerden. — “ Your brother in London, 
 when the business was in agitation in the House of Commons, concern- 
 ing the two last subsidies, took occasiqn to say our hearts go one way, and 
 our tongues another. Whereupon they cried : ‘to the bar with him.’ 
 
G1 
 
 He desired he might be heard forth first, which being granted, his speech 
 was approved, and all was right. He keepeth the chair for three of 
 the greatest Committees — the Star Chamber, the Council Board, and 
 the High Commission. The great business of the Earl of Strafford 
 possesseth the Upper House so much, as no business goeth on there. 
 He was there on Wednesday was sennight, where the King and Prince 
 were. It is too long to relate all passages. Fie hangeth equally in the 
 balance of men’s opinions, whether he sliall die or live. Kow he begins 
 to impeach great ones of High Treason, and shortly, no doubt, we shall 
 have great news. I did go to see Sir George Kadcliffe in the Gatehouse ; 
 he seems to be very hearty and was glad to see me. All I can imagine 
 is, that my Lord of Strafford is the tree and he a bough of the tree. If 
 the tree fall the bough is like to go with it.” Seal, 
 
 Raising of Troops. 
 
 187 . 1642, May 28. — A Proclamation to suppress the raising of 
 troops by any warrant, commission, or order from bis Majesty, without 
 the advice and consent of the Lords and Commons in Parliament. 
 
 Laws of War. 
 
 188 . 1642, September. — MS. Copy of a book — described as “Printed 
 for John Partridge and John Rothwell” — entitled “ Lawes and Ordi- 
 nances of Warre, established for the better conduct of the Army by his 
 Excelency, the Flarle of Essex.” Which “ lawes and ordinances hereby 
 published, all the said persons, respectively and severally, are required 
 and commanded to observe and keepe, on the paines and penalties therein 
 expressed.” 
 
 Protection for Traitors. 
 
 189 . 16I2[-3], January 12. — A Declaration of the Lords and Com- 
 mons assembled in Parliament, for the protection of Sir William Brereton, 
 in the County of Chester, who hath lately been proclaimed a traitor by 
 his Majesty. 
 
 Robert Duckenfeild to Georoe Rigby. 
 
 190 . ^ 1643[-4], January 9. Stockport.—I have received your letter, 
 concerning the exchange of your brother Hulton. Sir William Brereton 
 is now gone to meet Sir Thomas Fairfax, and the passage is “ something 
 dangerous.” Seal, broken. 
 
 Anne Neild to George Rigby, Clerk of the Peace for Lancashire 
 
 at Peel. 
 
 191 . 1643[-4], January 13. — Is sorry that “ Captaine Hilton, your 
 brother-in-lawe,” is now prisoner at Chester. The friendship between 
 her late husband, Robert Neild, and George Rigby, and her love and 
 respect for Mrs. Hilton, her “ land-lady,” induce her to use what 
 means she can, to effect Captain Hilton’s release, “in way of exchano-e 
 for one Mr. Browne, a minister, now prisoner at Manchester.” She 
 desires “ your brother, Colonell Rigby’s, his letter, or some other 1‘rende’s 
 letter, to our gentlemen at Manchester, for their favour and consent 
 1 herein.” 
 
62 
 
 Captain J. Markland to George Eigby. 
 
 192 . 1643[-4], eTanuary 18 [date of receipt]. Barton. — I wonder 
 very much you should unhorse my men at your pleasure, and take their 
 horses from them, when I have the greatest need of them. I would 
 request you that, with all speed, you send me my horse, rider, and arms, 
 and to come to our rendezvous, where they shall be, towards Knutsford, 
 or Nantwich, or elsewhere. Seal, broken. 
 
 Contributions for Powder and Shot. 
 
 193 . 1643[-4], January 25. — A note of accounts concerning ten 
 pounds agreed to be collected within tlie three Hultons for the provision 
 of powder, match, colours, and other things for the use of the inhabitants, 
 in 1642 ; commences : — “ Paid to Henry Hindley for powder, matche, 
 colours, and other thinges for the use of the inhabitants within the three 
 Hultons, 8Z. lOs. 4^d.” 
 
 Note. “ That there is remayninge in the custody of Ellis Macond, 
 threescore poundes of leade, belonging to the inhabitants of the said 
 3 hamells, which is agreed to be devyded into three partes ; and twenty 
 poundes thereof is to bee delivered to the corporall within every 
 hamell.” 
 
 K. Ll[oyd] to her husband, Luke Lloyd, at London, 
 
 194 . 1643 [-4], February 3. — ‘‘ 1 prayes God we in this family and all 
 the rest of friends are in good health ; wee in the same condition you left 
 us, or better, nothing wanting but thyselfe, which is more prised then all 
 the rest, and I hope ere long toe injoy. Tom is at the Dungre, my 
 sister Ellin at Geaton, Brereton’s army within 3 myels of Chester. 
 The Lord Berron’s army in Chester, and from Banger toe Harden, where 
 there isgreate feare. This weeke there are garisons put in Feneshali 
 and Bettisfeeld. Wee expect more toe Hanmer. They are of those 
 men that come from Ireland, that turned when they where taken 
 prisonnors at the Withe. I sent to the Widow Wenlock, who was very 
 glad to hear of her sonns helth. Shee dare not write, but desired that 
 1 would remember her love toe him and certifie him that ail his frends 
 are in helth. William Genings is very ernest with me that hee may red 
 [rent] some corner of a feild that has much brome groing upon it, Hee 
 would soe a bu shell of ots, hee tells mee ; it will take no more. My 
 promise was toe certifie you and toe returne him your answere, which I 
 desire to have with what speed you can. Thomas Roe questions your 
 man, when T send him for your rent, whether I have commission toe 
 receve it. I desire hee may bee satisfied in a line or toow, for it comes 
 very sloly from him. 1 long much toe hear of thy resolution, which I 
 hope will bee toe goe noe further nor toe alter thy condition any way. I 
 hope there will bee noe cause for it„ However, as thou tenders the life 
 of thy poore desolate wife, goe noe further from her. Thou knowest 
 the condition thou left me in, and if thou goe any further I shall dispare 
 of ever seeing thee. Therefore desire, love, let mee heare that thy 
 resolution is toe stay wher thou art. I hope it will bee but a short time. 
 Doe not think I doubt of God’s alsufficience, for I have day ly experience 
 of his delivering and forbearing mercies unto mee all my life thorow, and 
 especially of late dayes, but if you goe further you must pas a great deale 
 of danger, soe must I, beefore wee can meet againe.” Seal. 
 
63 
 
 [John Hultonj to Captain George Rigby, at Peel. 
 
 195. 1643[-4], F(;briiary 12. Darley. — “1 would not have been so 
 long absent from yon, but that my old adversary, the gout, hath so 
 violently seized upon me, that I am not able to rise to my horse ; and let 
 me thus far retain your good opinion, as to think I am not so unmindful of 
 yourself, or the service, as to have been thus long in making ready a 
 man and a musket, had it been my part to have one. But William 
 Morres is, by order of the Colonels and Commanders of this country, 
 to make it good, because of his wilful and base miscarriage of the 
 other. I have not lO.s., nor cannot make shift thereof, having nothing 
 to sell that will bring money. For corn, I have none, nor had none 
 growing the last year, and, God knows sir, I make hard and strange 
 shifts to get some reasonable quantity of bread and drink. So that I am 
 altogether unable to make another man and musket, for manservant I 
 Iiave none; and the last man living upon my land, that was able to 
 bear arms, is with Captain Hulton’s company, and men ask 40^. at the 
 least to bear arms; and the cost of arms will be near a pound. Take 
 me therefore into your pitifull consideration.” Portion of seal of arms. 
 
 Inventory of Goods. 
 
 196. 1644, May 13. — An inventory of the goods and chattels of 
 George Rigbye, gentleman, deceased, taken and prised at Peele. 
 
 Luke Lloyd [to his wife,] at Brynn in Hanmer parish. 
 
 197. 1644, .Tune 13. ‘‘Wassail.” — -“When thy foote poste came to 
 me, we weare preparing to defend ourselves and had no tyme to write to 
 thee, for the enemy appeared then to us in very greate body, and we 
 raysinge the seege and preparinge for our march towards Stafford. Thy 
 foote poste I hasted away, where, at Statford, she arrived with many run- 
 awaies of horse that reported to the Governor there wee weare all lost men. 
 Truly had not God fought for us, it had bin so, for they weare by the 
 confession of those prisoners wee tooke, betwixt 4 or 5 thousand 
 stronge, and we not 2000. They fell upon our reare before we could 
 begin to march, onely our forelorne advanced. They assaulted us a 
 quarter of a mile this side the leager with such fury that had not our 
 men behaved themselves very galantly, we had bin utterly defeated, but 
 they were encountered so sharply that they weare faine to retreate 
 towards the Castell and weare so hansomely beaten they had no mynd 
 to come on againe. We slew aboute 30 of ther men, whereof some of 
 note, and one they wished his Majestie had bin killed rather then he 
 (you may perceive by this ther love to his Majestie) and very many ill 
 wounded, and dangerously. All the flower and the greatest parte of the 
 Kinges forces weare in this body. Ther was the King’s Generali of 
 Horse, the Lord Willmott and the Earle of Cleveland. The Kinge and 
 the poore remainder of his forces is at Worcester, where Sir William 
 Waller is advansinge. Sir William, heringe of the enemy cominge to 
 rayse our seige, sent 2000 horse to our releife, which came not till the 
 next morninge. Had they come in tyme, by God’s helpe we had given 
 the enemy a great defeate ; but not knowing of ther cominge, we durst 
 not pursue them, we being so inconsiderable in strength, the place 
 affordinge the enemy many advantages. I shall give a further account 
 when I see thee, or by letter, when we come to Namptwich.” Portion 
 of seal. 
 
64 
 
 Luke Lloyd [to his wife]. 
 
 198. 1644, July 3, — ‘‘ It hath pleased God to give us a victory over our 
 enemies, which mett with us betwixt Francons Cake and Whittington. 
 They assaulted us at first very furiously, but weare quickly beaten back 
 and put to flight. We killed of ther mene about forty, and some of 
 them proper hansom men and very well clad, which are conceived to be 
 in comaund. We lost only three, who of one was Captain Williams. 
 We tooke 207 (?) prisoners— the Lord Newport’s eldest sonn beinge one, 
 3 Captaines, besides inferior officers. Of all these, ther is not one of 
 my acquaintance. I here my brother Hoger was here, who is made 
 Lieutenant Colonel under Sir Edward Crane. My Lord of Denbigh is 
 come to us with his forces, which, had he come tyme enough, in all 
 lickyhood we had taken most of them. Both Armies meet tomorrow 
 and goeth on some designe.” 
 
 Letters of Protection. 
 
 199. 1644, July 15. Preston. — Letters of protection, signed by Prince 
 Bupert, to Jane Kenion, of Parkhead, in the County of Lancaster, widow, 
 for her person, goods, and family. 
 
 Alexander Kigby to . 
 
 200. 1648, July 18. Salford. — Bequesting advice as to how his two 
 nieces shall be lodged. 
 
 Alexander Bigby to Savile Batcliffe, at Meereley. 
 
 201 . 1648, July 21. Salford. — As to placing his (Bigby’s) neices at 
 school with Mrs. Amye, at Manchester, ‘‘ who hath the tuition of many 
 children of rank and quality, far before my neices,” a woman well 
 descended, religious, modest, and discreet. Yesterday she called with one 
 of her children, a daughter of Mrs. Fleetwood, of Bossall, “a child, to 
 my view, of fine behaviour ” ; she said that, “ if my neices might be with 
 her in her own house, she would then take the charge of them, and they 
 should want no attendance, nor any necessaries of meat, drink, lodging, 
 fuel, washing, and candle light, and she would bring them up with 
 reading and all manner of sewing”; for ail which, she expected yearly, 
 llli. apiece, and will not put them to the charge of bringing a maid 
 with them. She, “at fit seasons, employeth a scrivener to teach the 
 children to write, and a dancing master to teach them to dance, and a 
 musician to learn them music. The charge of the scrivener is small ; 
 the charge of the musician is forty shillings yearly, for each child, and 
 the charge of the dancing master is, for every child, five shillings at her 
 entry, and five shillings for every month wherein he is employed.” 
 Seal, 
 
 The Lord Protector’s Begiment. 
 
 202. 1653[-4], March 10. — Bond given by Edmund Knott, of Knott 
 Laine, in the parish of Ashton -under-Lyne, yeoman, to Stephen Shall- 
 crosse, gunsmith to his Highness the Lord Protector’s regiment of foot, 
 for the sum of lOOOA'., upon security of the accounts of seventy-five 
 auxiliary soldiers and nineteen supernumeraries. Attached is a list of 
 the same soldiers, with the amounts of their accounts. Seal of arms. 
 
65 
 
 Clerk of the Peace. 
 
 203. 1654, April 4.— Proceedings at the General Sessions of the 
 Peace held at Lancaster, touching an alleged contempt, by Mr. Joseph 
 Rigby, of the Lord Protector’s order to deliver the books concerning 
 the office of Clerk of the Peace for the County, to William Shuttleworth. 
 
 The Duchy Court. 
 
 204. [1654 ?] — The Petition of divers gentlemen, freeholders, and 
 other inhabitants of the County Palatine of Lancaster, to Oliver Lord 
 Protector, to re-invest the Court of the Duchy Chamber at Westminster, 
 and the County Palatine, with their proper jurisdictions and rights, with 
 the exercise thereof, as formerly. The petition sets out that the dis- 
 continuance of the Duchy Court, for near two years, has drawn great 
 prejudice on some of the petitioners’ estates. Some causes depending 
 there, after long prosecution, being undetermined ; and the com- 
 mencement of others, upon just emergency, obstructed, there being no 
 way for relief upon new equitable causes, but in the Chancery Court 
 within the County. 
 
 Annexed : — Considerations concerning the Court of the Duchy Chamber 
 at Westminster, setting out its history and jurisdiction. 
 
 Henry Johnson and William Milward to William Beck and 
 William Croxton, at Lisbon. 
 
 205. 1655, October 24. Faro. — ‘‘ Sirs and loveinge friends, w'ee 
 liave yours of the 14th current, where we observe your reseite of some 
 letters from Mr. William Moy, for the providing of 30 to 40 pipes of 
 oyles, against the ariveal of the Ann pincke, at prise current, which wee 
 shall endeavour forthwith to put in execution, so neere as we may, 
 beinge now about buying up what oyles are in the country, having 
 orders for greater quantities then these parts can afford; but of what we 
 buy, we shall reserve a shaire of them for [the] said Mr. Moy, taking 
 notise you will furnish their cost. Concerning figgs, they may stand in 
 24 reis (?) per quarter, all. Considerable parcells are already bought up, 
 
 and sea shippes are daily the North, upon whose arrival, 
 
 what figgs unsold will soone be desposed of ; and we suppose some may 
 W’ant to lade, which is what offers. [We] commit you to God and rest 
 yours at command.” 
 
 Michael Tounesend to Mr. William Becke and Mr. William 
 
 Croxton. 
 
 206. 1655, December 25. Oporto. Yours of the 18th currant, 
 [1] have receaved, and therein note you will accept my brother’s bills 
 
 from the Hands Wee have had many holydays and extreme 
 
 foul weather; however, wee have got neere the halfe of the French 
 shipps’ wheate ashore, butt, as yett, noe aberlura taken out from the 
 chamber, nor an alquer sould ; being festa, the marriners brought a 
 little betwixt deckes and sould it at 180 reis an alquer A Prospects 
 of trade and state of prices. 
 
 Duels. 
 
 207. 1656, June 29. — Ordinance against challenges, duels, and all 
 provocations thereof. 
 
 73480. 
 
 E 
 
66 
 
 Lewis Assheton to his “loving brother Mr. William Langley, 
 minister of God’s [wor]d, at Cheadle in Staffordshire.” 
 
 208 . 1656-7, January 8. Jamica, America.” — “ To you as one of 
 my cheifest patrons, I direct these, as to your manifest and constant care 
 both for my self, and the rest of us, since my father’s death, I shall ever 
 acknowledge, doubting not, but you will discharg the like trust I im * 
 posed on you (since last 1 saw you) in reference to my self. At ray 
 departure from St. James, I assigned a bill to impower you and cousin 
 Koger Kenyon, jointly or severally, to receave my 100/. Sister 
 Elizabeth her 20/., I question not by this time paid out of my 10/. 
 per annum. You cannot be ignorant, I suppose, of the cause I left 
 both friends and country, my livelyhood and subsistance being, as I 
 conceived, something, or rather, far, beneath my self, haveing that respect 
 towards our family and kindred, I chose rather to want abroad then to 
 live meanly at home. This duly considered, I hope no true friend can 
 blame me for undertaking this voyage, though some advised me other- 
 wise. I was, in my sickness, really intended for England, but since it 
 hath pleased God to restore mee againe my health, I am now otherwise 
 resolved. Having with myself consideratly advised for a future 
 competent subsistence, I have bethought and resolved on the onely way 
 (considering the place I am now in) to improve part of my small 
 patrimony, 50/., whereof I am willing to hazard (nothing venture 
 nothing have) to be converted into servants; the hazard thereof onely 
 lieth on the health of servants when they are come hither ; which, if 
 they live together, with God’s blessing on my endeavours, I doubt not 
 but in 3 or 4 years tyme, I shall raise a considerable fortune. Tis 
 true, live I can (I praise God) in this condition now I am in, without a 
 penny from my own ; but having through some miseries, arrived at these 
 years that now I am at, I conceive every day misspent wherein 1 can 
 neither benefitt myself nor others ; and being in this condition now I 
 am in, incapable of serving either, and to enslave myself to a bear lively- 
 hoode to preserve my own (for whom I know not) I understand not, 
 being now in a probable way to employ it. 
 
 “ I have entrusted one sufficient to be responsible, if it were ten tymes 
 the sum, who is bound for England on the same scoare for himself, and 
 is pleased to agitate my business with his own, which I must acknow- 
 ledge as a great and speciall favor, a gentleman whom I am confident in 
 that case will doe for mee, as himself. It is Colonel Phillip Ward, my 
 own Colonel and immediate officer, who hath pleased to honour mee 
 with the charg and command of his own company, and, in his absence, 
 likewise doth entrust mee with the managing of his own plantation, I 
 immagine, by this time, sister Elizabeth’s porcon to bee receaved and 
 part likewise of my own, which, if not, whether shee or jmurself disburse 
 the 50/., I shall, for soe doeing, allow my 10/. per annum, until! 
 my 100/. bee receaved, which is to succeed here next in payment; the 
 addition to my porcion by Brother William’s death, makes me more 
 venturous. In my next, which I intend (God willing) to send with my 
 Colonel, I shall insert instructions sufficient, where your letter with a 
 bill enclosed, may find him in London, wdierein you may appoint him 
 where to receave the moneys, which I suppose may bee either from Mr, 
 Taylor, a silk man, wdiere I received 20/. on Major Smith’s bill, or els 
 from Cozen Worsley. These I hope may suffice to acquaint you of my 
 resolutions.” 
 
67 
 
 Thomas Cunliffe to Roger Kenyon, at Peel. 
 
 209. 1658, May 8. London.—Has sent the ‘‘ paire of tables ” so 
 often promised. They cost him 35s . ; the sett of ivory and ibbony 
 men, IO 5 . ; the locke, 18:/. ; the baile of dice, 6d. ; the case and 
 makinge, 35.” 
 
 Edward Kenyon to his brother, Roger Kenyon, ‘^at Mrs. Worsley’s 
 lodo;lno;s in St. James’s near Westminster.” 
 
 o o 
 
 210. 1658, June 30. St. John’s College, Cambridge. — ^Mf I stay at 
 Sladeburne, I resolve to weare a gouiie, but 1 think it will not be con- 
 venient to carry one downe at first ; and, therefore, I defer mine to buy 
 a coate heare, as you direct I must quite fall out with Mr. 
 
 Ashden (?), if I goe by Oxford .... It will goe hard, perhaps, to get 
 past Manchester ; but, if gout secure me from preaching on the Lord’s 
 Day, I will bee wholly at your disposal.” 
 
 Henry Wrigley" (?) and Thomas Brown, High Constables, to the 
 Constables of the Three Hultons. 
 
 211. 1660, April 4. — Directing them to value the estates of every 
 person within their constabulary who has estates in lands and tenements 
 worth 15/i. by the year, and upwards, and in goods and personal 
 estates, worth 200//., and upwards ; for the settlement of the militia. 
 
 Edward Kenyon to his mother, Alice Kenyon. 
 
 212. 1660, May 4. London. — God hath been pleased to put a ready 
 issue to our business about Prestwich. The Commissioners having heard 
 Councell on both sides, were fully satisfied with my patron’s right, and 
 proceeded to make tryall of my fitnesse for the ministry ; and thereupon 
 did approve of mee and give me the instrument.” Desires that care 
 may be taken of the pulpit till he comes down. Wishes “ to table ” with 
 some one. Fragment of seal. 
 
 W. Hutton to Roger Kenyon, at Peel. 
 
 213. 1660, September 11. [London.]- — “ For news here, the Parlia- 
 ment adjournes this day and divers acts are to pass, one for Ministers, who, 
 if they receive any good thereby, they owe it to His Majesty and the 
 House of Commons only ; and an Act for disbanding the army, which 
 must be paid with pole money. I presume you have the Act for polo 
 money, which has so puzzled all the Commissioners here, that they 
 know not how to proceed in it. But I thinke the best and surest way 
 for such as are to pay money, is to pay it for the land where it lycth, 
 and take acquittance. The rate in the act is 2/. per cent. I desire you 
 will doe me the favour to send for Don and advise him to pay for 
 Hulton, according to the rate of fourty shillings for 100/. per annum ; 
 and when he has done, to send me the acquittance and what is to be paid 
 for the degree ; I will doe it myself. I suppose you heare that peace is 
 proclaimed with Spaine, and Dunkirk and Jamaica united, by Act of 
 Parliament, to the Crowne of England.” Fragment of seal, 
 
 E 2 
 
68 
 
 Eichard Haworth to Eoger Kenyon, at Peel. 
 
 214. 1600, K ovember 15. Manchester. — ‘‘ I conceave that the sheriffs 
 Oi Cheshire will not execute your attachment,, and therefore it wilbe in 
 vayne to send to him agayne. I know no law that attachments ought to 
 be directed to him, nor to oiir sheriff* of Lancashyre; onely common 
 practise and custom hath in that kind prevayled with us in Lancashyre, 
 that attachments are immediately directed to the sheriffs, for the King’s 
 writts run not in county palatynes, but where some statute hath 
 ordeyned it, as that of I Edward VI. and 6 Edward VI. which 
 directs proclamations uppon exegent to be made to the sheriffs of 
 Lancashyre and Cheshyre. For other writs, they are to be directed to 
 the Chauncellor or Chamberlayne, as the case requyres.” Seal of arms, 
 broken. 
 
 Charles Parker to Mr. Kenyon. 
 
 215. 1660, December 22. London. — Our nevrs is very little ; the 
 Princess Eoyal of Orange is sick of the small pox; our late plot, I suppose, 
 is sufficiently, by this time, made known to you by the pamphlets ; and so 
 I will not trouble you with a long rehearsal. Seal of arms. 
 
 Treason. 
 
 216. 1660. — “ Treasons by the Laws of England.” Printed by Eoger 
 Norton for Eobert Pawley. 
 
 Address of the Justices and Grand Jurors of Lancashire. 
 
 217. [1660 ?] — “ The humble addresse of your Majestie’s Justices of 
 the Peace and Grand Jurors at their Quarter Sessions of the Peace, in the 
 County Palatine of Lancaster, whose names are subscribed, on behalfe 
 of ourselves and many other of our countrymen.” 
 
 “ We, may it please your Majestie, through the variouse accidents 
 and prudent dispensations of your Majestie’s graciouse governement, 
 have ever thought a silent acquiestence most becomeing our allegeance, 
 and most acceptable to your Majestie’s desires ; and therefore, in this 
 busie age, wee have neither been trohlesome petitioners, nor presumed 
 to intermedle beyond the limitts of our lowe station. But now, since 
 your Majesty gives gracious accesses to papers of this nature, that our 
 silence may not reproach us, as men voyd of dutie and unfaigned 
 loyalltie, wee presume upon your royall goodnesse, to give us leave to 
 declare that wee, with greatest truth and satisfaction of mind, do owne 
 the mercies of divine providence in restoreing your Majestie, our lawfull 
 and rightfull prince, to rule and governe us. That by all the obligations 
 of clemencie, grace, and compassion, we have cause to blesse Gcd, and 
 thanke your Majesty for the tendernesse you have shewn to all your 
 subjects in your gratious distribution of justice, and care of your 
 kingdomcs. That by your repeated promises and assurances in your 
 late declaration and frequent speeches in Parliament, you have published 
 your stedfastnes to mainteine the protestant religion, as now by law 
 established; for which you have our most humble, heartie, and thank - 
 fullest acknowledgement.” Draft. 
 
 Heaton Chapel. 
 
 218. 1661, July 3. — Acknowledgement, by the Churchwardens and 
 parishioners of Prestwich, that a chapel, commonly called Heaton 
 
69 
 
 Chapel, on the north side of the chaocel of the parish Church of 
 Prestwich, and to the east end of the said Church, belongs to Richard 
 Holland, of Heaton. In Avhich chapel Edward Holland, late of Heaton, 
 father of the said Richard, and Anne Holland, mother of the said 
 Richard, Richard Holland, uncle of the said Richard, and several 
 brothers of the said Richard, and all his ancestors, lords of Heaton, 
 and their wives and children, have been interred. And many of 
 them have had their ‘‘ cote armor and penyons, with their armes, and 
 herses belonging to their degrees,” set up in the said chapel. And there 
 is yet an ancient gravestone laid within the said chapel, under which Sir 
 Richard Holland, knight, was interred on 29 March, 1548, as appears by 
 an inscription thereupon yet legible. Copy. 
 
 [ThOxMAs Cunliffe ?] to — Kenyon. 
 
 219 . 1661, August 5. London. — “ Mr. Aynesworthe hath lighted 
 upon a master for his cousin Nowell, an able apothecary as any in London. 
 Had I a son of my own to put out, 1 should as soon put him unto him as 
 any man I know of that trade, in London ; but he cannot be prevailed to 
 take him, under 40/^., and a suit, and a cloak presently, and another suit 
 and cloak at Easter.” 
 
 Henry Nowell to Roger Kenyon, at Peel. 
 
 220 . [16]61, August 13. Castle Ruslien, [Isle of Man]. — I have 
 sent my wench, and your wife, a barril of samphere, that when you are 
 eating a peece of fatt mutton, with the sause, you may remember to 
 drinke my health.” Fragment of seal. 
 
 E. Hyde to John Ainsworth. 
 
 221 . 1661, August 31 . — I must intreat a favour of you, it is to go as 
 far as “ Worchester House ” and inquire for Mr. Bulteale, some call him 
 JNIr. Boteale, and give him five pounds for me — he is one of my Lord 
 Chancellor’s privy secretaries — as a remembrance for me, and wish him 
 to endeavour for a dispatch of my affair; and give Mr. Hales twenty 
 shillings, as a remembrance of love for me. So when my business is 
 perfected, I will farther repay you. Seal of arms. 
 
 The Clerkship of the Peace for Lancashire. 
 
 222. 1661 [-2], February. — Papers in the suit of Roger Kenyon, 
 and Alice his wife, against Joseph Rigby, and others, concerning the 
 office of Clerk of the Peace for the County of Lancaster. 
 
 Henry Nowell to “ his approved good friend Mr. Roger Kenyon, 
 
 at Peel.” 
 
 223 . 1662, April 12. Castle Rushen.— Mr. William Christian hath 
 brought mee the worst newes that I ever heard in my life : hee tells mee 
 that Joseph Rigby and you, had a trial! at Lancaster ’sises, and that he 
 cast you in the sute. I am veri confident it was by desparate oaths. I 
 doubt not, as ould as I am, but to here of as untimelie an end to come 
 upon either him or his, as ever came uppon any, for I know God is a 
 just God and will punesh according to desarts, in His own good time ; 
 till then, both you and wee must be contented. I shall earnestly desier 
 
70 
 
 to here of all the passages by my man, for I intend to send him verie 
 shortly for England. T know you will be constrened to sell something, 
 which, if I might advise, I would have you sell either Peele or Parkheade. 
 The reason is, they will give you some monie twords setting you 
 free of debt. If you should sell Fear.ehurst, I know you will not sell it 
 for the half worth and I am sure, if it please God ever to enable you to 
 build a house there, you might live as contentedly as you desired.” Seal 
 of arms, 
 
 Henry Nowell to Eoger Kenyon. 
 
 224. 1662, October 7. Castle Eushen. — Since my comeiug, by 
 order from my Lord, I have clapt upp the greate rebbell, Mr. William 
 Christian, who is like to come uppon triall for his life ; and, by the 
 lawes of this land, will bee cast, without my Lord bee pleased, of his 
 goodnesse, to give him his pardon.” Seal of arms, broken, 
 
 William Moore to Eoger Kenyon. 
 
 225. 1662, November 20. Whalley. — Eequesting him to hand the 
 Bishop of London a petition for a “presentment,” as the “ Oliverian title,” 
 notwithstanding the Act of Confirmation, is not approved of. Points out 
 that he represented Dr. Feme at his instalment as Bishop [of Chester] ; 
 that he preached a coronation sermon at Chester, with such applause 
 that it was desired for the press, and is now in the hands of my Lord 
 of London’s chaplain ; that he preached at the “ Metropoliticall visita- 
 tion,” and there received a general license through the Avhole province ; 
 and that he had been “listed” a chaplain to the Earl of Derby. Seal. 
 
 ilhe Earl of Derby and Eoger Nowell to Francis Lord 
 
 Seymour of Trowbridge, Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster. 
 
 226. 1662[-3], January 9. Preston. — “ At the request of Mr. Eoger 
 Kenyon, who hath been sollititous with me, and my Governor of the Isle 
 of Man, Colonell Nowell, to give leave to Captain Henry Nowell, Deputy- 
 Governor of the said Island, now resident there, to come over into 
 England to bee at the next assizes at Lancaster, as a materiall witnesse 
 for him the said Kenyon, in a suite there depending, by your Lordships 
 order, betwixt him and Mr. Joseph Eigby : Wee certify your Lordship 
 that such and so generall are the concerns of the said Captain Nowell’s 
 truste in that Island, (they being chiefly at present placed upon him) 
 that upon no particular occasion whatsoever, liis comeing over into 
 England so soone, may be consented to by us.” Signed. Seal of arms, 
 broken. 
 
 Thomas Gregson to Roger Kenyon, at “ the Peele.” 
 
 227. 1663, May 30. Gray’s Inn. — “Nothing of news, save that I 
 heare even now my Lord of Canterbury is dead, and my Lord Cheife 
 
 Justice Bridgeman much feared The Duchy Court sate this 
 
 day, but nothing passed worth your observance.” 
 
 Tne Same to the Same. 
 
 228. 1663, June 6. Gray’s Inn. — “T writt in my last, that the Arch- 
 bishop of Canterbury was dead, which was a false report. I heard but 
 now, ’tis so indeed. I thinke on Tuesday last he dyed.” Seal, broken. 
 
71 
 
 Tho^ias Gkegson to Eoger Kenyon, at Peel. 
 
 229. 1663, Julj 14. — “ Your portmantua, I sent by a very trusty porter 
 v/*hich belongs to the May den.” It is sent by one Chandler, a Man- 
 chester carrier. “ Tlje court, by reason o£ the grand business concerning 
 the Lord Chancellor, hath not as yet sitten,” 
 
 Guicciardini Ayloff to Eoger Kenyon. 
 
 230. 1663, September 6. Marlborough. — I presume, at the Assizes, 
 you heard of tlie King and Queen going to the Path ; and the Vice-Chan- 
 cellor, if he received my letter, was able to tell you that both their 
 Majesties gave my Lord’s house the honour to lodge one night in it, and 
 both they and the Duke and Duchess of York, to take such a treat at 
 a supper, as could bo provided. They removed to Bathe the Saturday ; 
 and upon Monday after, my Lord Chancellor, his lady, and his train, 
 came and stayed with us till the Wednesdaj" following. Since the Court 
 has been at Bath, the King has been feasted at several places, and is now 
 at Bristol. The Queen, they say, has spent her time in physic, pre- 
 paratory to bathing, and has scarce, or not above once or twice, used the 
 batli as yet. We all pray for a good effect. It is said the King will 
 return by Oxford. Seal of arms. 
 
 Henry Noavell to Eoger Kenyon, Clerk of the Peace, at Peel. 
 
 231. 1663, October 18. Bradkirk. — I dare not come to Winckley, 
 for I am informed that the Christians are moving the King and his 
 Counsell to send for me upp to London and know the reason why I am not 
 gone for the Ileland, but I hope I shall prevent them ; so I have written 
 10 Mr. Eoger, if he Avill please to look after it and, if occasion be, I will 
 send him a certificate under the hands of the gentlemen in this countie, 
 that I have been this 5 weekes and above, at the water side, and a 
 vessel tending me to goe for the Ileland.” Seal of arms. 
 
 [Thomas Braddyll to Eoger Kenyon.] 
 
 232. [1663-1665]. — As to my subscription money for the Borrough 
 of ClideroAV, I hope you are certified, from Mr. Arthur Ashton and 
 Edmond Eobinson, that it is payed, and have received a seal in Avax, 
 A’iz : — my coat and crest, to be cut upon the mace, amongst others; the 
 crest, I confesse, is something dun {sic) ; it is the badger or brock, but 
 the coat playri enough ; only this, if you discerne anie thing of a halfe 
 moon in it, Avhich is the distinction belonging to a younger brother of 
 a family, you Avilbe pleased to get it omitted in the cutting.” 
 
 Wigan. 
 
 233. 1663 to 1698. — A list of the Mayors and Burgesses of Wigan. 
 
 Henry Koaam:ll to Eoger Kenyon, “ Clerke of the Peace,” at 
 
 Peele. 
 
 234. [16]63[-1], March 1. “ Castle Eushen ” [Isle of Man]. — 
 
 Kever since I left England that it hath beene my good fortune to receive 
 
 soe much as one line from any of my friends I must tell 
 
 you something of my Avordlie fortune, which hath happened unto me 
 this last yeare. Kow, Avhen I come to cast up my accounts Avith my man, 
 I haA’e lost tvventie pounds by my tradeing ; my Avine proAung soe bad 
 
72 
 
 that, if hee had not been careful, and verie industrious, I am verie 
 confident I had lest tenn pounds more. Put that to my London voage 
 (sic), and I am suer I am worse, by fiftie pound, at the least, than I was 
 this time twel month. I hope all ill luck comes at one time. Hopeing to 
 have maid thirtie or fortie barills of heiriugs to have recovered some of 
 my losse, [I] could not reach (?) to make upp five hundreth ; however, I 
 doubt not if I live but one yeare to an end, to set cart on wheeles 
 once more againe. Your horse proves verie well, and leaps our coys 
 
 verie neatly I have written to my cosen Lacy to 
 
 lett him know Major Standlie is deade; he desired me to letthimknowe 
 of the first place that fell voyde here in this lleland : for he maid noe 
 doubt but he could procuer it from my honourable lord. The place is 
 to be Maior of the south side of Man and of Castle Rushen ; the sallerie 
 is fortie [pounds] per annamr Seal of arms. 
 
 Benja3iin Ayloffe to Roger Kenyon. 
 
 235. 1663[-4], March 24. — The Parliament mett on the 16th 
 instant, and adjourned till Munday last; there is not anything of note 
 yett knowne. My Lord of Derby did not appear e ; it is reported his 
 Lady was att the House with a petition or letter, but it could not be read. 
 The substance whereof, I have not heard so certainly, as to be worth 
 notice.” 
 
 Philip Mainwaring to Roger Kenyon. 
 
 236. 1664, July 16. — Presumes Kenyon has heard of the death of 
 the Chancellor of the Duchy, who died at his house at Marlborough on 
 Tuesday last. Sir Thomas Ingram succeeds him. Seal, 
 
 [Henry Nowell to RogJer Kenyon. 
 
 237. [1664, August.] — “ On Wednesday last the King and the 
 Counsell sate, and my Lord of Darby and the Christians were called in. 
 The Chancellor beegan to speak, and asked which was Christian’s sonne ; 
 hee tould him hee had lost a good father, but the King had lost a very 
 great lose, for he had lost a loyall and faithful subject ; but his blod 
 could not bee gotten againe. But itt was the King’s pleasure that all 
 satisfaction that possable could bee immagined to bee giv^en, hee should 
 have it. My Lord of Darby is to restore Christian to his estate, both 
 personal and reall. Myself, Mr. Stepehenson, Major Colcott and the 
 . , . . is to bear all his charges, which he is to put in uppon oath. I 
 am atfraid it will come to a considerable some. The two commissioners 
 is commanded, by a warrant, to the King’s Bench and there to remain 
 till further order, I am to return to see these orders executed ; if it bee 
 possable I intend to see you.” [_The rest of the letter is torn off.'] 
 
 Henry Nowell to Roger Kenyon, at Peele. 
 
 237a. [ 1664, August.] — “On Wednesday last, my Lord and the 
 traytor’s sonne had a hearing beefore the King and his Counsell ; and the ' 
 King had commanded the Cheefe Justices and his own Counsell to be 
 there, that they might give their opinions, whether the act of indemnity 
 did reach the lleland. There was a greate dispute with counsell learned on 
 both sides. I thinke it continued for two houers, and when they had 
 dono, we were all to [withdraw?] and the Judges to give there 
 opinions.” [ The rest of the letter is torn of.] 
 
73 
 
 John Allen lo Koger Kenyon. 
 
 238 . 1664, September 26. — Requesting him to send an order for the 
 renewing of Bury Bridge, as the last floods have made wider the 
 breach. 
 
 Gdcciakdini Ayloff to Roger Kennyon. 
 
 239 . 1664, October 11. — “The warr with the Duchy (sic) is like in- 
 fallibly to be. The Duch (they say) are higher, both in languag and 
 preparations ; in the last, I hope, wee equall them in strength, if not in 
 number. Prince Robert (sic) is in the Downs, with 20 good ships. 
 Lord Sandwich, with some 14, about Portsmouth. I heare Sir John 
 Lawson is come home ; it sc3mes hee was sent for by the King, but 
 there are but 2 ships come with him. Some 20 of the best ships, are 
 providing for the Duke of Yorke to go with, to be about our coasts.” 
 Seal of arms. 
 
 The Ea.rl of Derby’s Case stated for the vindication of the pro- 
 ceedings at law, in the Isle of Man, against William Christian. 
 
 240 . [ 1664? ] — That the Lords of the Isle of Man were sometimes 
 Homagers to the Kings of Norway, after to England, in the reigns of 
 King Henry the Third and his son King Edward the First, and after, to 
 Alexander the Third, King of Scotland, until William Montague, Earl of 
 Salisbury, took it in the reign of King Edward the Third, and sold it to 
 Sir William le Scrope, Chamberlain of the Household to King Richard the 
 Second, on whose behalf Sir William le Scrope kept the said Isle, untill 
 he was taken by King Henry the Fourth and beheaded ; after whose 
 death. King Henry the Fonrtli, in the first year of his reign, gave it to 
 the Earl of Northumberland, who was attainted of treason in the seventh 
 year of his reign; and in that year the King granted the dominion of the 
 said Island, together with the Bishoprick thereof, and all royalties, 
 regalities, liberties, and franchises, at any time before held and enjoyed by 
 the Lords of that Isle, unto Sir elohn Stanley, Knight, from whom, by 
 hereditary descent, the same is come to Charles, now Eail of Derby, 
 and by an Act in the Parliament of the seventh year of King James, that 
 Isle is established and confirmed to William Earl of Derby, grandfather 
 of the now Earl, for his life, and after, to James late Earl of Derby, 
 father to the now Earl, and the heires males of his body, with a 
 remainder to Sir Robert Stanley, his unkle, and the heirs male of his 
 body, the remainder to the right heirs of James Earl of Derby, for 
 ever. 
 
 That William Christian being born in the Isle of Man, and having 
 taken several oathes in relation to severall offices held by him in the said 
 Isle, to bear faith and fidelity to the said James, late Earl of Derby, 
 within the said Island, and bearing several offices of trust there, and 
 being of the Council for the Grovernment and safety thereof, did, 
 contrary to the duty whereunto he stood bound by his oathes and trusts, 
 and without any authority, take advantage of the absence of James, late 
 Earl of Derby, who had then advanced Ins forces out of the said Isle to 
 serve his Majesty in England, did designe an insurrection against the 
 governour of the said Isle, and did administer an oath of secrecy to his 
 confederates therein. 
 
 That, in pursuance of such designes, the troop of horse which was the 
 land guard of the Isle, Ramsey and the Artillery there were taken, and 
 several other places of strength besieged by the orders of the said 
 William Christian. 
 
74 
 
 That by the sending out of crosses, Avhich is the way of raising the 
 forces of the Island, he made his house at Eaynold’s Way, the head- 
 quarters for the rendezvouse of some companies, and that others should 
 take the Peele Castle and other forts; and of all this rising and 
 insurrection, William Christian made himself the head. 
 
 That he falsely and malitiously insinuated into the people that the 
 Countess Dowager of Derby, then being in the Island, would sell all 
 the people in the Island at two pence or three pence a head, and thereby 
 made a total revolt of the people of the said Isle from the said Countess 
 and an adherence of them to himself, against her and all those that did 
 continue of her party, and gave the people an oath not to obey the said 
 Countess until she gave them such conditions as they desired. 
 
 That making himself captain of the insurrection, he besieged the said 
 Countess in Castle Bushin, and inforced her thereby to enter into a 
 treaty for the surrender of the Island. 
 
 That he did send to the Parliament’s ships, giving them notice of the 
 distractions of the Island, and that the people were for them, and that 
 it would be their ovrn if they would come and require it. 
 
 That he brought in the Parliament’s forces and made conditions for 
 the Island, without the consent of the said Countess, or of Sir Philip 
 Musgrave, Governor and General there. 
 
 That the said Countess was besieged by the forces so brought in by 
 the said William Christian, and plundered of all the estate she had. 
 
 That in all, the said William Christian (without any commission), 
 acted for the I’arliament against the said Isle, the Lord, Governor, and 
 People thereof, and was the head of their troubles and cause of the loss 
 of the Island, and of all his Majcstie’s interest and loyal subjects there. 
 
 That for all these treasons against the Lords of the said Isle, 
 according to the laws and customs thereof, he was indicted and ad- 
 judged guilty of treason, and upon the petition of his wife (by his 
 judges there, without the knowledge of the said Earl of Derby), his 
 judgement changed from that of being drawn and hanged (which is the 
 judgement of treason there), into a judgement of being shot to death, 
 which was executed. 
 
 That the Earl of Derby was not in the Island when his Majestie’s 
 orders came thither, nor since, nor by the space of fifteen years before ; 
 nor was his Majestie’s letter, for the bringing of the said William 
 Christian before his Majesty or Council, obtained before the execution 
 of the said William Ciiristian, which was upon the second day of 
 January, and his Majestie’s letter did bear date the sixteenth day of the 
 same month, and came not to the EaiTs hands till the 26th. The Earl 
 of Derby therefore hopes that he cannot be held guilty of dis- 
 obedience to the commands whereof he had no knowledge, either from 
 the Lords of his Majestie’s Council here, or from the oflicers of the said 
 Island, who, for anything yet appearing, had not themselves any notice 
 of the said orders, or his Majestie’s pleasure therein, in what concerned 
 them, 01* the transmission of the proceedings against the said William 
 Christian, whoso many crimes they conceived were not pardoned by the 
 Act of General Pardon, for that the Isle of Man is not therein named 
 as the Isles of Jersey and Guernsey and the town of Barwick are; and 
 being governed by a distinct law, order, and process, in matters 
 criminal and civil, and the said Island not being taken antiently as a 
 part of England (though in homage and subjection to it), nor any Act 
 of Parliament to make it so, they apprehended they wmre not then, or 
 have been formerly bound b}’ that or any other general Act, wherein 
 the Isle of Man is not particularly named. 
 
75 
 
 That the Earl of Derby is no waies guilty of any disobedience to his 
 Majestie’s orders, and so soon as he heard the persons sent for were not 
 here, he immediently endeavoured to have them brought up, according 
 as he shall at all times be ready to do his utmost, in humble obedience 
 to his Majestie’s commands. 
 
 The Earl of Derby also is so far from making benefit to himself of 
 the said William Christian’s estate, that he hath given and annexed it to 
 the Bishoprick of Man some moneths since.” 
 
 Isle of Man. 
 
 241. [1664 ?] — A discourse as to whether the Kings of the Isle 
 of Man were absolute kings or not. 
 
 Lord Clarendon to [the Justices of the Peace for the County 
 
 of Lancaster ?] 
 
 242. 1665, March 25.— “His Majesty— being well assured, as well 
 by the confession of some desperate persons, lately apprehended, as by 
 other credible information, that notwithstanding his unparallelld lenity and 
 mercy towards all his subjects for their past offences, how great soever, 
 there is still amongst them many seditious persons who, instead of being 
 sorry for the ills they have done, are still contriving by all the means 
 they can to involve the kingdome in a civill warr ; and in order there- 
 miio, have made choice of [a] small number who, under the tytle of a 
 Councell, hould correspondence with the forraigne enemies of this 
 kingdome and distribute thejr orders to some signall men of their partie 
 in the severall counties, who have provided armes and listed men to be 
 ready, upon any short warning, to draw together in a body ; by which, 
 with the help they promise themselves from abroad, they presume to be 
 able to doe much mischiefe, which his Majesty hopes, with the blessing 
 of God upon his greate care and vigilance, to prevent ; and to that purpose, 
 hath writ to his Lord-Lievetenants of the severall counties, that they and 
 their Deputy-Lievetenants may do what belongs to them — hath com- 
 manded mee (who, serving him in the province I hold, am in some 
 degree accomptable for the faultes of those who serve him not so well as 
 they ought in that commission) to write to the justices of the peace of 
 all the counties in England, and to lett them know what his Majesty 
 expects at their hands ; and do, therefore, choose this time to obey his 
 Majesty’s command, and take the best care I can, that this letter may 
 find you together, at the Quarter Sessions. I presume that you, who 
 are present, will take care that it bee communicated to those who are 
 absent, at your next monthly meeting, which it is most necessary you 
 keepe constantly. I am sorry to heare that many persons who are in 
 the Commission of the Peace, neglect to be sworne, or being sworne, to 
 attend the Assizes and Sessione, or indeed, to doe anything of the office 
 of a justice. For the former sorte, I desire that you cause the Clerk of 
 the Peace forthwith to returne mee the names of those who are in the 
 commission, and are not sworne ; to the end I may present their names 
 to the King, who hath already given order to his Attorney-Generall to 
 proceed against them. For the rest, I hope upon this animadversion 
 from his Majesty, they will recollect themselves and seriously reflect 
 upon their breach of trust to the King and kingdome, and how accompt- 
 able they must bee for the mischeefe and inconvenience which falls out 
 through their remissnesse and not-discharg of their duty.- I assure you 
 the King hath so greate a sense of the service you doe, or can do for him, 
 that hee frequently saics hee takes himself particularly beholding to 
 
76 
 
 every good justice of the peace who is cliearful and active in his place, 
 and that in truth, if the justices of the peace, in their severall divisions, 
 bee as careful as they ought to be in keeping the watches, and in the 
 other parts of their office, the peace of the kingdome can hardly be 
 interrupted within, and the hopes and imaginations of seditious persons 
 would be quickly broken, and all men would study to be quiet and to 
 enjoy these many blessings God hath given the nation, under his happy 
 government. It would be great pitty his Majesty should be deceived in 
 the expectation hee hath from you, and that there should not be a 
 vertuous contention and emulation amongst you who shall serve so 
 gracious a prince, most effectually, who shall discover and punish (if hee 
 cannot refqrme) most of his enemies, who shall take most paines in 
 undeceiving many weake men, who are misled by falce and malitious 
 insinuations and suggestions, by those who would alienate the mindes of 
 the people from their duty to theire soveraigne, who shall confirme Gie 
 weak and reduce the wilfull most; in a word, who shall be most 
 sollicitous to free the country from seditious persons and seditious and 
 unlawfull meetings, as appeares now by severall examinations and 
 confessions, to confirme each other in their malice against the govern- 
 ment, and in making collections for the support of those of their partie 
 Avho are listed to appeare in any desperate undertaking, the very time 
 whereof they have designed. Wee must not beleeve that such a forward 
 correspondence amongst ill men, throughout the kingdome, so much 
 artifice, so much industrie, and so much dexterity, as this people are 
 possessed with, can be disappointed of their wicked successe by a supine 
 negligence or lazines in those who are invested with the King’s 
 authority ; indeed, without an equall industrie, dexterity and combina- 
 tion betweene good men for the preservation of the peace of the 
 kingdom, and for the suppressing of the enemies hereof. Let mee, 
 therefore, desire and conjure you to use your utmost dilligence and 
 vigilancie to discover the machinations of those men who you know to 
 be ill affected to the government, to meete frequently amongst your- 
 selves, and to communicate your intelligence to each other, and to secure 
 the persons of those who you find forward to disturb, or dangerous to 
 the publique peace. And I make no doubt but his Majesty will receive 
 so good an account of the good effect of your zeale and activitie in his 
 service, that I shall receive his command to returne his thanks to you 
 for the same ; and I am sure I shall lay hould on any occasion to serve 
 every one of you in particular.” Copy. 
 
 The Earl of Southampton and Lord Ashley to the Justices of 
 THE Peace of the County of Lancaster. 
 
 243. 1665, November 30. Oxford. — His Majesty, being informed by 
 many of the receivers of his revenue of Hearth Money, of many obstacles 
 they find in collecting the same, has resolved that his own officers levy 
 the same duty ; for if any other person find himself aggrieved, ho is left 
 to the law ; And this he conceives necessary, because he observes such 
 compliance, in many of the Justices of the Peace, with those that, upon 
 any pretence soever, dispute the duty, that if he permits them to be 
 chancellors of the payment, he conceives it will soon be reduced to very 
 little ; many of them, by private certificates, to gratify their neighbours, 
 taking off the duty, Avhich from the bench they had before certified as 
 due to the Exchequer. Copy. 
 
 \_Attached are certain ^^Resolutions'' to queries concerning Hearth 
 Money. 
 
77 
 
 Okder touching Egbert Leaver, gentleman, convicted of barratry. 
 
 244. 1666, April 5. — Whereas, at the Assizes held at Lancaster in 
 March last, Kobert Leaver was convicted of barratry, and adjudged to 
 pay 500/^. for a fine to his Majesty, and to remain in prison till payment 
 thereof, and to stand upon the pillory for one hour ; whereupon he 
 craved mercy in mitigation of the judgment, especially as to his corporal 
 punishment of the pillory, in regard that it would not only render the 
 petitioner, but his posterity, infamous, he having several children, and a 
 wife descended of an ancient and worthy family ; it was therefore 
 ordered by William Spencer, the Sheriff, and Edmund Assheton, Esquire, 
 that if the said Leaver should pay certain sums of money to several 
 persons he had wronged, amounting to 334Zi. 16.9. OcZ., his punishment 
 of the pillory be remitted. 
 
 to Sir Roger Bradshaw. 
 
 245. 1666, June 5. — Sunday, our fleete continued fighting all day 
 with the Dutch, but at that distance, that wee hard them not at all; for 
 Friday and Saturday our fleet, althoe but 57 in number, fought with that 
 valor that wee forced the Dutch to retire towards Holland ; who receav- 
 ing 16 new ships well provided, the Hollanders renued the battell, soe that, 
 Sunday, our generall, with all his fleete, was forced to give ground, yet 
 very honorably, still fighting till about 6 of the clock after dinner, when 
 Prince Rupert, with 26 men of war, besides 6 fire ships, came and 
 joyned with the Generali, [and] much incouraged the fleete, who then 
 had fought 3 dayes and 2 nights. Yesterday, the seafight continued 
 from 6 in the morneing till seaven that night, wee haveing the pursuite of 
 them. Wee do not know of the losse of any ship ; only the Siciftsure is 
 wanting, and his Lordship, Sir William Bartle. The .... frigott 
 is come into Harwich much damnified by one of our owne men of warr. 
 The Henry ^ friggott, is returned, all the forecastle burned ; she defended 
 herself against 7 men of war, and 3 fire ships. The Generall caused 
 3 or 4 Dutch bottoms to bee burned, because they would doe noe great 
 service ; they had beene taken in the last yeares ingagement. The 
 Generall received a splinter in his thigh. Sir William Clerk his Secre- 
 tarie, hath lost a leg. Mr. Fretwell Hollies (?) hath lost an arme. Captain 
 Bacon killed. What ships of theres are burned, or sunck, beyond 16, 
 Avee know not. The Generall lost his flag twise, but still rode on.” 
 
 Notes on English Ships, in the handwriting of Roger Kenyon. 
 
 246. 1666, June? — The St. Paul, and tAvo others flagshigs, fired 
 by the General’s order. The General had 30 or 40 men killed by 
 a Vice-Admiral of the enemy at our recounter. 
 
 The Gloucester, the Ann, the Bristoll, the Antelopp, became 
 shalloAved in the Gunfleet. 
 
 On Saturday, 4 or 5 of the enemy’s ships were seen on fire ; a Vice 
 Admiral of the enemy sent to the .... by our General. 
 
 Captain Bacon, killed, Capt : Hollis lost an arm, a dozen of ours, 
 binding up their shattered members. 
 
 A maimed ship brought into Harwich, June 4. The Duke shott 
 through the breeches, all his tackle taken off with chain shot. 
 
 TAventy four of their great ships AAmre sunk, and one fired, of 76 guns, 
 being a Vice-Admiral. 
 
 The Henry shattered and sent off. Lost 100 men. 
 
78 
 
 The Dutch fleet, 76 sail and 10 fire ships. The Dutch lost 3 sail 
 more. 
 
 Swiftsure, Spread Eagle, Loyal George, [and] Small Katherim, 
 lost of ours. 
 
 The Duke, having on Sunday morning sent away all his shattered 
 ships, had but 40 sail left. 
 
 Rainbow disabled ; 25 of her men killed. 
 
 The Dutch Admiral made a hull ; 3 fired, 6 or 7 maimed. 
 
 The Greneral had 50 ships at the beginning; the Dutch, above 80. 
 But 35 of the enemy seen at the last, and what has become of the 
 rest, not known. 
 
 The Prince burnt. Sir G. Ascough taken ; the Essex taken ; the 
 Siviftsure yet missing. 
 
 Dorothy Lagoe to Mrs. Kenyon, at Peel. 
 
 247. [ 16] 66, December 1. [Manchester.] — There is but four shops in 
 toun that sells children’s caps, and I have been at 3 of them myself to 
 day to see for one, for cosin Betty, but can meet with none that’s large 
 enough for her. I have sent Alice to the fourth shop to see for one. 
 Sister, if you want pepper, or other Christmas stuff, it were good to take 
 itbeetimes; it will rise in the price. Pepper is allready raised. Alice 
 can get no cap that’s large enough. Sister, this cloeth cost 2s. Qd. (at 
 17^/. the yard). Your shoes and galloshoes, 4^. ^d.\ the thread, which I 
 sent you last, cost 6d. ; so that [there] now remaines with me, of that 
 nine shillings you sent, 1^. \Qd. 
 
 A List of His Majesty’s Kavy. 
 
 248. 1666. — The totals are as follows : — Men, 29,170 ; Guns, 6320 ; 
 Ships, 149; and Fire ships, 10. 
 
 Guicciardini Ayloff to Koger Kenyon. 
 
 249. 1667, April 19. Thisleworth. — It is said for certain there will 
 
 be a peace, indeed as good, some think, as concluded already, and upon 
 honourable terms ; for we are not so much behind hand in our naval 
 preparations, nor they so forward, as the world has fancied. We shall 
 quickly have four or five squadrons in readiness. Sir Thomas Allen 
 already at Plymouth with above 30, third rate frigates, for the most part. 
 Sir Robert Holmes is to be for Portsmouth, where the Duke of Y'ork is 
 gone. Sir Thomas Tiddyman, for the Downs. Sir Jer; Smith, for 
 Harwich, where his Highness was not long since, and ordered excellent 
 fortifications about the town and harbour. Sir Edward Spragg, for 
 Hull. All, it may be imagined, with less squadrons than Sir Thomas 
 Allen’s. Our Ambassadors go away the next week, and the Swedes 
 altogther for Breda. On Tuesday the Swedes are to see the solemnity 
 of a St. George’s feast at Whiteliall, to introduce the new princely 
 brotiier of the order, the Duke of Cambridge. They talk of a great 
 robbery lately committed, 11,000 /g of his Majesty’s money, that had a 
 sufficient convoy too, but a stronger, of 50 men armed, came and took it 
 away and killed two or three of the guards. I hope it may prove no 
 such matter.” Seal of arms. 
 
 The Same to the Same. 
 
 250. 1667, May 21. Westminster. — We have heard little or nothing 
 concerning the Treaty since the Ambassadors went ; that affair seems 
 
79 
 
 under a cloud, but we hope it will break clear at last. The Earl of South- 
 ampton, Lord Treasurer, is lately dead; it Is said his office will be 
 executed by Commissioners, and it is talked that the Duke of Albemarle, 
 Lord Ashley, Sir Thomas Clitfbrd, Sir John Duncom, and another, will 
 be the men entrusted; a few days will give the certainty. Seal of 
 arms, 
 
 Edmund ^ssheton to Major John Byrom. 
 
 251. 1667, May 21. London. — jMy Lord Castlehaven is to raise a 
 regiment of foot to go and serve the King of Spain in Flanders, and has 
 been pleased to make me captain of a company, which I must raise, and 
 have ready to put on board, at Gravesend, by 15 June. Within this time, 
 can you send me about fifty men ? The conditions are these : — from 
 the day they set out, they shall be paid 12 pence a day till such time as 
 they shall be set on board ship ; and immediately after that, they shall 
 enter into the King of Spain’s pay. I need not tell you anything of the 
 nobleness of the service, since you understand it better than T. We are 
 not allowed to beat a drum or to set up bills for the raising of our men, 
 because of the Treaty with France. 
 
 Waldine Lagoe to his “brother Kenyon, at the Peele.” 
 
 252. 1667, June 15. Manchester. — On Thursday night we had the 
 news that the Dutch, with their fleet, were within four miles of Graves- 
 end, and that General Monk and the Lord Craven were gone down to put 
 a stop to them, and secure our great ships that were at Chatham. But 
 this day’s post brings news that the Dutch have broken the chain that 
 was put aci'oss the Thames and are come past Gravesend, and have 
 taken the Royal Charles, and we have sunk four ships to keep them 
 from being taken. And though it is said we have 30,000 men on the 
 shore, yet the Dutch, with their great guns from their fleet, do beat our 
 men off, that they can do no good. Our great ships that are at Chatham, 
 are at the mercy of the enemy. It is feared the French are also coming 
 over from Dunkirk to land in England. “ The Lord in mercy appear 
 for us ! ” Seal. 
 
 Lewis Assheton to Eoger Kenyon, at Peel. 
 
 253. 1667, June 20. — “ The drums beat daily for volunteers, but how 
 many listed, I know not. I am very inclinable to engage on this side 
 the countrey, if this bargain hinder not. Collonell Kerby is raising a 
 regiment but where to bee imployed I know not as yet.” Seal of arms. 
 
 Postscript. — “ Your letteres will find me att the coll, [college ?] in 
 Graie’s Inn Lane. This morning, report saith, died the Duke of Cam- 
 bridge.” ^ Seal of arms. 
 
 Guicciardini Ayloff to Koger Kenyon. 
 
 254. 1667, August 21. — The world here languishes in expectation of 
 the peace, and we are almost brought into despair; but at Court, they have 
 the same confidence, still laying the cause upon the great distance from 
 Breda to Copenhagen, which has retarded the return of the King of 
 Denmark’s ratification. The Countess of Clarendon is dead, and Sir 
 Henry Bellasis, but not of the wound given him in his body by Mr. 
 John Porter, as the coroner’s inquest has given in. Seal of arms. 
 
 ^ Son of James, Duke of York, by Anne Hyde. Died at Kichmond .and] buried 
 at \VesttQinster. 
 
80 
 
 Henry [N'owell to his brother. 
 
 255. 1667, October 4. Castletown. — About six weeks ago I wrote 
 to you, but unfortunately my letter miscarried, as my lady’s vessel was 
 ‘‘ overset” upon the coast of Wales, in which was Dick Colcott, brother 
 to that unfortunate man who slew my nephew, Bunastre. They say 
 that Major Colcott is lost at sea, so that house is quite extinct. My 
 niece, Jane Nowell, is married in Belfast, unknown to her father and 
 mother, or any friend. She has married an apothecary ; his shop is 
 well furnished, and that is all I canjiear he hath. 
 
 Guicciardini Ayloff to Koger Kenyon. 
 
 256. 1667, October 15. Westminster. — Both Houses concurred to 
 give the King thanks for six particulars, and, this afternoon, went whole 
 to Whitehall to do it. The six are for disbanding of the army, for 
 quickening an Act against Irish cattle, reviving the laws against papists, 
 annulling the Canary Company, referring the examination of accounts 
 and miscarriages to Parliament, and the last for removing the Chancellor. 
 They have something on foot touching the privileges of the House. 
 They have appointed a committee to examine the abuse in the dearness 
 of coals (which are 36^. at least), and exacting of innkeepers and other 
 abuses, I hope will come in. Seal of arms, broken. 
 
 Edward Kenyon to his brother, Roger Kenyon. 
 
 257. [16]67, November 13. Peel. — Concerning the publication of a 
 
 proposed excommunication of Mr. Lever, on the previous Sunday. Cap- 
 tain Greenalgh so much favours ‘‘ the papists,” that I fear you cannot, 
 without sinne and dishonour, bee his undersheriff. . . . I pray you 
 
 dear brother, for God’s sake, and your soul’s, have nothing to do with 
 it.” Seal of arms, broken. 
 
 Edward Rigby to Roger Kenyon, at Peel. 
 
 258. 1667, November 17. Gray’s Inn. — “ Since my last, we have (as 
 I doubt not but you have heard) impeached the Earle of Clarendon, at 
 the Lords’ luarre, of treason, high crimes and misdemeanors ; but the 
 Lords have not complyed with the Commons to imprison him as yet, and 
 therefore the Commons have appointed a committee to draw up reasons 
 ^shy he should be committed. We have also agreed to impeach Com- 
 missioner Holt for his miscarrages at Chatham ; and it is probable, ere 
 long, you wnll hear of others to be impeached. I do not remember any 
 bill this weeke of publicke concernment, proceeded in; but that bill ^ 
 against pluralities is read the second time, and committed.” Seal of 
 arms, broken. 
 
 Guicciardini Ayloff to Roger Kennyon. 
 
 259 . 1667, November 21. Westminster. — “ The great matter now in 
 action, is that of the Earl of Clarendon, which hath held the Houses much 
 debate. The House of Commons went up with a generall impeachment 
 of treason, high crimes, and misdemeanours, against him, which, beeing 
 not drawne into articles or formall charge, the Lords thought not lit to 
 accept, so far as to order his committment ; but ever since (which is 8 
 or 9 dayes) it has depended in debates betweene them, and reasons have 
 bcene sent up from the House of Commons, but for ought I heare as yet, 
 
81 
 
 both Houses adhere to their owne resolves. The article of treason, as 
 they say, is that hee hath deluded and betrayed the King in his 
 Councells, and all along, in this war, has betrayed the nation and the 
 King in his treatyes with forraine states ; ’tis somewhat toward this 
 effect. Perhaps you may have seen the articles, there are copies goe 
 about. The Lord Chief- Justice Keeling, being charged with some mis- 
 carriages towards juries in tryalls before him, was once before a 
 Committee, and gave a very modest and faire answeare to two or three 
 of the charges against him ; but, 1 heare, they were content to respite 
 the further examination and debate of those matters till after the tearme, 
 in favor to the publick proceeding of his place and court. There has 
 bin some complaints made in the House against some persons, some 
 members, for taking gratuityes of the merchants that obtained their 
 French wines to be landed, after the proclamation of war against the 
 French.” Seal of arms, broken. 
 
 English Catholics. 
 
 260. 1667, Christmas. — An answer to a pamphlet entitled The 
 humble Apologie of the English Catholicks.” 13 pp. 
 
 Guicciardini Aylorf to Roger Kenyon. 
 
 261. 1667[-8], February 11. Westminster. — “The Parliament met 
 upon Monday ; and his Majesty came to the House, spake very short; only 
 acquainted the Houses that, having made a league with the Hollanders, 
 and others, he should have occasion to get out shipping and, therefore, 
 desired them to take it into consideration to assist him in it; and some- 
 thing also for quieting the thoughts of his Protestant subjects in relation 
 to religion, in which matters his Majesty was something prevented by 
 the House of Commons, they having, immediately before his coming 
 and their going up to the Lords House to his Majesty, voted to petition 
 his Majesty to set out a proclamation to put the laws in that case, in 
 execution, which it is thought has much quashed the hopes of that bill 
 of comprehension, as they call it, which was now somewhat in expecta- 
 tion. The Lord Gerard has had but ill success in three indictments 
 against Carr ; one of felony, for running from his colours ; the two 
 others of forgery. He came otf clear of all.” Seal of arms, broken. 
 
 James Bkadshaav, Robert Lever, and John Andrewes to 
 [Roger Kenyon ?]. 
 
 262. 1667 [-8], February 12. Bolton. — “ Therentdue at Candlemass 
 last, for the land in Balderstowe, given by Mr. Gosnell to the Church 
 schole and poore at Boulton, beeinge not yet paide us, and understanding 
 that you are one of the executors of Mr. John Hayhurst, your father-in- 
 law, and thereby concerned in the payment of it, wee, the feoffees of the 
 foresaid(?) guifte, thinking it good to give you notice of the fayler, that 
 so you might take care to pay it, with what possible speed may bee, for 
 the preventing of further treble, both to yourself and us, as also for the 
 salisfyeing of those to Avhom it belongs, who have alreadie demanded it 
 of us, supposing wee had received it at the day, as formerly.” Seal. 
 
 R. Bradyll to Roger Kenyon. 
 
 263. 1667[-8], February 15. — Thanks him for a loan of 10/. “ The 
 reason I was soe urgent w’as, I had provided a parsell of goods for the 
 
 F 
 
 73480. 
 
82 
 
 Sheriffs, and an unworthy man in our toune, offered ready money for 
 them thinking to trapann mee ; soe I was foarsed, in 48 oures, to pay 
 1 50/. which putt mee to a streight. I begg your ladie’s axceptance of a 
 bottle of as good Tent as ever you drunke.” 
 
 Postscript — ‘‘Pray send my bottell back.” 
 
 Guicciardini Ayloff to Eoger Kenyon. 
 
 264. 1667 [-8], February 29. Westminster. — The House of Com- 
 mons has resolved upon 300,000//. for his Majesty’s supply, and now, 
 this very instant, are considering how to raise it. A land tax, and home 
 commodities, they have declared against ; it may be upon excise, upon 
 linen cloth, wine, and other foreign things. Perhaps a Poll Bill again. 
 There is a great business upon the stage again, concerning my Lord 
 Gerard and Fitten. A foul narrative was made by Carr (of former 
 passages in that business) at the House of Commons, if they can make 
 it out, which is thought will hardly be done. Seal of arms, broken. 
 
 Dorothy Lagoe to her brother, Eoger Kenyon, at Peel. 
 
 265. 1668, May 26. — “ I desire you will send mee the print of your 
 scale, as soone as you can. I have been to-day to see about spoons and 
 about the ingraving of a coat, but cannot know the price till they see the 
 coate ; but they say they doe them all on the backside of the steele and 
 without any compartiment or laurell about the coat, when done on 
 spoones ; but I’ll get them done as you further direct.” Seal. 
 
 Guicciardini Ayloff to Eoger Kenyon. 
 
 266. 1668, July 4. Westminster. — An Ambassador from France is 
 expected. A. house is taken for him (Leicester House), for two or three 
 years. There is talk of a proclamation to give notice of the further 
 adjournment again of Parliament, to the first of November. 
 
 Leo: Clayton to Roger Kenyon. 
 
 267. 1668, July 8. Blackburn. — Asking for his interest on behalf 
 of Mr. John Bretherton, late curate of Blackburn, for a chapel in Eccles 
 parish, he thinks called Ellenbrough. Seal. 
 
 Robbers. 
 
 268. 1668. — Certificate, signed J. Charlton, that he believes that 
 Darcy Lassells was the person intended in his Majesty’s proclamation, 
 issued out against notorious robbers, the 23rd day of September 1668 ; 
 although his name, by mistake, is there mentioned to be Henry Lassells. 
 
 Guicciardini Ayloffe to Roger Kenyon, at Peel. 
 
 269. 1668[-9], February 11. “ Dean Yard, Westminster.” — “ Baron 
 Wrainsford is removed up into the King’s Bench. Broome spoken of 
 to come in his place. We are preparing our sommer (?) navy of some 
 40 sayle.” Seal, broken. 
 
 D[orothy] L[agoe] to her brother, Roger Kenyon, in 
 
 Holborne. 
 
 270. 1669, July 15. — I have had intimation that there have been seen 
 on Swinton Moor, six or seven men, indifferently well horsed, with 
 
83 
 
 pistols ; they inquired when you would come home. Yesterday evening 
 two of them rode at one passing, who was better horsed than they ; they 
 discharged three pistols at him. They are supposed to be highwaymen, 
 [and] seem to bear you a grudge. We desire you will not come home 
 for fear of danger. Your wife knows nothing about them, but sister 
 Alice heard about it. Seal. 
 
 Thomas Ounliffe to Roger Kenyon. 
 
 271 . 1669, August 31. ‘‘ Angell Alley in Southwark.” — ‘‘His 
 
 Majesty went yesterday [on] his progress for his Kew Forest in Hamp- 
 shire, and is said, returns within fourteen days. Some makes a double 
 wheather the Parliament doth meete at the time appoynted, or noe, or, if 
 they doe meete, wheather they sitt for any continuence, or noe ; yett 
 others of more sober judgments conceave there wilbe a necessitie of 
 theire meetinge and continuence, both by reason his Majestic will have 
 occasions to rayse more money, wliich is supposed will bee the more hard 
 to rayse without some better accompte bee given them, how that, formerly 
 given, hath beene disposed of. But I shall wish there may be a good 
 iinderstandinge betweene them, and a lovinge complyance on all hands.” 
 Seal. 
 
 D. Lagoe to Mrs. Alice Kenyon, at Peel. 
 
 272 . [16]69, October 13. — Sends her, for her own eating, six 
 quinces to make “ into marmalate, or preserve them,” because “ quince 
 is good for the brain of the little one.” Seal. 
 
 Guicciardini Ayloff to Roger Kenyon. 
 
 273 . 1669, December 11. Westminster. — This day, the Parliament 
 are risen and prorogued by his Majesty to the 14th February, so then 
 (they say) all is to begin again de novo. Sir George Cartwright, saving 
 that he is suspended the House as a member, is as he was. He came off, 
 in the House of Lords, indifferent fair ; what he might have done in the 
 House of Commons, I cannot well guess. The Bill for lessening interest 
 money to ^ per cent, is laid aside. We talk much of a likelihood of war 
 between the French and Holland. The King’s supply, almost finished, 
 must now sleep till the next meeting of Parliament. Seal of arms. 
 
 Thomas Pimloe to Mrs. Alice Kenyon, at Peel. 
 
 274 . [16]69, 9. Budworth. — Has received the 55^. “ and 
 
 the grammar and handkerchiefe. I will, according to your desire, buy 
 cloath for William ; but for Mr. Roger’s corning home, if you pleased, 
 I would have you to respite it till Michaelmas. When you send his 
 shifts, I pray send him a cloath suite to wear; for I am sure his cloak, 
 shift, breeches, and tunic, will not last him a moneth. And pray send 
 him a paire of shoes. He is well, and in good health, and I think 
 William hath now forgotton all his sister said.” Seal of arms ^ hrolien. 
 
 Guicciardini Ayloffe to Roger Kenyon. 
 
 275 . 1669[-70], February 8. Westminster. — Complains much of 
 the cold weather, which has brought in a kind of “paraletic distemper.” 
 There are two new Bishops nominated by his Majesty, Dr. Gunning, foi* 
 
 F 2 
 
84 
 
 Chichester, and Dr. Barrow, the Bishop of Man, for St. Asaph. The 
 King of France, they say, for the benefit of his health, (rather than out of 
 good nature or justice) will cease his wars for this year. He has been 
 troubled with vapours in his head (that may be easily believed) and had 
 some kind of fit “ like apoplecticul ” ; that he will apply himself to the 
 waters at Bourbon, for this summer, and will refer the arbitration of the 
 difference between Spain and him, to our King and the King of Sweden. 
 Seal of arms. 
 
 GtUICCiardini Ayloffe to Roger Kennyon. 
 
 276 . 1669[-70], March 1. Westminster. — As to an informer against 
 ‘‘ Conventikles,” I believe there will be no need ; for, they say, the 
 Parliament are upon reviving the Act, and will make it stricter and put 
 a penalty upon the justices and magistrates, if they be too remiss in 
 putting the law in execution. And for other penal laws, I have heard 
 the prosecutor has a recompense out of the fine imposed, and will not 
 need any share out of that which falls to the King. All things go on very 
 well and quietly in Parliament. His Majesty’s supply upon wine, to 
 continue for seven years, goes forward towards finishing the Act for 
 building the City, and something about that of Conventicles. Some- 
 thing, they say, is in hand about clerks of the markets. But I hear his 
 Majesty has sent to the Houses to prepare all they can in a readiness be- 
 fore Easter, for then he intends to go some progress to Audeley End and 
 Newmarket, to hunt and see the horse races there. The Duchess of 
 Albemarle’s funeral was last night in the Abbey, in Henry the Seventh’s 
 Chapel. The body was carried from the Star Chamber, and many great 
 lords of the Court were at it. The Duke is not yet laid in state at 
 Somerset House, for want of black velvet, etc. Seal of arms. 
 
 Roger Bradshaigh to Roger Kenton. 
 
 277 . 1669 [-70], March 3. — “ Yours came to my hands in the House of 
 Comons at the same time that wee weare nearly upon the debate for the 
 second reading of the Bill against Conventicles, and for the Comittment 
 of it, my contriman (Black Birch) having newly excused the meetings of 
 such concientious people, as living farre from the other church, theire 
 Chappells not beeing provided ; and partiouiarly instanced the severall 
 Chappells in Manchester parish, and further added, that theare could not 
 bee one instance produced that any such meetings had produced any 
 insurrection, or that any treason, scismne, or other contrivance or 
 disturbance to the government, had beene theare hatcht. This made my 
 modestye mooved to speake, and such instances, as I had formerly 
 observed and in my memorye had retained, I layd open to the House, 
 with the necessitie for a Bill of restraynt, and what ways to meete with 
 their subtle evations. And theise, I affirmed to carry the reputation of 
 Presbyterians in our contry. This made the House to looke upon my 
 contriman as sufficiently contradicted in his possitive affirmation. It 
 was three of the clock, ere wee got the question ; but [it] was at last 
 committed, and is nt this present under consideration of the Committee 
 now sitting by mee ; indeed, the bill will bee much more rigid then 
 formerly, and wee must be furnisht with more instances to induce the 
 passing of it, when it comes into the House. Soe I would desyre you, 
 that you would gather mee what instances you can of insolencys, of 
 scisme, of dangerous words spoken, or any other thing that hath 
 happned, since the Act of Oblivion, worthy taking notice of, to object 
 against them, and I shall not fayle to urge them when tyme servse. In 
 
85 
 
 the meanetime, I pray, let the further examinatiou of the busines at 
 Gorton Chapell bee taken ; and send me word what you know of the 
 chapeli called Birch Chapell, and of their meeiings. You shall not need 
 to be named in anything. This I desyre may be done as soone as may- 
 bee, before the Bill come back to the House.” 
 
 Jo: Hartley to [Roger Kenyon.?]. 
 
 278 . 1669 [-70], March 19. Strangways. — Encloses a letter from Sir 
 Roger Bradshaigli, with an order of the Council. Sir Roger desired it 
 might be communicated to the gentlemen of the Sheriff’s table. He 
 says that the order should have been not only for putting the laws in 
 execution against those of Gorton Chapel, but against all offenders of 
 that nature. The House of Lords are very busy about the Bill against 
 Conventicles; and, he believes, it may pass with some amendments. 
 Seal of arms. 
 
 Jo : Otway to Roger Kenyon, 
 
 279 . 1670, [May] 3. — No news here, but of the great solemnity of the 
 general funeral. He is now laid in state in the Abbey, and is to lie 
 open for all eyes, for one month, with these words round about him, 
 Fortiter, Jideliter, feliciter. 
 
 Benjamin Aylofff to Roger Kenyon, at Peel. 
 
 280 . 1670, June 30. — “ The King’s fee farme rents are now upon sale, 
 and I purpose to make it my generall busines to contract and dispatch 
 the purchases of such persons as will make use of me for that purpose ; 
 therefore, I intreate the faver from you as to assist me in that affaire, 
 by ingaging as many of your acquaintance to me as you can.” 
 
 Order in Council. 
 
 281 . 1670, August 20. Whitehall. — ‘‘ Upon reading the humble peti» 
 tion of the right honourable Charles, Earle of Derby, setting forth that 
 he has been of late most injuriously perplexed by the complaints of several 
 persons of the Isle of Man, preferred to this Board against him, through 
 the malice, and at the instigation of one Evan Curghy, an inhabitant 
 there, a person of so implacable a disposition, that he is dissatisfied 
 under the administration of all the law and justice of the said Island, 
 even in causes haveing no influence upon or relation to his own con- 
 cernes, promoteing contention among the inhabitants, maligning the 
 government and peace of the said Island, seconding petition with 
 petition, and clamour to this Board, after dismission of their complaints 
 to the vast charge, attendance, and expence, of the petitioner and his 
 agents, waiting here for his jusUfication and defence. That the persons 
 complaining (there being no costs awarded against them, or any other 
 punishment inflicted upon their dismission) presume, through that 
 impunity, to levive their complaints. And praying that he may have 
 liberty, by the testimony of the late Bishop of Man, and others, to 
 represent to this Board the person of the said Curghy, to make good 
 the matter of this petition, and to have releife against him according to 
 the lawes of the said island; and that such clamorous petitions may not 
 be received untill security be first given to answer such costs as this 
 Board shall adjudge, in case the matter of complaint be determined 
 
86 
 
 iigaitjst them. It is this clay ordered by his Ma.jestie in Council, that 
 the petitions of the inhabitants of the Isle of Man remaining with the 
 Clerke of the Council, be sent to the Right Reverend the Lord Bishop of 
 St. Asaph, who is hereby prayed and required to examine them, and 
 report to this Board concerning the matter they containe ; whereupon 
 his Majestiein Councell will declare his further pleasure. And it is also 
 ordered that the Clerks of the Councell in waiting, before they receive 
 any more petitions of the inhabitants of the Isle of Man, relating to 
 the Earl of Derby and the government there, doe take sufficient 
 security from such persons to pay such costs and damages as this Board 
 shall judge fit to award against them, in case, upon the hearing, they 
 shall not be able to make out and justifie their complaints.” Co^y. 
 
 Thomas Charleton to Roger Kenyon. 
 
 282. 1670, August 29. Lancaster Castle. — Asking for his influence 
 with the High Sheriff, for his enlargement, having lain in prison three 
 years in great penury. Seal of arms. 
 
 Thomas Braddyll to Roger Kenyon. 
 
 283. 1670, December 5. Portfield. — Asks for the record concerning 
 the Quakers, by the first opportunity. 
 
 Paul Cobb to Roger Kenyon. 
 
 284. 1670, December 10. — “ One Benyon was indicted upon the 
 Statute of 35 Elizabeth, for being at a Conventicle. He was in prison, 
 and was brought into Court and the indictment read to him ; and because 
 he refused to plead to it, the Court ordered me to record his confession, 
 and he hath lain in prison upon that conviction, ever since Christmas 
 Sessions, 12 Chas. II. And my Lord Chief Justice Keelinge was then 
 upon the Bench, and gave the rule, and had the like, a year ago, against 
 others. Benyon hath petitioned all the Judges of Assize, as they came 
 the Circuit, but could never be released. . And truly, I think it but 
 reasonable that if any one do appear, and afterwards will not plead, but 
 that you should take judgment by 7iihil dicit, or confession.” 
 
 John Molyneux to Roger Kenyon. 
 
 285. 1670, December 13. — Hopes he is recovered from the gout, 
 and thanks him for the hounds. “ Cromwell fits the speed of my hounds 
 very well.” Seal. 
 
 Guicciardini Aylofee to Roger Kenyon. 
 
 286. 1670, December 17. Westminster. — Ko discovery is yet made 
 in that villainous attempt upon the Duke of Ormond; three or four of 
 their pistols, and as many swords, were found scattered, and a cloak, 
 besides four horses, all base and mean, which shows they were pitiful 
 rogues. The Prince of Orange, they say, having been at Newmarket 
 and Cambridge, lays aside his intended visit to Oxford and Windsor, 
 and goes away shortly for Holland. A quarrel happened, this week, 
 between two of his company ; a French colonel, or captain, and a Dutch 
 captain, fought a duel here at Westminster ; the French was slain. This 
 troubles the Prince much. Two new-built houses, not finished, in 
 Fenchurch Street, fell down ; seven of the workmen were killed and as 
 many hurt. Seal of arms^ broken. 
 
87 
 
 Guicciardini Ayloffe to Roger Kenton. 
 
 287 . 1670, December 24. — “The Parliament adjourned, upon 
 Teusday last, to the Thursday sennight following (29 December instant), 
 passing a vote that all members absent the Monday after Twelveday, 
 should pay a double subsidie. Nothing as yet discovered in that buisnes 
 of the Duke of Ormond. Here has happened this weeke another, some- 
 thing like it. Sir John Coventry goeing home to his lodging in Suffolk 
 Streete, very late — ’twas betwene 1 and 2 at night — was set upon by halfe 
 a score, or a dozen, men, halfe on foote and the other halfe horsemen, with 
 designe of giving him the opprobrious marke of cutting off his nose, and 
 fell upon him with knives (one was found afterwards of the Duch 
 fashon, for their snick or snee) but mangled his face much, though failed of 
 their full designe, but otherwise wounded him with their swords. They 
 all went off, undiscovered. He behaved himself stoutly for a single 
 person, and thinks hee wounded one of them. ’Tis much the towne 
 talke, and conjectured in revenge for some smart words hee spake in the 
 House, beeing a member. The Prince of Orange was entertained 
 Sunday night last by Prince Ruber t at Winsor, went next day to visit 
 Oxford, is returned hether and, some say, goes away next weeke. The 
 House of Commons has passed a vote, that they shall protect no persons 
 but their moeniall servants.’^ Seal of arms. 
 
 Henry Nowell to Roger Kenyon. 
 
 288 . 1670, 10. Castletown, Isle of Man. — Has been very ill 
 
 for some time. “ I doubts not, in the least, but you have assisted my 
 man, to the utmost of your power, to gett my rights in Lancasheir.” Lord 
 Derby intends coming over to the Island “ betwixt this and May ; we 
 are making great prepartion for his coming.’’ Sealj broken. 
 
 John Otway to Roger Kenyon, Clerk of the Peace for Lancashire. 
 
 289. 1670[-1], January 3. — “ Your dexerity in prosecuting against 
 forgery and barratry, is so well knowme, as the King’s Attorney can 
 constitute no better deputy than yourselfe in cases of that nature. I 
 am informed there is a woman is to come to her tryall upon the latter ; 
 I shall onely desire you to doe his Majestie right, for which you will 
 not onely have the thanks of Mr. Heywood, but of the whole country.” 
 Seal., broken. 
 
 John Warburton to [Roger Kenyon]. 
 
 290 . 1670[-1], January o. — “ Your right deare and deservedly 
 beloved brother, the parson, deceased,” promised me, as stipend, 30^. a 
 year for my service “ att the chappelles of Ednenfeild and Holcome, 
 whereof he payd one 30^., which came to my handes, and another 30^. 
 he deposited for me toward Mr. Poole’s Contraction of the Critticks’^ 
 The book has been withheld, as also some part of the promised salary. 
 
 Guicciardini Ayloffe to Roger Kenyon. 
 
 291 . 1670[-7l], January 24. Westminster. — We have little newes. 
 The house are intent upon the money bill. The bill for that assault 
 of Sir John Coventry is now with the Lords, and it is thought the 
 
88 
 
 Comoners will not bee forwarder in the other, then the Lords wilbee 
 in that. Cutting of noses is growne use and fashon. A Minister, some- 
 where out by Oxford, one Mr. Hall, had his nose cutt lately ; and 
 last night, about [the] Strand, a gentleman had the like massacre upon 
 hi-^, by 3 or 4 young gentlemen that came out of a taverne in cutting 
 case (sic)^ you may imagine; Mr. Russell, they say, was one of them. 
 Last night the French Embassy at York House made a huge treat to the 
 King, Queen, and all the Court, and great maskarading there was. 
 There is a report the French King has sent out a party of his Fleete to 
 intercept the Holland East Indie Fleete, now coming home.” Seal 
 of arms. 
 
 Henry Kowe to Roger Kenton, ‘‘ at Holeborne, London.” 
 
 292. 1670[-1], February 14. Wigan. — On Saturday I went to Park- 
 head, and your mother and I considered how to appoint toll-takers at Black- 
 burn. There were none of any quality in the town opposed to taking 
 toll, but there were some three or four chapmen at one E ns worth’s, who 
 combined not to pay toll. One was Thomas Hey, of Ashton, to whom I 
 told of your mother’s grant, and if he or any stood out, the toll-takers 
 should make distress of a beast. In the end they drove their beasts in a 
 tumultuous manner to the towns-end, and with a great shout and 
 beating upon the beasts, passed tlie toll-takers and would pay no toll. 
 Something must be done against them before the next fortnight’s fair. 
 Seal. 
 
 Henry Ro[we] to Roger Kenyon, in London. 
 
 293. 1670[-1], February 28. Wigan. — I was at Parkhead and 
 Blackburn yesterday ‘‘ about the toule,” and served the “ Duke’s privy 
 seal ” on two men, “ thinking that would have quited the rest.” There 
 were many chapmen, and many beasts sold. I perceived they were all 
 agreed not to pay, and to defend those served. On hearing this, 
 I “ doubled his files at the end of the streete they were to goe out at,” 
 but, as I had only 20 men with me, could neither have stopped them 
 nor taken a beast, ‘‘ for the chapmen were assisted with at least 100 
 people of town and country, and soe violently drive away the beastes, 
 that they broake and burste doune two ^foane stoopes of three quarters 
 of a yard thick.” 
 
 Francis Hollinshed to . 
 
 294. 1670[-1], March 23. London. — Wishes to know how many 
 chimneys are liable to pay the tax, in every hundred in Lancashire ; an 
 answer is to be sent to him, to Mr. Edward Hollinshed’s house, “at the 
 signe of The B[l]ack-a-morse Head in Grubb Street, nere Cripill Gate, 
 London.” Seal of arms. 
 
 J. Hulme (?) to . 
 
 295. 1671, March 26. — The great news of the (own is our encounter 
 at sea with the Dutch, on Wednesday, Thursday, and Friday. Our 
 6 ships-of-war fought 1 J of their men-of-war, assisted by above 30 of their 
 merchant-men, which had 30 or 40 guns a piece ; their merchant-men in 
 all, were above 60, but four engaged not, but stole away. We have 
 taken their admiral, sank their vice-admiral, and, it is said, taken 3 or 6 
 of their merchants, The exact express is not yet come to Court ; we 
 have had no considerable loss. Seal of arms, broken. 
 
89 
 
 Thomas Stringer to Eoger Kenyon, at Peel. 
 
 296. 1671, May 30. Chancery Lane. — Has delivered his letter to 
 
 Sir Thomas Clarges; ‘‘he lives in Pickadilly, over against St. James’s 
 House, neare my late Lord Chancellor’s house. . . . As for the 
 
 businesse of the fayres, write to Sir Thomas Clargies.” 
 
 Dorothy Lagoe to Mrs. Kenyon, at Peel. 
 
 297. 1671, June 20. Manchester. — “ After you were gone yesterday, 
 sister Alice found the noat which you had from Mr. Hulton, to give you 
 leave to sitt in his seat in our church. But the noat is too short 
 to answer your desires, for it only gives leave for my brother and your- 
 self to sitt in the seat, and neither extends to your children sitting in the 
 seat, nor any of your friends that may occasionally be with you ; nor it 
 does not prohibitt any of those persons which comes to the seat and fills 
 it allready, but only gives my brother and you, leave to crowd in amongst 
 them.” 
 
 Henry Rowe to Roger Kenyon, at The Sword and Buckler, 
 
 Holborn. 
 
 298. [16]71, July 4. — “I have sent to you a box of cannell plate 
 {sic) here after mentioned : — 
 
 Tall salt, with a cover - - - 
 
 - 0 
 
 5^. 
 
 0 
 
 A great salt with fower pillers 
 
 - 0 
 
 2s. 
 
 0 
 
 A tall standish for inck - 
 
 - 0 
 
 2s. 
 
 6d. 
 
 A flatt standish for inck _ _ _ 
 
 - 0 
 
 2s. 
 
 0 
 
 Two others for inck - - _ . 
 
 - 0 
 
 Is. 
 
 4(7. 
 
 Halfe a dozen of newe fashioned salts - 
 
 - 0 
 
 8s. 
 
 0 
 
 Halfe a dozen, of eight square 
 
 - 0 
 
 2s. 
 
 0 
 
 Halfe a dozen of 3 square - 
 
 - 0 
 
 2 
 
 0 
 
 Box nailes - 
 
 - 0 
 
 1 
 
 Qd. 
 
 ll. Is. 4d.” 
 
 Portion of seal. 
 
 Guicciardini Wentworth to Roger Kenyon. 
 
 299. 1671, September 22. Westminster. — On Monday the King goes 
 to Keww.arket, and so into Norfolk. The Queen, to Lord Arlington’s and 
 Audly-End. The late storms lost us 20 colliers’ men and shipping. 
 There is great bustle about the Customs, whether to be in commissioners 
 or farmers, and whether Lord Ashley shall be Treasurer or not. Seal 
 of arms. 
 
 Lawrence Booth to Roger Kenyon, at Manchester. 
 
 300. 1671, September 30. Harden. — Desires that favour may be 
 shown to the bearer at the Sessions. He has married a wife in Uppen- 
 shaw, who has a tenement worth 8/. by the year ; “ and yet the toun will 
 have him removed.” 
 
 John Warren to Roger Kenyon, at Manchester. 
 
 301. 1671, October 11. — “ Mr. clerk of the Peace,” — I write on behalf 
 of “ Widow Entwisle and one Roger Brendwood who, I understand, are 
 
90 
 
 bound over to Manchester Sessions, upon a warrant of the peace, 
 granted by Captain Greenehalgh, at the instance, and uppon the oath, of 
 Eichard Greenhalgh, who, at the last assizes, was indyted and tryed for 
 a wissard/’ These two persons had been bound over to give evidence 
 against him at the assizes at Lancaster, “ which is all the matter, as I 
 understand, he hath against these persons/’ Seal of arms. 
 
 John Radcliffe to his cousin, Roger Kenyon. 
 
 302. 1671, October 14. Meareley. — “ You are generally elected (not 
 any being against you) Baylifi'e of the Borough of Cliderou, together with 
 my brother Kowell, whoe desires you would come and take the oathes 
 as speedily as you can.” Seal, 
 
 W. Htjlton to Roger Kenyon. 
 
 303. 1671, November 7. — Informing him that his uncle Mr. Joseph 
 Rigby is dead, and was buried yesterday. Seal, broken. 
 
 Sir Roger Bradshaigh to Roger Kenyon, at The Sword and 
 Buckler, Holborne. 
 
 304. 1671, November 10. Haigh. — I pray, before you come back, 
 buy me two or three of Goldsmith’s Almanacks, the leaves inverted {sic'). 
 
 1 pray send me word what you observe to be the newest fashion for this 
 winter’s clothes and belts ; I would rather have it from you than my 
 tailor. 
 
 John Hartley to Roger Kenyon, at The Sword and Buckler, 
 
 Holborn. 
 
 305. 1671, November 19. Strangwaies. — ‘‘If I had seen you before 
 you went, I should only have made bould to renew my request, which I 
 now doe, of buying me the statutes since 1667, all together, and if they be 
 not printed soe, an epitomy of all the statutes since his Majestie’s return, 
 if any hath taken that paines. Yours, I received v^ery thankefully. Wee 
 have little newes here, but since you went, wee had in Manchester, 
 
 2 famous or rather bold conventicles, one of which is convicted, and the 
 fines levying to above 50/. ; the other which was first in tyme, but last 
 discovered, Mr. Mosley, and I doe for the present suspend our judgment 
 untill we have taken advise ; and wee thought none fitter to consult, then 
 yourself. And if you think the case be doubtfull, wee desire you to 
 advise with what lawyers you please, and wee shalbe responsible for his 
 fee, for wee are satisfied that the parties will appeale. That you may the 
 better understand it, herewith is an abstract of the evidence upon 
 which wee proceede. And the case will appeare to be this, whether it be 
 a conventicle within the late statute, though we cannot discover who it 
 was that preacht, though wee are much induced to believe that it was 
 Parson Tilsley. And another question is this, (which some of the 
 peccants put to us) whether one punished for being at the first conven- 
 ticle, though last in tyme, may be punished for being att another, a 
 moneth before, but not knowne till after the last was convicted ; 
 because, say they, the last was the first offence, and wee cannot punish 
 them, for an offence committed before that, and call it the second offence. 
 Wee desire to heare your opinion in these cases, which will oblige.” 
 
91 
 
 Overleaf is the following draft form of information. — ‘‘A. B. 
 iiiformetli upon oath that upon, &c., there was a conventicle held in 
 the house of one B. C. in Manchester, where this informant heard one 
 preaching or discourseing, though he sawe him not ; but this informer 
 judgeth, by his voice, that it was one Mr. T., a nonconformist Minister, 
 for he is acquainted with him and knows his voice. He further saith 
 that among other persons that were at the said conventicle (being three 
 or fower scoare in number) were A. B., &c., all of them above the age of 
 16 years. He further saith that they met together about 12 of the 
 clock, and continued together till after 2 in the afternoon, and then 
 met again about 4 of the same day, and continued till 7 in the evening. 
 E. D. informeth the like. So that there was 2 conventicles in one day 
 at the same place and by the same person.” Seal of arms. 
 
 Henry [Nowell] to Eoger Kenyon. 
 
 306. 1671, December 18. Castletown. — Is suffering from gout. Is 
 afraid that Lord Derby’s licence, for his coming over, will scarce be 
 obtained ; besides which, he has the charge of the affairs of the Bishop 
 of St. Asaph. Seal of arms. 
 
 Alice Kenyon to Eoger Kenyon. 
 
 307. 1671[-2], January 21. — “Mother bids me tell you that the 
 fortnight fay res at Blackburne, begun in the Protector’s time, was then 
 proclamed by the sexton, as John Hindley can acquaint you. They doe 
 sease every yeare, soone after Michalmas, and are proclamed againe, either 
 the first Munday, or the second Munday, after Candlemas, every yeare, 
 sometimes the one Munday, sometimes the other. There is no bease 
 {sic) on the other market days. She desires, if John have not tould you, 
 that you would aske him wEat he knows of this. She presents you 
 with love and blessing, wdshing you a good jorney and a safe retorne.” 
 Seal, broken. 
 
 Guiccardini Wentworth to Eoger Kenyon, at Manchester. 
 
 308. 167l[-2], February 13. Westminster. — “This day, dyed 
 
 Mr. Chancellor of the Dutchy. Who shall succeed, a few days will 
 discover .... Within a post or two, you shall know something 
 more of this kind.” Seal of arms. 
 
 Thomas Greenfeild to Eoger Kenyon, at Manchester, or at Peel. 
 
 309. 1671[-2], February 20. London. — “ According as you desired, 
 I give you the accompt, touching the Doctor’s reception of Elisha Chew. 
 Yesterday, Dr. Frankland went with myselfe and Mr. William Cayton 
 alongt with the boy to Dr. Cromleholme, who readyly gave the child, 
 and us, a very free and welcome entertaynement ; and to be short, he 
 gave us, order to remember his love to the boy’s mother, and to lett her 
 know from him that he received her boy as his owne, and that 
 he willed as carefully of him as if he was his owne, and that he will 
 (by God’s blessing) give him learning and send him to Oxford, and that 
 he doubted not of friends to gett him preferment there. He called upp 
 his wife, and said ‘ sw^eetheart you must take this child as rayne and 
 yours,’ which shee denyed not, but asked her husband who he was like ; 
 he would have her judgment first, whereupon she sayd the boy was very 
 like a brother of hers, and he concurred with her in the matter. He 
 
92 
 
 was very glad the boy was past the measles and small pockes. After 
 we had drunk a glass or two of ayle about, he layd his hand on the 
 boye’s head and blessed him saying ‘ the Lord God Almighty bless thee, 
 and not only give thee wisdom and learning, but his grace alsoe.’ Upon 
 which, other company comeinge to him, wee tooke our leave and de- 
 parted ; and to-morrow morning, I am to goe, with the boy, to him, and 
 carry with him, his cloathes. And this is all, save that Mr. Edward 
 Bradhill writt to Dr. Franckland, that one of Mr. Cromleholme’s name, 
 was likewise coming upp, by which. Dr. Frankland had thought of some 
 fowle play in the ease, and found a little fault with me, that I did not 
 come to him sooner ; which I had done, had not his friends desired me 
 to ktepe him aweeke and buy him cloathes. But all is well. So is 
 your sonn, Sir Edmond that will be ; and he thanks you for your 
 remembrance of him, but I find he expected something more from 
 you, to have told him of a fitt wife for him, and one that needed not 
 much wooing, and yett shee might bee young, beatiful, and rich.’’ Seal 
 of arms. 
 
 Richard Blanshard to the Licensing Justices for Salford 
 Hundred, assembled at Manchester. 
 
 310. 1671 [-2], March 8. York. — Would have attended them on 
 the 11th, 13th, and 15th of the present month, as appointed; but the 
 York assizes begin on the 11th, and he has many persons that then meet 
 him, and pay in the money they have received under the act for the 
 “lawe duty.” Besides this, he is ‘‘ subponoenaed for a witness, in a 
 cause of the Duke of Buckingham,” to be tried at York this assizes. 
 
 J. Angier to Roger Kenyon. 
 
 311. 1671-2, March 17. Deane. — Concerning some ecclesiastical 
 proceedings against the writer. 
 
 Lists of the English and French Fleets, against Holland. 
 
 312. 1672, April 2. — Total of the English vessels, &c. : 103 ships 
 and 4 yatches, 24,925 men, 7,209 guns, and 54,827 tons. Total of the 
 French vessels, &c. : 116 ships, great and small, 22,509 men, 3,774 
 guns, and 52,679 tons. 
 
 Jane Kenyon to her daughter, Mrs. Alice Kenyon. 
 
 313. 1672, May 4. — Recommending her not to send “little Roger” 
 back to Mr. Pimlow’s school, as he was treated unkindly there. Portion 
 of seal. 
 
 Roger Kenyon [to his wife]. 
 
 314. 1672, June 25. — I am so troubled for my dear Dolly’s sickness. 
 Cousin Dick Asheton is not slain, he was taken prisoner and carried into 
 Holland, but is now at liberty and well, but poor Lewis is slain. 
 Portion of seal. 
 
 Henry [Bridgman], Bishop of Sodor and Man, to his “ much 
 honoured couseu,” Roger Kenyon, at Lancaster. 
 
 315. 1672, September 1. Brandi esholme. — Asking his favour on 
 behalf of Evan Grundy, a white skinner and furrier (a kinsman of the 
 writer), concerning some applications made against the said Grundy by 
 his enemies. Seal. 
 
93 
 
 Biohard Borrow [or Borron to Roger Kenyon, ‘‘ to be 
 lefte with the stationer att Gray’s Inne Gate.” 
 
 316. 1^72, November 1. — “ The poor Ale-wives in Lancashire are 
 yett like to bee ruined, unles you can finde out some way for their 
 redresse. And to the end you may take some advise upon the busines ; 
 I have here sent you the coppy of the order made att Wigan Sessions 
 last. And so soon as you have found out any expedient for their 
 releese, I pray communicate the same.” 
 
 Postscript. — “ They have all made tender of the single duty, and 
 demanded their goods ; but the exise men laffe them to scorn, and say 
 they value not the order or the Justices.” 
 
 Roger Bradshaigh to Roger Kenyon, at the Sword and 
 Buckler, Holborn. 
 
 317. 1672, November 26. Haigh. — “ Honest namesake, — It is good 
 striking whilst the iron is hott, soe that if I knew wheare to give a hitt 
 on Mr. Slyngier’s (?) behalfe, I would not spare my blow; if you can 
 find out a probable way to put him into play againe, 1 pray use your 
 endeavour, (and my name) on Iiis behalfe, and I shall readily second it. 
 Doctor Wilkins will obstruct him noe more, and Mr. Tildesley is yet, 
 but a licensed Non -conformist. I thank you for your last, and pray let 
 mee heare what becoms of our namesake Kirkby, and present my ser- 
 vices to his father, and tell him his daughter is well and craves his 
 blessing ; but when will you come downe ? Shall I fynd you in 
 towne ? or is it beleeved the Parliament will sitt? or is theare hopes of 
 a peace ? I have noe news to returne you, but that Mr. Farington is 
 like to dye, and my Lord Derby recover for the present, but noe greate 
 confidence of the continuance. I pray bring rnee one or two of 
 Gouldsmith’s litle foulded pocket Almeanacks for ’73. This is all the 
 trouble I shall give you.” 
 
 Arthur Assheton to Roger Kenyon, in London. 
 
 318. 1672, November 27. Clitherow. — “This may certifie you that 
 
 upon the 14th of October, by Mathew Benson, the nine gownes came to 
 Cliderow, directed to Mr. Leonard Nowell, which hee and Mr. Bailife 
 Lister did receive ; all the gownes being very well liked, and very fitt. 
 Onely they are full side (sic) ; but it is a fault easily helpt. Upon the 
 Sabboth day next after our fair, being the 27th of October, Mr. out- 
 bailife Lister was pleased come to Cliderow ; the brethren, all in there 
 gownes, did attend both Mr. bailiffs to the church, in their gownes, the 
 Mace then taking its place. After morning prayer, Mr. Bailiff' Lister, 
 off Arnolds biggin (?) was pleased to give the brethren a very noble 
 treat at Thomas Atkinson’s. As yet the mace is not got mended, Mr. 
 Robert Parker desired me to let it rest untill your comeing downe. I 
 presume he intends his 5 marks or . . . then.” 
 
 J. Ainger to Ellis Nuttall, “ servant to Mr. Kenyon.” 
 
 319. 1672, December 3. Deane. — “ I have made bold to trouble 
 you with the enclosed. If Mr. Nedham bee in towne I know you wil 
 deliver it him. If hee should bee gone, I authorize you to open the 
 letter, and at a convenient time you may shew it your master ; but I hope 
 Mr. Nedham is yet with you, though I heare he is not at your lodgings, 
 which occasions this trouble to you, for which charge I wil satisfy you 
 when i see you.” 
 
94 
 
 Enclosure. — 1672, December 3. Deane. — ‘‘I writt two or three 
 lynes to you last weeke which, whether they did reach you or not, 
 I yet know not. I made bold also to write two lynes to my worthy 
 friend, Mr. Kenyon. The truth is my case is sad, but it 'is not 
 deplored by my friends, because not truly and fully understood. So 
 soone as ever I knew that God had that mercy in store for us as 
 to restore our King, I was one of the first that sought after reor- 
 dination, and that not upon the account of worldly concernes, but 
 upon well bottomed principles of judgment and conscience. My former 
 juvenile prankes and madnes did not so estrange my relations’ 
 affections as did that one act, the sad effects whereof I feel to this 
 day. Could I, to my owne satisfaction, have continued as I begun, 
 when there was no king in our Israel, I believe I should have been in 
 the van of the Nonconformists, and should not have gone through 
 St. Peter’s needle as hitherto 1 have done. It is well known I lived in 
 good repute with Bishop Hall to his very dying day, and had that good 
 Bishop lived, the first preferment, whether King’s Preacher’s place or 
 whatever that fell, was promised to mee ; but he was too good for earth. 
 God had a scourge for us, and we have drunke of a bitter cup. When 
 I had hopes they were frustraeneous {sic) and, instead of preferment, I 
 am debarred of a settlement. That cruel prosecution or persecution of 
 mee hath undone mee upon severall accounts. My resignation hath very 
 grievously troubled mee, but it was more to please others than myselfe ; 
 though I must confess, I could not patiently thinke of a suspension. I 
 have, to my noe small griefe, been out of employment since, though I 
 had hopes some good friend would, ere this, have provided for mee by 
 themselves or their friends. Those that were the abettors of my adver- 
 sarys are silent in darknes, the one naturally, the other artificially, dead. 
 What God hath in reserve now for us, I know not. I would fain hope, 
 and I doe pray for mercy. Our case in Deane Parish is the saddest, I 
 think, that ever was. That some eighteen combined persons shall carry 
 on all designes against the sense and mind of all the rest of this large 
 parish, keepe in a parson who hath not read one prayer since his first 
 coming in, which was on Palme Sunday ; to abuse king, parliament, all 
 authority, parish and all, and putt in a simple young fresh lad, who was 
 but a schollar the other day with my son under Mr. Taylor, and now 
 intend him to be the cypherical vicar (not seraphical doctor) for whom 
 they have gott the broad scale before the last Lord Keeper went out, 
 and they say that this very morning hee is gone for institution and in- 
 duction. How this will or can be prevented, I know not ; but I could 
 wish that noble person, Mr. Kenyon, would arise and stand up for the 
 parish. Colonel Kirby and others would assist, but I need not, I cannot, 
 instruct him. There was great sadnes upon the report of the death of 
 the Bishop. All their discourse and castings for future was to this 
 purpose, that if I did offer (it seems they suspect) to come in, they 
 would indevour to gett in Mr. Rawlett and by all meanes put mee by, 
 and if Mr. Tilsby might not enjoy his liberty as before, they would, and 
 could, gett the scale for him to preach in his house ; with such like stuffe. 
 Is it not pitty these should domineer as they have done. For myself I 
 say nothing, but lye with my mouth in the dust. If God see good, hee 
 can restore mee ; if not, hee will provide for mee. But because wee are 
 to use meanes, I pray, sir, acquaint my most worthy friend with these 
 things or rather put him in minde, for hee knowes them already, and 
 pray him to bee instrumental! to helpe me to some good concerne. Oh, 
 that God saw good that the King might bee prevailed with to let the 
 Archbishop have a hearing of all their unworthy carriages, from first to 
 last. I believe it might easily be brought about. But I forgett myself 
 
95 
 
 ’Ir 
 
 pardon mee. My soule is troubled within mee. If you bee in London, 
 I pray let me lieare from you.” 
 
 Postscript . — “ I have been very loath to report what I have heard, 
 lest it be thought to bee upon private designes. Ever since the last 
 Bishop came in to be their friend, they bragged that matters should go 
 on their side, in spight of Bradshaw and Kenyon, no better epithets so 
 long as they had the Bishop and Lord Keeper’s sure stayes, sayes Tilsby. 
 
 Hee told me, about Ladydaye, to my face he cared not a for the 
 
 best friends I had, now theirs are gone. I could wish they might know 
 themselves. Pray also tell Mr. Kenyon they have taken Mr. Hatton 
 bound to resigne at their pleasures, having, as an ordinary servant, two 
 or three months warning, the precise time I know not. I am weary of 
 writing their foolerjes and knaveryes.” 
 
 Richard Walmsley to Henry Nowell, in the Isle of Man. 
 
 320. 1672[-3], January 14.— Asks him to send some ‘‘excellent 
 sort of strong beer made in your island, such as my Lord of Derby drinks, 
 some times, at Knowsley.” Asks him to make a trial of burying his 
 puffings in a clean cloth in the ground for twenty-four hours, to take 
 away the rank taste they have after they are pulled; they use otters 
 in the same manner, after the skin is taken off, and they are very sweet 
 and inoffensive, but without it they are not to be endured. Seal. 
 
 The Lords of the Council to [the Justices for Lancashire]. 
 
 321. 1672-3, February 24. Whitehall. — “ His Majestie hath re- 
 ceived an address from you, and he hath seriously considered of it, and 
 returneth you this answer ; that he is very much troubled that that declera- 
 tion which he put out for ends soe necessary to the quiett of his kingdome, 
 and especially in that juncture, should have proved the cause of disquiet 
 in his House of Commons, and given occasion to the questioninge 
 of his power in ecclesiasticks, which he finds not done in the reignes of 
 any of his ancestors. He is sure he never had thouglits of useing 
 it otherwise then as it hath beene intrusted in him, to your peace 
 and establishment of the Church of England and the ease of all his 
 subjects in generall, neyther doth he pretend to the right of suspending 
 any lawes wherin the properties, rights, or liberties, of any of his subjects 
 are concerned, nor to alter anythinge in the established doctrine or 
 discipline of the Church of England, but his onely designe in this was 
 to take of the penalties the statuts inflict upon dissenters and which he 
 believes, when well considered of, you yourselves would not wish 
 executed according to the rigour and letter of the lawe ; neither hath he 
 done this with any thought of avoydinge or precludinge the advice of his 
 Parliament ; and if any Bill shall be offered him which shall appeare more 
 proper to attaine the afforesaid ends and secure the peace of the Church 
 and kingdome, when tendered in due manner to him, hee will shew how 
 readily he will concurre in all wayes that shall appear good for the 
 kingdome.” Copy. 
 
 Francis Hollinshed to Roger Kenyon. 
 
 322. 1673, April 25. London. — “I intend to see you at Wigan 
 Cocking, if my Lord Gerard’s coming into the country, doth not hinder me. 
 As for news, here is little, but Prince Robert is gone downe to the ships 
 
at the boy in the Ore ; the other ships are making ready at Portsmouth, 
 and the French fleete is expected to be there the next week, and 
 then to have a generall randevouse. Prince Robert fooke the sacrament 
 and othe of alegiance and supremisy, and maketh all the officers to 
 doe the same, or else to leave their places, and so God speed him.” Seal 
 of arms, broken. 
 
 Parnell Amy to “Mrs. Kenyon, at her house in the Milgate, 
 
 Manchester.” 
 
 323 . 1673, July 27. — ‘‘ As for your daughters education, I am re- 
 saulved to kep no mor a publicks col {sic), nor to have aboue 2 gentil 
 wemen at a tim, that they may be compane, on for another ; for I am 
 were of great impliment. I have had severall ofred me sene I cam to the 
 ccti, but yet I have excepted of non, and therfoor have the mor liberti 
 to make good that intrest you may clam by promis. And, if you pies to 
 put her forth for a yere, for i intend to medele with non for les then a 
 yere, if it pies God they have ther health. As for her laming lessen, I 
 thenke it will not be fet to go to a publick col in the city, but there is a 
 menester, that techeth, vere nere the place I dwel, that hath 30 collers. 
 He hath 20 shelling a gurle, and, if you see good, I shall inquire of hem 
 if he will teck her an our in a day, when his collers are gon. My rat is ten 
 pond a yere, and 20 shelling entrance. I shall leve it to your ferther 
 consederation, and com met you and yours to the protection of the 
 Almightie.” Seal. 
 
 [The Duke of Buckingham] to the Mayor and Aldermen of the 
 
 City of York. 
 
 324 . 1673, September 16. Wallingford House. — “ My Lord and 
 Gentlemen, — Upon an answer of a letter I writt to Sir Henry Thompson, 
 wherein I advised him to putt a complaint upon my Lord Treasurer, in 
 not opposinge his sonne to the Burgeshipe of the Towne of Yorke, I am 
 forced to address to your Lordshipe and your bretheren, because he tells 
 me he would be very willinge to give over his interest, if your Lordshipe 
 and the Aldermen would give him leave to doe it. I know not for what 
 reasons you have resolved, as Sir Henry Thompson has informed me, to 
 choose none to [serve] you in Parliament that are not of your own 
 Corporation ; but methinkes, consideringe the zeale of my Lord 
 Treasurer has always had for your service, and how much it may be 
 now in his power to shew it, you ought not now to beginn at this tyme 
 to putt that rule in practice, since it will looke as if you did it because 
 he had deserved {sic) you in that imployment. I am sure noe man can 
 be more passionately zealous for all the good of the towne of Yorke then 
 he is, of which I could give you some late unquestionable demonstrations, 
 but that itt does not become [me] to speake of itt, because I am con- 
 cerned in itt myselfe. This at least deserves that you should not putt an 
 affront upon him, which, under favour, it will be, if you should refuse 
 to let his son serve in his stead, since, perhaps, he is Ihe first man of his 
 quality that ever was denyed that kindness, upon a removall out of the 
 House of Commons into the House of Peeres. I come now to my owne 
 ])arte. I am sure I never deserved your unkindness, and if you have 
 any consideration of me, I desire you to shew itt in not puttinge any 
 neglect to my Lord Treasurer, since by it you would lay an eternall dis- 
 obligation upon [me].” Copy. 
 
97 
 
 Thomas, Lord Latimer, ^ to the Mayor and Aldermen of the City 
 
 of York. 
 
 324a. 1673, September 16. — My Lord and Gentlemen, — I have re- 
 ceived a letter from some of you, dated the 12th instant, in answer to myne, 
 concerning my sonne’s election to be your Burgesse, and I ca,nnot but 
 make this observation upon itt, that whether my sonne deserves that honor 
 or noe,T have deserved better from the City myselfe then to have itt made 
 an argument to exclude any man from your service, by sayeinge he is 
 not of your body, for that is plainely to tell me that your affaires have 
 
 been prejudiced under my management ; and to add to the 
 
 tell me further that you had purposed itt long before my promotion. 
 I confesse, in a letter from Sir Henry Thompson of Eskricke, in answer 
 to one of myne, before I knew of this pretension, he told me he was 
 ingaged long before my letter, and seemed to be verry sory for itt ; but 
 I imputed that to a defect which I expected not to find, and certainely 
 those which knew the respect that is due betwixt gentlemen of any quallity 
 to another, would not have been wantinge in giving notice, at least, to a 
 predecessor promoted to a better station, nor cann I imagine there are 
 many of the Citty preingaged, without the least sort of intimation to one 
 who served them soe faithfully, and was now more capable, either of 
 doeing or obstructinge it. In another part of your letter, you speake of 
 two gentlemen whome I said my sonne should not oppose if either of 
 them would stand, which is most true ; and had Sir Henry Thompson 
 mentioned any such desire, he had been the third to whome I should 
 have made the same declaration. But I must acknowledge I cannot luit 
 distinguish betwixt those who use me civily and those who doe not, as 
 I dare appeale whether he has done, and therefore I cannot hinder 
 myselfe from giveinge him opposition, and if, in my success, I find my 
 measures wrong taken on one kind, others will find theirs not much 
 better. I heare that many suggestions have been made as if the Duke 
 of Buckingham were for promoteinge of the interest of Sir Henry ; the 
 trueth of which you will find by his grace’s letter to the Citty, by this 
 post, and indeed I believe you will find most of the insinuations 
 grounded upon the like bottomes. But I am sorry to heare, which 
 truely I did not know before, that 150/. of the arrearages of the wyne 
 licences is not yett paid, which is certainly yet very recoverable, and 
 perhaps by Sir Henry Thompson’s sollicitations. I heare alsoe, it is made 
 a greate inducement to the election of Sir Henry, because he will be soe 
 great a promoter of the traide of the Citty, but certainly it is the first 
 tyme that any man’s interest was ever thought equall to that of my Lord 
 Treasurer’s, in promoteinge traide in England. I cannott but complaine 
 alsoe, that when your Lordship had adjurned the readinge of my letter 
 till a longe daye, for givinge notice to all the freemen and to a larger 
 place for conveniency of hearinge, you have sent me a letter to which I 
 have reason to believe the tenth part of the Citty has not been privy to 
 it. And, therefore, I now desire your justice to lett all who were con- 
 cerned have due notice and tyme to consider what they conceive may 
 bee best for their service, and then I doubt not but, upon tryall, I shall 
 find the continuance of the Cittyzens to me, by their approbation of my 
 sonne to serve them.” Copy. 
 
 Sir Kobert Carr to Boger Kenyon. 
 
 32 5. 1673, 'November 15. — “ I receaved yours of the tenth, which I 
 must needes say was written with great affection to the King’s service, 
 
 ’ He sat for York as Sir Thomas Osborne, till called to the Upper House. 
 
 73480. 
 
 G 
 
98 
 
 and with great discretion, which is necessarie at this time, when every ill 
 man maketh the worst of things. I doe assure you your prudent 
 management of this matter is verie well approved by others besides 
 myself ; and I desire you will get some justice of peace, that will doe it 
 with most privitie, and take the examination of Mercer, and what other 
 persons shall seem proper to examine. But doe it with as little noyse as 
 may be. I will look after the ironmunger here, and, if I find anything 
 that may be useful to you, will give you account ; and I pray let me, 
 from time to time, beer from you, and, if you find ocation, take care to 
 secure any that shall seem most conserned, and take as few to your 
 assistans, as you can. I should be glad you would use noe dark but 
 yourself, for, as you verie well observe, the private carriage, be it real 
 or not, is best, and my knowledg of you, maketh me confident of the 
 carriage of this affair, the most to his Majesties service.” Seal of 
 arms. 
 
 Troopers’ Saddles. 
 
 326. 1673, November 21. — Informations, by various persons, as to 
 the making of troopers’ saddles, to be delivered at Warrington, for one 
 Thomas Mercer, of Abram, in the County of Lancaster, “ garthweb- 
 weaver,” who said they were for the Duke of Monmouth’s saddler. 
 
 Expenses at the Funeral of Roger Hanmer, Esquire. 
 
 327. 1672[-3]. — Amongst other, the following items: — two dozen 
 gloves for men, at 2^. a pair ; 2 dozen shames ” for women, at 2^. 6d. a 
 pair ; 2 dozen gloves for women, of “ whitelamb,” at Is. a pair ; 10 dozen 
 men’s gloves, at 9d. a pair ; 15 lb. of Makeroons,” Hi, lOs. Various 
 items for “biskets ” and wine. Two hats, for coachmen, 11s. Qd.; the 
 Herald at arms, for a black band. Is. 6d. Mourning and sugar,” 
 bought of Mr. Newton, 13/i. 14s. Payments for the poor, the ringers, 
 and for the coffin and hearse. Hi. 10s. The velvet for the corps. 
 Hi. 5s. The herald, for 24 scutcheons, at 3s. 4d. each. 30 banners. 
 Is. 6d. a piece. 
 
 Guicciardini Wentworth to Roger Kenyon, at Peel. 
 
 328. 1673[-4], January 24. — suppose you are not a stranger to 
 Parliament proceedings, as to the Duke {?), and Earl of Arlington, who 
 has not escaped it ; it being agreed that, if the Committee, to whome the 
 consideration of the particulars charged against him, are referred, do find 
 matter therein contained sufficient, then he is to b6 impeacht ; Sir 
 Robert, being one of them. The next person leviled att, is said to be 
 the Lord Privy-Seal. His Majesty, this morning, suddenly giving order 
 to appeare att the House in robes, alarmed the towne ; but the result 
 was that, having sent for the lower House, he acquainted them that, at 
 the beginning of the Session, he told them of some slight overtures the 
 Dutch had made towards a treaty, but since, that he, by the hands of 
 the Spanish Embassador, had received some propositions more cevill, 
 with which they should be acquainted, of which he desired them to con- 
 sider that if they were such as stood with his honour and theirs, and 
 botli their interests to accept, that for his part he would be ready; but 
 if they were thought otherwise, that then they would consider what i 
 was next to be done. And so dismisst them, well satisfied. Whereupon, j 
 they returned to the House, and ordered it to be taken into consideration I 
 on Monday next.” Seal oj arms, hrolien. 
 
 
99 
 
 to Koger Kenyon, at Peel. 
 
 329. [1673-4, February 7.] — “It is hoped this frosty weather will 
 dry up all your gouty humours, and render you as good att peditating as 
 formerly, thougli not tyme enough to goe along with Sir William 
 Temple and Sir Grabriell de Silvis into Holland, to conclude the peace 
 there, which seems as good as perfected ; which, together with the Prince 
 of Orange’s being declared Stat-Holder, gives, as they say, much satis- 
 faction to his Majesty. The House has voted to make a separate 
 address for removall of the Duke of Bu[ckingham] who is to give (to 
 whome, query) 1,000/. bond, never to see the lady you wot on : but my 
 Lord Arlington escapes much better. Yesterday, a vote past for sending 
 for the Duke of Korffolk out of Italy; and this day a bill relating to 
 pore prisoners and false imprisonments. Pray, Sir, att your leisure, 
 informe me what my part of the Green Wax might be worth to be sold, 
 not according to the income Mr. Heywood returns mee, but as itt might 
 be, if I had another Lancashire manner of man, not called by the name 
 of Heywood to deale with.” 
 
 E. Kigby to Roger Kenyon. 
 
 330. 1073-4, February 10. — “ The peace between England, Holland, 
 and Spaine, was confirmed last night, and we have good assurances of a 
 proposall betweene the Prince of Orange and the Lady Mary (the 
 Duke’s eldest daughter, about 13 years old) and that the regiments and 
 gaurds raysed since January, 1663, are to be disbanded, and after that, 
 the test to trye all Roman Catholicks is past the Howse, which is of 
 great noate to all Protestants. The Duke’s owne regiment comes under 
 this voate. This night the Parlament makes their addresse to the 
 Kinge, which wee doubt not but will be granted.” 
 
 James Lightboune to Roger Kenyon, at Peel. 
 
 331. 167 3 [-4], February 10. London. — ‘‘ On Saturday, the House of 
 Commons voted the land forses, raysed since 1663, a grievance, and this 
 day they addresse for the disbonding of them. The King, the last night, 
 signed the Articles of peace made with the Dutche, and the Spanish 
 Embassador is gone into Holland with them, to be signed there. The 
 House, out of some displeasure to my Lord Howard, addressed the King 
 to have the Duke of Norfolke to come into England.” Seal of arms. 
 
 Guicciardini Wentworth, [Secretary to the Duchy of Lancaster,] to 
 Roger Kenyon, at Peel. 
 
 332. 1673[-4], February 12. — “ Yesterday his Majesty in person ac- 
 quainted both Houses that, acording to their advice, he had made a 
 speedy, honourable, and profitable peace with the Dutch, and, as he 
 hoped, a lasting one ; that his resolutions had proceeded their address 
 for disbanding the standing army levied and keept on foot, for the 
 present occasion only ; that the two Irish regiaments should, within a 
 few dayes, be on their march ; and that, perhaps, he should disband 
 more than they desired. But, forasmuch as some of our neighbours 
 were angry, and all powerfull, he had thought itt fitt that some number of 
 good shipps, should be speedly built ; and left itt to to their consideration 
 as to the modus. All seem well pleased, and the House in some good 
 temper. The Lords have made a vote that the heyre of the crowne 
 
 G 2 
 
Fhall not many a Catholique lady, and prest to have excluded a Catho- 
 liqiie prince from inheriting the crown, but that was opposed by severall 
 Bishops. Littleton and Elis come the Circuit, which begins att Yorke 
 the 16th, and att Lancaster the 26th of March.” Seal of arms. 
 
 Edward Kigby to Eoger Kenyon, at Manchester. 
 
 333. 1674, October 8, London. — “ Wee have news that Turenne and 
 the Conferates have fought, and that the French have got the better ; 
 but since, wee have news from Flanders that the Branningburgers came • 
 and ingaged the fourth day, and have much worsted the French. Divers 
 report, s runne up and downe, but the certainty is not expected untill 
 the next post comes.” : 
 
 Price of Paper. j 
 
 334 . 1674, October 31. — Account from Ealph Shelmerdine for “ copy 
 paper ” supplied to Mr. Kenyon at 3c?. the quire. 
 
 The Lords of the Council to the Gustos Eotulorum of the ’ 
 County Palatine of Lancaster. ^ 
 
 335 . 1674[-5], February 5. The Court at Whitehall. — His i 
 
 Majestie having lately resolved in Councill to cause the Convictions of 
 Popish Eecusants to be encouraged, quickened, and made effectuall, by a ^ 
 particular care and charge committed to his Atturney Generali in that 
 behalfe, in order to informe himselfe touching the convictions which are 
 already certified into the Exchequer, and thereupon to cause speedy , 
 processe to issue forth. His Majesty hath also thought fit to order and ; 
 comand that the Justices of Peace within the severall Counties, Cittyes, ; 
 and places of this Eealra do, with all speed, certifie into the Exchequer 
 such convictions as are perfected, and likewise certifie his Majestie’s . 
 Atturney General what convictions are preparing and whether any 
 thing hinders the compleating of the same. As also whether any 
 persons of quality who are suspected to be popish Eecusants, have been 1 
 omitted to be presented, and what obstructions they finde therein, that 1 
 his Majestie may upon due information, cause effectuall orders to issue § 
 for the removall thereof.” 1 
 
 E. Assehton to Eoger Kenton. ' i 
 
 336 . 1674[-5], February 9. London. — Has made two matches with m 
 
 the Duke of Albemarle, to be run at Newmarket, upon which he has I 
 bet a great deal of money. Seal. ■ 
 
 Sir Thomas Stringer to Eoger Kenyon. I 
 
 337 . 1675, Aprd 10. New Hall. — It is so late before the intention J; 
 of my standing is known, and therefore I was very unwilling to undertake 
 it, but the Chancellor tells me, I do not know what you can do. I '[ 
 applied myself to his Grace the Duke of Albemarle ; he also is as positive ' | 
 and very desirous that I should be your burgess, and to that purpose 
 hath sent a letter to Sir Walter Clarges to command him not to stand, 
 but to assign his interest, if he hath any upon his own account, to me. 
 What effect that letter will have I know not, but if Sir Walter will not < 
 give over, his Grace resolves to write to the town and to all other persons 
 
 to whom he hath written to in Sir Walter Clarges’ behalf, that they 
 should vote for me, their Eecorder. Seal of arms. 
 
101 
 
 Henry JSTowell to Mrs. Alice Kenyon, at Peel. 
 
 338. 1675, May 8. Castletown, Isle of Man. — Desires to know 
 how the suit goes between, Ned Pigby and her. Hears that his nephew 
 Coplie’s estate is like to be extended for some arrears due to the King ; if 
 so, he should be heartily sorry, for he does not know what will become of 
 them and their little ones. Hopes to come and see them next summer. 
 He hoped to have come to them this year, but money is ^ ery scarce in 
 his purse, by reason of every thing being so dear. There will be many- 
 poor families which will perish for want of food. Portion of seal of 
 arms. 
 
 Henry Nowell to his grandfather, Eoger Kenyon. 
 
 339. 1675, May 19. Morton. — “ I enclose a letter from John Crooke. 
 I have received a letter just now from Kit Bunnastre, wherein he writes 
 he has got pardon both for life and estate.” Seal of arms. 
 
 Jo : Entwisle to Eoger Kenyon, Clerk of the Peace for 
 Lancashire, at Wigan. 
 
 340. 1675, October 11. Ormskirk (?).— As to the bad state of the 
 highway from Barrow to Bretherton. ‘‘ In the case of my conviction 
 of the Quakers, move the justices to a small determination, one way or 
 other ; if they think fitt to order it against me, pray draw up their 
 order to indempnify mee. I have sent out warrants to severall con- 
 stables, and their [the justices’] order of the last sessions hath super- 
 seded my proceedings.” Begs for “ a publique declaration,” by an 
 order of the sessions, commanding the constables to proceed and make 
 their returns to him. 
 
 Eoger Kenyon to his Mother. 
 
 341. 1675, November 25. London. — “ The Parliament was prorogued 
 on Monday morning till the 15th of February, 1676. Many are of opinion 
 they will scarse ever meete again, but be dissolved by proclamation ; and 
 some say a proclamation is now proparing and at presse, for that purpose, 
 but I dare not write that as a truth. The heate of the two houses 
 against each other, in pretence of privilledge, is assigned as the principle 
 occasion of this prorogation, though no reason was given at the 
 prorogueing. The newse, as it is rumoured, is, that the French and 
 Duch have made an exclusive peace.” 
 
 Sir Eoger Bradshatgh to Eoger Kenyon. 
 
 342. 1675, December 11. — “ Yesternight a company of us rejoiced at 
 “the Fleece,” and upon Tuesday night the Chancellor, with some such 
 select bad company as myself, tossed off the Florence wine at Sir John 
 0[tways] chamber, and both the Chancellor and his coach did me the 
 good fellowship’s office to set me down at my lodging about 12 a.m. 
 This night I, with Sir John, Mr. Fleetwood, and others, take the other 
 tusle at the “Dog” in Palace Yard ; how that Dog bites you shall hear in 
 the country. The King’s preacher’s business is done, and I have got a 
 pension for a poor woman in Wigan. My apology for this little foul 
 piece of paper is, that I lit my candle at six and found I had no more, 
 and something I must be doing till it be day. When we meet at Ealph’s, 
 or in Abraham’s bosom, we will recount our adventures,” 
 
102 
 
 Thomas Mort to Eoger Kenyon. 
 
 343 . 1676, April 15. — Giving thanks for certain posey rings sent. 
 Seal of arms, broken. 
 
 Book of Baptisms, Marriages, and Burials at Wigan; and 
 Incantations. 
 
 344. 1676, April — , to 1683, September. — A small book conlaining 
 at one end the baptisms, marriages, and burials at Wigan, from April 
 1676 to September 1683, also notes with regard to the family of Seddon; 
 at the other end of the book are various memoranda of money payments 
 and recipes, and amongst the latter are the two following incantations, 
 dated 13 August, 1681 : — “ Stansbing blood — Christ that was borne in 
 Betblem and was baptised in liudd Jorden, the water is wild, the child 
 is meeke and mild, as the flood so stood, soe stansh thou blood of this 
 person M. C., and bleed noe more, by the vertue of the Father, Son, and 
 Holy Ghost, obey to my bidding and stansh thou blood without any 
 more delay. The Lord’s prayer 3 times over and this 3 times over and 
 the creed in the latter end.” 
 
 ‘‘ Tooth-ake. — I ajure thee tooth ake of blood worme and rume,, by the 
 vertue of Our Lord Jhesus Christ and by the merits of eloseph, his foster 
 father, and as hee was betrothed to that blessed Virgine Mary, not a 
 husband, and a witnes of an undefy led virginitie soe by soe much the 
 more suddenly depart thou tooth ack from this person M. C. now, and 
 anowy them noe more, nor trouble them, nor vex them, nor appear in 
 ther body, by the vertue of the Father, Son, and Holy Ghost, by the 
 vertue of all holy names [of] God obey to my bidding and avoid thou 
 tooth ach from this person now without any more delay. The Lord’s 
 prayer 3 times and the creed once.” 
 
 Order to make Lists of Papists. 
 
 345. 1676, November 23. — Order that “ the knights of the sheire, on 
 Tuesday next come sennight, doe bring in lists of all persons of note being 
 papists, or soe reputed, resient or haveing considerable estates within 
 their respective countyes. And that the knights, cittizens, and burgesses, 
 who serve for each county, doe meet together and agree and prepare such 
 lists and signe the same.” 
 
 Fellowship of Manchester College. 
 
 346. [After 1676.] — Petition of John Heyrick, M.A., chaplain to tlie 
 Earl of Derby, son of the Warden of the Collegiate Church of Man- 
 chester, and graduate of the University of Oxford, to the Lords Com- 
 missioners for Ecclesiastical preferments, for the next fellowship that 
 shall be void in the said College. 
 
 Rouert Williamson to Roger Kenyon, in London. 
 
 347 . [16]76[-7], January 13. Liverpool. — It is certain that Sir 
 
 O M has written to young Mr. Ashurst, of London, and tempted 
 
 liim to stand “for a burgesse of our toune, by the proferr of the votes 
 of his partie.” Discusses his chances of success. Seal with crest. 
 
103 
 
 Robert Williamson to Roger Kenyon, in London. 
 
 348. 1676[-7], February 11. Liverpool. — I must desire you to 
 prosecute the business of our Charter with all care, and to regulate yourself 
 in taking out the writt for election, by the advise of our good friends in 
 the House, especially Mr. Legh of Lyme ; that wee be not puzled or 
 
 straightened by any miscarriage therein. Sir O M is full of 
 
 new plotts ; talks of joyning with Mr. Ashurst, of London; and wee 
 find the report of this begins to unsettle some persons, an(! alter their 
 inclinations. There is a bill sent up to Mr. Arrowswith, of 60/. ; which 
 please to call for as your occasion requires ; hee has likewise further order, 
 if you want. Pray give us an account of your proceedings.” Seal. 
 
 John Molyneux to “Mrs. Kenyon,” at Peele. 
 
 349. 1676[-7], March 20. Teversall. — “ I have at length sent you 
 the trenchers I soo long sinse promisede you, and heartyly wish you may 
 live to weare them out, that I may send you more when those are done, 
 
 if they be worth yore acceptance You often make 
 
 us remember you by yore puffings [puffins] which prove exceeding good ; 
 we heartyly give you thanks for them. But indeed, you doo heapo soo 
 many kindnesses upon us, one after another, that you scarce leave us time 
 to make our acknowledgements for them.” Seal with crest. 
 
 Robert Newlyn, President of Corpus Christ! College, Oxford, to 
 Dr. Nicholas Stratford, Keeper of Manchester College. 
 
 350. 1677, March 25. — As the place of head-master in Manchester 
 School, of the foundation of the Reverend Doctor Hugh Oldham, Bishop 
 of Exeter, is vacant by the resignation of Daniel Hill, A.M. ; and as the 
 nomination, election, and presentation of the master of the said school, 
 belongs to the President of Corpus Christ! College in the University of 
 Oxford, for the time being, he nominates and elects as head-master of the 
 said school, William Barrow, A.M. Seal of arms. 
 
 Dorothy Lagoe to Mrs. Kenyon, at Peel. 
 
 351. 1677, May 8. Manchester. — “ We had John Partington’s wife 
 in tlie seat with us, on the Lord’s Day, and her father, and Mr. Stanford’s 
 mistress. I suppose the two last named are intended to stay hereabouts 
 for a short time, but Partington is a tradesman in the town, and his 
 former wife kept amongst such men’s wifes. I and my cousin are very 
 thankfull for the great kindness we received from Mr. Hilton, at your 
 request for us, and I believe it is not his mind that the seat should be 
 made uneasy to us, by being crowded ; neither that my children were not 
 included in Mr. Hilton’s kindness to me, but that we may sit togeather, 
 as we have done.” Seal of arms. 
 
 The King to Henry, Earl of Peterborough, Deputy to Henry, 
 Earl of Norwich, Earl Marshall of England. 
 
 352. 1677, July 12. — “We, calling to mind the great and signal ser- 
 vice performed to us by John Lane, of Bentley, in the County of Stafford, 
 deceased, in his ready concurring to the preservation of our royal person 
 after the battle of Worcester, at which time, contemning the threatning 
 
104 , 
 
 published by the murtherers of our royal father against any who should 
 conceal or assist us, and disdaining the rewards proposed to such as should 
 be instrumental in the discovery and destruction of our person, and not 
 valueing any hazard his family might run — with the duty of an un- 
 spotted allegiance, did, by his great prudence and fidelity, so conduct 
 us, that wee were able at length to retire to places of safety beyond the 
 seas ; have, therefore, of our own free will and proper motion, given and 
 granted unto the descendants lawfully issued from the body of the said 
 John Lane, this honourable remuneration as a notable marke or badge 
 of his constant fidelity, that is to say ; — henceforth, they shall bear in 
 augmentation to their paternal arms, three lyons passant, guardant Or, 
 in a canton gules. And our will and pleasure is, that you do require 
 and command our servants, the Kings and Officers of Arms, to marshal 
 and set up in all proper places and upon all occasions, the paternal armes 
 of the said John Lane, with the augmentation afoi’esaid. And that you 
 also direct and require the Registrar of our College of Armes to cause 
 this our concession to be duly entered upon record in our said College.’’ 
 Copy. 
 
 Attached is a copy of the epitaph on the monumeiit erected to John 
 Lane, in the north aisle of Wolverhampton church. 
 
 Rents of Church Seats. 
 
 353 . 1677 , July 24. — Order by John, Bishop of Chester. Whereas 
 the endowment of the chapel of Ellenborough within the parish of Eccles, 
 is very small, not exceeding twenty pounds by the year, which cannot 
 be thought a sufficient maintenance for the minister, and whereas there 
 are certain persons, who repair to the said chapel and have the benefit 
 of seats therein, who are not annual contributors nor pay for their seats 
 as others do. It is therefore requested that Mr. Roger Kenyon, 
 Mr. Ralph Eddowes, and Mr. Richard Edge, feoffees for the endow- 
 ment of the said chapel, do take care that such persons who shall repair 
 to the said chapel of Ellenborough and are not annual contributors, be 
 charged and pay such reasonable payments for the use of their re- 
 spective seats, as others do who enjoy seats in the said chapel. Signed 
 and seal of arms. 
 
 The Sentence passed upon the Lord Stafford.^ 
 
 354 . [1680, December.] — “ The Lords were divided in judgement of 
 him, 32 that he was not guilty, and 54 that he was guilty. About two 
 howres after, he was brought to hear his sentence ; then the Lord High 
 Steward (viz. the Lord Chancellor) sitting at a table on one end of the scaf- 
 fold furthest from the prisoner, and the Judges sitting on chaires on each 
 side the table, all the Lords in their robes on woolsacks upon the floore of 
 the scalTbld, and the House of Commons on benches raised on each side. 
 The Court was called, the King was present, and my Lord High Steward 
 having a white wand holden by him, putt on his hatt, made an excellent 
 speech, first saying, seemingly with t(;ars, that it was the first time he had 
 ever passed the sad sentence of death upon any man, and how unpleasant 
 the occasion of this was to him ; then sett forth how manyfest and undeni- 
 able it was, that there was a plott and contrivance to take away the 
 King’s lif(‘., subvert the government and the religion establish’t and to 
 introduce popery, and then proceeding to the proofes that had been 
 against the prisoner, wherein he v/as evidently guilty, and shewing how 
 little reason he had to bee so, in respect of so good a Prince ; and so, after 
 
 ^ This document has been misplaced. See pp. 122-124 poii. 
 
105 
 
 severall exhortacions, passed the judgement for high treason, to go thence 
 to the place from whence he came and thence to be drawn to the place 
 of execution to be hanged and let down alive, to see his howells ripped up, 
 his members cutt off and cast into the fire, to have his body cutt into 
 four quarters and disposed at the King’s pleasure. After the sentence 
 given, the Lord Stafford moved that the short time hee had to live, that 
 he might not be debarred the company of his wife and children and 
 visitts of his relations and friends, and v/ept. My Lord Bigh Steward 
 told him all the Lords were sory for him, and as well those whose judge- 
 ment it was that he was guilty did pray for him, though perhaps he did 
 not esteeme their prayers, but their religion, which he called heresy, 
 directed them to do so, and they would all likewise together move his 
 Majestic to remitt so farr the sentence, as that it might suffice to seperate 
 his head from his body and to suffer his relations to see him. He bowed, 
 and the man that waited with the white wand came up to the Lord High 
 Steward and brake the twig before him, and so the Court risse ; the pri- 
 soner- no more to be called. My Lord was guarded away, the Axman 
 before him then carrying the edge towards the prisoner. I cannot remem- 
 ber the names of all the Lords, but you will see them in the common newes 
 papers. Duke of Newcastle voted him not guilty, all the other Dukes, 
 to witt, Cumberland that is Prince Bupert, Monmouth, Albemarle and 
 Lawderdale, voted him guilty. The morning before the Court set, all 
 the House of Commons, the Spaker and his Mace went to the Lords 
 barr to demand judgement. The Lords made an order that if any peer 
 in town, without absolute proof that he was not able to be there, should 
 absent himselfe when the Lords were passing their votes upon the Lord 
 Stafford, whoever he was should be sent to the Tower. Many Lords 
 that were neer relations to the Prisoner voted against him.” 
 
 W. Hulton to Roger Kenyon. 
 
 355. 1678, September 7. — Hopes to have a further discovery of the 
 clippers and coiners, by Ann Hunt, wife of James Hunt, of Ince. 
 
 An Account oe the Popish Plot. 
 
 356. 1678, October 31. — ‘‘ Since my last, wherein I discovered to you 
 the first account of this horrible plott, greate hath beene the diligence 
 boeth of the Counsell and Parliament in bringing the same to light, wherein 
 their endeavours have beene soe happy that they are now arrived to the 
 bottome of it, and it lies now before boeth houses in its owne monstrous 
 shape ; it being noe lesse then the murder of the King, the subversion 
 of our religion, lawes, and properties, the introduceing of popery and a 
 tyrannicall arbitrary government by an army, our common and statute 
 laws to be abolished and anihilated, and a mixture of military and civil 
 law introduced, where counsell of warr should supply this place of our 
 courts of justice, and the racke for the jury, with many such differences 
 too tediouse to cxpresse here ; but I hope, by this tymely and miraculouse 
 discovery, we may be able to distroy this cochatrice in the egge which 
 will yet certainely devoure us if hee bee hatcht. The manner of pro- 
 ceedings have beene thus : — One Mr. Oates, being a minister in Sussex, 
 by reason of some lawe suites with persons which Avere too poAverfull for 
 him, hee was forced to quitt his parish and, comeing into London, fell 
 into acquaintance with Mr. Touge, a minister who hath beene many 
 yeares a diligent inquirer into the practices and priiici])als of the Jesuites 
 and had published severall bookes against them. This man fiudeing 
 
106 
 
 Oates, by reason of poverty, enclined to travell to seeke a livelyhood 
 amongst the papists abroad, endeavoured to divert him by giveing him 
 full information of theire wicked principles and practices. Whereupon 
 Oates resolves to try ihe trueth, and promised, if hee found it to bee as 
 Tonge informed, hee would renounce that religion and retorne againe to 
 the Protestant Church. Oates thereupon, some yeares since, goes and 
 enters himselfe a Noviciat in the College of the Jesuites in St. Omer’s, 
 where behaveing himselfe with great zeale, diligence, and demonstrateing 
 his abilities, hee was soone taken notice of and thought a fitt instrument 
 to convey the intelligence and correspondency of this hellish plott to 
 most of the Courts in christendome. In acting whereof, by opening 
 letters and packquetts entrusted with him and thereby gaineing some 
 light, soe insinuated himselfe wherever hee came, that in time hee came 
 to the depth and counsells of the designe. Whereby, about Aprill last, 
 understanding the execution of this horrid villany to bee att hand and 
 that comissions were signed by the Pope for all bishops and other clergy, 
 for the officers of stale and of theire armies, hee began to feare it would 
 be executed before hee should find meanes to discover it. And being 
 ready to lay hould of all oppertunities to come for England to doe it, it 
 fell out that a booke called the Jesuites^ Moralls, which Tonge had 
 translated, came to their handes, for which upon consultation it was 
 agreed Tonge should bee killed, but a fitt person was wanting to doe it. 
 Whereupon Oates offered to undertake it and had a note given him to 
 receive £50 here when it was done, and in the meanetyme hee was directed 
 to one Ireland, a preist in the Savoy, to accomodate him with lodgeing 
 and necessaries. Whereupon Oates prepares for the journey, the 
 colledge loades him with packquetts and comissions for all sorts of 
 conspirators which hee brings over and with his owne liande delivers, 
 but in the interim, underhand resortes to Tonge and acquaints him with 
 tbe whole designe, of which haveing drawne a short relation, hee 
 desires Tonge to give it privately to the King and offer to make it good 
 if his Majesty would conceale the thing and appoynt a counseil to sitt 
 and heare it. Tonge not being willing to undertake it alone tooke one 
 Kirby, a merchant, and went to the King upon the 13th of August, 
 where they acquainted him with the substance of it, but the papers 
 being severall sheetes, and the King not careing for trouble, gave leave 
 to acquaint and imploy the Treasurer to manage it. They were 
 unwilling to consent, but the King saying hee dare trust his life and 
 crowne in his hands, they could not refuse. All this while Oates was 
 concealed. The matter thus settled, Tonge severall tymes presses the 
 Treasurer, but noething done in 6 weekes ; though the 2nd of September, 
 whereon the King was to bee murdered, was past; whereon Tonge 
 doubting some luture trouble in case Oates should be killed or recant, 
 causes Oates to draw an exact narrative containeing 15 or 16 sheetes 
 and to sweare it before Sir Edmundbury Godfrey who perused and 
 tooke notes out of it and according to his custome, keepeing faire with 
 booth sides, hee acquaints the Treasurer Coleman and some others 
 with tl«e businesse, and findeing Coleman soe deepe in the plott there 
 was noe possibility of avoydeing of it, hee advises Coleman to im- 
 peach, which it is sayd hee did, and swore something before Godfrey 
 which hee entered in a pockett booke, and that allsoe hee dis- 
 covered to the Treasurer, and hee to the Duke of Yorke. I say 
 noe more, but Godfrey was chidd and the mutter fitt to bee 
 concealed, and Godfrey was murdered soone after, being, as appeared 
 plainely, strangled, and after carryed and layd in a ditch near Prim- 
 rose Hill and his owne sword runne through him, noething missing 
 but his baud and pockett booke wherein were his noates concerneiug 
 
107 
 
 this affaire. His murder raised a great spiritt in the people, which could 
 not bee outfaced by the partie and theire adherents that murdered him, 
 though there wanted neither diligence nor impudence in that party in 
 all places to make it appeare hee murdered himselfe. Tomorrow hee is 
 to bee buried from the Hall of Bridewell where I beleive thousands will 
 appeare to attend his corps to St. Martins. But to retorne to the plott. 
 
 “ Godfrey, haveing taken the information, was forced then to bring it 
 to couiisell about the end of September 1678, where Oates a})peared and 
 made it good beyond all scruple, and thereupon, Coleman, oneLanghorne 
 a Counseller, and nine Jesuites, were committed and theire houses and 
 lodgeings searched, but the matter done so publiquely and diverse daies 
 given before the warrants issued, soe that they generally had notice 
 enough to remove what they had a mind should not bee scene, and yet 
 such papers and letters were found boeth in Coleman’s and Langhorne’s 
 studies that give a full relation of the most horrid massacre and 
 slaughter that ever was heard, which have beene since sorted and pro- 
 duced boeth before the Counsell and Parliament. Since the sitting of 
 the Parliament, Oates hath beene every day examined before them, 
 speakeing 5 or 6 hours at a tyme, giveiug particuler demonstration of the 
 whole affaire, wherein hee hath clearely proved the manner and designe 
 of the fire of London, Southewarke, and many other fires, with the 
 intended massacre in the fire of London, the designe of raiseing the 
 Blackheath Army, with the reasons and occations of the several 1 llutch 
 warrs in order to this designe, the raiseing of the present army and the 
 generall peace to ensue for the compleateing the worke, the raiseing 
 and maintaineing privately 20,000 men att this tyme, with the generall 
 and all other officers, ail which are now in readinesse to joyne with the 
 army, the greatest part whereof they thought themselves sure of, and in 
 Ireland they had likewise a generall and army ready, and Scotland the 
 same. The manner to put it in execution was thus : — One Conyers, a 
 Jesuite, with foure Irish ruffaines, undertooke to murder the King att 
 Windsor, 21 September last, and thereupon a great cry was to bee made 
 that the phanatiques had murdered the King, an alarume presently 
 thereupon to bee given to the whole army, being then about 16,000, 
 quartered in and neare London, whereof two regiments of 4,000 men, 
 consisting all of Irish, Scotts and French papists, Avere about a month 
 before brought out of France and quartered about Barnet, Enfeild, 
 St. Albans, Ware, &c. were imediately to march to London to assist the 
 proclairneing the Duke of York, and under that pretence to fall upon 
 and to massacre and slaughter the people, under the notion of phanatiques 
 who had murdered the King, and then to have assisted the papists all 
 over the kingdom to doe the like. The Duke of Yorke was to take the 
 Crowne by gift from the Pope, and least any opposition should bee 
 made, the French were to bee ready with an army and fleete to seize 
 upon our fleete, burne and destroy such as opposed, and take the rest, 
 and then the whole nation to bee shared among this crew (viz^) the 
 ancient church lands amongst the clergy, the murdered protestants’ 
 lands amongst the great officers, boeth civrll and military, and the 
 plunder of citties and townes amongst the soldiers and i-abble of Irish 
 and French papists. This is the substance of what is collected from the 
 severall informations, proofes, and papers which have beene seized and 
 made out. 
 
 “Things thus appeareing, the Commons lockt themselves up for 
 many hours, sent for Cheife Justice Scroggs to them, who yssued out at 
 one tyme, 40 or 50 warrants against noblemen and others. The high 
 constables were sent for allsoe into the House and the warrants there 
 delivered to them, and the House kept still shutt to prevent intelligence. 
 
108 
 
 and that night and next day, six lords and diverse persons of lesse 
 quality were seized and cornitted to the Tower, King’s Bench, Newgate 
 Giatehouse, and other prisons. The particulers you may perceive in a 
 list annexed hereunto. 
 
 “ Diverse letters of Coleman’s, dated 1674 and 1675 (for all of later 
 date are removed), have beene reade in boeth houses, and some letters 
 of the Duke’s in his custody, of the like date, whereby the King is, 
 in a most abusive manner, caracterized as a person not fitt to governe or 
 bee trusted, and the Parliament, both Lords and Commons, described as 
 a company of beggarly, sottish, corrupt, meane people and to bee disposed 
 of for slender sums of money to give up religion, law, property, king- 
 dome, and what not ; with great importunity to the Pope, French, &c. 
 to furnish money for effecting speedily the aforesaid glorious designe, 
 and multitude of such stuffe, which would make every Englishman’s 
 harte ake to heare or thinke those in whose power wee are should 
 deserve such carectors. 
 
 “ Things thus standing, some intimation was brought to the Lord 
 Mayor and Aldermen, on Saturday last, tliat on Sunday in sermon tyme 
 some attempt would bee made upon the Citty, whereupon they ordered 
 stronge double watches to bee sett, of house keepers in person, and the 
 lights to bee renewed att 12 aclock att night; the gates to bee shutt all 
 Sunday, and the watches to continue till releived att night, which was 
 performed. And Doctor Stillingfleet haveing beene attempted by a 
 fellowe in a gentile habitt, who brought a counterfeit letter, as from the 
 Bishop of London, to desire him to come to him in the evening, and 
 brought a coach to carry him, intending to have served him as Sir Edm : 
 Godfrey was, but was prevented ; partely an extraordinary businesse would 
 not permitt him to goe out, and partly jealousie, which made the Doctor 
 answer him — if hee could goe hee would make use of his owne coach, 
 which made the fellow vanish, and the Doctor waiteing on the Bishop 
 the next day, found the letter and pretence wholly counterfeit. There- 
 upon, oil Sunday, about 40 persons a guard waited on the Doctor to 
 church and home. On Sunday a committee of Lords, viz, Winchester, 
 Shaffesbury, the Treasurer Hallifax, and Cornebury being appoynted by 
 the Lords, went to Coleman to Newgate and examined him, who had 
 beene longe a close prisoner and knew nothing of Godfrey’s death. And 
 upon his examination, ffndeing persons of severall interests could not tell 
 what to say, but to the inaine poynt referred himselfe to his examination 
 taken by Sir Edm : Godfrey which troubled some there who began to 
 hint that Godfrey was dead, but Shaftsbury managed it soe wisely that 
 hee turned it off, and in the conclusion hee confessed the letters and that 
 hee had acted noething in the businesse but by the Duke’s order, with 
 the privity and advice of the Lord Arundell of Wardour, and seemed 
 very desireous to have leave to speake with the King, and being de- 
 manded the reason, to know how farre hee might name the Duke in the 
 businesse, which was the next day reported to the Lords. Whereupon 
 high debates were tending to tlie impeachment of the Duke, bul the 
 Duke’s ])arty was so greafe and avoyded the blow att that time. Where- 
 upon the Commons ordered a Committee to goe to Newgate to examine 
 Coleman, but when they came his noate was changed ; hee would owne 
 nothing of the Duke, but sayd what hee had done was for religion sake. 
 And the Lordes refuseing to send downe the report to the Commons and 
 Coleman haveing turned his tale, things stand att present, and it is now 
 doubted the matter will not bee throughly canvased, and some money 
 being well placed, wee shall bee contented with the hangeing three or 
 fourc inconsiderable fellows and some lawe against popery, which will 
 keepe our throates from being cutt a month att least. 
 
109 
 
 “Sir, I feare I have beene too tedious, but understanding from some 
 freinds you were much in the darke in this businesse, made me enlarge. 
 On Monday last the King sent for the Lord Mayor and Aldermen and 
 thanked them for theire care and loyalty and desired them to raise theire 
 trained bands and keepe gardfor theire better security, soe that yesterday, 
 a regiment was upon the gard and to bee releived and soe continue till 
 further order. Whitehall is close shutt up and noe passage to it but 
 through the wickett att the greate gate, and a strict examination of all 
 that are suffered to passe in or out.” Copy. 
 
 Kecusants. 
 
 357 . 1678, October — to 1678-9, January. — Karnes of those in- 
 dicted at the Lancashire Quarter Sessions for recusancy, and who brought 
 their Cei'tioraries for removing of the same before the Judges of Assize 
 at Lancaster : — 
 
 Silver dale. — Lady Ann Midleton, widow, and Elizabeth West, 
 widow ; indicted October, 1678, at Lancaster. 
 
 Skei'ton. — ^Ambrose Bradshawe, gentleman, and Jane his wife ; same 
 date and place. 
 
 fVarton. — Robert Midleton, gentleman ; same date and place. 
 
 Whittingliam. — Christopher Parkinson, husbandman, and Elizabeth 
 Lee, widow ; same date and place. 
 
 Tatham cum Irehy. — Elizabeth Cansfield, widow; same date and 
 place. 
 
 Corton cum Claughton. — Robert Croskell, husbandman, and Edward 
 Bullen, gentleman ; same date and place. 
 
 Thurnham. — Robert Dalton, esquire; same date and place. 
 
 Heaton cum Oxcliffe. — Thomas Brockholes, gentleman ; same date 
 and place. 
 
 Aighton^ Bayley, and Chnidgley. — Richard Sherborne, esquire, 
 Isabella, his wife, Richard Sherborne, gentleman, and Kicholas 
 Sherborne, gentleman ; indicted 28 November, 1678, at Blackburn. 
 
 Lydiate. — Margaret Ireland, widow; indicted October, 1678, at 
 Wigan. 
 
 Scaresbrick. — Frances Scaresbrick, widow ; same date and place. 
 
 Richard Lathom, gentleman ; same date and place. 
 
 Bixton and Glazehrook. — Elizabeth Massye, widow; same date and 
 place. 
 
 Culcheth. — Thomas Culcheth, esquire, and John Culcheth, gentle- 
 man ; same date and place. 
 
 West Leigh. — Robert Heaton, gentleman, Anne Mossack, widow, 
 Ellenor Urrnston, spinster, and John Urmston, gentleman; same date 
 and place. 
 
 Ince in Maherjield. — Thomas Gerrard, gentleman ; same date and 
 place. 
 
 Hindley and Abram. — Phillip Claughton, esquire ; same date and 
 place. 
 
 Rainhill. — Alexander Chorley, and Elizabeth, his wife; same date 
 and place. 
 
 Ashton in MaherHeld. — Sir W^'iHiam Gerrard, Baronet, and William 
 Gerrard, esquire ; same date and place. 
 
 Blackrod. — John Genyon, gentleman ; 17 October, 1678. 
 
 Lathom. — Sir Thomas Clifton, Baronet, and Lady Bridget, his wife ; 
 at Preston, 16 January, 1678-9. 
 
 Wilpshire with Dunckley. — Dorotliy Talbott, widoAV, and Dorothy, 
 wife of Edward Warren [these two names appear to be scratched out]. 
 
]10 
 
 Burnley. — John Townlej, esquire, Francis Tounley, gentleman, 
 Eicharcl Tounley, esquire, Isabella Tounley, widow, Katherine Tounley, 
 spinster, Dorothy Tounley, spinster, and G-eorge Culcheth, gentleman ; 
 at Blackburn, 28 November, 1678. 
 
 Clayton in le Moors. — Bi chard Walmisley, esquire, and Dorothy his 
 wife [these two names appear to be scratched out]. 
 
 Melling. — Robert Mollyneux, esquire, and Frances, his wife; at 
 Wigan, October 1678. 
 
 Ince Blundell. — Henry Blundell, esquire, and John Leathwaite, 
 gentleman ; same date and place. 
 
 Bedford. — Francis Bradshaw, esquire, John Leathwaite, gentleman, 
 and Peter Urmston; same date and place. 
 
 West Leigh. — John Naylor; same date and place. 
 
 Aughton. — Edward Stanley, gentleman. 
 
 Wrightington. — Hugh Dicconson, esquire. 
 
 Pendlebury. — Thomas Goulden, gentleman ; at Manchester, October 
 1678. 
 
 Pendleton. — Thomas Goulden, Thomas Goulden, weaver (?), and 
 Edward Goulden, gentleman ; same date and place. 
 
 Lostock. — Sir Charles Anderton, Baronet, and William Yate, gentle- 
 man ; at Manchester, 17 October, 1678. 
 
 Manchester. — Edward Goulden, gentleman. 
 
 Stretford. — Edmund Trafford, esquire, and Frances, his wife ; same 
 date and place. 
 
 Jo: Warren to Roger Kenyon, Clerk of the Peace for Lancashire. 
 
 858. 1678, December 14. Stockport. — Understands, by a letter from 
 Serjeant Rigby, that the names of Lancashire papists had not reached 
 London before his departure, and that the return of them was expected 
 from Kenyon’s hands. Hopes that his daughter’s name — she being a 
 feme covert and married to a protestant husband — may not be returned. 
 Also desires that her mother’s name may be omitted. Seal. 
 
 Petition of Roger Kenyon, of Whalley, to William, Archbishop 
 
 OF Canterbury. 
 
 359, [1678-80.] — It is to his great grief he understands that the 
 Archbishop is much incensed against him upon some informations of mis- 
 carriages and insolences, pretended to have been committed by him, 
 touching Whalley Rectory. He has many enemies “in these times 
 of Sir Ralph Assheton’s troubles,” and had he not been Sir Ralph 
 Asslieton’s servant he might now have been quiet at home, because com- 
 plaints would not have been made against him. He is a poor man 
 and has a wife and 6 children, the eldest not 12 years of age. He 
 has but small means, and a few of these journeys will expose him to 
 want and poverty, “and his stay here” is full of danger, for he is in all 
 Sir Ralph Assheton’s judgments and bonds. He therefore prays he 
 may be examined upon such matters, and he will submit himself to what 
 mulct may be imposed upon him. The short continuance of a suit “in 
 this honourable court ” will soon overthrow his little estate. Draft. 
 
 W. Grenier (?), Miles Dodding, Edward Wilson, and others, to 
 “the Deputy Lieutenants, Justices of Peace and Chiefe 
 Officers of the Corporations within the County of Lancaster.” 
 
 360. 167S[-9], .lanuary 29. “From Lancaster Sessions.” — “Re- 
 ceiving here the surprising news of the dissolution of the Parliament, and 
 
Ill 
 
 thfit it is his Majesties pleasure to direct writts to be issued for electing 
 another Parliament, to bee holden the sixth of March next, and, fore- 
 seeing as the juncture of affaires now represent how fatall a tumultuous 
 election might prove to the peace of our Country, wee propose and 
 intreat, if you so thinke fit, that wee may all meet at the Quarter 
 Sessions, which by good fortune falls out to bee holden by adjournment 
 at Preston tomorrow senight, the sixth of February, to the end the 
 gentlemen that shall so meete, may then there with unanimity and due 
 consideration impart their opinions, what persons may most properly bee 
 pitched on to doe his Majestie and the country service. And so our 
 mutuall interest may joyntly and cahnely bee aplyed without any ani- 
 mosity, or much expeiice, to proceed to the election accordingly, when 
 the tyme shall come. Wee hope no ill construction can bee made of 
 our good meaning herein.” Seal of arms. 
 
 John Tench to Eoger Kennyon. 
 
 361. 1678[-9], February 20. — “ On Tuesday last I saw Alrued’s (?) 
 pardon in passing at the signet office, but though not mentioned in it, I 
 would be glad to serve you and your country in obtaining Walkden’s 
 pardon, but without money it cannot be done, and there is no circuit 
 pardon now passing for the North wherein Richardson may be inserted ; 
 his mother is with me every day.” 
 
 Licence to Travel. 
 
 362. 1678[-9], February 25. — Licence from the Deputy Lieutenants 
 and four Justices of the Peace of the County of Lancaster to Edward 
 Tildesley of Lodge, in the same County, a reputed though not convicted 
 popish recusant, — who, not being willing to give occasion of offence to 
 any, since his Majesty’s Proclamation commanding all popish recusants 
 and persons so reputed, to be and abide at or within five miles of their 
 respective habitations, unless licensed to travel, has hitherto conformed 
 himself thereunto, but now has a particular occasion to go to Lan- 
 caster where he has not only a considerable estate to look after 
 “but other occasions, as we know of” — to travel to Lancaster, ten 
 days being allowed him to go, remain, and return to his habitation. 
 Copy. 
 
 The King [to the Duke of York]. 
 
 363. 1678[-9], February 28. Whitehall. — “I have already given 
 you my reasons at large why I think it fitt you should absent yourselfe 
 for some time beyond sea, and as I am truly sorry for the occasion, so 
 you may be sure I can never desire it longer then it is absolutely neces- 
 sary both for your good and my service. In the meane time, I think it 
 proper to give it you under my hand that I expect your complyance, 
 and I desire it may bee as soon as conveniently you can. You may 
 easily beleeve with what trouble I write this unto you, there being 
 nothing I am more sensible of then the constant kindnes you have ever 
 had for me, and I hope you are as just to mee to be assured that no 
 absence nor any thing els ever can change mee from being truly and 
 kindly yours.” Copy. 
 
 W. Andrewes to Roger Kenyon. 
 
 364. 1679, April 16. Altrincham. — ‘‘ I have here inclosed, sent you 
 II. H.’s confessions, out of which, on your next meeting, you may draw 
 matters for a further service to his Majestie and the Kingdom, though 
 hee’s so distracted at present that I pitty him, yet find him every way 
 
112 
 
 willing to all reasonable things. My prayer to yon now is double ; first, 
 that you will afford me a lyne to Mr Justice Bertie, or the late Judge, 
 that in consideration of services done in order to a plenary discovery 
 of the whole misery of iniquity and of the nature of his fact, which, if 
 proportionable to his profitt, must bee small, the caveat against his pardon 
 may bee withdrawne, and mee assisted towards the passing it. If you 
 will have the two pillars, Peter and Jane, included, it shall be done at 
 his charge. Next, I beg that from some proper officer, a copy of the 
 calendar or otherwise, a testimonial! may come to Chester that hee was 
 not indited at Lancaster, in regard our Judge may else continue him 
 bound. In these two points I affectionately entreate your complyance.” 
 Seal of arms. 
 
 Guicciaudini Wentworth to Eoger Kenyon. 
 
 365. 1679, April 22. — “ His Majesty has desolvedthe whole body of 
 the Privy Councell and chosen a new one, 30 in number, besides the 
 Koyall bloud. The Earle of Shaftsbury is Lord Pi-esident of itt. The 
 old Commissioners of the Admiralty are discharged and a new Commis- 
 sion, of 7 of the House of Comons. Som or all the Judges will be 
 altered ; Lord North is of the Privy Councell and to be Lord Keeper or 
 a Commissioner, as say some.” Seal, broken. 
 
 Thomas Marsden to Eoger Kenyon. 
 
 366 . 1679, April 28. Walton. — “ The bearer hereof, Thomas Stany- 
 nought, is the best yeoman in the towne hee lives in, and is lately come 
 from Popery to our Comunion. He hath the reputation of a very honest 
 man and is heartily' pleased with our religion. At his request, I inform 
 you that hee is ready to take the Oathes as hee hath taken the Sacrament 
 with us. I begg also to acquaint you that a popish beggar-woman (who 
 hath no good reputation among us in any kind) hath informed my 
 Lord Molineux that the said bearer T. M. {sic) hath lately shot one of 
 his deare, whereupon he is bound to the Sessions. Now, my request is, 
 that because hee cannot have his things ready on Munday, his prose- 
 cutor may not bee suffered to bring the businesse on till Tuesday. 
 This wee verely believe is a dry blow given him because hee hath 
 deserted the Eomane way.” 
 
 John Tench to Eoger Kenyon. 
 
 367 . 1679, May 3. — At the Signet Office I found Houghe’s pardon 
 passed in April. “ I presume, when your Sessions is over, you will have 
 thoughts of visiting London again, and then there may be hopes of 
 Houghe’s pardon, with the circumstances you mention, but without you 
 ’twill hardly be done, for we have noe certificates yet to ground any 
 proceeding upon. The great mattres now in agitation will sufficiently 
 justify your curiosity in desireing to se how they are managed besides 
 your other business, and particularly the charity of saveing soe many 
 persons’ lives and the advantage it may be to the whole kingdom. It 
 is superfluous to write you that Justise Wild, Justise Bertie, Baron 
 Thurland, and Baron Bramston, are outed> and that Sir Ellis, Serjeant 
 Pemberton, Serjeant Eaymond, Mr. Edward Atkins, Mr. Leake, are to 
 be admitted into their places of Mr. Baron Littleton. But now there is 
 further discourse conserning my Lord Chief Justice North, my Lord 
 Chief Baron and Mr. Justice Windham &c. I have asked the opinion 
 of some of the Exchequer Olficers concerning the method of returning 
 
113 
 
 recusants and quakers, who assure me ’tis all alike, but they say there 
 is something under consideration, in order to the distinguishing them 
 after they are returned.” 
 
 Postscript , — “ My Lord Treasurer haveing bene assigned this day 
 to answer whether he would stand to his pardon or plea of not guilty, 
 hath chosen to rely upon his pardon.” 
 
 News Letter. 
 
 368. 1679, July 10. London. — It is this day generally affirmed 
 that his Majestie hath desclosed in Councill the Parliament is dissolved, 
 and will forthwith issue a Proclamation thereof and for assembling a new 
 Parliament upon the 7th of October. Mr. Langhorne, who was repreived 
 till Munday next, is said to have discovered 20,000/i. of the J esuits money, 
 and 40,000/^. more upon mortgages, and it is thought there are more 
 hopes of a further discovery from him since his Majestie hath written 
 to Spayne to have his two sons sent home from Vallodolid. It is like- 
 wise said, Dr. Wakeman doth not intend to be Colmanized (the Sessions 
 draw neare) and that the Portugall Embassador moves earnestly to 
 have the great lady retyre for some time, till things be a litle setled ; and 
 some say the French Duchess is about to visit her owne countrey, and 
 that the other Duchess hath lost much money there and is comming 
 back hither in hopes to gain by play, the same way she got this, though 
 not the same way she lost it.” 
 
 The Earl of Derby to Roger Kenyon. 
 
 369. 1679, September 22. Knowsley. — The Election for burgesses 
 at Preston was very strangeley carried on. If Sir Robert Carr will, I 
 shall bee glad to have a petition put in the House of Commons, and 
 when I know his mind I will act accordingly, for I am absolutely at his 
 dispose, and when you see him, doe me the kindnes to tell him soe.” 
 
 Thomas Walsh to Roger Kenyon. 
 
 370. 1679, October 11. Aswarby. — His Majestie has determined 
 the blynd horse match and hath agreed it shall be drawne, so that you 
 may conclude your live gineys are safe, but I feare Mr. Curtis’s half 
 crowne is in the hucksters’ hands. Postboy hath won his match ; my 
 master hath two or three more to run, but he intends to be at Aswarby 
 the midle of next weeke.” Seal of arms, broken. 
 
 Guicciardini Wentworth to Roger Kenyon. 
 
 371. 1679, November 6. — For news, I believe there is abundance, but 
 it is out of the reach of such poor mortals as myself, “ only Mr. Danger- 
 feild alias Wiloughbie has plotted himself into Newgate, and my Lady 
 Pewes(?) into the Tower, and detected Sir R. Peighton to have been a 
 decoy who may possibly this night be sent after him, though the rabble 
 was last night pleased to burn him and the Pope together.” Seal of 
 arms. 
 
 Leftwich Oldfeld to Roger Kenyon. 
 
 372. 1679, December 21. Leftwich. — I am but newly returned from 
 Knowsley to take leave of honest Robin Oholmondeley, who expired 
 on Monday, to the great discomfort of that family. If you have any 
 73480. H 
 
114 
 
 comfortable news for the ‘‘ Church-of-England-men/’ who will always 
 be found the Kind’s truly (if not only) loyal subjects, pray refresh us 
 with it. Seal of arms. 
 
 Phillip Lloyd to Roger Kenyon. 
 
 373 , 1679 [-80], January 8. Council Chamber. — “ The Lords Com- 
 mittees of Councell having been made acquainted with a letter of yours 
 (without date) to Mr. Chancellor of the Dutchy of Lancaster, giving an 
 account of the remissenesse of some of the Justices of the Peace at the 
 last Quarter Sessions at Preston, in prosecuting popish recusants, their 
 Lordships have comanded me to send the inclosed order to you, requiring 
 those Justices to appear before tliem to give an account of their pro- 
 ceedings ten days after the end of the approaching Sessions, which you 
 ai‘e to acquaint them with, but so as that no interruption may bee given 
 to the Sessions thereby. At the time that the Justices attend, I am 
 commanded to let you know that you are likewise to attend and bring 
 up with you any such further information concerning this matter as you 
 have or may come to your knowledge. The Lords are sensible and well 
 satisfyed with your diligence and have comanded me to tell you so, and 
 to desire you will continue it and to assure you that they will not be 
 wanting to give you all manner of encouragement in it.” 
 
 John Bullyn, alias Edwards, to Roger Kenyon. 
 
 374 , 1679[-80], January 13. Lancaster Castle. — I am not able to 
 come down and see you, and dare not assume the boldness to ask you to 
 come and see me. I know not upon what ground I stand, nor what will 
 be done with me, nor have I any friend in the world to advise me, unless 
 I could have one minute’s discourse with you. Seal. 
 
 John Bullyn to Roger Kennion. 
 
 375 , 1679[-80], January 14. Lancaster Castle. — ‘‘ The sadd prospect 
 of afflictions that surround me and, like a hurricane from all poynts of 
 the compass, invade my perplexed soule, make me alsoe troublesome to 
 others, as yourselfe [as] by these [you] may experience. The tedious night 
 being gone with the break of day, I renew my addresses to you. To you, in 
 whom my chief hope Res, I have sought alwaies imaginable to give the 
 world satisfaction of my integrity, and if anything you could dictate to 
 me remay ned, it should be imbraced. And beer 1 doe againe call God to 
 witnos I am alltogether innocent, and free from having any hand or 
 knowledge of this plott, directly or indirectly, and wish God may never 
 forgive me but condemn me to the eternall flames of hell, if in this 
 ascertion I tell a lye or equivocate or mentally reserve.” Seal. 
 
 The Lords of the Council to Roger Kenyon. 
 
 376 . 1679 [-80], January 19. Whitehall, Treasury Chambers. — 
 Enclosing certain Acts of Parliament for granting a supply to His 
 Majesty for paying off and disbanding the forces raised since the 
 29 September, 1677, to be put in force in the County of Lancaster. 
 
 Christopher Marsden to Roger Kenyon. 
 
 377 . 1679[-80], January 30. Bolton. — “ I am certayne that war- 
 rants came to the severall churchwardens, and other offlcers, in Rivington, 
 
 
115 
 
 Lostocke, and some other places, reqnireing them to meet the gentlemen 
 at Wiggan on Monday last. I beleive theire desyne may bee to know 
 how you have putt the laws in execution against. Sir Charles Anderton 
 and others of his religion whether too much favor bee not sliewne to 
 some and to much severity upon others. What I gather of their 
 designe, is from some discourse I had with Mr. James Lever who had 
 discoursed with some of the churchwardens in Lostocke.” Seal, broken, 
 
 Dorothy Lagoe to Mrs. Kenyon, at Peel. 
 
 378 . 1679[-80], February 4. Manchester. — ‘‘I have been in- 
 quireing (and spoke to Mrs, Cash) for maids for you ; and she brought 
 one to mee, which would come to you to be a chamber-maid. She is a 
 very pritty woman, and can sow. I have made some inquiry after her 
 conditions. They say she is true, but hath sweethearts, and is not 
 mindful to take much pains.” Seal of arms. 
 
 Leftwich Oldfeld to Mr. Kenyon. 
 
 379 . 1679[-80], February 7. — My wife tells me that, by your pro- 
 curement, the grant of her seats in the gallery in Manchester Church 
 was obtained from the Bishop, which seats, we and our assigns have 
 quietly enjoyed till of late the covetuousness of the Chaplain, who 
 pretends to have a power to make leases of the said seats. The Chaplain’s 
 power is short of what he boasted. It is true indeed that their grant 
 precedes ours, being by Bishop Wilkins, but it reaches no further 
 than to receive the rents and rates of the said Gallery. Desires advice. 
 
 Order signed by W. Spkncer, Thomas Preston, Miles Dodding, 
 CuRWEN Bawlinson, William Kirkby, and Thomas Cole. 
 
 380 . 1679[-80], February 14. Lancaster. — ‘‘Whereas the Maior 
 and Councell of the Corporation of Lancaster have received information 
 from Mr. Cobb, deputy prothonotarie of this county, that the Judges 
 are dissatisfied to keep the Assizes at Lancaster, in respect of the mines 
 of the castle of Lancaster, conceiving some danger to sitt there untill 
 the same be repaired. In order, therefore, for their satisfaction and 
 better security to sit in safety, it is by us, whose names are hereto 
 subscribed. Justices of the Peace for the said county, within the 
 Hundred of Lonsdall, ordered, that the late High Constables of the said 
 Hundred of Lonsdall, or such other person and persons as have received 
 any of the moneys for the repaire of the said Castle, shall, upon notice 
 hereof, pay all the said moneys unto Mr. Fleiiry Johnes, according to 
 an order made att the Sheriff’s table of this county, and a roll for that 
 purpose, to be by him disbursed and paid over to the Maior of Lancaster 
 for the time being, Francis Medcalfe, gentleman, Henry Johns, John 
 Hodyson and William Penny, of Lancaster, in the said county, gentle- 
 men, who wee hereby appoint overseers of the said works, and to be 
 imployed for the present repairs of the courts in the said Castle.” 
 
 Guicciardini Wentworth to Boger Kenyon. 
 
 381 . 1679[-80], February 28. — “ The Chancellor went out of town 
 on Tuesday was seven ight and, in good health (a cold excepted) came to 
 Aswarby this day sennitt. The Lord Mayor, &c., coming by appoynt- 
 ment to return his Majesty thanks for his favor towards them in their. 
 
 u 2 
 
116 
 
 pretentions to the disposicon of the water bayliffes place, were, by Sir 
 George Jeffries (as ’tis said) trickt into a desire to kiss the Duke’s hand, 
 and accordingly performed to his Majesties good likeing, of which 
 Mr. Recorder may heere more next Comon Councell, which will be 
 shortly. My Lady Carr has had two fitts of an ague, but hopes it will 
 not return. Murthers and dewells wee have frequent, and one last 
 might between the Earl of Plymoth and Sir George Hewett, princepalls, 
 the Lords Mordant and Cavendish as seconds ; the latter has wounded 
 his man very shrewdly but not mortally ; the quarrell about words, and 
 that they were idle ones, the parties considered.” 
 
 Pe : Brooke to Roger Kenyon. 
 
 382. 1679[-80], March 11. Astley. — I communicated your letter to 
 Sir Richard Standish and others, and find those I discoursed to on the 
 business rather desirous to build a new prison, which it is said may be 
 done at an easier rate than to repair the ruinous castle. I am old, near 
 68 years of age, and full of infirmity, and shall be a petitioner that I 
 may have some space betwixt the business of life, and death. Seal 
 of arms, 
 
 W. Andrewes to Roger Kenyon. 
 
 383. 1679[-80], March 18. — The great business against Manchester 
 is committed to Sir John Stringer to try if, by industry, he can make more 
 of it by re-examining the informers. I only give you this hint, that if 
 you have conveniency. Sir Thomas may have it intimated to him of how 
 ill consequence it maybe to him to hunt for amendments to an informa- 
 tion, the utmost of that delivered in being copied. 
 
 Jo. Chorley to Roger Kenyon. 
 
 384. 1680, April 28. Liverpool. — Asking that one James Leech, 
 who lately broke out of Liverpool gaol, may be taken into custody upon 
 the Mayor of Liverpool’s warrant. 
 
 Justice Dolben to Roger Kenyon, Clerk of the Peace for 
 
 Lancashire. 
 
 385. 1680, May 27. — “ I am commanded to give in the names of the 
 persons that were presented by the Grand inquest, last Assizes at 
 Lancaster, for recusancy. I know not how to write to the Clerk of the 
 Crown. I hope you may be able to do the thing. I desire to hear from 
 you with all speed. One Thomas Abbott, of Adlington, was returned 
 on the Grand inquest. I have received good satisfaction for his non- 
 appearance ; therefore lett his fine be discharged.” Seal of arms, 
 broken. 
 
 Endorsed : “ The Judge’s letter for sending up recusants’ names.” 
 Seal of arms. 
 
 News Letter. 
 
 386. 1680, July 15. Whitehall. — “Yesterday, in the morning, the 
 Comon Hall in London met to chose two Sheriffes in the roorae of 
 Mr. Bethell and Mr. Cornish who had been both discharged from the 
 first election by the Court of Aldermen, for that they were not quallified, 
 according to the Corporation Act, but kaveing since received the sacra- 
 ment, they were by the par tie putt up againe yesterday with one 
 
117 
 
 Mr. Box, a drugstor, Mr. Nicholson, a packer, and Sir Wm. Russoll, a 
 mercer. After some howres had been past in disputeing who should bee 
 named first, Mr. Bethel and Mr. Cornish had visibly the more hands, 
 next Mr. Box, and next Mr. Cornish, but because many were in the 
 Hall and held up their hands that were not of the Livery, it was neces- 
 sary to come to a poole, which the sheriffe said hee would begin this 
 morning bee 6 of the clocke for tliat they were to bee that afternoon 
 at the Sessions at the old Bay ley, which was purposely adjorned to the 
 afternoone, for the tryall of Griles, and accordingly made a proclamation 
 and adjorned the Court. Some of the most hot and factious cryed out 
 that they would have a poole imediately and that they would not stick, 
 and my Lord Mayor offering twice to goe away, was hindred by severall 
 that purposely crowd in his way, but at last they let him pass, but they 
 kept the Sheriffes there above an houre afterwards ; they made a pro- 
 clamation that all should depart and keep the peace, in pursuance 
 of which all sober people went their way, but those whose business it is 
 to bee very busie and active on those occasions would nor yet stir and 
 would not lett the Sheriffes doe soe, who endeavoured to goe away, and 
 Osburne, a Draper, struck Sir Simon Lewis on the brest, and bee sides, 
 hee received severall other thrusts and punches on the brest, soe that 
 when hee gott home hee was forced to lett blood. The King, haveing 
 understood what had past, extreamely recentcd, caused the Privie 
 Councell to meete in the evening and sent for the Lord Mayor and the 
 Aldermen thither, who gave an account of all the whole transactions ; 
 upon which it was ordered that those persons who had thus misbehaved 
 themselves should bee indicted for Riot, and that a Commission of Oyer 
 and Terminer should accordingly bee imediately issued, and the said 
 Osburne and severall others have been taken into custody by a warrant 
 from my Lord Mayor, and have given poole (sic) for their appearance. 
 This Comon Hall met againe and now they are pooling, which will not 
 bee finished to day, and in the meanetime the King continues in towne, 
 while all sober people are extreamely scandilized at the insolence 
 of those factious spiritts. Two dayes since, the Earle of Maxfield kissed 
 the Duke’s hand, to whom have [he has] reconsiled himselfe. Just now 
 I heare that Osburne is in Newgate; the King returnes to morrow 
 morning to Windsor.” 
 
 R. Heywood to Roger Kenyon. 
 
 387 . 1680, August 2. Castle Rushen. — Thanking Kenyon for ob- 
 taining Lord Derby’s licence for him to return to England, but regretting 
 he is unable to do so on account of his debts. Seal of arms. 
 
 Richard Kirkby to Roger Kenyon. 
 
 388 . 1680, September 30. London. — Pray let me hear from you 
 how the red- letter men are proceeded against, from every place this next 
 session, and to whom the estreats of the defaulters will belong. The town 
 begins to fill with Parliament men, and the Court is expected here 
 by the latter end of the next week. Seal of arms, broken. 
 
 The Justices of the Peace for the County of Lancaster to 
 Lord Sunderland. 
 
 389 . 1680, October 7. — Whereas by the royal prociamation of 28 De- 
 cember, 1678, we were charged and commanded to apprehend, disarm, and 
 secure, all Popish Recusants or other suspected to be Popish Recusants, 
 
118 
 
 and to require them to enter into recognizances with sufficient sureties to 
 keep the peace, and be of good behaviour, and to return such recognizances 
 to the next General Sessions of the Peace where they were to be pro- 
 ceeded against according to law. We, in obedience thereto, have bound 
 a great number of Popish Recusants with sureties to appear at tlie 
 next Quarter Sessions of the Peace, and in the mean time to keep the 
 peace and to be of good behaviour and not to depart the Court without 
 licence. Most of the said Recusants appeared at the Quarter Sessions 
 and took the oath of allegiance, but the Court, upon their refusal of the 
 oath of supremacy, made an order for their continuance, and they were 
 continued from Sessions to Sessions, until they lately neglected to appear. 
 We have therefore ordered the recognizances to be estreated into the 
 Exchequer of such as have neglected to appear ; but such persons as did 
 appear and take the oath of allegiance we make bold to delay the 
 estreating of their recognizances until your Honour will be pleased to 
 acquaint us with his Majesty’s pleasure: for divers learned men in the 
 law are of opinion that such recognizances are not forfeited by reason 
 of the said Recusants appearing, keeping the peace, and being of good 
 behaviour, according to the condition of their several recognizances. 
 The sum in dispute upon the forfeiture of the recognizances in this 
 county is esteemed above 60,000/^. and many Protestant sureties are 
 deeply concerned therein. Copy. 
 
 Order in Council concerning Recusants. 
 
 390. 1680, October 27. Whitehall. — “ There being this day presented 
 to the Board by the Right Honourable Sir Robert Carr, Chancellor of 
 the County Palatine and Dutchy of Lancaster, a state of the case about 
 binding popish recusants to the peace and good behaviour, and of the 
 proceedings thereupon had within the said County, whereby it appears 
 that notwithstanding the severall directions given by his Majesty, as 
 well by his royall commissions and proclamations as by divers orders of 
 this board, for the effectuall prosecution of Popish recusants, the justices 
 of the peace of the said County Palatine of Lancaster have forborne to 
 estreat the forfeited recognizances of divers popish recusants, and their 
 sureties, upon pretence of receiving his Majestie’s further directions 
 therein. His Majesty, taking the same into consideration, was pleased 
 to order, and accordingly it is hereby ordered, that the said justices 
 of the peace for the County Palatine of Lancaster be, and they are 
 hereby, required forthwith to proceed to the signing and certifying the 
 estreats of all the forfeited recognizances whatsoever of popish 
 recusants, and their sureties, within the said County, according to the 
 usuall and ordinary course and method of the lawes in that case 
 provided.” 
 
 Annexed is : “ The State of the Case about binding the popish 
 recusants to the peace and good behaviour, and the proceedings 
 thereupon and how they now stand in the county of Lancaster. 
 
 “ 17 November, 1678. — His Majestie upon the humble petition, and at 
 the desire of the Lords Spirituall and Temporal! and the Com- 
 mons in Parliament assembled, did, by his royall proclamation, 
 command the parish officers wdthin their respective precincts 
 in each county, to take the names of all popish recusants, or 
 so reputed, and their iiam(‘S, surnames, age and quality, above 
 16 yeares of age, to deliver to a justice of the peace, who are 
 required to send for such j)apists to tender them (to whom by 
 law they might) the oathes of allegiance and supremacy, and 
 on refusall, to require them to enter into recognizances to 
 
119 
 
 appeare at the next sessions of the peace, and in defalt, to 
 • com mitt them till the next sessions, there to he proceeded 
 against according to law; the said Justices to bee armed with 
 a commission to tender the said oathes. — See the proclamation. 
 
 “ 23 November, 1678. — His Majesty, by commission under the greate 
 scale of England, did empower, authorize, and comand, ihe 
 justices of the peace in the County of Lancaster to require and 
 receive of all and singular his Majestie’s subjects, above 18 
 years of age, being popish recusants, or so reputed, residing 
 within the said County, the oathes of allegiance and supre- 
 macy. — See the Commission. 
 
 “ 20 December, 1678. — His Majesty upon the humble desire of the 
 Lords Spirituall and Temporall and Commons in Parliament 
 a.ssembled, for prevention of the present dangers, threatening 
 his Majestie’s sacred person and government from the pernicious 
 plotts and contrivances of popish recusants, universally spread 
 over this his Majestie’s kingdome, did, by his Majestie’s royall 
 proclamation, strictly charge and command all justices of the 
 peace, &c , within their respective counties, &c. ; with all speed 
 and dilligence, to apprehend and disarme all who are, or 
 should bee justly suspected to bee, papists, and to require them 
 to enter into recognizance, with suficieiit sureties, to keep the 
 peace and bee of good behaviour, and to return such recog- 
 nizances to the next sessions of the peace, where they are to 
 bee proceeded against according to law, and, on refusall to give 
 such recognizances, to committ the refusers to the comoii gaole. 
 — See the proclamation. 
 
 ‘‘ Some papists, pursuant to these proclamations and commission, were 
 bound over to the January sessions, and more to the Aprill 
 sessions then next, and some since ; but not a sixth part of 
 the papists in severall hundreds of this county are, or ever 
 were to this dajq at all bound, as wee are informed bj the 
 clerke of the peace. Such as were bound, and did appeare, 
 had the oathes of allegiance and supremacy tendered to them, 
 and such as tooke both the said oathes were forthwith dis- 
 charged of their recognizances to keep the peace and bee of 
 the good behaviour though some of those that took both the 
 oathes are papists and since prosecuted to a conviction. Such 
 of them as tooke the oathe of allegiance, butt refused the oath 
 of Supremacy, were not discharged, butt required to find new 
 sureties, which some did; others, at their owne or their solici- 
 tors prayer, were continued upon their first recognizances, and 
 their refusall of the oath of Supremacy certifyed into the 
 King’s Bench. 
 
 ‘^23 Elizabeth ca. 1. paragraph 5. — Every popish recusant lawfully 
 convicted (besides the payment of 20/. a month) forbearing, 
 by the space of 12 months, to come to the Church, shall for his 
 or her obstinacy (the conviction being certifyed ut per Statute) 
 bee bound with two sufficient sureties in the sume of 200/., 
 at the least, to the good behaviour ; and so c.ontinue bound till 
 such time as hee doe conforme, and come to Church. 
 
 ‘‘At the Court at Whitehall, 17 January 1678-9. — There having beene 
 (after the first sessions of binding over recusants) presented 
 by the justices of the peace, six queries to his Majestie in 
 Councell, which his Majesty referred to the judges ; who gave 
 answer to his Majestie, in writing, what persons were fitt to 
 bee bound over. Which report, his Majestie approved, and 
 
120 
 
 ordered thiit the justices of the peace take notice thereof and 
 conforme thereunto. 
 
 ‘‘At the Court at Whitehall, 31 January, 1678-9. — Ordered that his 
 Majestie’s justices of the peace doe, with all care and dilligence, 
 pursue his Majestie’s commands, signified in his Majestie’s 
 proclamations. And his Majestic appoints that the justices of 
 the peace, who shall neglect or refuse, shall bee putt out of 
 commission, as disaffected to. the government and religion 
 established. 
 
 “ At the July Sessions, 1679. — The papists who had refused the oath 
 of Supremacy, and were therefore kept bound, knowing the 
 refusall of the said oath had beene certifyed into the King’s 
 Bench, did not appeare at the Sessions, but made defalt. The 
 justices of the peace then ordered a scire facias to bee issued, 
 returnable at the next quarter Sessions ; the defalters then to 
 shewe cause why their recognizances shold not bee estreated. 
 
 “At October Sessions, 1679. — At the sessions begunne at Lancaster, all 
 the papists bound thither were called upon their recognizances ; 
 severall did appeare and were anew bound, or continued, and 
 none of them then ordered to be estreated ; butt had further 
 time at the same sessions adjourned to Preston. Mr. Sarjeant 
 Rigby, one of the justices of the peace on that bench, saying 
 he was not satisfied to bind over popish recusants upon a 
 proclamation. He then gave order none of them should bee 
 then particularly called, butt appointed the sessions to bee 
 adjourned. At the same sessions, held by adjournment at 
 Wigan, the justices appointed the recusants to bee called, butt 
 few of them (by example from Preston Sessions) did appeare ; 
 then, however, the Court recorded the appearances of such as 
 came, and respited the estreating of the defalters, for that 
 time. At the same sessions, holden by adjournment, the like 
 was done at Manchester. 
 
 “ At January Sessions, 1679-80. — At Lancaster, all the recusants bound 
 thither were called : some did personally, others by their 
 Attorn eyes (showing some cause) were admitted to appeare, 
 and an other scire facias was then ordered for the defalters to 
 show cause, or bee estreated. At the same session, held by 
 adjournment at Preston, there came an order from the councell 
 to Mr. Sarjeant Rigby, and others, the justices there, to 
 appear before the Lords of the Councell to answer for former 
 recusants. And it was then there allsoe ordered, as at 
 Lancaster, to send forth a scire facias. The like orderes 
 were allsoe made at the sessions at Wigan and Manchester. 
 
 “ 18 March, 1679-80. — An other (Commission, under the greate scale of 
 England, came forth, empowering and commanding the justices 
 of the peace (as commissioners so appointed) to tender the 
 oathes of allegiance atid supremacy to certaine persons therein 
 named, being recusants of best quallity in the said county. 
 With this Commission came a letter, and printed instructions, 
 directed to the justices, from the Lords of the Councell; the 
 letter mentioning, that his Majestic, by his personall com- 
 mands to the judges, by severall proclamations, comissions, 
 and orders, had endeavoured that the lawes against popish 
 recusants should have been putt in effectuall execution ; but, 
 through favour, connivance or abuse were not : therefore, this 
 second Commission was in order to prosecute the persons 
 therein named to 2 , premunire. 
 
121 
 
 The said commission, and letter, was brought to the judges and most 
 of the justices of peace, at the Assizes at Lancaster, the 26th 
 of March, 1680, and, shortly after, sent to all the rest of the 
 justices of peace in the county, who agreed, each in their 
 respective hundred, or division, would send for the persons 
 therein resident, in the commission named, to doe pursuant to 
 the said instructions ; but no papist, so sent for, would be 
 found or came at. 
 
 “ At April Sessions, 1680. — The5c^Ve facias, sent forth, was returned 
 by the Sheriff at Lancaster sessions. The papists were all 
 called. Severall did appeare, butt not one of those named in 
 the said second commission to bee presented to 3i prenmnire ; 
 howbeit, there were then, for that time, so many of them as 
 had any to sollicit for them, allowed to bee continued, and 
 their continuances recorded ; those that neither appeared, nor 
 sent to bee excused, were ordered to be estreated, so soone as 
 the estreate was prepared. At the same sessions, held by 
 adjournment at Preston, the papists were all called; none of 
 those named to bee prosecuted to a premunire, did personally 
 appeare ; others did, and were continued. But the Court did 
 not consent to continue those other upon record ; howbeit, an 
 opinion being read from Sir Thomas Stringer, that they ought 
 to bee admitted to plead to the scire facias, and first enter 
 their appearance thereunto, they allsoe were admitted, by their 
 Attorneys, to appear accordingly. The like was done at 
 Ormeskirke and Manchester Sessions thenafter held. 
 
 “At July Sessions, 1680. — At Lancaster, it was ordered that all 
 papists who were bound as such, and continued to that session, 
 shold likewise bee continued to the next quarter sessions 
 there: And, unless then they did appeare in person, or bring 
 some order, from the judge of assize, for their discharge, their 
 recognizances should bee defalted and estreated ; and the clerk 
 of the peace to prepare estreats accordingly. At the same 
 sessions, held at Preston, by adjournement, the like order was 
 made ; at the same session, held by adjournement at Ormeskirk, 
 it was ordered that the then defalters shold bee estreated, and 
 an estreate prepared for the ensueing sessions there ; and the 
 like order, as at Ormeskirke, was made at the same sessions 
 holden by adjournement at Manchester. And, shortly after, 
 the said estreats and duplicates thereof were all ingrossed and 
 prepared accordingly, and brought to the next assizes. 
 
 “At the Assize holden at Lancaster, in August, 1680, Mr. Sarjeant 
 Rigby, of Councill with all the popish recusants that were 
 bound over in that county, moved the judge that their recog- 
 nizances might bee, by his Lordship’s direction, discharged; 
 butt his Lordsliipp contrarily declared the justices ought to 
 signe and certify the estreats. 
 
 “ At the meeting of the justices of the peace at Lancaster, in the Assize 
 weeke, at the Sheriffs table, 24th August, it was then the 
 opinion and agreement of the table, that the estreats of all 
 forfeited recognizances of popish recusants, should bee signed 
 by the justices of peace that were at the severall sessions; 
 before whom the said recognizances were defalted : And that 
 the clerke of the peace doe tender them to bee signed, accord- 
 ingly. 
 
 “At the Quarter Sessions holden at Lancaster, in October, 1680, the 
 said estreates, and duplicates thereof, being brought by the 
 
122 
 
 clerke of the peace and tendered to the justices, the same, after 
 long debate, were all forborne to bee signed, and it was then 
 ordered in the words following : Upon hearing of Thomas 
 Patton, Esquire, Christopher Greenfield, Esquire, and George 
 Pigott, Esquire, of counci 11 with the popish recusants bound 
 over to the quarter sessions, in pursuance of his Majestie’s 
 proclamation, it is oidered, that all recognizances of such of 
 the said popish recusants as have neglected to appeare, accord- 
 ing to the condition of their respective recognizances, shall bee 
 estreated ; butt the recognizances of such of them as did 
 appeare and take the oath of allegiance, it is ordered that the 
 estreating of such bee forborne till his Majestie’s pleasure 
 therein bee knowne. At the same sessions, held by adjourne- 
 ment at Preston, the justices were in opinion devided ; but 
 the major part agreed to make the same order; and the same 
 was confirmed at Wigan. Butt at Manchester Sessions, it was, 
 by the whole Court, contradicted, as contradictory in itself. 
 Howbeit, because the gentlemen from Lancaster had writt to 
 know his Majestie’s pleasure in the matter, the justices of the 
 peace at Manchester adjudged it their duty, humbly to waite 
 his Majestie’s direction therein, and ordered that the state of 
 all the proceedings in this particular should bee carefully in- 
 spected, and forthwith sent to the Chancellor of the Eutchy of 
 Lancaster, humbly intreating his honour, from the said justices, 
 with all humility and dutifullness, to acquaint his Majesty in 
 Counciil therewith ; and that the pei’sons appointed by his 
 Majesty in Counciil to bee presented to a premunire, are the 
 chiefe of those that thus withdraw themselves, contrary to the 
 condition of their recognizances to avoid the said prosecu- 
 tions.” Copy, 
 
 Dorothy Lagoe to Mrs. Kenyon. 
 
 391 . 1680, December 16. Manchester. — Is so troubled for her dear 
 mother; her cousin, Anne Assheton^hasbeen with Mr. Minshall to ncquaint 
 him how she is. Mr. Minshall says some sack is the best cordial, and if 
 she think it not hot enough mulled, then burn it with some hot spices. 
 He says as to the “ neare sand,” blood is the best thing toannoint it with, 
 enough cat’s blood cannot be got, but calf or sheep’s blood will do, and 
 rub it often, if it make her not sick. 
 
 Keavs Letter. 
 
 392 . 1680, December 23. — “ It is sayd that the Empresse is brought 
 to bed of a young princes. 
 
 “ The Holland letters say that they continue to see the commett 
 there, and that the astronomers aflirme that the tayle of it is above 
 60 degrees in length. 
 
 “ When the Lord Stafford was before the House of Lordes last Sattur- 
 day, the substance of his confessions sayd to bee as followeth {videlicet). 
 
 Wee have beeiie long in hope of a change of our religion, but 
 have melt Avith rubbes. 1 went to Breda to the King, amongst others. 
 I did propound 1('0,000/. from the Catholiques to take off thepenall lawes 
 againste them. That after the King came in, the Lord of Oxford pro- 
 pounded in the House, the takeing off the oathes of allegiance and 
 supremacy, Avhich tooke noe effect. The Lord of Bristoll propounded a 
 
123 
 
 new oath, which I att first lyked of, but after disapproved. After this, 
 the Duke of Yorke brought in a bill which the Lord Chancellor Hide 
 opposed, and said that if that passed, the Kinge might make a popish 
 preist a Bishop of London. Wee then, as I thought, practised our 
 religion too openly, and the Dutchesse of Yorke dyed a supposed papist, 
 and I offered some proposall to my Lord Chancellor. I offered the same 
 o or 4 tymes to the Duke of Yorke, for the dissolveing of the Long Par- 
 liament. I did conceive that if the King lived and the penall lawes 
 could be got off, when the Duke should come to the Crowne there would 
 bee hopes of setting up our religion. Hee made protestations of know- 
 ing nothing more of the plot, and soe was remanded backe to the Tower, 
 The Sheriffes of London and Middlesex makeing some scruple concerne- 
 ing the execution of the Lord Stafford, applyed themselves to the Lordes 
 thereupon, and theire Lordships judged their scruples to bee unneces- 
 sary, and declared that the King’s writ ought to bee obeyed.^ 
 
 “ Articles of impeachment were ordered to bee drawne up against 
 Lord Cheife Justice Scroggs, Judge Jones, and Judge Vv^eston, for dis- 
 solveing the grand jury before the last day of Trinity Terme.” 
 
 News Letter 
 
 392a, 1680, December 28. — “ The Lord Stafford hath wrote to the 
 2 Sheriffes, requesting foure thinges of them : first, that they would 
 take care to prevent the people from makeing a noise : secondly, that 
 they would permit the scaffold to bee hunge with blacke ; thirdly, that 
 they would not suffer the scaffold to bee crowded; and fourthly, that they 
 would permit his friends to take away his body in his cloathes, without 
 stripping of him ; hee satisfyeing the executioner. The Sheriffes readily 
 graunted the latter, and promised to doe what they could in the former. 
 
 “ On Fryday the House of Commons ordered a bill to be brought in 
 for repealing the lawe made for regulateing of corporations. Yesterday 
 there was an extraordinary Councell ; all the Clerks were ordered to 
 withdraw, and what past is kept private.” 
 
 News Letter. 
 
 392b. 1680, December 30. — “ About 9 of the clocke yesterday morn- 
 ing the Sheriffes of London and Middlesex went with a guard of 
 about 500 men to the Tower, to receive the Lord Stafford and carry 
 him to the place of execution. About 10, his Lordshipp came upon the 
 scaffold on Tower Hill, his cofiine being carried up a little before him. 
 After some tyme, his Lordship read a speech, in writeing, to the specta- 
 tors, which were judged to bee above twenty thousand, in which hee 
 protested, with all the asseveration imaginable, his ignorance of the plot, 
 his loyalty to his Majesty, and that the doctrine of deposeing kiuges is 
 contrary to the fundamental! lawes of the Kinge and Kingdome, impious 
 and damnable, though hee acknowledged that many learned men of the 
 Bomish Church did afffrme it. Hee denyed all indulgences, dispensa- 
 tions, and pardons to murder, rebell, lye, forsweare, &c. and that hee 
 believed hee was brought to his tryall on a beleife that, to save his lyfe, 
 hee would have made some greate discovery. Hee prayed for the King, 
 alleadgi ng that noe power upon earth, either singly or altogether, can 
 legally allow him or any other persons to lift a hand against him or his 
 legall authority. Hee desired pardon of God for all his offences, de- 
 siueing all people to forgive him as hee did those that had injured him, 
 not exclude! ng those perjured men (as hee was pleased to terme them] 
 
 Ste also No. 354 ante. 
 
124 
 
 that had brought him to the blocke by theire perjuryes. Hee then de- 
 clared, upon his death and salvation, that hee never spoke either to Oates 
 or Turbervile, and that iiee never saw them till his tryall, and that hee 
 never spoke to Dugdale, unlesse aboute a footeman or a fooie race, and 
 that hee was never then alone with him. Hee begged God not to revenge 
 his innocent blood on the nation, nor on those that were the causers 
 of it, &c. -About halfe an hower after hee had read his paper, hee went 
 to the fewer severall quarters of the stage, declareing, in a short speech, 
 his innocency to all the spectators and hee forgave them all. Which 
 being done, hee began to prepare himselfe for the fatall strike, and being 
 stript, hee layd downe his head twice upon the blocke to fit his necke to it, 
 and the last tyme, the executioners severed his head from his body by 
 one stroke, though hee was forced to make use of his knife to cut the 
 outward skin. Many persons threwe up their handkerchers to theire 
 Catholicke friends upon the scafibld, who, haveing dipt them in his blood, 
 returned them to the owners. The people were very silent dureing this 
 tragedy, only they gave 2 shoutes, one at his first comeing upon the 
 scafibld, the other when the executioner gave the stroke and carryed the 
 head round the scaffold, sheweing it all bloody to the spectators, saye- 
 ing — behold the head of a tray tor. 
 
 “ d'his day. Judge Raymond informed the House of Commons that 
 Mr. Sheridon, committed by them, had demanded his habeas corpus ; 
 soe desired the directions of the House therein, but they deferred the 
 debate till another tyme. They ordered that the Committee of Im- 
 peachmentes should looke into the evidence against the fower Lordes in 
 the Tower, and report theire opinion to the House, in order to receive 
 further directions therein. 
 
 “They ordered an addresse to his Majesty that the information of 
 Mr. Serjeant in the case of Gawen, and all other papers and informa- 
 tions relateing to the plot, should bee communicated to the House. 
 They ordered that all the writeings and papers in the last Parliament 
 relateing to the pentioners, should bee produced to the House. They 
 resolved that no member should accept of any office or place of profit 
 from the Crowne, without the leave of the House, and the offenders 
 therein should bee expelled the House. A Bill to bee brought in to dis- 
 cover landes imployed to popish uses.” 
 
 News Letter. 
 
 393. 1680[-81], January 13. London. — “ Several persons going 
 from Encham, in Oxfordshire, to Abbington Market! as the sun was 
 riseing, saw the perfect representation of a crowne over it. The spectators 
 were very numerous, but all agreed that it seemed to be as bigg and 
 as glorious as the sunn. This relation by a letter from Oxford 
 which came yesterday to hand, attested by the subscriptions of the 
 minister of Encham and many other credible witnesses. Yesterday, 
 the Duke of Monmouth, accompanied wdth many of the Nobility and a 
 considerable [number] of Members of Parliment, dyned at the Sunn 
 Taverne, behind the Exchange. The vast sumes of mony lately arrived, 
 of which 1 gave you an account in my last, is said to be the Prince of 
 Hanover’s, but considering the revenues of all his father’s territories doe 
 not amount to above 00,000/. per annum and that it is not the fashion 
 nowadayes to buy wives, it’s very improbable. 
 
 “From Norwich, the 10th instant, they write that in thatCittye, the last 
 Sessions, above oO protestante decenters were prosecuted upon the Act 
 made against j>apists, notwithstanding the King, Lords, and Comons, 
 have declared that it was intended against papists only, and that no one 
 
125 
 
 papist was prosented. The last packquett from Ireland gives an 
 account of a greate light in the heavens, bigger then the moone, ap- 
 peared directlye over the Citty of Dublin, which in one night’s time 
 moved over severall parts of the Citty and at length, in sight of multi- 
 tudes of people, fell through the aire into the sea, as they judge, and was 
 seen no more, and that the Protestants there have dreadfull appre- 
 hentions of aproaching danger. From Scotland wee have account that 
 the Councell there had granted that the Duke of Y[ork] should have 
 liberty to [have] 3,000 French to bee added to his guards, and that the 
 protestants there are extreamely discountenanced, but are resolved to 
 stand one by another, and to hazard all rather then the Romish Super- 
 stition should overspread that Kingdom, and that certaine persons 
 endeavour to distinguish themselves by weareing a blew ribbin and a 
 roll of parcbmentt on their hat : in the parchment is writt — no pope. 
 This day the Courte and the Comon Councill of this Citty sate at Guild 
 Hall, the Courte of Aldermen brought a Letter from his Majestie to 
 put them in mind to enquire into the quallifications of the members, 
 according to the Act for regulateing Corporations. It was put to the 
 vote whether it should bee imediately read, carried in the negative by 
 one voice. Then Alderman Hayes, with others, brought in a petition 
 for the citting of the parliament. The Alderman told them that hee 
 thought it concerned them to perform it, as much as the rest of the 
 fellow cittizens who desired it, upon which a generall hum passed 
 through the Hall, and the Alderman with the rest were ordered to with- 
 drawe, who, after a small debate, were called in and told by Mr. Meaby, 
 theire new Recorder, that the petition should be presented with small 
 alterations in the forme but not in the matter, for which the Alderman 
 returned thanks in the name of the rest and withdrew, but upon a 
 motion that thanks should bee given for bringing in the petition, it 
 passed with generall applause to the mover, and they were againe called 
 in and received the thankes of the Courte. Then the Courte debated 
 aboute the petition carried in the affirmative, nemine contradicente, that 
 the petition should be this night presented to his Majestie by 4 Alder- 
 men and 6 Comoners. The heads of the petition were chieflye that the 
 ])arliament might sitt while the grievances of the nation was redressed 
 and the Bill of Exclusion passed, with an intimation that the whole 
 Citty were resolved to live and dye Protestants.” Accordingly the peti- 
 tion is carried to the King. 
 
 [Thomas Hodgkinson] to Roger Kenyon. 
 
 394 , 1680[-1], January 25. Preston. — On Friday last came the 
 news of the Parliament’s dissolution and of another to be called. On 
 Saturday last, I was called for to “ the Hynd,” where I found Mr. Fleetwood, 
 Mr. Clayton, and others. In a very short time the company proceeded 
 to elect Mr. Fleetwood, and moved my concurrence, all which was 
 answered with silence ; but I discoursed with Mr. Fleetwood, who 
 promised that his interest would be devoted to Lord Derby’s service. I 
 summoned a council yesterday and told them the advantage of unity 
 among ourselves, and the particular obligations this place lay unto Lord 
 Derby and Sir Robert Carr. Fragment. 
 
 William Hayhurst to Roger Kenyon. 
 
 395 . 1680[-1], PYbruary 8. London. — Sunday last brought us to 
 London. We hear that Lancaster Assizes are to be held the 16th of 
 
126 
 
 March. Judge Dolben is to come the circuit, Sir Robert Sawyer is to 
 be Attorney General, and Sir Creswell Levinz, a judge of the Common 
 Pleas. We hear his Majesty has complimented Oxford for the sitting 
 of the Parliament there, and taken up Christ Church College for his own 
 lodgings. Seal, 
 
 William Hayhurst to Roger Kenyon. 
 
 396. 1680-81, February 10. London — ‘‘We had a meeting yester- 
 night proposed by Mr. Grahem to severall receivors and officers about 
 methodizing our proceedings, but Mr. Grayhem beeing princepall and 
 called to read in the Inn, could not meet us. Wee was with him againe 
 to daye, and have this night fetched out of the Exchequer office a Comission 
 of rebellion against Sir Thomas Preston, and made returne thereof that, 
 att the end of the terme, a motion may bee made for a seizure of his estate 
 into the King’s hands. Mr. Graham’s Clerke tells us they have had a tryall 
 to day of 2,000/. laid upon a mortgage for the use of the Jesuites in London, 
 which is gone for the King, and a rule is made that the defendents shall 
 either paye the principall and interest money, or the land to be seized of 
 for the king’s use. Wee are dayly and hourly attending the offices, but 
 by reason of the infinite number of Recusants within our County, wee are 
 much delayed. Wee are advised to marke and cull out upon the Roll in 
 the Pipe, such as are of the best account and ability, and to goe to the 
 Lords Comissioners for a warrantt for process, and for the rest, to have 
 them prepared against the next terme. There is little newes stirring. 
 All the Citty is generally afraid of troublesome times. From Holland 
 they write that the States Generali are resolved to put the Prince 
 of Orange out of the place of Stadtholder. From Oxford wee hear that 
 the heads of the Colledges held a Convocation and have agreed that all 
 schollers under the degree of master of arts should remove out of towne 
 during the time of the Parliament. They say the Grand Jury of West- 
 minster, Sir Wm. Waller beeing foreman, hath presented the King’s 
 horse and foot guards as a grand nuisance and unnecessary charge, and 
 some say as a tumultuous riott ; they have likewise presented the Duke 
 of York as a popish recusant to convict him. His Majestic goes to Bur- 
 ford, near Oxford, where hee will divert himselfe with horse races till 
 the sitting of the Parliament. It is reported that Sir Stephen Fox will 
 bee made Earle of Plymouth, and that Sir Robert Carr is to be made a 
 Lord.” Seal, broken, 
 
 William Hayhurst to Roger Kenyon. 
 
 397. 1680[-1], February 12. London. — We are daily and hourly 
 using out utmost endeavours to dispatch our business, but the numer- 
 ousness of our recusants and the attendance and delays we meet with, 
 make us move slowly forward. We design to take out process for 20//. 
 per mensem against such as have been lately returned convicted, which 
 we fear will be as much as can be got down this term. Seal, 
 
 Thomas Marsden to Roger Kenyon. 
 
 398. 1681, April 5. Walton. — Asking his favour on behalf of 
 Mr. Norres of Derby, who is not yet cleared in the Exchequer for his 
 recusancy, and who hears his name is in the list of such as sliall have 
 20//. per mensem levied upon their heads. Mr. Norres’ conformity “ to 
 our church ” is as full as it can be. 
 
127 
 
 Elizabeth, Isabell, and Ann Westby to Koger Kenyon. 
 
 399. 1681, April 7. Windar.” — We are informed you are supposed 
 
 to be Receiver General of Recusants’ estates, and we, being in the number 
 of those that are under sequestration, send you forty shillings by Cousin 
 Preston, which is according to what we always paid since this charge 
 was laid upon us. 
 
 R. Graham to Roger Kenyon. 
 
 400. 1681, April 21. — If Mr. Golden and his wife were convicted 
 upon the same indictment, you n\ay then levy her penalties upon her 
 husband; but if she was convicted upon another indictment, then you may 
 not. But yet you may bring an action against him and her for the debt of 
 Ids wife’s, which is Mr. Attorney’s opinion. Mr. Attorney is really 
 resolved to make Sir Thomas Preston’s commissioners examples. 
 
 Guicciardini Wentworth to Roger Kenyon. 
 
 401. 1681, April 21. — “ Having received intimation of your faire 
 daughter’s ill hap, but, my honour and satisfaction to be her vallentine 
 {sic), 1 have adventured to send her a little present.” Seal. 
 
 Zachary Taylor to Roger Kenyon. 
 
 402. 1681, April 28. Ormskirk.—“ If you be pleased to move any- 
 thing in our business, I beg you would give me the favour of a line that, 
 if the Bishop (who I understand hath made some progress in it) can any 
 way assise you, we may entreat his endeavours. We commit our cause 
 wholly to your management and to the returns of friendship and those 
 obligations of kindness which we must stand indebted to you for, shall 
 labour to express our gratitude in more legible terms, the rest of my 
 brethren concurrinor.” Seal. 
 
 O 
 
 William Patten to Roger Kenyon. 
 
 403. 1681, April 30. London. — This day, Fitz Harres pleaded to 
 the jurisdiction of the Court of Kings Bench for that hee was impeached 
 by the House of Lords ; his plea wanted Councells hands, which the 
 Court tould hee might get, otherwise it could not be received. Hee saide 
 hee could not procure Councell to signe it and prayed to have Councell 
 assigned. The Court wished him to consider of the plea least, if over- 
 ruld, it might prove fatall, and hath given him tyme to consider of it, 
 and afterwards they received him privatly aboute Sir Edmundbury 
 Godfrey’s death, wherein (as is reported) he hath made a large dis- 
 covery.” Seal of arms. 
 
 J. Rowe to Roger Kenyon. 
 
 404. 1681, May 17. Wigan. — This day the Mayor, two Sir Rogers, 
 and Mr. Recorder, met and concluded the following address. 
 
 Then folloAVS the address of the Mayor, Aldermen, Bayliffs, and 
 Burgesses of the Borough and Corporation of Wigan, setting out that 
 they have heard the tenor of the King’s declaration, published in their 
 parish church, of his intention to preserve inviolable the rights and con- 
 stitutions of the Government, both in Church and State. “And though 
 others have addressed your Majesty more early, yet none ever shall go 
 before us in all dutiful allegiance to your Majesty.” 
 
128 
 
 Thomas Hodgkinson to Roger Kenyon. 
 
 405 . 1681, May 29. Preston.— Great numbeJ’S of children here 
 have the small pox and many die. We are almost undone for want of 
 rain, very little barley sown, and that which is, comes not up for want of 
 moisture. Seal of arms. 
 
 Alexander Norres to Mrs. Alice Kenyon, at Peel. 
 
 406 . 1681, June 4. Liverpool. — His master has received an account, 
 from Captain Farlton, of the safe arrival at Barbadoes of the ship on 
 which her son embarked, after 32 (?) dayes sayle from the Irish coast, 
 which was more than ordinary.” 
 
 Thomas Winckley to Roger Kenyon. 
 
 407 . 1681, June 19. Preston. — Mr. Sheriff writes me of the numer- 
 ous company of complainants in the bills brought by the Papists in the 
 Duchy, a number of whom I believe are dead. I am sure several of those 
 that came down in the estreats are in their graves. Seal of arms. 
 
 John Roscoe to Roger Kenyon. 
 
 408 . 1681, July 13. Wigan. — We went to Wigan to Madam 
 Pennington, and demanded the money, which she refused to pay. I told 
 her we must then be forced to distrain her goods, but would give her an 
 hour or two to consider of it, and, if she pleased, to send to Sir Roger Brad- 
 shaw to advise with him. We left a bailiff or two in the house (because 
 we but got into it by a wile), and when I thought she had had sufficient 
 time for consideration, I waited on her, but found her in the same mind 
 still, so I ordered the Bailiffs to remove some of her goods and went into 
 the town for help to carry them up to Mr. Rowe, but in the meantime 
 she had got several persons into her house and locked the doors. I 
 therefore applied for assistance from the Mayor, who sent a sergeant with 
 me, whereupon Madame Pennington came after us to the Mayor, and 
 after a great deal of discourse, she agreed we should be free to remove 
 some unnecessary goods. But when we returned, a great rabble assaulted 
 and rescued the goods from the bailiffs and we were fain to take 
 sanctuary in a house hard by. The names of some of the rioters 
 follow : Mrs. Pennington and her daughter, young Doctor Worton, 
 Ralph Lancksliaw, Elizabeth Scott, James Scott, and others. Seal, 
 broken. 
 
 William Banks to Roger Kenyon. 
 
 409 . 1681, July 19. Winstanley. — I hear some of the loyal corpora- 
 tion of Wigan have affronted the King’s officers ; how that will prove 
 an argument of their loyalty, it is beyond my capacity to find out. Seal, 
 broken. 
 
 News Letter. 
 
 410 . 1681, September 1, London. — ‘‘ Yesterday, the Lord Mayor 
 with Mr. Slieriff Cornisheand severall Aldermen waited upon his Majes- 
 tie to welcome him to Whitehall. Yesterday began the Sessions 
 at the Old Bailey, where Councill moved that the writ of habeas 
 corpus should be granted to the Earl of Shaftsbury, Lord Howard, 
 Wilmore, &c. that they may be either tryed or bailed, but the 
 Courte answered that they not being charged with any crime in that 
 
129 
 
 Coiirte, that Courte would take no cognizence of it, and referred them 
 to the King’s Bench Barr for remedy. The Councill would have 
 argued the point, saying they were relievable and ought to bee relieved 
 there, as they could prove by the statute and common law of the land, 
 but the Court overruled and referred as before. Yesterday Mr. Baldrou, 
 who w^as one of the evidence against Sir Miles Stapleton, and the 
 same who, at Colledge’s tryall, accused the evidfmcc against him for 
 subornation with high treason, was apprehended at Hixe Hall and com - 
 mitted to the Gatehouse, and it is credibly reported that hee retracts his 
 evidence and now saith hee was hired by great persons to charge the 
 witnesses against Colledge with subornation, and also to accuse 
 Justice Walcopp of the same crime. The Queen’s head-cook is taken 
 into custody, being accused by the doorekeeper of her Majesties kitchin 
 of preaching the art of poisoning, that hee was confederate with Sir 
 George Wakeman in the murder of Sir Edmundberry Godfray, and that 
 he had twice poisened him (the said doore-keeper) once with broth, and 
 another time with a frigase of eggs. That hee was poisened, was testi- 
 fied by Dr. Joanes. Hee was examined before the Greencloth and the 
 Secretary of State. It is reported that the Judges have consulted 
 whether an in^ctment against a peer may bee laid in a county, where 
 the fact was not committed, and it is said they were devided — seven 
 that it could not, and five that it could. A warrant is out against Dr. 
 Oates, Baldron having sworue high treason against him, notwithstand- 
 ing which hee walks publickly, but it is thought hee will speedily bee 
 comitted. Presentments were made against Thompson, Herreclitus, and 
 Mr. L’Estrange and the Bill found against them. It is said that this 
 day Mr. Thompson is arrested at the suit of Mr. Hickeringill, in an action 
 of 1,000/. for defamation. Indictments of subornation, perjui’y, and 
 forgery, are given in against Justice Warcopp and six of the evidence ; 
 but it is questioned whether the Judges will receive indictments against 
 the evidence. Orders are issued out to severall countyes in England 
 for the prosecution of the Papists, as allso Middlesex and Westminster. 
 The Mayor hath likewise orders to proceed against them in this Citty. 
 Letters from Tangiere say that they expect an Embassedor from the 
 Alcade of Alcazor, a person so quallified that hee may bee accepted in 
 the Courte of England, where hee is expected. Sir James Lashley is 
 prepareing to accompeny him to London. Yesterday morning early, 
 Colledge was executed, a paper being this day published for his speech, 
 but thought not to bee his. Finis'^ 
 
 R. Heywood to Roger Kenyon. 
 
 411. 1681, September 5. Wigan. — ‘‘Yesternight my Lord received 
 a letter from my Lord Chamberlain, who tells him that he showed a letter 
 which my Lord lately wrote to him to the King, wherein my Lord signified 
 his intention of waiting upon his Majesty this meeting, at Newmarket. 
 My Lord Chamberlain says the King commanded him to acquaint my 
 Lord that he takes it very kindly. My Lord resolves to go immediately 
 after the race at Wallessy, and, in the meantime, has a great desire to see 
 you.” Portion of seal. 
 
 R. Graham to Roger Kenyon. 
 
 412. 1681, September 13. — Mr. Turbervile, Mr. Smith, and Mr. 
 Dugdale, I have examined, but not one of them remember anything of 
 Sir Thomas P[reston ?] because they never were acquainted with him. 
 
 73480. 
 
 I 
 
130 
 
 [Roger Kenyon to — .] 
 
 413 . 1681, September 18. Peel. — “ Being a Commissioner for the 
 Earl of Derby, and his Lordship intending for Newmarket to kisse 
 the Kinge’s hand, I have been this last week with his Lordship and 
 about his bussines. One day his Lordship took mee to a race in 
 Cheshire, where his Lordship had a horse to run for a plate, and 
 there I mett and saw most of our great papists of this Countv, amongst 
 others my Lord Molinex his son rideing for the ]3late. My Lord 
 Molineux himselfe was there, so was Mr. Dalton. They look mightily 
 ascue at mee. There was a great number of that clan and most 
 of them did ride Avith swords. When I came home last night, I 
 find yours of the 13th, for which I thanke you. Very considerable 
 things have been hitherto done by the Undersheriffe, but hee premisses 
 to be more vigerouse. The truth is, I was consenting hee should try, 
 if by giveing a meeting to such as are in the first processe, hee could 
 have quietly paid him such proportionable partes of their forfeitures as 
 might be adequate to two parts of the yearly vallew of their estates, to 
 have seen what that would have produced, and, given you an estimate of 
 what would be had that way, and hee gave notice by his bayliffs to them 
 to see if they would meet him, and accordingly has been in most of the 
 divlssions in every hundred, and hath had with him one of ray ofiicers 
 almost in every place, but very few have come to him, so that this way 
 will do no good. Such as did come, most of them come to produce 
 some settlements to shew the estates, though in their possession, are con- 
 Yejed away to others, and, indeed, what can be devised by them to elude 
 the King is done to the vtmost, and vpon such pretensions w^hen the 
 Sherifie hath sent his baylifies to distreine, they have endeavored to 
 rescue the distresse. One of the bayliffs, the last week, had his finger 
 struck off, though, indeed, it was partly by accident, for he had taken a 
 young mare with other horses and cattle and w^as tyeing the mare to a 
 peece of wood, and some comeing to make a rescusse, the mare being 
 frighted, pluck’d back her head of a sudden with such force as the 
 mans finger was pluck’t off.” Draft, 
 
 Edward B[eresfor]d to Roger Kenyon. 
 
 414 . [1681? September] 18. — ‘^Mrs. L[eigh] show’d me a letter 
 that came from you, giving some amount of supposd witnesses. If you can 
 learn any thing to blast the reputation of Lunt, Brown alias Wilson, or 
 one Waring, ’twill be of service, for there is reason to believe they may 
 be Mr. L[eigh’s] accousers. The talk grows very hot amongest them 
 that pretend to know, of speciall commissions going down into Lanca- 
 shire and Cheshire in a very short time, and the gentlemen along wdth 
 them, to find bills and then try ’em ; but whether (sic) county 
 Mr. L[eigh]s fact {sic) will be laid in, wee do not yet know : one of them 
 certain. I doubt not your concern and kindness in this affayr ; the 
 methods of itt, you know best, and I shall not pretend to direct. 
 Mr. L[eigh] is well, but no one has seen him. Mrs. L[eigh] has got 
 an order and goes to morrow morning to continue close pris’ner with 
 him. We can learn nothing of the crime ; strong evidence, my 
 
 Lord S y says there is ; and there is not upon eai’th a man more 
 
 innocent.” Seal of arms. 
 
 Postscript . — “Aaron Smith comes down King’s sollicitour. Lancashire 
 most probably the county — great odds ! ” Seal. 
 
131 
 
 Thomas Dod to Eoger Kenyon. 
 
 415. 1681, October 10. — At the last Assizes, the Judge set aside 
 the order of Sessions made at the last sessions at Wigan, for allowance 
 of 50/2. per annum to maintain Sir Edward Stanley’s children, declaring 
 it was against law, as it was to the prejudice of the creditors. 
 
 Sir Eobert Carr to Eoger Kenyon. 
 
 416. 1681, October 24. — All I can say is that we both have enemies, 
 and I think the cause is the red-lettered men, which I hope will be 
 always so. Portion of seal. 
 
 E. Graham to Eoger Kenyon. 
 
 417. 1681, October 27. — You may prosecute the Mayor of Wigan 
 by an information, and so you may do all the rioters. I have inquired 
 after Mrs. Pennington’s sons, but cannot be informed where they are. 
 Seal of arms. 
 
 Edward Baynard to Eoger Kenyon. 
 
 418. 1681, Kovember 5. Gray’s Inn. — ‘‘This day Will [Patten] 
 and I and divers .... of thy health, drauke it ; not one pope 
 mungare amongst us and, as Cicero begins, I end : If thou art well, it is 
 well, I am well.” Seal, broken. 
 
 Eobert Eoper to Eoger Kenyon. 
 
 419. 1681, November 7. — Asking if he has any directions as to the 
 payment by Mr. Hey wood for “ a parcel ” of Manx cattle bought from 
 “my Lord ” [of Derby ?J. Asks him to remember the creation money. 
 Seal. 
 
 Gdicciardini Wentworth to Eoger Kenyon. 
 
 420. 1681, November 8. — I came last night from Newmarket, where 
 I left Sir Eobert [Carr] in good health, expecting the success of Thursday 
 next, when Postboy is to run with Dragon, six miles. Seal of arms. 
 
 Eobert Barber to Eoger Kenyon, at “ The Sword and Buckler,” 
 
 in Holborn. 
 
 421. 1681, November 16. Scone. — Pray, sir, present my service 
 to Mr. Justice Lighbound ; and I hope, betwixt you and him, that you 
 will not forgett the bad wayes att Talke-on-the-Hill ; by which you will 
 very much serve both King and country.” 
 
 Thomas Hodgkinson to Eoger Kenyon, London. 
 
 422. 1681, November 22. Preston. — He has already “discoursed ” 
 as to keeping the Count 3 ^ Palatine seal, for which he had, as yet, received 
 nothing. “ Old Luke,” ever since he kept the seal, had the benefit of 
 making all writs of “entry and covenant,” which used to amount to 
 about 7/. or 8/. a year, “and some particular allowances from Mr. Vice- 
 Chancellor, when hee made his accompts,” which made the custody of 
 the seal worth 20/. a year. But since he has had the seal, he has only 
 
 I 2 
 
132 
 
 retained his ‘‘ proportion ” of the tees, which he has shared with the 
 clerks, as they justly demanded. “You know the constant attendance 
 required in keeping the seal ; and (I am sure) I have not, as yet, 
 carry ed the same into Alehouses, or so much as putt it into my pockett, 
 but given attendance due to such a trust.” Desires the matter to be 
 brought before the Chancellor, in order that he may authorise the pay- 
 ment of an allowance. Seal. 
 
 L- Eawstorne to Roger Kenyon. 
 
 423 . 1681, November 28. Kewhall. — I am a little troubled to hear 
 of the confidence of our red-lettered gentlemen. Shall we not live to 
 see their combs cut, or their tethers made shorter ? Portion of seal. 
 
 Robert Roper to Roger Kenyon, at “the Grridiron,” in Holborn. 
 
 424. 1681, December 13. — The Commissioners of the Kavy are de- 
 sirous to buy Derby House in Cannon Row, and my Lord thinks to sell it, 
 believing that he can dispose of the money to good advantage ; it now 
 gives 160//. per annum and is in good repair. His Lordship would have 
 3,000//. for it, and will not take under 2,500//., but this you may keep to 
 yourself. My Lord desires you to speak to Mr. Brisbane, the Com- 
 missioners’ Secretary herein. I believe he is well known to your friend, 
 Mr. Graham. 
 
 Sir Thomas Stringer’s Brief at the August Assizes, concerning 
 the Rioters of the Corporation of Wigan. 
 
 425 . 1681. — “ The number of Popish Recusants convict, iuhabitting 
 in the Town of Wigan, now 91 persons ; the charge against, them for 
 their Recusancie, after 20/. per mensem.^ is 12,820/. 
 
 “ 12 July, 1681 (which was the day the Quarter Sessions began at 
 Lancaster) the Sheriffe’s Baylifies went to Wigan, and first came to 
 the house of Ann Pennington, relict of Richard Pennington, Esq®, 
 against whom they had in charge to levy 100/., and there haveing 
 showed their warrant, after her denyall to pay, they made distresse, 
 which, whilst they were doing in some upper roome to which she 
 brought them, severall gentlemen of the town came into the house, 
 followed by a rable in great numbers ; These gentlemen called the 
 Sheriffes agents roages, and told them they had noe authority in tiiat 
 town without the Maior or his officers, and told them they deserved to 
 be sett in the stocks or sent to prison, and one said they deserved the 
 gibbet, which sayings encouraged the rable, that one woman, with a 
 penknife in her hand, set her back to the dore, which was shutt, and 
 swore shee would stab that man that dared to- take any distress thence. 
 And on this wise they kept the Baylifies as prisoners in the house about 
 an hower and a halfe, in which time one that the Sheriffes had deputed to 
 goe with the Baylifies to see to their orderly actings, who was gone out 
 of the house before ihis rable came in, hearing how they were detayned 
 in the house, went to the Maior and desired his aid to keep the peace, 
 but not witlistanding what Mr. Maior thought fitt to doe, soe little care 
 to keepe the peace was taken that, when Mrs. Pennington’s dore was 
 opened, she bidding the Baylifies carry away the distresse at their 
 perills and the Baylift'es takeing up the distresse and carrying the same 
 forth of the house, they were set upon by some hundreds in the street, 
 the distresse rescussed, the Bayliffes many ways abused, stoned, 
 wounded, and hardly escaped with their lives.” 
 
133 
 
 The King of Moeocco to the King of Great Britain. 
 
 426. 1681. — ‘‘ From the servant ol the high God, Governour over all 
 people, Ishmael Keriffe, overflowing with good deeds, he, though higl', 
 demandeth of the Most High God and the Angels, but of none other, he 
 that hath millions of horse at his command, Sendeth peace unto you that 
 follow the truth. We have understood by the way of Tangier, that we 
 are in perfect friendship and that peace is concluded over all our 
 countries, and, therefore, the letter we send is to confirme this peace and 
 the treaty we have made with you, for we have a desire to trade with 
 you, but let us not make the same tearmes that we had in the beginning 
 of the warr, wherein so many dyed by the sword when we were 
 enemies, but let our enemies dye. We, therefore, have slayn such as have 
 run away from you to us, but you have not done the same, for the second 
 act, that if any renegado shall run from us to Tangier you shall be 
 obliged to send them back again. And for your security in this treaty, 
 we send you our servant, Hada, for the management of it. And our will 
 is that it shall be like the things that begin to grow. And I, who am the 
 tree itselfe, have sent you one of my servants (being a branch of 
 myselfe) which I recommend to you as if it were the tree itselfe. And 
 we have strictly charged him what he shall say unto you. Looke upon 
 him as you would doe upon myselfe. That which he shall doe shalbee 
 well done and you shall value it as a gemme from heaven. We heartily 
 desire you to write to us, for neither our habits nor our customes are 
 like yours, but if you will build anything upon our ground we will pull 
 it downe and we shall doe ourselves right. Also we have amongst us 
 some Christians who understand themselves and are more esteemed than 
 our own servants. They have eagles eyes, but hate us and our beleife, 
 and thereupon are a scandall to us. He that valueth our honour 
 honoureth God. And because it is our desire you should receive 
 something from us, we send you 30 estridges out of the deserts, and we 
 expect that you should furnish us with 6,000 pieces of eight yearely. 
 As for Tangier we stand in no manner of feare of it. And aftei* the 
 ratification of the peace, all hostility shall cease. Ishmael son of the 
 beloved Keriffe, descended from God.” Copy. 
 
 Eline Cottam to Koger Kenyon. 
 
 427. 1681 [-2], January 9, Blackburn. — Asking his interest for the 
 abatement of the penalties imposed on Henry Cottam, of Thorneley, a 
 papist, her late husband’s brother. 
 
 Miles Dodding to Koger Kenyon. 
 
 428. 1681 [-2], January 10. Conishead. — “ If Madam Andeiton of 
 Bardsey, with her sons, Mr. Thomas Polewheele, and Baskervill, and the 
 rest of their family be convicted, it would not be amiss to humble them, 
 for they are very ill neighbours and highly injui'ious to me. When you 
 send any officers on this side, let them call at my house and I will put them 
 in a way how to get something, for though they have few goods, yet rather 
 than go to gaol they will assign part of their estate to pay the King’s 
 due. Good sir, do not forget this whereby it will oblige me.” Seal 
 of arms. 
 
 Guicciardini Wentworth to Koger Kenyon. 
 
 429. 1681 [-2], January 14. — “The report made by Mr. Attoiny 
 Generali upon the warrant from the Lords Commissioners of the Treasury, 
 
134 
 
 upon thepetiton you saw, is,, I beleeve, returned to them, though I cannot 
 yett have a sight of itt, my reason beeing this : there is a warrant issued 
 out to the Lord Treasurer’s Eemembrancer directing you to return forth- 
 with all Eecogneizences of recusants now before you, as belonging to 
 the King and not Duke of Lancaster, for, being taken from papists, they 
 are pleased to suppose they are for recusancy. So soon as I have seen 
 the report you shall not faile of a copy.” Seal of arms, broken. 
 
 George Hilton to Roger Kenyon. 
 
 430. IbBl [-2], January 21. — I hearttaly wish you a good jorney to 
 London, and suckcesfull, otherwise I am undone, and I praye be pleased, 
 as soon as the tryall is over, to lett me receive a line or two of an 
 account how the cause goes, whether for the King or Jesuits. I also 
 intreat you to imploy some for me to search the returns in the Ex- 
 chequer, whether that Francis Lord Carrington be returned a convicted 
 recusant or not, ether returned out of Warwickshire or Oxfordshire. 
 His two places of aboaJ is Howton in Warwickshire and Leadwell in 
 Oxfordshire. If the cause goe against the King, I must expect nothing 
 but to be prosecuted and tormented as much as tliey can, for I am 
 threattened beforehand. I desire to have a copy of the record of his 
 conviction attested under seale, or so as it will serve in court to be 
 pleaded against him, in case I be forced upon such a plea for my own 
 safety and preservation.” Seal of arms. 
 
 Zachary Taylor to Roger Kenyon. 
 
 431 . 1681 [-2], January 23. Ormskirk. — “I received from Mr. 
 
 Hunter the inclosed, which I have sent you and returned this answer to 
 him — that you were pleased to promise us your assistance in that concern, 
 than whom I conceived no friend he had, could do more ; and there- 
 fore desired he would acquiesce in your endeavours that I would acquaint 
 you with the purport of his letter, which if it could anything advantage 
 us from your kindness we should understand that we might make the 
 way more easy to you. If a petition from us, with letters from the 
 Bishop, would anything promote it (if you will give yourself the trouble 
 of a line or two that we may know to direct it to you at London) we 
 will procure and send it to you. Mr. Tench’s discourse with Mr. 
 Andrews, you will best understand from himself, whom I suppose you 
 will see in London (to whom I beg you would give my service) and 
 whatever you do, will be gratefully acknowledged by us.” 
 
 Sir Thomas Preston to Roger Kenyon. 
 
 432. lG81[-2], February 5. Haigh. — “ I have been out of doors but 
 once since I came hither on Friday. 1 went about two miles with the 
 corps of my cousin, .John Culcheth, who died very suddenly of pleurisy, 
 if the trial go for the King, and you think my presence absolutely neces- 
 sary, I hope I may be in a condition to come to you.” 
 
 William Hayiiurst to Roger Kenyon, in London. 
 
 433. 1G81-2, February 12. Peel. — “ Uppon Friday last, 1 came from 
 Preston to Ormesehurch, on purpose to see the poor wounded people 
 whom we had employed in his Majestie’s service : two of them, George 
 Flitcroft and James Nicholson, lye in a very miserable condition and, 
 in all humane probability, cannot recover. Dr. Richmond and Dr. 
 Alcock are veiy dilligent to use all meanes to help them. Upon 
 
135 
 
 Wensday last they, searching to the bottom of George his wound in 
 his head, which is a wide gash cutt three wayes, they found the skull 
 crushed downe, just above the braiiie pan, so that pressing his finger 
 upon it, the blood issued out of the braine j>ann ; whereupon they con- 
 cluded there could bee noe way to doe him good but cutting away that 
 part of the scull that did so much prejudice the braine, which Dr. 
 Richmond did by a round dented instrument, and took of the scull to 
 the breddth of a threepence, which 1 have to show you when I come 
 up to London. Upon Saturday last, Dr. Richmond dressed him againe, 
 and raised up the scull in severall places, where it was cracked, and 
 beaten downe ; since which time hee hath been something better, and 
 the Doctors hope he may recover, but James Nicholson they dispaire 
 of ; he lies a dreadfull spectacle, his right side is quite perished, hee has 
 a great wound in his head, and nothing the Doctors can doe, works 
 upon him. Hee is sensible of nothing, but allwaies lyes as if he were a 
 dying. The rest of them, being fower, are all cruelly bruised and 
 wounded, and though not mortally, yett ’tis feared they can never have 
 the right use of their limbs. The rioters are said to bee all papists and 
 above eight and twenty in number. Mr. Justice Entwisle has been 
 active to apprehend them, but the constable of the towne, one John 
 Tyrer (?) (who denyed to goe with the officers to preserve the peace) 
 made not that quick execution of his warrant against them hee ought 
 to have done, so that they all fledd, and theres none to bee light on. 
 Afterwards, Mr. Entwisle sent hue and cry after two of them, Thomas 
 Tickle and Edward Tickle, his brother, who were the authors of all the 
 mischief ; but that waye proved ineffectual!, and now Mr. Entwisle and 
 Mr. Mayor of Lerpoole, have appointed a Sessions to be held at Ailcarr 
 upon Monday sennitt, for inquiery. After yesterday, wee privately got a 
 warrant directed to Mr. Gillibrand and severall other Militia officers, to 
 make a privy search in every house in Alkarr, and about it, to apprehend 
 the offenders, which I hope, if well managed, will bring some of them to 
 light.” 
 
 Postscript . — “We have but yett gott the names of twelve of the 
 ryoters.” Seal. 
 
 Sir Thomas Preston to Roger Kenyon, London. 
 
 434 , 1681 [-2], February 12. Haigh. — Has received his letter, by 
 which he perceives “ the tryall is deferred untill Tuesday next, and that it 
 may he dubious of holding then.” Would, on this, have come up as 
 far as Coventry, but his daughter is ill with “ a distemper which they call 
 heire the hen-pox ” and also with “ a greate swelling in her lipp which is 
 thought may be the evill”; for this, his wife is determined to take her 
 to Chester, to be “ touched.” 
 
 Francis Jakson to Roger Kenyon. 
 
 435 . 1681 [-2], February 14. Requesting favour on behalf of his 
 
 Aunt Elizabeth La who is very ancient, being above 80 years. 
 
 He only [just] heard that all Roman Catholics in Lancashire were to 
 he prosecuted, he knows not what she is, but some people term her a 
 Roman Catholic. Seal. 
 
 The Earl of Derby to the Commissioners of the Customs. 
 
 436 , 1681-2, February 16, Whitehall. — ‘ I expected you would con- 
 sider some way of repairing the injury done me by your agent Deny, for 
 
136 
 
 his false and scandalous information against me, preferred by you to the 
 Lords of the Treasury. It is no wonder my complaining of the behaviour 
 of those sent into the Isle of Man, has had .so little effect, when I cannot 
 have justice done me against one who has not spared me, after which, 
 the people and merchants who come there, will have no reason to expect 
 better usage. 
 
 So long as there appeared the least ground for his Majesty’s service, 
 I patiently suffered my property to be invaded (which is a tender thing 
 to an Englishman), but I am sure it is not the King’s intention I should 
 be thus used, and it is now time for me to complain and tell you plainly 
 that the ten years’ trouble which I have had from the Commissioners of 
 the Customs, by sending such officers (as they call themselves) into the 
 Isle of Man, might convince you, if you reflect upon the charge and 
 little advantage those men have been to tl e Crown, of thinking it to be 
 of advantage to their Majesties to continue them there. 
 
 They act without any conformity to the laws of the Island, they 
 affright almost all boats, especially the Scottish, from all manner of 
 traffic with the Island, and boats passing as usual betwixt England and 
 Ireland, dare scarce touch there to take in passengers or otherwise, as 
 was always usual. It is a thing never offered to be done to any of my 
 ancestors, and my sufferance so long, begins to be challenged as a 
 custom; it is therefore high time I tell you I have been too much 
 abused to suffer so any more. 
 
 What is truly for their Majesties’ service to be done there, my officers 
 shall on all occasions have in charge to take care of and communicate 
 to you, but I shall not admit of any commission or private instructions 
 from you to be obeyed in the Isle of Man.” Draft, with corrections in 
 the Earl of Derby's handwriting . 
 
 Sm Thomas Preston to Roger Kenyon. 
 
 437. 168 1 [-2], February 17. Haigh. — We think it not convenient to 
 delay having my little girl touched, and on Monday next set forward from 
 Chester. The persons at Alkar are all yet living, but of one or two there 
 are little hopes. The grandee Papists here seem much concerned at it, 
 thinking it an obstruction to their false petition which before, they 
 hoped might have prevented any new process against them. Seal of 
 arms. 
 
 E. Bradshaigh, Junior, to Eoger Kenyon. 
 
 438, 1681 [-2], February 19. Wigan. — “Yesterday my brother 
 
 Preston, with my sister and his girl, went home for Chester in order to a 
 journey for London to-morrow, tlicugh the business of Sir T[homas] 
 P[reston] be deferred till next tearme, yet bis daughter’s too apparent 
 symptoms of the Kings-evil occassions this sudden motion, and he is ad- 
 vised by us all here to goe too, or that it may not be amiss for him to pre- 
 })are his way to the King before the next terme, and especially such an 
 occasion as at present offers itselfe for him to attend his Majesty with. 
 
 “ Yesterday, at a publick hall (notice whereof was given to all persons 
 3 days before) we did unanimously agree of our abhorrence against 
 the association soe positivily sworne to be found in the Earl of 
 Shaftsbury’s clossett. It is passed (by a consenting huzza of the 
 numerous burjesses of our Corporation) under the towne seale, and my 
 brother Preston is to wayt uppon the Duke of Albemarle with it to the 
 King. Sir, this is all the news I have to send you hence. As for the ill 
 treatment of your officers in Alker, I suppose you have had a more 
 
137 
 
 early accompt, nor can I add to your account anything but ray opinion, 
 which is, that it farre exceeds the unjust proceedings of the riott that 
 was in this towne.” Seal, broken. 
 
 Eiot at Wigan. 
 
 439. 1682, February 20. — Inquisition taken at Altcarr before Richard 
 Windall, Mayor of Liverpool, and John Entwisle, Esquire, Justice of 
 the Peace for the County of Lancaster, by Silvester Sutch of Ormeskirk, 
 gentleman, William Male of Maghull, gentleman, Laurence Hulme of 
 the same, gentleman, John Tatlock of Melling, gentleman, Humphrey 
 Greaves of Scarisbrick, gentleman, Laurence Enron of Sefton, gentle- 
 man, Bryan Fleetwood of the same, gentleman, James Farrer of Orme- 
 kirk, gentleman, John Berey of the same, gentleman, John Heyes of 
 the same, gentleman, Henry Barton of the same, gentleman, James 
 Goare of Lydeate, gentleman, Gabrel Greaves of Ormskirk, Thomas 
 Pye of Aughton, gentleman, Roger Parr of Sefion, gentleman, Roger 
 Pye of Aughton, gentleman, Richard Hodgkinson of the same, gentle- 
 man, James Blackbeach of the same, and Thomas Harrison of Lyther- 
 land, gentleman, jurors, by whom there is returned a true bill against 
 Thomas Tickle of Altcarr, yeoman, John Sutton, senior, yeoman, 
 Edward Tickle, husbandman, Ralph Starky, miller, Thomas Massam, 
 husbandman, John Wilson, husbandman, Thomas Lunt, husbandman, 
 John Reynold, senior, husbandman, James Reynold, labourer, John 
 Speakman, husbandman, Richard Linnaker, servant to Margery Tickle, 
 Ellen Speakman, widow, and the servant of Thomas Massam, whose 
 name is not known, all of Altcarr, for riot, assault, and a rescue of the 
 goods and beasts of John Sutton and Margery Tickle, made on 
 2 February, upon John Smethurst, George Flitcroft, John Hardman, 
 George Hatton, Henry Morres, James Ashcroft, James Nicholson, and 
 James Fazakerley, who were authorised by virtue of a writ of Laurence 
 Rawstorne, sheriff of the County of Lancaster, to seize the goods of the 
 said John Sutton and Margery Tickle, being persons mentioned in a 
 schedule annexed to the said writ. 
 
 Henry Rowe to Roger Kenyon. 
 
 440. 1681 [-2], February 21. Wigan. — Yesterday, I and my sonn 
 were att the Sessions kept at Alkar j the Justices were Justice Entwisle 
 and Justice Windall, Maior of Liverpoole. Justice Entwisle gave an ex- 
 cellent charg sutable to the occasion. Truly he has beene all along 
 verie forward to discover all the rioters ; but the most, nay, I may [say] 
 all, the towne beeing papists, or popishly affected, they will not tell who 
 they were, only upon the Inquisition, ten were discovered, whereof one 
 is taken and sent to Gaole ; warrants are out against the rest, who as I 
 told you in my last, are fled and lye hidden privately in the cuntry 
 waiteing what will beecome of the man that is soe sore wounded, who 
 now, as the Doctor supposes, cannot live long alive, beeing everie day 
 weaker and weaker. The rest, God bee tlianked, mends well now. 
 Wee have verie great hopes of George Flitcroft’s recovery.^’ Seal. 
 
 Mr. Entwisle to the Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster 
 
 441. 1681[-2], February 21. Ormskirk. — On the 2nd of February 
 the Sherilfe’s bayliffes, by vertue of his warrant, distrained the Recusants 
 mentioned in the Inquisition, for their severall forfeitures, after a demand 
 and denyall to pay them, and brought the distresse to the Constable’s 
 
138 
 
 house, where they stayed from nine till three a clock in the afternoon, 
 expecting the persons distrained, to redeem their cattle, haveing left that 
 notice at their severall houses, but were privately informed some oppo- 
 sition would be given them, and that they should not take the cattle out 
 of the towne, which they then suddenly prepared themselves to do ; but 
 at a distance, they discovered a party of about 18 men and 3 women 
 standing overthwart the King’s highway, who, upon the SherifFes 
 ministers approaching, immediately with their long staflfes, pitchforkes, 
 and musketts, beat them down, and whilst they lay upon the ground, 
 continued strikeing them, saying — Wee hope to see you all in the like 
 condition ere it be long, and so drive their cattle away, leaving the 
 poore men wallowing in the mire and their own blood, the darkness of 
 the night approaching, and farr from any house or persons to relei ve 
 them. I saw most of the men barbarously beaten and wounded. Two 
 lye here in this town, mortally, so their Chirurgion yesterday affirmeing 
 upon his oath, he despaires of their recovery, one of them haveing lost 
 the use of all the one side of his body and has no way of easing the 
 same but by vomitting. The offenders are fled, or sculke and lye hid. 
 Though I have sent out 3 several! warrants for search after them, I am 
 jealous they are not farr from home, but the whole parish is generally 
 in the Roman Comunion, and, therefore, it is very difficult by the 
 ordinary course of justice to discover these offenders. I have bound 
 one of the Constables of that towne to the Assizes for his remissnes, 
 and whilst I am now writeing, the other brings before mee one of the 
 ryotters lately taken, who, I understand, hath absconded in a Protestant’s 
 house, and indeed, I fear that party in Allcar is so slender that they 
 dare not deny the Roman whatsoever he is pleased to call a neighborly 
 civility. I have found the insolence of that party so high in that town, 
 that the officers, in retorne to my warrants for their presentments of 
 absentors from Church, upon the laws of 12(i. a Sunday, have told mee 
 they durst not do it for feare of the Tickles, whose house I have also 
 been informed was, 4 or 5 yeares since, a great receptacle of the Roman 
 Pj iests and usual place of resort to masse. Such informations came 
 not to mee in time nor so legally as to proceed upon them judicially, 
 yet sufficient to satisfy mee in my private judgement that these 
 sanguinary proceedings are the workes of men of that religion. But 
 this, with your Honor’s favor, is my private conception, wherewith I 
 shall not presume to give you any further disturbance. 
 
 The names of the wounded men, 
 
 James Nicholson, Greorge Hatton, James Ashcroft, 
 
 Geo. Flitcroft, John Hardman, James Fazakerley. 
 
 The names of the persons indicted, 
 
 Thomas Tickle of Altcarr, yeoman ; John Sutton of the same, yeo- 
 man ; Edward Tickle of the same, husbandman ; Thomas Massam of the 
 same, husbandman ; John Wilson of the same, husbandman; Thomas 
 Lunt of tlie same, husbandman ; John Reynold of the same, husband- 
 man ; John Spakman of the same, husbandman ; James Reynold of the 
 same, laborer ; Ralph Starky of the same. Miller.” Draft, 
 
 J. Entwisle to Roger Kenyon. 
 
 442. 1681 [-2], February 21. Ormskirk. — The Bailiff of the Hundred 
 of Derby had mucli ado to refrain from being “ an embrateor ” or maiu- 
 lainer, within the statute of 19 Henry VIJ., cap. 13. I wonder how he, 
 in his own right, comes to have that office, when in all other Hundreds 
 
139 
 
 other sort of persons have it. This day, Mr. Taylor tells me, there is a 
 report about that, upon this riot, a stop is put upon all proceedings 
 against “ the E ” by the King’s special command. 
 
 K. Fogge to Roger Kenyon. 
 
 443. 1681 [-2], March 6. Chester. — Giving the characters of 
 “Ned” and George Kenyon while at College at Cambridge. 
 
 R. Bradshaigh, Junior, to Roger Kenyon. 
 
 444. 1681 [-2], Maich 18. — 1 have been in the company of old Dr. 
 Worthington, and he has very earnestly intrcated me to be his friend 
 with you, to withdraw the warrant out against him, and though you told 
 me you could not do it, yet give me leave to propose a medium. If you 
 would write but two lines to Bailiff Laurence Anderton, asking him 
 — since he has such a warrant and does not execute it — to deliver 
 it to me in order to return it to you for better execution. I do 
 faithfully promise you that the warrant shall not be embezzled, but 
 shall be forthcoming whenever you, or any authority, shall require it 
 from me. 
 
 William Hayhurst to Roger Kenyon. 
 
 445. 1682, April 8. — “ On Friday morning, wee concluded upon and 
 dispatched our business with the Under-Sheriff and Mr. Winkley. By 
 intreaty, &c., hee was pleased to accept of their oune security to bee 
 one bound with another. I stickled at one part of the condition, and 
 would have it altered ; but Mr. Roscoe, and the rest, were contented with 
 it. And, thereupon, all Salford Hundred and about 16 or 20 schedules 
 for Derby Hundred. Mr. Wentworth went along with mee to Mr. 
 Greenfield, and gave him 10^. for stating the case, in which hee hath 
 taken a great deale of paines, stating everye man’s particular case upon 
 the whole record. This day I presented it to Sir Thomas Stringer, 
 with a broad-piece from Mr. Wentworth; he desired to have it left 
 with him, being long, and hee would return it with his opinion, upon 
 Monday.” 
 
 Appointment of Surveyor, Waiter, and Searcher at the Isle 
 
 OF Man. 
 
 446. 1682, April 14. — Appointment by Charles, Lord Cheyne, Vis- 
 count Newhaven ; Andrew Newport ; Sir Richard Temple, Baronet, 
 K.B. ; and Sir Nicholas Buffer ; Commissioners of Customs, on the 
 nomination of the Commissioners of the Treasury, of Christopher Eyans 
 as surveyor, waiter, and searcher, at the Isle of Man. Copy, 
 
 “ The humble Address of the Lord Lieutenant, High Sheriff, 
 Deputy Lieutenants, Justices of the Peace, and other officers, 
 as well civil as military, of the County Palatine of Lancaster, at a 
 general meeting at Preston.” 
 
 447. 1682, April 21. — “ We, with sincerest loyalty, in unity of minds, 
 doe, with all humility, dedicate our hearts, hands, fortunes, and lives, 
 to your Majestie’s service, solemnly acknowledging your Majestie’s 
 inherent supremacy in Church and State, and protesting according to 
 
140 
 
 our allegiance, still dutifully to serve you with that alacrity that becomes 
 subjects sensible of the transcendant goodness of the best of Princes : 
 In your Majestie’s long and prudent raigne, are wound up in a great 
 measure the blessings wee enjoy and the establishment of those felicities 
 wee hope for, the peace of our true Church, the preservation of your 
 subjects’ property, the quiett of your kingdomes, our freedom from the 
 feares of popery, schismatical contrivances and arbitrary government, 
 and our trust that your gracious example will have that prevailing 
 influence upon your lawfull successors, that wee may never despair of 
 these injoy ments. Certainly, the Church of England, the true protestant 
 Church, Avas never better pleased then at your Majestie’s happy 
 restauration, never more gladd then when shee joyfully sett the English 
 diadem upon your royall temples ; since Avhich time your gracious 
 declarations, your royal administracons, have many a time (to our just 
 satisfaction) evinced it to all, that your Majesty is the same Defender 
 of the Faith wee then were transported with. And since your Majesty 
 hath given leave to others to open their loyall hearts (wee otherwise have 
 judged a submissive silence our greatest duty) doe, for your Majestie’s 
 satisfaction, in judging of the minds of your people, most faithfully, before 
 God and the world, profess that wee are the same towards your Majesty 
 wee then were, undoubtiugly satisfyed in what your Majesty hath said 
 and done for us, for which wee celebrate your royall care and goodness. 
 Wee paye your Majesty our most humble and gratefull acknowledgments 
 and repeate our constant and inviolable resolutions, Avith our Hats and 
 fortunes, to seiwe your Majesty, your heires and lawfull successors, and 
 defend (so far as in us lyes) the tiue protestant religion, as now by law 
 established, against all popish and phanaticall plotts and treasonable 
 associations Avhatsoever, and, with loyall hearts and hands, constantly to 
 discharge those trusts which your Majesty hath been pleased to repose 
 in us.” Names of the signers. Copy. 
 
 Concurrence with the above, by Justices of the Peace at Quarter 
 Sessions at Lancaster, Ormskirk, and Manchester. 
 
 Address to the King by the Lord Lieutenant, High Sheriff, 
 Deputv Lieutenants, Justices of the Peace, and other officers, 
 civil and military, of the County Palatine of Lancaster. 
 
 448 . 1682, April 22. Preston. — “ Great and sacred Sir ! Wee, 
 with sincerest loyalty, in unity of minds, doe, with all humility, dedicate 
 our hearts, hands, fortunes, and lives, to your Majesty’s service, solemnly 
 acknowledging your Majesty’s inherent supremacy in Church and State, 
 and protesting according to our allegiance, still dutifully to serve you 
 with that alacrity that becomes subjects sensible of the transcendent 
 goodness of the best of Princes. In your Majesty’s long and prudent 
 reign, are wound up in a great measure the blessings we enjoy, and the 
 establishment of these felicities we hope for : the peace of our true 
 Church, (he preservation of your subjects’ property, the quiet of your 
 Kingdom, our freedom from the fears of popery, chysmatical contrivances, 
 and arbitrary government : and our trust that your gracious example will 
 lijive that prevailing influence upon your lawful successors, that we may 
 never dispair of these enjoyments. Certainly the Church of England, 
 the true protestant Church, was never better pleased then at your 
 Majesties ha])py restauration, never more gladd, then when shee joyfully 
 sett the English diadem upon your royal temples ; since which time your 
 gracious declarations, your Royall administrations, have many a time, (to 
 our just satisfaction) evinced it to all, that your Majesty is the same 
 Defender of the Faith we then were transported with ; And since your 
 
141 
 
 Majesty hath given leave to others, to open their loyall hearts ; wee (who 
 otherwise have judged a submissive silence our greatest duty), doe, for 
 your Majesty’s satisfaction, in judging of the minds of your people, most 
 faithfully, before God and the world, profess, that wee are the same 
 towards your Majesty wee then were, undoubtingly satisfied in what 
 your Majesty hath said and done for us, for which wee celebrate your 
 royall care and goodness, wee pay your Majesty our most humble and 
 grateful acknowledgments and repeat our constant and inviolable resolu- 
 tions, with our lives and fortunes to serve your Majesty, your heirs and 
 lawfull successors, and defend (so far as in us lyes) the true protestant 
 religion, as now by law established, against all popish and phanaticall 
 plotts and treasonable associations whatsoever, and with loyall hearts 
 and hands, constantly to discharge those trusts which your Majesty hath 
 been pleased to repose in us.” 
 
 R. Legh to [Roger] Kenyon. 
 
 449. 1682, April 24. Lyme. — “There is an old proverb or saying : 
 whose presence does no good, theire absence does noe harm. Had your 
 Lord Lieutftenantt given me notice I should not have deserted my 
 Kinge’s service, but I never heard of your meeting.” Seal. 
 
 Richard Holt to Roger Kenyon. 
 
 450 and 451. 1682, April 29. Ashworth. — I desire your aid that 
 you will do me the favour to go to Parke to Mr. Hilton, and know of 
 him whether he will grant me his consent or liking to come to his 
 house and see his daughter, for whom I have a particular kindness. 
 Seal of arms. 
 
 Dorothy Ashton to Roger Kenton. 
 
 452. 1682, May 9. Peel. — Requesting him to remind her brother 
 “ to lett his picktore be taken twice ” for her. Seal of arms, 
 
 William Ashton to Roger Kenyon, at “ the Hand and Sword,” 
 near Turnstile Alley, Holborn. 
 
 453. 1682, May 18. Cambridge. — When he came to Cambridge, the 
 “ Master,” and a great part of the University, had gone to Loudon, where, 
 by order of the King, they chose the Duke of Albemarle as Chancellor. 
 On return of the Master, he consulted him about Kenyon’s son ; the 
 Master found no fault with him, except in “ neglecting chappell ” and 
 triding away his time. Seal, broken. 
 
 Matthew Bootle to Roger Kenyon. 
 
 454. 1682, May 23. Manchester. — “I was truly glad to heare the 
 hopes of the comon enemy (the Papists) defeated, for I was in the midst 
 of them a weeke after I sawe you, and they did hughly rejoyce att the 
 confirmed news of Sir Robert Carr’s death which, God be thancked, is not 
 soe, and nowe I very heartely congratulate your good suckses in your 
 busynes in the north, which wee have here in the public news letters, 
 and intreate you to thinke of my brother Abram’s busynes, and the rest 
 is to wish you soone and well home. For news, I have none for you.” 
 
 Postscript. — “ I begg you will boye mee a hansome small stick with a 
 silver head, for a Sundaye stick, a stronge one I have allready, and if 
 
142 
 
 one of your servants rydes with it downe, I will, with all thancks, paye 
 you att sight, but when you please to boye it, remember I am of the 
 longer sise and in the greatest measure.” Seal. 
 
 R. Hey WOOD to Roger Kenton. 
 
 455 . 1682, May 23. Knowsley. — My Lord [of Derby] desires you 
 to buy him some glasses ; he would have two dozen of little round glasses 
 from Sir Robert Carr’s glass man, each dozen must be of equal size. 
 Seal of arms. 
 
 The Earl of Derby to Roger Kenyon. 
 
 456 . 1682, May 23. Knowsley. — I long to hear how the address 
 will be received, though I do not much question it will be well taken, 
 since I hear it has been already approved of. Since you make no 
 mention of Sir Robert Carr, I hope there is no danger of his death, for 
 I believe, if there had been ill news, I should certainly have heard of it. 
 When you write to him pray present my humble service, and let him 
 know I have got a painter to draw Darcy’s picture, and, if it is well 
 done, I will send it him. I am glad of your success against Sir T. Preston. 
 Seal of arms. 
 
 Zachary Taylor to Roger Kenyon. 
 
 457 . 1682, May 26. Ormskirk. — The news we have of Sir Thomas 
 Preston’s estate in Lancashire being found for the King, is the occasion 
 of this trouble. If we could reap any advantage in order to the settling 
 of our King’s preacher’s revenue, we promise our selves all the assistance 
 you can give us. And if you think it convenient that the Bishop should, 
 in this opportunity, appear, or that anything we could do in so favourable 
 juncture might be successful, our interest will engage us to be guided 
 by your counsels.” 
 
 Thomas Hodgkinson to Roger Kenyon. 
 
 458 . 1682, May 30. Knowsley. — You will receive by this post our 
 Preston Addresse from the hande of my good Lord Derby, who was 
 humbly desired to cause the same to be presented to his Majestie. His 
 Lordshipp shewed me your letter by this post, which is all that I heard 
 of you since you went. I shold bee very glad to heare that our worthy 
 Chancellor is restored to his perfect health. I beleeve }mu will bee 
 directed to deliver the addresse to my Lord Arlington, who will bee 
 desired to present the same which, I hope, will bee equally gratefull 
 with others, to our most gratious Soveraigne. When you have received 
 it, bee pleas’d to send for Mr. James Ashton and Cousan Winckley to 
 signe it. All the rest of the Aldermen and Councell have already sub- 
 scribed. Yesterday, Sir William Glerrard was here, who hoped that his 
 Majestie would restore Eurnese to Sir Thomas Preston ; that there 
 would be another bout for it ; that Sir Thomas Preston showed him 
 the draught of a conveyance whereby Eurneis was setled upon his 
 lieirs generall, in case his children dyed without issue, and some other 
 such like uncompetent discourses. My Lord tould him, as to the first, 
 that it was improbable his Majestie should proceed so farr as a charge- 
 able suite and restore the booty recovered. The rest ended with a 
 guinney, which the Barronet paid his Lordshipp, at cards, for his en- 
 tertainment. Sir William was pleas’d to repeate, over and over againe. 
 
143 
 
 that it was never his fortune to win of my Lord at any sort of game, 
 which caused some reflexions in the company upon theire foi*mer 
 acquaintance.” Seal of arms. 
 
 Matthew Bootle to Boger Kenyon. 
 
 459. 1682, May 30. Manchester. — My brother, Abraham, is returned 
 among the Recusants for 20li. per month, although he constantly goes 
 to the Parish Church, viz., Warrington, both to the service and sermon, 
 and receives the sacrament there ; and to this purpose I send you a cer- 
 tificate under the [>arson’s and churchwarden’s hands. “ I believe he was 
 returned out of malice, for I doubt he is a little Presbiterianly effected. 
 I am sorry Sir Robert Carr mends so latly ; I pray God mend his pace. 
 We had here yesterday burnt, some say old John Presbiter, some the 
 Lord Shaftsberry, but most say it was an old Crete carrier that was 
 squeezed to death at the back of a door for filshing. Capt. Haworth 
 was master of the ceremonies, and led it up, attended by some five or 
 six men, all the rest being children, and scarce so much as one either 
 laughed or cried, but we were all here very merry with bells, bonfires, 
 and small guns.” Seal of arms. 
 
 Edward Tyldesley to Roger Kenyon. 
 
 460. 1682, May 30. — He is not desirous of having his name and fame 
 enrolled in the Treasury, and is much more desirous to remain in Mr. 
 Kenyon’s unwritten, than in his written, list of friends. His uncle 
 Banaster says Scotland Yard is removed now to Knowsley, for Robin 
 Herwod does there “ obumbrace ” {sic). Seal. 
 
 [Roger Kenyon ?] to Miles Dodding and M^illiam Kirkby, two 
 of the Justices of the Peace for the County of Lancaster. 
 
 461. 1682, May 31. Treasury Chamber. — Directing them to prevent 
 the killing of deer or committing of waste on the estate of Sir Thomas 
 Preston, in Fumes, lately recovered by his Majesty, during the perfect- 
 ing of a decree which is pronounced, till his Majesty’s agents shall come. 
 Draft. 
 
 William Patten to Roger Kenyon. 
 
 462. 1682, June 9. Gray’s Inn. — ‘‘ Create matters since my come- 
 inge hether have occurred, for the Lord Mowgrave [Mulgrave] hath 
 made soe briske attempts upon the Lady Anne that lie is forbidd the Court, 
 St. James Street and St. James’ Parke. All his offices and employments, 
 as that of Governor of Hull, one of the Attendants of the Bedd Chamber, 
 and some place in the Guards, taken from him and disposed to other 
 persons of quallity. The Lord Gray was, by the King’s Bench, com- 
 mitted, and still standes committed, for detayneing the body of the Lord 
 Barkley’s younger daughter, and as the reporte goes, hee saith that hee 
 marryed her eldest sister and expected a maidens-heade, but not findeino- 
 it, hee resolved to have one in the family, if any bee left ; hut lest this should 
 tende towards scandelum magnatum, pray keep it to yourself. The 
 Sheriffs are not as yet pricked, but it is supposed ours will bee Mr. 
 Doddinge, none being his competitors but Mr. Norres and Mr. Bennet 
 Sherrington. The Duke of Munmouth is not to bee discharged till 
 towards the latter ende of the term, and I doe not heare that anythinge 
 then will be offered against him.” Seal of arms. 
 
144 
 
 Arthur Ashton to Roger Kenyon, in London. 
 
 463 . 1682, June 20. Clitherow. — Having received your letter, not 
 knowing how, or what person, to employ to procure a draught of the Cor- 
 poration armes in so short time, Mr. Robert Slater, intending a journey 
 towards London tomorrow morning, 1 thought it might not be a miss to 
 send one of the conyzans off the coats, which I have sent by Mr. Robert 
 Slater, who promises to deliver it into your hands : and, if you please, he 
 will bring it to Clitherow again. Upon Sunday last, about five of the 
 clock in the evening, Mr. John Webster, your old doctor, departed this 
 life ; [he] is to be buried at Clitherow tomorrow.” Seal, broken. 
 
 Peter Bold [to Roger Kenyon]. 
 
 464 . 1682, July 3. Bold. — “ Mr. Penketh was with me before I went 
 for Yorkshire and aquainted me that he had very hard usuage from some 
 of your officers, and, he belives, without your order. 1 know the gentle- 
 man very well ; he is a neare neighbor to me, and his condition is not 
 unknown to me ; he faithfully served his late Majestie all the first warr, 
 and in that service behaved himself very gallantly and with great loyal- 
 tye. He received many wounds and was so great a sufferer that he was 
 reduced to a very poore condition. He now lives an undertennant to a 
 small messuage in Bold, not above 5 acres. I looke uppon him to be 
 as great an object of charity as any in that neighborhood. I, beinge 
 very sensible of theise things, have formerly writt uppon his behalf 
 to Sir Peter Brooke and others, and spoke to you myself, that he 
 might be favorably dealt with, and I heare that both your self and Mr. 
 Sherriffe were very kinde to him and, when his goods were destrained, 
 ordered restitution and promised he should not be trebled for the future. 
 Notwithstandinge all this, they have since taken his goods.” 
 
 Sir Thomas Preston to Roger Kenyon. 
 
 465 . 1 682, J uly 18. London. — Concerning the drawing of a lease from 
 the Crown to Sir Thomas Preston. On Saturday last, by adjournment 
 of ray Lord Mayor, the Court was held again for the election of sheriffs, 
 and, in the first place, he declared it as his right to name one, which was 
 Mr. North, and ordered the other three should poll de novo for the 
 othei*, which is said was then carried, by the majority of votes, for 
 Mr. Box, and they two are like to be sworn, but that it will, neverthe- 
 less, be a contest at law. The King went for Windsor about 2 o’clock 
 the same night, and the part of the guards ordered to their country 
 quarters again, who have been all in town since Friday morning. Seal 
 of arms, broken. 
 
 Roger Kenyon to . 
 
 466 . 1682, July 21. Manchester. — “ Mr. Tilsley, when I was in 
 towne, did once or twice someAvbat remotely mention to mee his project 
 (as he names it in his letter) that there miglit be obtained from their Lord- 
 ship[)s a pow(U’ to mee, or to me and some others, of agreeing with every 
 recusant of some reasonable yearly summe proportionable to their 
 estates, which way, he said, would no doubt bring more money, with 
 lesse noyse and treble, into the Exchequer, and l)e more quietly con- 
 tinued then by the course now taken. I then told him, if their Lord- 
 shipps did tliink litt to try that way, I did, and 1 do still believe, it 
 Avould amount to more, but not by waiveing the processe of 20/. per 
 mensam, for if the recusant should gaine that point, then should tiie 
 
1-15 
 
 Prerogative Writt be forborne, the arreares due upon it lost, and 
 whatever agreement is made with the papist to day shall last no longer 
 then he is compellable’ to performe it; nay, if the papists were all 
 undertakers to his Majestie for payment of any summe agreed on, they 
 would never agree amongst themselves, without this statfe of authority 
 to collect it. So I am by no meanes of opinion that it is for his Majes- 
 tie’s service to waive the 20/. per mensam^ I mean the processe for it. 
 ’Tis true wee in this county take it against all, that is, against many 
 thousands whose estates are inconsiderable, and ’tis but from a very few 
 that can pay so much, yet it is the strongest processe and gives the 
 King a title to goods, landes, and, for want of satisfaction that way, to 
 the body, by which mean such persons whose estates are not leviable, 
 some who are great money maisters are brought to pay, which other ways 
 could not bee. But whilst these processes are out as a rod over them, 
 if their Lordshipps shall think it meet when we have sale inquisitions, 
 for that we must do to empower me to make any compositions or agree- 
 ments with them, or to treat with them in order to that, and from time 
 to time to certify their Lordshipps, by acquainting you that their Lord- 
 shipps may direct me, as they approve or disapprove, or, if their Lord 
 shipps shall think fitt to join any with mee in it, I shall, to my power, 
 faithfully and impartially performe their Lordshipps commands, whilst I 
 have the honour to be in their service.” Draft. 
 
 William Patten to [Koger Kenyon]. 
 
 467. 1682, July 26. Preston. — Has received the commission for 
 supplemental proof between the FCing and Lord Mollyneux, and others, 
 the execution of it must be either before, or on the last day of, the 
 Assizes, or not till after our Guild be over. Seal of arms. 
 
 Thomas Hodgkinson to Roger Kenyon. 
 
 468. 1682, July 29. Preston. — “ It is now almost twelve of clocke, 
 and I am just parted with Mr. Fleetwood ; you must not, therefore, expect 
 very comunicable. Let me onely advise you that, at our guild, there will 
 bee severall presents from the gentry of our countrey ; a good fat oxe or 
 cow, with a brace of bucks from our chancellour, wold fully bespeake his 
 place and character, but let mee conjure you not to speake of this 
 intimation.” Seal of arms. 
 
 The Rev. John Lake to Roger Kenyon. 
 
 469. 1682, July 30. — Whether yours, which 1 have newly received, 
 was more kind or surprising, I know not, but it is very much both. Besides 
 the consciousness of my own insufficiencies, there are sundry other things 
 which dissuade and discourage my acceptance. To mention no other 
 but the circumstances of my person ; you know I carry a crazy body at 
 best, which 1 doubt would not well comport with the island, and a 
 present, through the effects of my unhappy fall, I cannot go but with two 
 underhand crutches, and am thereby incapacitated to attend a matter 
 of this nature. Seal of arms. 
 
 William Bankes to Roger Kenyon. 
 
 470. 1682, July 31. Winstanley. — There is now a very sorrowfull 
 house at Knowsley, upon the death of my Lady Betty. She is to be 
 buryed to night at Ormschurch.” Seal. 
 
 73480. K 
 
146 
 
 The Rev. John Lake to Roger Kenyon. 
 
 471. 1682, August 16. — I beseech you, when next you see his Lord- 
 ship [Lord Derby], to procure such an instrument as is usual in the case 
 wherein I am not capable of directing it, being a bishoprick of a peculiar 
 constitution and I do not understand the method of it. I suppose his 
 Lordship grants the bishoprick by a solempn instrument, then application 
 is made to the King, who issueth out his mandate to the Archbishop of 
 the province, and he consecrateth the Bishop by himself, with two other 
 Bishops, or giveth a commission for other Bishops to do it. For this 
 cause I would discourse my Lord Archbishop of York (in whose 
 province the Bishoprick of Man is) before I goo to London, and also 
 consult his Grace’s registry touching the ceremony and solempnity of it, 
 and I would not seem busy before I had a formal grant of the Bishoprick. 
 If his Lordship pleaseth to sign and seal such an instrument, I beseech 
 you, upon receipt of it (for I must desire you to take and transmit it to 
 me) to make a present of some guineas to the Secretary (as you shall 
 think tit or be advised) and to do what is further to be done (if there 
 is any thing further) in my Lord’s family, and I will take speedy course 
 to reimburse you. The value, as it is represented by Mr. Roper, is 
 beyond my expectation, but it is a somwhat cooling consideration that 
 the executors of the last Bishop must have all the profitts until Easter 
 next, especially if inclusive of Easter next, so as that the succeeding 
 Bishop shall receive nothing until perhaps half a year or a year after. 
 Be pleased therefore (at your convenience) to explain this to me and 
 to inform me what the state of the revennue is and whence it ariseth.” 
 Seal of arms. 
 
 Thomas Walsh to Roger Kenyon. 
 
 472. 1682, August 18. Aswarby. — His master’s [Sir Robert Carr’s] 
 health is better. Mr. Carr regrets that his father’s illness should prevent 
 him from waiting upon the Mayor of Preston and the guild. His master 
 desires a young harbour to wait on him ; if Kenyon cannot light on one, 
 he will send to London. Seal of arms. 
 
 The Lords op the Treasury to the Justices op Lancashire. 
 
 473. 1682, August 23. Whitehall, Treasury Chambers. — As to 
 smiths being liable to pay hearth money for their forges, of which they 
 hear the Justices had neglected to enforce the payment. Signed. 
 
 W. Hilton to Roger Kenyon. 
 
 474. [16] 82, August 24. — ‘^Mr. Harry Withington is of opinion that if 
 you tell Hartley that he shall be better used, and have his irons taken 
 off, he will confesse. Mr. Withington doth not know Pendlebury, but 
 he thinks his name is James Pendlebury, and that he dwells about 
 Chew More.” Seal of arms, broken. 
 
 Richard Clegge to [Roger] Kenyon. 
 
 475. 1682, August 25. Kirkham. — “ There is a place in this parish, 
 wee call Brewers-yeard, four or five miles distant, where the Quakers (the 
 most incorrigible siners that I know) doe use to bury, which is a hazard 
 unto me, in respect of the Acte for burying in wollen, and, which is 
 worse, being thither, they can draw such neighbours as will not be in- 
 
147 
 
 vited unto others of their conventicles. They begin, I hear, of late to 
 have speakers to their huryalls, and severall that doe speake there (who, 
 or fro/ll whence, is not easy for us to discover) and this place no par- 
 ticular man doth owne, soe that conventicles are more dangeroiise and 
 lesse punishable than the rest. I desire you, therefore, you would pro- 
 cure this may bee spooken of at Sheriff’s table, that these places may be 
 laid wast, or if not soe, some other remedy may be thought of for the 
 preventeing of their diabolicall infatuation and infection.” 
 
 Benjamin Symons to Bobert Heywood, at Knowsley. 
 
 476. [16] 82, August 26. London. — Will not send the ‘‘ tankert ” till 
 he has accomplished the other orders. Has commenced “ the iiigravingof 
 the arms of the island, three tryangell leggs. I intend to show my art 
 on it ; and I hoop I shall, in so doing, nott only give my Lord and you 
 good satisfaction, butt allso gaine more of his honour’s work. I intend 
 to follow itt close till itt is done. But ingraveing in stone requires more 
 time than ordinary : it will be worth fifty shilling, the engraving of 
 it, well ; and the gold and setting will be abought twenty-five shilling 
 more. You may be sure to receive them by the fifteen or sixteen of 
 the next month.” Seal of arms. 
 
 The Bev. John Lake to Boger Kenyon. 
 
 477. 1682, August 26. — By a letter from my Patron (your cosin 
 Ashton) which surprized me almost as much as your first intimations 
 of the Bishoprick of Man (whereof I had not then thought so much as 
 in a dream) I perceive that the Bishoprick is intended in exchange for 
 Prestwich, and my patron seemeth to desire and expect the present 
 resignation of it, which I cannot consent to for these reasons. 
 
 “(1) I am not yet Bishop, and many things may fall in betwixt cup 
 and lip. 
 
 “ (2) The value of the Bishoprick will not compensate any great loss 
 sustained by it, especially if it be considered that 
 
 “ (3) I shall not come into profits until Easter, and if that be inclusive 
 of Easter (as I suppose it is) I shall not actually receive anything until 
 some considerable time after — meanwhile 
 
 “ (4) The charges of consecration and other formalities will be very 
 great, so that the profits when they come in, will not in a short time 
 reimburse them. 
 
 “ (5) It will likewise be a great trouble and charge to go into the Isle 
 and to remove myself and my appurtenances, beside that the name and 
 stile of a Bishop requireth a different port and draweth a yet further 
 expense after it. 
 
 “ (6) It will necessitate me to relinquish my Residentiarie’s place at 
 York, which, for 12 years together, hath been worth 130/. per annum. 
 
 “ (7) If it should be inconsistent with my health, and perhaps life, to 
 reside in the Isle constantly, Prestwich would be my only convenient 
 retreat. 
 
 “ (8) I should seem too fond of a bubble of honour to purchase it so 
 dear, and it would look, in the eye of the world, like bargain and sale 
 too, and scarcely reconcileable with the oath against simony. 
 
 ‘‘ Sir, in all this it is not my meaning to lessen the favour and honour 
 designed me, or the kindnes of those that have engaged themselves in it, 
 whereof I have a very great sense. But if it be attended with these, or 
 any terms at all, I shall most willingly quit my pretensions and super- 
 sede your further trouble.” Seal oj arms. 
 
 K 2 
 
The Eev. John Lake to Roger Kenyon. 
 
 478. 1682, September 4. York. — Letter of thanks for services 
 
 regarding the presentation to the Bishopric of Man. Seal of arms, 
 
 Robert Roper to Roger Kenyon. 
 
 479. 1682, September 15. Knowsley. His Lordshipp [Lord 
 Derby] takes his journey on Munday next, straight for Newmarket, but 
 does not call at Aswerby. Have-at-all wonne all with ease ; there was 
 about 2 lengths distance between Black How and Sweet Lipps. My 
 lord’s mare was lame and thereby was beaten sufficiently.” 
 
 Roger Kenyon [to the Rev. John Lake, Bishop Elect of 
 Sodor and Man]. 
 
 480. 1682, September 16. Peel. — ‘‘ On Sunday I went to Knowsley. 
 The next day my Lord gave the inclosed his hand and scale, but took mee 
 with him into Cheshire, whence I returned not till Thursday. I sent 
 for your clerk to come to me yesterday, but not being come home, 
 causes this messenger to your Lordship, with that which makes you 
 Lord Bishop of Soder and Man. I have some Londoners now at my 
 house, and this evening Sir John Molineux, his Lady, and their family, 
 wilbe with me here, so that I cannot come to you, as otherwise I 
 willingly would have done, for no other reason but that inter nos I might 
 have discoursed with you, my Lord Derbys genius and temper, which I 
 doubt not will no way be unpleasant to you. He is not sway’d with the 
 violent humour of this impetuous age, and [the] discourses of the high 
 dyers of either side find no hearty entartainement with him. Hee is 
 faithfully loyall and a true son of the Church of England ; free from 
 fanatacisme, and farr from popery as any subject whatsoever. I say this 
 because you are not yet so well knowing of him as a little time will make 
 you. You will laugh at my fooleish boldnes in takeing this freedome 
 with you to discourse of him ; but my meaneing by it is but to possesse 
 you with that apprehension of him, as to make your first acquaintance 
 acceptable to each other, and when you have perused this foolish 
 freedom, that none els may laffe at mee, burne this paper, or rather send 
 it back by the bearer that I may burne it. 
 
 “ My Lord goes towards Newmarket on Monday, and when the King 
 goes thence, waits on him to London, where you will, I suppose, at the 
 Duke of Ormond’s house, meet with his Lordshipp. I gave my Lord’s 
 Secretary a handsom present, viz. 10/.; it was not for any manner of 
 aid I had from him in the doing it, but he was not against mee, and 
 some thing was due as a perquisite of his place. I name this to you 
 that you need not be at any farther charge with him. My Lady Derby 
 meets my Lord at London ; shee goes about a three weekes hence. 
 Mr. Roper, my Lord’s Secretary, I beleve, comes up with her Lady- 
 shipp. His acquaintance wilbe of good use to your Lordshipp, both 
 there and hereafter. Neither hee nor Mr. Hey wood could certainly tell 
 me when the profitts of your Bishoprick commence, but they say they 
 think Easter is exclusive to the late Bishopp’s Executor, and that then 
 there may be halfe a yeares profitt due to your Lordship ; and inquire- 
 ing of Coson Heawood of the profitts, hee saith — the Bishopps Palace is 
 a good house, to which there is a faire demesne, many glebe tenants, and 
 goof tythesdue. Ilee said hee was present when two sufficient persons, 
 one Wood and another, offered Bishopp Bridgman to give him clere 
 
149 
 
 350/. per annum for the proffitts, but it was esteemed considerably more 
 worth. Mr. Roper tells mee, hee thinkes your way, when you come to 
 London, is [to] addresse to one of the Secretarys for the King’s fiat 
 upon this ; but 1 need not derect your Lordshipp therein. I purpose, 
 the latter end of this terme, to be at London, and if your Lordshipp have 
 leisure when there, shalbee in the mean time much honored with a line 
 from you.” Draft. 
 
 The Rev : John Lake to Roger Kenyon. 
 
 481. 1682, September 17. York. — On Michaelmas day I purpose 
 to set out for London. If some indisposition of my wife’s had not pre- 
 vented, I had purposed to have set out upon Friday next. Touching 
 the value of the Bishopric, I am not anxious ; your kindness is the same 
 as if it had been the Archbishopric of Toledo. Seal of arms. 
 
 Collection of Customs in the Isle of Man. 
 
 482. 1682, September 20-1691, April 1. — Copies of Letters, between 
 these dates, from the Privy Council and the Custom House in London 
 to the Earl of Derby, concerning the irregular collection of the Customs 
 in the Isle of Man. The Council has reason to believe that there is laid 
 up in the Island, a great store of tobacco, awaiting the opportunity of 
 being “ privately stolen ” into England. 
 
 John Tench to Roger Kenyon. 
 
 483. 1682, September 23. — Mr. Wentworth was with me this day ; 
 he gives but an incerteyne account of our worthy Chancellor, but we will 
 hope better of him than his secretary reports, whose nevvs, you know, is 
 not alwayes told to the best advantage of our good friend and master. 
 Wee have had great relations heare of the splendid entertainments of the 
 Duke of Monmouth in his Northern expedition, but Mr. Sargeant 
 Ramsey was sent to hasten him back in safe custody, and ’tis conlideiitly 
 reported Sir Thomas Armestrong obtained a habeas corpus for the Duke 
 from Mr. Justice Raymond the last night. He is expected to towne 
 this day. Our great matters in expectation are the Lord Marquess 
 Hallifax’s being made Lord President of the Councell in the roome of 
 the Earle of Radnor, and Mr. Seymour, Lord Privy Seale.” 
 
 Arthur Assheton to [Roger Kenyon ?]. 
 
 484. 1 682, September 27. Clitheroe. — “ Yours received with a very 
 large present — a peece of plat, a bowle which, being filled with strong 
 liquor, may, it’s like enough, dissolve some of our Lord’s Burgesses ; 
 alsoe I received [the] Corpartions arms, and the kind token, a guiney. 
 Att which time I sent for Mr. Bayliffe Robinson, Mr. Lister, Mr. 
 Christopher Kendall, and some others. Our Court day being upon 
 Thursday next, it was agreed the bowle should then be presented 
 in the Moot Hall to Mr. Eayliffs, and the Burgesses then present, and 
 the healths to be drunke the day of election of Baylifies, which is to bee 
 the 13th of October next. The persons thought upon for Bayliffs this 
 ensueing yeare, [are] Mr. Thomas Braddyll and Mr. Robert Walmsley, 
 for out Bayliffs, and Thomas Binder and Thomas Oddy, inn Baylifis. 
 If you please, in the interim, to give yourself the trouble to writ two 
 lines to Mr. Apleton or me, which you approved on, it shall be 
 ndevoured to be performed.” 
 
150 
 
 Sir Richard Bradshawe to Christopher Wilkinson and Roger 
 
 Kenyon. 
 
 485. 1682, October!. — I hope you will both show your kindness in 
 endeavouring to free the house and heir of Mearly from the affront of 
 serving the constableship by traverse or otherwise. 
 
 William Ashton to Roger Kenyon. 
 
 486. 1682, October 7. Cambridge.~‘‘ It can be no news in Lanca- 
 shire that the King is come to Newmarket, but it is the thinest court that 
 ever I saw there. Yesterday was the great match betwixt Dragon and 
 Postboy^ the latter beat him above four lengths. I am heartily sorry 
 for Sir Robert Carr that he was not there, for it was 6 and 7 to 4 against 
 his horse, before the race begun.” Seal^ broken. 
 
 Richard Bradshawe to Roger Kenyon. 
 
 487. 1682, October 10. Pennington. — The bearer will acquaint you 
 how Pennington would now, at Wigan sessions, put him on to be Constable 
 for the Hall of Bradshaw, a thing never done before. They gave him 
 notice but yesterday to appear, and Sir James Bradshaw living far off, in 
 Yorkshire, he cannot possibly give him notice in time to defend himself 
 from an affront that was never put upon that house before. 
 
 Information of Edmund Thelfall of “ the Ashes ” in Goosnargh, 
 Gentleman, given at Hulton before William Hilton and Thomas 
 Leavers, Justices of the Peace. 
 
 488. 1682, October 19. — '‘The said informant upon his oath saith 
 that the copy of a letter, to this information annexed, beginning 
 with these words ‘on my landing at Whithaven ’ and ending with 
 these words, ‘ but those who board (.^) the Crowne, your Lordshipps,’ 
 is a true copy of the first draught of a letter penned by Edward 
 Tildesley, of Mierscough, in the county of Lancaster, Esquire ; which 
 first draught was and is the propper handwriteing of the said 
 Edward Tildesley, and which was by the appointment and dirrec- 
 tion, and at the instance of, the said Edward Tildesley, fairly transcribed, 
 and so directed and sent by the post from Preston, in Lancashire, 
 to his Grace, the late Duke of Lowderdale, dated, to this informant’s best 
 remembrance, from Warrington, the 28th of January, 1679. And this 
 informant saith that the second paper to this information annexed, 
 beginning with these words ‘ Ileasons offered by a well wisher to the 
 King and Kingdom to some Justices of the peace,’ and ending with 
 these words ‘ to obey the King’s proclamation, the onely way to secure 
 the peace of the Kingdome and their owne,’ is a true copy of a paper 
 penned by the said Edward Tildesley, with his owne hand, and fairly 
 transcribed at the instance of the said Edward Tildesley, and sent 
 inclosed in the said letter, directed to the said Duke. And this informant 
 saith that, by the said Edward Tildesley’s appointment and direction, 
 besides the addition of the complement to these words ‘your Lordshipps’ 
 there was added, postscribed, to this effect ; that if his Lordshipp 
 thought fitt to returne any answer, to derect the same ‘ Por Thomas 
 Bateson, at William Tomlinson’s house in Preston.’ And this informant 
 further saith that the third paper to this information annexed is a true 
 copy of a letter, the cover whereoff was endorsed, ‘ For Thomas Bateson 
 
151 
 
 at William Tomlinson’s house in Preston,’ and beginning with these 
 words ‘ Sir, this is, according to your direction, to acknowledge the 
 receit of your letter of the 18th instant, from Warrington,’ and ending 
 with these words *from him at whose command this is sent to you.’ 
 And this informant saitii that the said letter came to this informant’s 
 hand, and that on the same page, which was cover to the said letter, so 
 directed, this informant took a copy of the letter, which enables him now 
 more particularly and certainly to depose thereunto. And this deponant 
 saith that the said letter was delivered by this informant to the said 
 Edward Tildesley who, in answer thereunto, and within a few dayes 
 after the receipt thereof, viz*^ about the latter end of the month of 
 eJanuary, or the beginning of February, 1679-80, writt another letter to 
 the said Duke. The first draught whereof was, and is, the propper hand- 
 writeing of the said Edward Tildesley, which letter, beginning with these 
 words Tis no want of duty and allegiance to his Majestie,’ and ending 
 with these words ‘ vour next may command your most obedient servant,’ 
 was allso by the appointment and direction, and at the instance, of the 
 said Edward Tildesley, fairly transcribed, directed, and sent by the post 
 from Preston, in Lancashire, to his grace, the Duke of Lowderdale. And 
 this informant saith that the fourth paper to this information annexed, is 
 a true coppy thereof. And this informant further saith that afterwards, 
 viz*, on or about the 25th of February, 1679-80, the said Edward 
 Tildesley writt an other letter beginning wdth these words, ‘ The 
 enclosed is a copy of what I writt you,’ and ending with these words 
 ‘ as is this that 1 am your grace’s most obedient servant ’; a postscript to 
 which was added by the hand of Mr. Thomas Tildesley, beginning 
 with these words ‘ My Lord, I shall not stay ’ and ending with these 
 words ‘to get this into the Yorkshire road.’ And saitli that the 
 first draught of the same letter was and is (save the postscript) the 
 propper hand writing of the said Edward Tildesley. And that the same, 
 as allso the postscript, was fairly transcribed, and by the appointment, 
 direction, and at the instance, of the said Edward Tildesley, directed and 
 sent to the late Duke of Lowderdale, by the post. And this informant 
 saith that the fifth paper to this information annexed, is a true copy of 
 the said letter and postscript.” 
 
 Lawrance Oldfield to Roger Kenyon, at Peel. 
 
 489. 1682, October 26. Leftwich. — “I thought you not unwilling 
 to part with your grey-pad the Judge and although I suspect his age 
 is past marketable knowledg, and therefore considerably less worth now 
 than two years agoe, yet, if you’ll put him to me for sound wind, lymb, 
 and eyes, Pll pay you fifteen guineas for him.” 
 
 James Lightboune to Roger Kenyon. 
 
 490. 1682, November 4. Gray’s Inn. — I thought a word of my 
 Lord of Derby’s business would not be inacceptable to you. Mr. Justice 
 Dolben gave judgment against my Lord, but Mr. Justice Jones gave 
 judgment for my Lord. Seal. 
 
 William Patten to Roger Kenyon, at Peel. 
 
 491. 1682, November 4. Gray’s Inn. — Enquiring of “My Lord of 
 Derby’s successe,” be was informed that Judge Dalbin, “ contrary to our 
 expectation,” gave his opinion against “ my Lord ” ; but Judge Johnes 
 for him. Sir Robert Carr is still dangerously ill. Seal of anns. 
 
152 
 
 George Allan son to Roger Kenyon. 
 
 492. 1682, November 4. London. — I was yesterday to wait on Mr. 
 Graham, touching Mr. Preston’s business, who informs me that you have 
 the writ of execution against Sir Thomas Preston’s trustees, under seal, 
 so that Mr. Weld cannot be served (although Lord Carrington is) till the 
 return of the decree under seal. 1 was not a little joyful to understand 
 that we were likely to have the honour of your company in London, but 
 on the other hand, I hope it is not, in order to your quietness against the 
 Papists for this night. I was informed amongst the Romanists that 
 Mr. Tilsley had farmed the Papists’ forfeitures of Lancaster at the 
 annual rent of 12,000/2. ; this sounds too much, and so I hope it is 
 false. 
 
 William Hayhurst to Roger Kenyon, at Peel. 
 
 493. 1682, November 6. Preston. — Has sent to Lancaster, to Styth, 
 to enquire into the estates of the “most eminent” recusants in Lonsdale 
 Hundred. Has provided evidence “for those in Araounderness and 
 Blackburne to give their accompts here upon Friday next.” Swaney has 
 made returns of Sir William Gerrard and Mr. Dickonson. “ Things 
 move slowly, here, and as Mr. Winckley pleases, who is resolved to stand 
 by his old clyentes.” 
 
 Postscript. — “ Mr. Under-Sheriff’s brother is like to dye. . . . He 
 [the Under Sheriff] desires the witnesses may come hither, I intend 
 for Wygan, to morrow night; if the Inquisitiones be adjourned hither, 
 it will be better for the jury.” Seal. 
 
 William Hulme to Roger Kenyon. 
 
 494. 1682, November 6. Hulme. — Is informed that Kenyon is going 
 to London ; desires “ to kiss his hand ” before he sets out. 
 
 Sir Thomas Stringer to Roger Kenyon. 
 
 495. 1682, November 6. — “ The news of the Chancellor’s death, your 
 deare friend and mine, is too true ; the place is given to Sir Thomas.” 
 Vide No. 521. Seal of arms. 
 
 John Tench to Roger Kenyon. 
 
 496. 1682, November 7. — Mr. Chancellor is relapsed, and in so weak 
 a condition that they begin to doubt of his recovery. The Duke of 
 Ormond is made a Duke of England. Good Sir Thomas Jones argued 
 on my Lord of Derby’s side, but the doubting judge was against him. 
 
 Edward Fleetwood to Mr. Kenyon. 
 
 497. 1682, November 7. Penwortham. — I hear you intend to hold 
 inquisitions ui)on several gentlemen’s estates, upon Wednesday and 
 Thursday next, and not knowing but Cousin Anderton of Exton may 
 be one of the number, this comes to desire (if you can do it with security) 
 to look upon him at this time “ as a reprobate.” He has a great many 
 children, and the estate l)ut small. Seal. 
 
 William Prabin to Roger Kenyon. 
 
 498. 1682, November 12. Matishall. — I am very desirous to know 
 how you and your lady and the rest of your good family are in health, 
 
153 
 
 particularly that sweet lady whose charming siren’s voice had like to have 
 shipwrecked an afflicted mariner. I am glad to hear Mr. Starkey has 
 obtained his desire and is married to Madame Hilton. I have a friend 
 who would fain engage you to do him a kindness. The business is this : 
 Sir W. Martin lent Mr. Sherrington, of Bootle, a considerable sum of 
 money ; now. Sir William being dead, his son would be thankful if you 
 would act for him. Seal of arms. 
 
 William Patten to Roger Kenyon. 
 
 499. 1682, Kovember 14. Gray’s Inn. — I did expect your order for a 
 motion before Mr. Justice Johnes, against the rioters at Wigan, for you 
 promised it, but in regard I have not heard from you since I left Peele, 
 I have not done anything therein. The sheriffs are not yet pricked, 
 but it is thought they will be to-morrow, and some report that none of 
 the three presented by the Chancellor will be elected, for some say 
 Mr. Parker, and others, Mr.-Rigby. By letter yesterday from Mr. Welsh, 
 we understand that Sir Robert Carr is much worse, and they now seem 
 to despair of his recovery. Seal of arms. 
 
 William Patten to Roger Kenyon, at Peel. 
 
 500. 1682, November 18. Gray’s Inn. — “ This day, Mr. Justice 
 Windham and the Lord Chief Baron argued the Earle of Derby’s case, 
 and both gave their judgments for his lordshipp ; soe that nowe bee has 
 got the day, beinge 7 to 3.” Hopes the news of the chancellor [of the 
 Duchy’s] death will bring Kenyon to London. Seal of arms. 
 
 Thomas Dod to Roger Kenyon. 
 
 501. 1682, November 19. — The good town of Ormeskirk under- 
 standing you are for London on Munday next, engaged me, on their behalfe 
 generally, to acquaint you they are about to make application to my 
 Lord Derby that, in this present commotion of affaires as to the Burrough 
 of Wigan, which setts up for a principality of it selfe, there may bee 
 a meanes found out, and effecred, to reduce all the four sessions to this 
 place. You know it lyes convenient to the countrey, and I hope the 
 alteration noe way against your likeing, especially since it would conduce 
 to the benefitt of the place, wherein my Lord is soe much interested, and 
 has beene pleased to manifest his favors thereunto upon all occasions.” 
 Seal of arms. 
 
 R. Heyavood to Roger Kenyon. 
 
 502. 1682, November 22. Castle Rushen. — “I landed on the island 
 the 28th of October in 12 hours from the Black Rock. I brought all 
 .my little doggs safe over, except 2 or 3, which, by the boy’s carelessness, 
 ran back from Knowsley, and I hud not time to send for them.” Seal 
 of arms. 
 
 William Ashton to Roger Kenyon. 
 
 503. 1682, November 25. London. — “Doctor Lake’s business mett 
 with a rub nt the PrWy Seal, but my Lord Derby promised to remove it, 
 and I think it is already done. I do not yet know what the Doctor will do 
 with Prestwuch, nor will I ask him till the consecration be over, which I 
 suppose will be very shortly, because he told me he should be at Yorke 
 within 6 weeks. Wee have no news but what Westminster Hall 
 
154 
 
 affords ; I know, by this time, you have heard of Lord Derby’s try all and 
 success, and likewise of the difference betwixt the Lord Berkley and 
 Lord Gray, about the lady Henrietta, the Lord Berkley’s second 
 daughter. The case was tryed last Thursday, and the Lord Gray, one 
 Crarrock and his wife, and one Jones, were found guilty of carrying 
 away the young lady. The Court hath not sett a fine, but every one 
 thinks it cannot be so great as is deserved. It is the foulest story that 
 ever eyes saw or ears heard ; in short, the lady was pretty round about 
 the w^ast, and the proofs given in Court make it too plain (if she is with 
 child) who is tlie father. When the try all was over, the Lord Cheife 
 Justice told the Lord Berkley, he might take his daughter, and he held 
 forth his hand to receive her, but she refused to goe with him, telling 
 them all that she was marryed to one Mr. Turner (a ])articular favourite 
 of the Lord Gray’s and, if I mistake not, one of Sir William Turner’s 
 younger sons) who was called into Court and owned her for his wife. 
 But Sir George Jefferyes (who was Councell for the Lord Berkley) said 
 that man was marryed to, and had children by, another woman in 
 Westminster. This put the Lord Cheif Justice to a little pause, but 
 immediately recollecting himself, he ordered the lady and Mr. Turner, 
 her reall or pretended husband, to be committed to the King’s Bench, 
 till such time as it might appear that they were marryed. The Lord 
 Cavendish and the Lord Wharton’s eldest son (the Lord Clare haveing 
 refused to stand) were bayl for the Lord Gray. This tryall lasted 
 4 or 5 houres ; the cheif wittnesses were the Lady Berkley, mother, and 
 the Lady Arabella, sister, to the Lady Henrietta. The Lady Arabella 
 was the first that discovered the intreague betwixt them, by a letter left 
 in Madam Henrietta’s chamber and directed for the Lord Gray, intima- 
 ting a very scandalous fiimilarity between tliem, and this letter was 
 produced and read publickly in Court. Most people wonder my Lord 
 Berkley should expose his daughter so infamously in open Court, and 
 all are amased at her impudence; but for my part, I have a worse 
 opinion of another Lord. Yesterday, the Duke of Yorke tryed his 
 action against Pilkington, who was cast, and the Jury gave the Duke 
 100,000/. damages.” Seal. 
 
 J. Eowe to Roger Kenton. 
 
 504. 1682, December 5. Liverpool. — It is greatly reported that 
 my Lord Derby is made a Marquis, but of this we have no second news. 
 Seal of arms. 
 
 William Hayhurst to Roger Kenyon. 
 
 505. 1682, December 21. ‘‘The Sword and Buckler,” London. — 
 “ They say my Lord North is made Lord Keeper ; hee brought the Mace 
 with him yesternight from 'Whitehall, but I doe not hear forcertaine who 
 is in his place ; they say Sir Wm. Scroggs. Sir Thomas Stringer was 
 robbed of the 30/. I presented him for you, by his footman, who had gott 
 away with it as farr as Stepney and was going over sea, but Mr. Stringer 
 and Frank tooke post and catched him, and about 20/. in his pockett, and 
 hee had given eight pound for a watch, which they gott againe. Sir 
 Thomas has him now in his house, has pardoned the crime, but turnes 
 him away shortly.” Seal. 
 
 Samuel LIanmer to Roger Kenion. 
 
 506. 1682, .... ber 10. — Mr. Daubabbin {sic) preaches to-day at 
 Leigh, and Squire Atherton may possibly come along with him; however, 
 1 doubt not but that the parishioners will consult about the business after 
 
155 
 
 evening service. 1 humbly beg that you would be pleased to honour 
 me so far, as to make one amongst them to hold up a side against (the 
 once Lord President) Bradshaw\ 
 
 Case, and opinion by Sergeant Manyard -Title to Property in 
 Furness, formerly belonging to Sir Thomas Preston and held 
 by the Court of Exchequer “ as being settled to superstitious uses.” 
 
 507 . [1682.] — “ T. P., the 26th of May 1682, having petitioned his 
 Majesty e for an estate, late Sir Thomas Preston’s, in Furness, in the 
 County Pallatine of Lancaster, which m as before recorded in the Court of 
 Exchequer, as being settled to superstitious uses, and his Majestye 
 thereupon obtaining a decree, was graciously pleased to referre the said 
 petition to the Lords of the Treasury, who gave directions and paid the 
 charge for the prosecution thereof; which said petition, being by them 
 referred to the examination of Mr. Grayham and Mr. Burton, who made 
 their report to the Lords of the Treasury, the said T. P. did thereupon 
 contract with the Lords for a certain rent and term of years, which w^as 
 again reported from the Lords to His Majestye, who was pleased to give 
 direction that a bill should be forthwith prepared for the passing of a 
 lease, upon the terms and years agreed upon with the said Lords ; and a 
 warrant being sent to the Attorney General from the Lords, upon his 
 perusal thereof, his opinion then was, that the King not being in posses- 
 sion, nor the trustees having conveyed their right, that His Majestye 
 could not make a good lease to the lessee. 
 
 “ But the possession being now in the King, and the Trustees having 
 now conveyed their right to His Majestye, the Lords of the Treasury 
 ordered a w'arrant to be drawne, pursuant to their former contract, 
 which was signed by His Majestye, and countersigned by the Lords, 
 directed to his Attorney or Solicitor Generali. Upon which, a Bill was 
 drawn and signed by the said Attorney Generali (as the usual course is) 
 and afterwards by his Majestye, which said bill is mentioned to pass a 
 lease of the said lands to the said T. P., under the Great and Duchy Seal 
 of Lancaster, without any further warrant or direction, for a rent and 
 term of years therein mentioned. The said T. P. hath proceeded soe 
 farre upon the said bill as that he hath passed the Signet, the Privy 
 Seal, and Great Seal, upon the method aforesaid, and hath a duplicate 
 ready from the Privy Seal, and a docquetl from the Lords of the 
 Treasury for the passing of the Duchy Seal. 
 
 1st Query. — Whether, having already passed the Great Seal, that be 
 sufficient ; or that the Duchy and County Palatine Seals be both 
 necessary, or the Duchy Seal, or whether of them. 
 
 Note . — The lands men- ^ I conceive that this land is now no parte of 
 
 the Duchy, for it comes not to the Crown 
 as an escheat of the Duchy, but as a new 
 purchase and passetli well from the Crown 
 by the Great Seal. But to avoid questions 
 and charges, ’tis wisdom to take both Seals. 
 2nd Query. — Whether the rent being made payable into the Exche- 
 quer, or to the Deceiver of the County Palatine (as it is men- 
 tioned in the lease to T. P.) the tenant may safely pay the same 
 to such Receiver, without the same being made payable or paid 
 to the Receiver of the Duchy of Lancaster. 
 
 I conceive he may, without danger, pay it to 
 the Exchequer, or Receiver of the County 
 Palatine. The expresse words of the 
 reservation beinae soe. Maynard.” 
 
 tioned to be granted 
 are Duchy lands, lye- 
 ing in the County 
 Palatine of Lancaster. 
 
156 
 
 W. Hayhurst to Eoger Kenyon. 
 
 508. l682[-3], January 6. London. — I went to Mr. Marsden, to 
 know when he could pay. He said he could not tell, but not the next 
 week. I saw him turn away several that had bills upon him. There are 
 a great many bankers lately gone off, but I hope he suffers not by them, 
 nor is in any danger. It is reported my Lord Chief- Baron will be dis- 
 placed, and Sir Robert Sawyer in his place, and Sir George Jeffreys in 
 his, and that Baron Atkins is very like for the same fate, to give place to 
 Sir Robert Wright, and that Judge Dolben sits very slippery. Prepara- 
 tions are making for the trial of the City Charter, the next term. Six 
 young clerks, said to be gentlemen’s sons in the North, are committed 
 to Newgate for the “ Highpadd.” Seal. 
 
 Mary Ball to Roger Kenyon. 
 
 509. 1682[-3], January 9. Ormskirk. — Asking that the money due 
 to her for the wounded soldiers, should be paid, as she has been put to 
 great expense in food, clothes, and washing for them. Seal, broken^ 
 
 William Hayhurst to Roger Kenyon, at Peel. 
 
 510. 1682-3, January 1 1. London. — ‘‘ There hath been great gaming 
 at the Temple this Christ inas time. Upon the Twelfth-day, at night, the 
 Templers, in a great number, went to gather their rents of the houses in 
 Fleet Street ; for their lights into the Temple, they demanded halfe-a- 
 crown a house and all arreares, which, for some houses, came to 20^. 
 Where they denyed payment, they forced them to it. Whereuppon the 
 constables were sent for ; whereuppon the Templers having notice, 200 
 rose againste them and some harme was done, but none mortally 
 wounded. They have since made an order at a Parliament of theirs, as 
 they call it, that all Councillors of that Society who take part with any 
 who shall sue any of the gentlemen upon that pretended ryott, shall be 
 judged enemies to the auncient priviledges and honour of that House, 
 and that none of the Society should have any dealing with any trades- 
 man who would not pay that rent, or prosecuted any of them upon the 
 ryott. ’Tis reported the Earle of Shaftsbury is dead in Holland.” SeaL 
 
 John Tench to Roger Kenyon. 
 
 511. 1682[-3], January 11. — “ There be great muttering of storms 
 rising beyond the seas. God keep us in peace, and when we are in danger 
 of others, [give us] good council and unanimity at home ; and, when his 
 Majesty pleaseth to take the advice of his Commons in Parliament, 
 honest loyal members,” and one of them “honest worthy Mr. Kenyon.” 
 
 William Hayhurst to Roger Kenyon. 
 
 512. 1682[-3], January 16. London. — Concerning warrants for 
 recusants. Many of the great Bankers are gone aside. The great fund 
 of Europe, the East India Company, is shut up and will pay no more till 
 Michaelmas. Seal. 
 
 William Hayhurst to Roger Kenyon. 
 
 513. l682[-3], January 22. Loudon. — The new project, Mr. Burton 
 tells nie? is to make a certain revenue of the Papists. The estates of 
 
157 
 
 those of the better rank and quality are valued at nine or twelve thousand 
 pounds per annum, and the two thirds are to be farmed by the parties, to 
 pay yearly 6,000/i. into your hands, to be constantly paid into the 
 Exchequer. This to be done by way of inquisition, the witnesses to be 
 brought by the recusants, and all inquisitions to be held anew. I made 
 severall objections against it; as what inquisition they v/ouldhold could, 
 that way, be found but of small value and that there vras no recusant of 
 an estate but had foreseen his conviction and had settled his estate, and 
 so could plead it otf when they pleased. For those, says he, we will have 
 process against them for 20/e. per mensem. If this project take, and 
 6,000/e. yearly be paid to you, and you have your 18^. per /e., it will 
 amount to 4o0/e. per annum to your purse, and if you have your salary 
 besides, it will be 5^0li.per annum. “ This will come to you with ease, 
 without clamour or noise.” Proposal to be Deputy to Kenyon. The new 
 judges have this day taken their places. Seal. 
 
 Thomas Holden to Eoger Kenvon. 
 
 514. 1682[-3], January 29. — “There was a silent meeting of Quakers, 
 in this towne, taken upp and dispersed by the officers here, a litle before 
 Christmas; and I observe att the Sessions, you proceed by way of 
 indictment in the nature of a riott ; which, if that may serve your turne, 
 I shall not trouble my self to draw upp a record of your conviction, 
 haveing drawme one att large against all or most of these persons, for a 
 Con venti call, a little before, and issued out warrants, and severall 
 distresses made ; but their goods, most of them, cannot bee sold, nor 
 have the officers gott expenses in money yet, as they tell me.” 
 
 Thomas Hodgkinson to Eoger Kenton. 
 
 515. 1 682[-3], January 29. Preston. — Will meet Kenyon at Wigan 
 on Thursday, when he will be proud to contribute anything to a perfect 
 conciliation between Lord Derby and their friends at Haigh. Seal of 
 arms, broken. 
 
 Eoger Kenyon to Thomas Hodgkinson, at Preston. 
 
 516. 1682[-3], February 3. Bolton. — Has sent the bearer, Mr. John 
 Eoscoe, for the 300/. or more, payable upon the processes against popish 
 recusants. Eoscoe, John Smethurst, and Serjeant Hatton, have left the 
 writer a sealed bag containing 96/. d^. The processes, returned “ this 
 time twelvemonth,” yielded 1,296/. 55. Hopes, “ except what must be 
 expected,” that sum will not be lessened now. Seal of arms. 
 
 Thomas Hodgkinson to Eoger Kenyon, “at his Peele.” 
 
 517. 1682[-3], February 5. Preston, — Was under a gross mistake 
 in sending the process against recusants, as he had not noted who were 
 “ charged upon the long process and who by fieri facias T Begs the 
 return of the process for alteration and completion. Seal of arms. 
 
 William Hayhurst to Eoger Kenyon. 
 
 518. 1682-3, February 8. Southampton Buildings. — The Northern 
 Circuit is to be performed by the same .ludges as last time, but Mr. Baron 
 Atkins is to sit on the Crown Side. Lord Derby has been victorious 
 
158 
 
 this term ; “ there hath been great arguments about the demurrer upon 
 the plea to the Quo Warranto, Sir George Treby and Mr. Solicitor, 
 argued yesterday, and Mr. Attorney-Generall and Mr, Pollexfen, to-day ; 
 and two eminent Councell to argue the next term. The Worcester 
 City Charter was found forfeited to the King. The defendants excepted 
 against the Jury, being very few of them freeholders. After some 
 debate, the Court sent Judge Eayniond to know the opinion of the 
 Common Plees, where they whispered together, and after. Judge Ray- 
 mond and the rest declared it to bee the opinion of the Court of Common 
 Plees and of that Court, that that was no legal exception ; whereupon 
 the Jury was sworn ; but the defendants would make no defence, and 
 soe the Jury found for the King.” Seal. 
 
 W. Hilton to Roger Kenyon, in London. 
 
 519. 1682[-3], February 19. — Hopes Kenyon has arrived safely at 
 the end of his journey ; if he had stayed, his list of coiners and clippers 
 would have been longer, “a kennel of whom was discovered, and dis- 
 armed of their wicked tooles, by the honest constable, John Monk, on ' 
 Thursday last.” The judges will hardly be able to deliver the gaol as 
 fast as the justices fill it, if the discoveries hold on. If the rogues are 
 too many to be hanged, they might be transported to Pensylvania or 
 the other Plantations. If they be not totally suppressed, and clipped 
 money prohibited, all the old coin of England will be spoilt. Desires 
 Kenyon to take a catalogue of the books of the virtuosi^ and the prices 
 at the Bell, in Paul’s Churchyard.” Seal of arms. 
 
 Francis North, [Lord Keeper,] to Mr. Justice Jones, 
 
 520. l682[-3], February 24. — His Majestie haveing received com- 
 plaints that many persons of raeane condition lye in prison upon criminal 
 prosecutions in severall gaoles of this kingdom, where they endure great 
 hardshipp and misery, because of the straitness of the prisons, in respect 
 of the number of prisoners, and for want of necessarys ; is desirous, for 
 their releife, to extend his royall compassion to such of them as shall be 
 capable thereof, upon consideration of their particular cases. In order 
 whereunto, his Majestie would be informed by his judges of Assize, in 
 their severall circuits, or by some justices of the peace in the severall 
 countyes and places where the prisons are, who may receive an account 
 thereof from the Sheriffs, gaolers, or other persons of credit, whether 
 the number of prisouers is so great that the prison cannot conveniently 
 containe them. And if it bee, then further to certify the names of such 
 persons as are in prison upon such prosecutions and if any bee under the 
 age of twenty one yeares, and what their offences are, and how long 
 they have layne there ; whether they are poore and unable to mayntayne 
 themselves [and] whether they are papists or quakers, or what other 
 sect, if it can be knowne.” Copy. 
 
 Thomas Stringer to Roger Kenyon. 
 
 521. 1682[-3], March 6. Chancery Lane. — “ These are to acquaint 
 you that your good friend and myne. Sir Robert Car, is dead.” Vide 
 No. 495. Seal of arms. 
 
 Thomas Hodgkinson to Roger Kenyon. 
 
 522. 1682[-3], March 13. Preston. — Sends a warrant to levy the 
 monies upon the recusants in Kenyon’s Hundred, and three receipts for Sir 
 
159 
 
 Charles Anderton and Mr. Trafford. If Kenyon thinks it prudential to 
 accept 100//. from Sir Charles, instead of the whole, he would consent 
 to it ; but refers it to Kenyon’s discretion, Avhether it be not a season- 
 able time to oblige Sir Charles, or no. Thanks him for the carriage of 
 his peruke. His wife was yesterday delivered “ of another young tory, 
 so that I do not follow your example in the acts of generation.” Seat 
 of armSf broken. 
 
 John Lomax to Roger Kenyon. 
 
 523. 1683, March 25. — Asking Kenyon’s interest on his behalf, for 
 the presentation to Aldingham, in the gift of the Commissioners of the 
 Treasury. Seal of arms^ broken. 
 
 R. Bradshaigh, Junior, to Roger Kenyon. 
 
 524. 1683, March 27. Haigh. — ‘‘ Pray intercede for me to my cozen 
 Copley that she will favour me withe acceptance of a small present here- 
 with sent her, as having done me the honour to weare me for her 
 valentine.” 
 
 Coin-clipping. 
 
 525. 1683, March 31. — Informations of John Birchall, a prisoner 
 in his Majesty’s gaole at Lancaster, and condemned for clipping and 
 diminishing his Majesty’s coin. 
 
 The Petition of Thomas Preston, of Holker, in the County of 
 Lancaster, to the Lords op the Treasury. 
 
 526. 16S2[-3], [March?]. — That in Easter term last, his Majesty, . 
 having recovered, by a decree in the Court of Exchequer, part of the 
 estate late Sir Thomas Preston’s in Furness, as given by him to supersti- 
 tious uses, your petitioner, being very instrumental in the recovery thereof 
 in discovering the said estate, your Lordships did offer, as your opinion, 
 that your petitioner should have a lease granted to him of what was then 
 recovered of the said estate, for the term of 7 years, and a warrant for the 
 possession of the said estate was granted to your petitioner. But there 
 being some lands adjoining the said estate which were purchased by one 
 of the trustees of Sir Thomas Preston, the possession thereof is refused 
 to be delivered to your petitioner. The amendment of the houses, 
 fences, hedges, and ditches, are a heavy cost, etc. IMay it please your 
 Lordships, that a lease may be granted to your petitioner. 
 
 \The Petition is ordered to be referred to Richard Graham^ Esquire.^ 
 
 Roger Kenyon [to the Earl of Derby]. 
 
 527. 1683, April 20. Preston. — In obedience to your Lordship’s 
 command, I humbly present you an account of the condition of the gaole 
 at Lancaster, as it was on Tewsday last. Prisoners for debte, 44 ; most of 
 them very poor persons. Prisoners condemned for felonies and ordered 
 to be transported, 6. Preists condemned and reprieved, 2. Two other 
 persons condemned and reprieved, not ordered to be transported. One 
 condemned and reprieved for 6 weeks, and no longer, from the 26th of 
 March. Two others not condemned, but by their owne consents, after 
 conviction for felony, ordered to be transported. Six indicted as clippers 
 and continued in the gaole, one fined 100 merks, and committed till he 
 pay his fine. Eight quakers committed upon writts de excommunicato 
 capiendo. Eight persons in the calendar, committed neer 2 years agoe 
 
160 
 
 for refuseing the oath of supremacy, and outlau^ed, upon that account, 
 in the Kings bench, at the Kings suite, all papist recusants, and all of 
 them much above the age of 21 yeares Kone of them very rich nor 
 very poore. In all, 80 persons. 
 
 ‘‘Kow my Lord, I dare not but acquaint your Lordshipp the whole 
 truth of everything of the eight quakers. Three of them were permitted 
 by the gaoler to go home, and were not, when wee called for them, at 
 the Sessions to be had. And of the 8 popish recusants, not one of them 
 lyes in the gaole, and but one of them to be produced, but were lodged in 
 or about the towne. Wee at the Quarter Sessions, unexpected by the 
 gaoler, called for those eight, and did indeed surprise him ; and haveing 
 thus, in duty to your Lordshipp, accused him, I with all humility ask 
 your Lordshipp’s favor for him and humbly beg leave, further to acquaint 
 your Lordshipp that a writ issues every terme forthe of the King’s 
 Bench, against severall hundreds of papeist recusants that have taken 
 the oath of allegeance, but refuseing: the oath of supremacie were, by the 
 justices of the peace, pursuant to the statute, certifyed into the King’s 
 Bench; wherepon, they are outlawed. These Writs are sent to the 
 Sheriffe every terme, against many that are indigent, and the reverse, 
 [and] cost, every person, 6 six or seaven pounds. Some, against whom 
 these are sent, are not so much worth. The strict prosecution of these 
 processes might indeed fill the gaole with persons not able to subsist 
 there and it turnes to no manner of account to his Majestic to prosecute 
 any this way. 
 
 “ My Lord, wee have fresh informations against a great many more 
 clippers, and against some that were discharged the last assizes. The 
 poor fellow, John Birchall, that was reprieved by your Lordshipp for 
 6 weekes, and no longer, saith, with abundance of tears, he can make 
 no further discoverie though it were to save his life, and I verily beleive 
 hee can not.” Draft. 
 
 Richard Rigby to Roger Kenyon, at Peel. 
 
 528. 1683, May 12. London. — ‘‘ The great news in toune, this day, 
 is that my Lord Gray’s house was searched last night by the secret 
 inquisition, and 4 score arms sessed, and my Lord taken into custody.” 
 
 William Patten to Roger Kenyon. 
 
 529. 1683, May 19. Gray’s Inn. — ‘‘ Sir Patience Warde was this 
 day tryed upon an information of perjury; a privy verdict was given in, 
 but assure yourselfe hee is found guilty. Say not one worde of this, till 
 the return of the next poast, for it will not bee discovered till Munday 
 next, but assure yourselfe of the truth of it, for the jury, at the King’s 
 charge, was treated.” Seal of arms. 
 
 J. Rowe to Roger Kenyon. 
 
 530. 1683, May 25. Liverpool. — Asks Kenyon’s assistance to get 
 employtnent in an office wliich is inten'led to be shortly established in 
 Liverpool, Lancaster, and Manchester, called the Corporation Credit, ora 
 Bank of Credit, the use of whicli will certainly be of great advantage to 
 the advance of trade. Seal. 
 
 William Patten to Roger Kenyon. 
 
 531. 1683, May 26. Preston. — I am in hopes you will be set out for 
 London ere this reach you. Mr. Burton desires you to bring up with you 
 
161 
 
 the large bill wherein 1,200 papists were plaintiffs, in the Duchy Court, 
 against you and others. Seal of arms, broken. 
 
 Thomas Hodokinson to Eoger Kenyon. 
 
 532 . 1683, June 22, Preston. — I hope that our famous metropolis 
 will, at least, become Christian and loyal. I cannot sufficiently acknow- 
 ledge my obligations to you for your great trouble about my wife. Seal 
 of arms. 
 
 William Hayhurst to Roger Kenyon, 
 
 533 . 1683, July 7. London. — I was up and down Fleet Street to 
 inquire of the wether glass you bought, as I remember you told me near 
 Serjeants Inn ; but I can hear no tidings of it.” Seal. 
 
 Jo : Chorley to Roger Kenyon, at Preston. 
 
 534 . 1683, July 9. Liverpool. — “There is one Ro ; Clerke (ap- 
 prentice to Mr. Henry Thorpe, master and owner of a London ship) in the 
 House of Correction, for refusing to do his service, and committing many 
 foule things against his said master, and merchants who freight him. The 
 matter was fully heard before the Mayor of Leverpoole and the Aider- 
 men, and appeared so foule that he might have beene more severely dealt 
 with. The Mayor sent him to the House of Correction, by the advice 
 of Mr. Eutwisle, Recorder of the Corporation, who was also present at 
 the hearing. I humbly beg of you he may be kept to labour and receive 
 due correction, and not suffered to be a tapster in the house, as wee 
 heare hee is, and lives very pleasantly, and writes home that he finds such 
 favour there that the time of his stay will not be tedious to him.” 
 
 Sir Roger Bradshaigh to Roger Kenyon. 
 
 535 . 1683, July 10. Haigh. — I received the proclamation against the 
 Duke of Monmouth, etc., this day; “for all it came not soe late, and 
 upon receipt of the former proclamation, I appoynted theprivie Sessions 
 and inserted part of it in the warrant, with strict orders to sett watch 
 and ward for the vilains in all my divitions, and had it proclaimed at 
 Wigan the last Fryday.” 
 
 Richard Rigby to Roger Kenyon. 
 
 536 . 1683, July 12. London. — “ This day was brought to tryall 
 Captain Walcutt (?). Colonel Rumsey, Porn (?) Keeleing, and Mr. West 
 was witness against him {sic), who prooved the thing very plane. A great 
 part he confessed, which was that he had beene at severall meetings 
 and heard them discourse of insorection, but did not concern himself 
 further; and Mr. West did give a very full account of the conspercey, 
 and after that he had little to say. Besides, there was a letter addrest 
 under his hand to the K[ing] to implore his mercy, and he would let 
 him know more then any culd yet. The jurey went out and staid but 
 a little, brought him gilty. Tomorrow will be tried Hone, Rouse, and 
 Captain Blagg.” 
 
 Postscript . — “ Hone, when he was caled to the barr and his indite- 
 mont red, he tould the Courte he was gilty in some mcsure ; being 
 asked what he ment, answered — of consperacey.” 
 
 73480 . 
 
 L 
 
162 
 
 Ki CHARD Rigby to Roger Kenyon. 
 
 537. 1683, July 14. London. — “My Lord Russell yesterday, at the 
 Ould Bayley, took his tryall ; makeing but smale defence, was found gilt}^, 
 as alsoe Mr. Rouse and Hone ; and this morning Lord Russell, Captain 
 Wallcut, Rouse, and Hone, receved sentance ; but that most wonderfull, 
 my Lord Essix, yester morning in the Tower, cut his one throat ; the 
 manner thus : — askt his Frenchman for a penknife to cut his nailes, and 
 then a raseyer, pretending it would not do. His man borrowed one of 
 the warder. Hoe sooner had my Lord got it, but he went into his 
 clositt. Presantly after, his man heard a noyse as if the cover of the 
 close stoole had falen ; upon that, he went in, and found my Lord 
 walloing in blood ; called for help, but he had cut the jugler faine. 
 The King at the same time, with the Duke, was a fueing [viewing] the 
 works in the Tower. We received, just now, of the newes of my Lord 
 Graye being taken in Rotterdam, with some others, not yet knowne. 
 Today, by the Flanders and Duch Gazet, comes the sad newes of the 
 J arman Armey being routed ; a great part of the foot cut olf, and the rest 
 devided. Hungarey have submitted to the Turks . . . The Court 
 
 is mooved from Viena; and, as a great carridge of Jesuits was going out, 
 the multietud fell upon them and cut them to peeces. Graying that they 
 had brought this misery upon them. An express came to oure King for 
 suplyes.’* 
 
 T. Leigh to Roger Kenyon. 
 
 53S. 1683, July 16. Croxteth. — He spoke to Mr. Entwisle, about a 
 year and a half ago, about the repair of Mabb Lane, and hears money 
 has been gathered for that purpose. 
 
 Edward Tarleton to Roger Kenyon, at Peel. 
 
 539. 1683, J uly 1 9. Liverpool. — “ My sonne Edward, beinge arrived 
 from Barbados, gives mee account that your sonne tooke occasion to leave 
 Barbados, and is safely arrived at New Yorke, in America, where he 
 teacheth gentlemen’s children, and is engaged there to continue for two 
 or three yeanes, by covenant with a gentleman there.” Seal. 
 
 Joseph Sabey to Roger Kenyon, at Peel. 
 
 540. 1683, July 21. London. — “ All I have now to inform you with, 
 is cheifly to give you an account that I was myselfe an eye-witness to the 
 execution of Captain Walcott, John Rouse, and William Hone, the 
 former of which, declareing that hee was guilty of the conspiracy as to 
 the knowledge thereof, and that he was drawne into the conspiracy by 
 some persons that promised him great matters ; but, in short, he per- 
 ceived there was no truth in man. Rouse confessed hee had been 
 at divers consults, and that hee was to have acted, but, as to particulars, 
 hee \ras ignorant, and that hee had been privy to many treasonable 
 discoveries relateing to an insurrection and the like. Hone spoke little, 
 but confessed hee was to have been one of the number that was to have 
 assassinated the King in his return from Newmarkett. They are all 
 quartered and their bowells burnt. This day, likewise, was executed 
 the Lord Russell, attended att the scaffold by ten companies [of] foot 
 and three troops of his Majesty’s guards ; but what confession his 
 Lordshipp made there, I am not able to give you any certain account. 
 
163 
 
 his stay att the scaffold not being half an houre, where the executioner 
 made three blowes att his head ere hee parted it from his body. Hee 
 was conveyed thither in his owne coach, which is all the newes this city 
 offers att present.” 
 
 “ The Judgment and Decree of the University of Oxford, passed in 
 their Convocation against certain pernicious books and damnable 
 doctrines, destructive to the sacred persons of Princes, their state 
 and government, and of all human society.” 
 
 541. 1683, July 21. — Although the barbarous assassination lately 
 enterprised against the person of his sacred Majestie and his royall 
 brother, engage all our thoughts to reflect with utmost detestacon and 
 abhorrence on that execrable villany, hatefull to God and man, and pay our 
 due acknowledgements to the divine providence, which, by extraordinary 
 methods, brought it to pass that the breath of our nostrills, the anointed of 
 the Lord, is not taken in the pit which was prepared for him, and that 
 under his shadow we continue to live and enjoy the blessings of his 
 government ; yet, notwithstanding, we And it to be a necessary duty at 
 this time, to search into and lay open those impious doctrines, which, have- 
 ing of late been studiously disseminated, gave rise and growth to these 
 nefarious attempts, and pass upon them our solemn publick censure and 
 decree of condemnation. Therefore, to the honour of the holy and 
 undivided Trinity, the preservation of Catholick truth in the Church, and 
 that the King’s majestie may be secured both from the attempts of open 
 bloody enemies and machinations of traytrous, hereticks, and schismaticks, 
 we, the Vice-Chancellor, Doctors, Proctors, and Masters, regent and not 
 regent, met in Convocation in the accustomed manner, time, and place, 
 on Saturday the 21th day of July, in the year 1683, concerning certain 
 propositions contained in divers bookes and writings publisht in the 
 
 and allso [in] the Latin tongue, repugnant to the holy scriptures, 
 
 decrees of councells, writings of the fathers, the faith and profession of 
 the primitive church, and allso detractive of the kingly government, the 
 safety of his Majestie’s person, the publick peace, the laws of nature, and 
 bonds of human society, by our unanimous assent and consent, have 
 decreed and determined in manner and forme following ; — 
 
 “ The first Proposition. — All civil authority is derived originally from 
 the people. 
 
 Second.— There is a mutuall compact, tacit or express, between 
 a prince and his subjects, and that if he performe not his duty, they are 
 discharged from theirs. 
 
 ‘‘ Third. — That if lawf ull governors become tyrants, or govern other- 
 wise than [as] by the laws of God and man they ought to do, they 
 forfeit the right they had unto their government. 
 
 “ Fourth. — The Soveraignty of England is in the three estates, viz. 
 King, Lords, and Commons. The King has but a co-ordinate power, 
 and may be over-ruled by the other two. 
 
 “ Fifth. — Birthright and proximity of blood give no title to rule 
 or government, and it is lawfull to preclude the next heir from his right 
 and succession to the Crown. 
 
 “Sixth. — It is lawfull for subjects, without the consent, and against 
 the comand of, the supreme magistrate, to enter into leagues, covenants, 
 and associations for defence of themselves and their religion, solemne 
 league and covenant, late association (sic), 
 
 “ Seventh. — Self-preservation is the fundemental law of nature, and 
 supersedes the obligation of all others, whensoever they stand in com- 
 petition with it. 
 
 L 2 
 
164 
 
 Eighth. — Tho doctrine of the Go?pell, concerning patient suffering 
 of injuries, is not inconsistent with violent resisting of the higher powers, 
 in case of persecution for religion. 
 
 Ninth. — There lies no obligation upon Christians to passive obedience, 
 when the prince comands anything against the laws of our country; 
 and the primitive Christians chose rather to die, than resist, because 
 Christianity was not settled by the laws of the Empire. 
 
 “Tenth. — Possession and strength give a right to govern, and success 
 in a cause or enterprise proclaims it to be lawfull and just. To pursue 
 it, is to comply with the will of God, because it is to follow the conduct 
 of his providence. 
 
 “ Eleventh. — In the state of nature, there is no difference between 
 good and evill, right and wrong ; the state of nature is a state of war, in 
 which every man hath a right to all things. 
 
 “ Twelfth. — The foundation of civil authority is this naturall right, 
 which is not given, but left to the supreme magistrate upon men’s 
 entring into societies, and not only a foreign invader, but a domestick 
 rebel, puts himself again into a state of nature, to be proceeded against, 
 not as a subject, but an enemy, and consequently acquires by his 
 rebellion the same right over the life of his prince as the prince, for the 
 most heinous crimes, has over the life of his own subject. 
 
 “ Thirteenth. — Every man, after his entring into a society, retains a 
 right of defending himself against force, and cannot transfer that right 
 to the comoiiwealth when he consents to that union, whereby a 
 comonwealth is made; and in case a great many men together have 
 allready resisted the comonwealth, for which every one of them 
 expecteth death, they have liberty then to join together to assist and 
 defend one another. Their bearing of arms, subsequent to the first 
 breach of their duty, though it be to maintain what they have done, is 
 no new unjust act, and, if it be only to defend their persons, it is not 
 unjust at all. 
 
 “ Fourteenth. — An oath superadds no obligation to pact, and a pact 
 obliges no farther than it is credified ; and, consequently, if a prince 
 gives any indication that he does not believe the promises of fealty and 
 allegiance made by any of his subjects, they are thereby freed from their 
 subjection, and, notwithstanding their pacts and oathes, may lawfully 
 rebell against, and destroy, their soveraigne. 
 
 “ Fifteenth. — If a people, that by oath and duty are obliged to a 
 soveraign, shall sinfully dispossess him and, contrary to their covenants, 
 chuse and covenant with another, they may be obliged by their later 
 covenants, notwithstanding their former. 
 
 “ Sixteenth. — All oaths are unlawfull and contrary to the word of 
 God. 
 
 “ Seventeenth. — An oath obligeth not in the sense of the imposer, but 
 the takers. 
 
 “Eighteenth. — Dominion is founded in grace. 
 
 “Nineteenth. — The powers of this world are usurpations upon the 
 prerogative of Jesus Christ, and it is the duty of God’s people to destroy 
 them, in order to the setting Clirist upon his throne. 
 
 “Twentieth. — The Presbyterian government is the scepter of Christ’s 
 Kingdome, to which kings, as well as others, are bound to submitt; and 
 the King’s supremacy in ecclesiasticall affairs, asserted by the Church 
 of Enghind, is injurious to Christ, the sole King and head of the 
 Church. 
 
 “ Twenty-first. — It is not lawfull for superiors to impose anything in 
 ihe v/orship of God that is not antecedently necessary. 
 
1G5 
 
 ‘‘ Twenty-second. — The duly of not oifending a weak brother is incon- 
 sistent with all humane authority of makeing laws concerning indifferent 
 things, 
 
 “ Twenty-third. — Wicked kings and tyrants ought to be put to death ; 
 and if the judges and inferiour magistrates will not do their office, the 
 power of the sword devolves to the people. If the major part of the 
 people refuse to exercise this power, then the ministers may excom- 
 municate such a king, after which it is lawfull for any of the subjects to 
 kill him, as the people did Athaliah, Jehu, and Jezabel. 
 
 “ Twenty-fourth. — After the sealeing of the Scripture canon, the 
 people of God, in all ages, are to expect new revelations for a rule of 
 their actions, and it is lawfull for a private man, having an inward 
 motion from God, to kill a tyrant. 
 
 ‘‘Twenty-fifth. — The example of Phincas is to us, instead of a 
 comand ; for what God hath comanded or approved in one age, must 
 needs oblige in all. 
 
 “ Twenty-sixth, — King Charles the First Avas la.Avfully put to death ; 
 and his murderers were the blessed instruments of God’s glory, in their 
 generation. 
 
 “ Twenty-seventh. — King Charles the First made war upon his Parlia- 
 ment ; and in such a case, the king may not only be resisted, but he 
 ceaseth to be king.” 
 
 “ Wee decree, judge, and declare, all and every of these propositions to 
 be false, seditious, and impious, and, most of them, to be allso heretical 
 and blaspliercous, infamous to Christian religion, and destructive of all 
 government in church and state. Wee farther decree that the bookes 
 which contain the aforesaid propositions and impious doctrines, are fitted 
 to deprave good manners, corrupt tiie minds of unwary men, stirr up 
 seditions and tumults, overthrow states and kingdoms, and lead to 
 rebellion, murder of princes, and atheism itself. And, therefore, we 
 intradict all membeps of the University from the readeing of the said 
 bookes, under the penalties of the statutes expressed. We allso order 
 the before recited bookes to be publickly burned, by the hand of our 
 Marshall, in the court of our schools. LikeAvise Ave order that, in 
 perpetuall memory hereof, these our decrees shall be entered into the 
 registry of our Convocation, and that copyes of them be coniunicated 
 to the severall Colleges and Halls Avithin this University, there [to be] 
 publickly affixed in the librarys, refectorys, or other fitt places, Avhere 
 they may be seen and read of all. Lastly, we comand and strictly 
 enjoyne all and singular the readers, tutors, chatechists, and others, to 
 Avhom the care and trust of institution of youth is comitted, that they 
 diligently instruct and ground their scholars in that most necessary 
 doctrine, which, in a manner, is the badge and character of the Church 
 of England, of submitting to every ordinanee of man, for the Lord’s sake, 
 Avhether it be to the king as supreme, or unto governors, as unto them 
 that are sent by him, for the punishment of evill doers, and for the praise 
 of them that do Avell, teaching that this submission and obedience is to 
 he cleare, absolute, and without exception cf any state or order of men; 
 allso that they, according to the apostles’ precept, exhort that, first of all, 
 supplications, prayers, intercession, and giveing of thankes, made for at/ 
 men, for the king, and all that are in authority, and that we may lead a 
 quiet and peaceable life, in all godliness and honesty. For this is good 
 and acceptable in the sight of God our Saviour ; and in especiall manner, 
 that they press and oblige them, humbly to offer their most ardent 
 and daily prayers at the throne of grace, for the preservation of our 
 sovereign lord. King Charles, from the attempts of open violence and 
 secret machinations of perfidious traytors ; that the Defender of the Faith 
 
166 
 
 being safe, under the defence of the Most High, may continue his raign 
 on earth till he exchange it for that of a late and happy immortality.” 
 Copy, 
 
 Richard Rigby to Roger Kenyon, at Peel. 
 
 542 . [16]83, July 26. London. — “Upon the Chainge, I met, this 
 day, with Captain Chappley ... I told him, in part, my business, 
 and [he] gave this answer : that he would undertake to bring my cousin 
 Roger home for 20/., that is, 10/. to redeem him, 5/. his passidge, and 
 5/. to bear his [own] charges : and he tells me it will be very necessary 
 to send him a sute of clothes, being very naked, and a perriwigg.” 
 
 Lawrence Rawstorne to Roger Kenyon. 
 
 543 . 1683, J uly 26. Newhall. — “ The world has altered its aspect; 
 the subtle papists has {sic) overwitted the presbiters and made them put 
 on their vizard, and act in their stead, but not soe as to acquit them, but 
 to aggravate the guilt of both ; and, being so near allyed, ought to partici- 
 pate of the same punnishement.” 
 
 John Tench to Roger Kenyon. 
 
 544 . 1683, July — . — “ I did not forget my promise on Thursday, but 
 that day produced noe more than the conviction of one Captain Walcot, 
 an old captain in Oliver’s time. Yesterday’s news is extraordinary ; the 
 Earle of Essex (being prisoner in the Tower) cut his owne throat at a 
 time when his Majestic and the Duke happen’d to be at the tower, view- 
 ing the fortifications. He (as appears) had, some dayes before, had it 
 in designe, haveing severall times comanded a sharpe penknife to be got, 
 as he did just before he executed that horrid act upon himself; but the 
 penknife (as he thought) not being sharpe enough, he comanded his 
 servant to get him a razor, which being don, and he haveing spent some 
 small time on pretence of pareing his nailes, at last shut himself into a 
 closett, where he had a close stoole, cut his throat, and was found dead. 
 And this day the jury have found him felo tie se, whose inquisition is to 
 be printed. 
 
 “Yesterday, likewise, the Lord Russell (after a long tryall, but little 
 excuse for himself) was, upon full evidence, found guilty of treason ; as 
 were Hone and Rouse. Mr. Booth was comitted to the Tower yester- 
 day. And this day the Bishop of Rochester is declared to be Archbishop 
 of York. The Emperor’s army is said to be beaten by the Turk. This, 
 with the news that Mr. Wentworth and I are now drinking your health, 
 may suffice at one time.” 
 
 Postscript. — “ My Lord Gray is taken in Holland, and comeing over.” 
 Seal of arms. 
 
 Richard Rigby to Roger Kenyon, at Peel. 
 
 545 . 1683, August 2. London. — Captain Shapley {sic) will sail on the 
 lOtli instant, “ and hopes to be there in October ” ; he returns in May, but 
 will send “your son” before, if an opportunity offers. “He tells me [that 
 your son] is extraordinary penitant, and undergoes his slavery as con- 
 tented as the thing will bear ; but he has noe more for his day’s work 
 then meat and drink. His work is, every day, to carry timber from the 
 water side to make fences. It is very happy that he came acquainted 
 with soe honest a mnn as this captain ; for he tells me that cousin Roger 
 
167 
 
 works so ill, that his master designed to sell him, Avhere it might have 
 beene much wors. He iiitreated the captain much to have brought him, 
 and had don it, but that his wife persuaded to the contrary, because he 
 undertook such a thing before, and the j)ai ty run away as soone as he 
 came to shore.” 
 
 The Earl of Derby to Koger Kenyon. 
 
 546 . 1683, September 7. Lathom. — Colonel Kigby is using me so 
 ill, I hope I shall not want power to express my resentment ; and I have 
 a mind to address a letter to the justices of the peace, when they meet at 
 Lancaster. Seal of arms. 
 
 Information against Kalph Live say and Mr. Braddyl. 
 
 547 . 1683, September 7. — Informations, taken at the house of 
 Alexander Browne of Blacklanehead, in the County of Lancaster, inn- 
 keeper, before Lawrence Rawstorne, one of the Deputy-Lieutenants for 
 the County, and Thomas Holden, Justice of the Peace. 
 
 Depositions of various witnesses, that Mr. Ralph Livesay of Livesay, 
 the younger, at a christening dinner, in discoursing about the late plot, 
 affirmed that if there was a plot, it was made worse than it was by the 
 hot-headed people of the Church of England. A complaint also that 
 Mr. Braddyll, Justice of the Peace, would not make inquiry therein, but 
 gave notice of the matter to Mr. Livesay, the father. A letter, signed 
 Roger Kowell and L. Rawstorne, exonerating Mr. Braddyll. Copi/. 
 
 Humphrey Trafford to Roger Kenyon. 
 
 548 . 1683, September 10. Houghend. — By order of the High 
 Sheri tf, I applied to his under-Sheriif, touching the prisoners whom he 
 had promised me the transporting of. I had a second order to write to 
 you about them, and I am informed there is some mistake committed, and 
 that you have occasion of one of them for an evidence. You would 
 much oblige me by informing the bearer what method he ought to take 
 for the secure conveyance of them from Lancaster to Liverpool. 
 
 Nicholas Knoavles to [Roger] Kenyon, at Peel. 
 
 549 . 1683, September 27. London. — Asking him to inform Sir 
 John and Lady Molyneux, that Mr. John Molyneux died yesterday 
 morning, between 3 and 4. 
 
 Sir Charles Anderton to Roger Kenyon. 
 
 550 . 1683, September 28. Lostock. — Enclosing an estimate of his 
 estate, showing the rental, and the various charges upon it to Lady 
 Anderton, his mother, to his three brothers, Christopher, Francis, 
 and John, and to old Mrs. Ireland, for her jointure. Seal of arms. 
 
 Richard Rigby to Roger Kenyon, at Peel. 
 
 551 . 1683, October 4. London. — “ Our thoughts was imployed to 
 
 . . . some part of our charter ; but all in vain, for the King hath 
 
 ent[ered] judgment, and have changed the Recorder, for Sir Tliomas 
 Jenner, who this day was knighted ; and my Lord Mayor, made custos 
 princeps rotulorum magnce civitatus {sic), Lond : Seven Aldermen 
 
 turned oute, viz. : Sir John Lawrance, Sir Patiance {sic), Sir Robert 
 
168 
 
 Clayton, Sir Thomas Gould, Sir John Shorter, and Sir Thomas Allin 
 and Mr. Cornish. Tuesday, ’tis said, the King goes to Kew Markit; 
 and this day, news comes of the death of the King of Portigall.” 
 
 John Kisley to Roger Kenyon, at Wigan. 
 
 552 . 1683, October 8. Risley. — “ Unexpected occasions fall so out, 
 that I cannot possibly beat .... this Sessions, which I really in- 
 tended to have beene at, by reason of the highwayes within our townshipp, 
 which Cousen Culcheth, Cousen Geffrey, and I, with severall other 
 inhabitants, took the role, and saw the highwayes measured, upon 
 Tuesday last. And severall people have owned their parts, and some 
 already amended, and others have promised to do the like ; but the 
 places most in decay belongs to the Lordshipps of Holcroft and Resfar- 
 long, but the tennants have, most of them, repaired their proportions, so 
 that what will appear defective, may he certified by our Constable’s 
 presentment, which John Holcroft will deliver in. I desire you would 
 contribute your oppinion to John, what method were best to proceed to 
 cause such persons as are deficient, to make good their respective parts 
 and proportions. There is a certificate drawn, which will come to your 
 hands, concerning the audit money belonging to Hollinsgreene chappell, 
 where Parson Hatton hath officiated for this five or six yeares last past, 
 for which time Parson Ward hath received all the money and hath paid 
 him only two yeares, keeping the rest to himself, who hath neither read 
 prayers, nor preached in the said chappell, since he received the last audit 
 money, as the churchwarden will inform you ; so that the inhabitants of 
 Rixton and Glasbrook think they have a great deal of hardship, in the 
 moneys not being paid to the curate of the said chappell, according as it 
 was intended.” Seal with crest. 
 
 I 
 
 Roger Nowell to Roger Kenyon. 
 
 553 . 1 683, October 12. [Isle of Man.] — “ These will give you notice 
 that there is a great law-suit depending betwixt Captain Edward Brabazon 
 and Cicilia his lady, both my very great friends, and one Levett, and 
 Ward, sonne to Lord Ward, who marryed the co-heires and sisters of 
 Sir Thomas Brereton of Cheshire, to whose writings, I mean to Captain 
 Brabazon’s, my mickle Henry Nowell is a subscribing wittnesse ; and, 
 lest the said Levett or Ward, or any other for them, might doe my freind 
 a prejudice, I thought fit to intreat you, amongst the many kindnesses 
 that I have found you always ready lo doe me, not to give ear to any of 
 their requests, by giving them any account of what nature soever, ether 
 of my unckle’s concernes in England, or of the time of his being there, 
 till you heare further from mee.” Seal, broken. 
 
 Richard Rigby to [Roger Kenyon]. 
 
 554 . [16]83, October 13. London. — “All things here are at a 
 stand, and will be, I suppose, till the King comes from New Markitt, 
 which will be the latter end of the next week.” 
 
 William Patten to Roger Kenyon. 
 
 555 . 1683, November 8. Gray’s Inn.- — “ Grayham and Burton give 
 you their service, and say they will be glad to see you, and the sooner tlie 
 better. J had not much discourse with them, for they were very lusic 
 
169 
 
 about the wiltnesses whoe weare to swerire to the Bill of ludictiueiit 
 against Algernoone Sidney, whce was yesterday founde guilty by the 
 Grand Jury, and, by a stronge guarde, brought to the barr to plead. 
 He w'ould gladly have given a special plea, and desired it might bee 
 read, but the Lord Chiefe Justice denyde the readinge it, and withall, bid 
 him bee careful how hee olfred a speciall plea, for if Mr, Attorney 
 Generali should demurr to it, and if, upon argument, the lawe was against 
 him, they might give judgment of death against him, and hee could not 
 plead oyer ; whereupon hee pleaded not guilty, and is to bee trycd on 
 Wednesday seavenight.” Seal of arms. 
 
 W'lLLiAM Patten to Koger Kenyon. 
 
 556. 1683, November 13. “ The Griffin.” — “ The oncly newes is that 
 the Attorney-Generall has entred a nolli ‘prosequi in the concern of run- 
 ninge the Duke of Monmouth to the outlary, for his flight ; and some 
 are of opinion that hee may returne into England, for it is reported that 
 his Duches was privately with the King the last Sunday, and the nolli 
 prosequi was since entred.” Seal of ar?ns. 
 
 Thomas Braddyll to Boger Kenyon. 
 
 557. [16J83, November 15. Portfeild. — “ Mr. Graham hath been 
 writt to, to prosecute the information against me, and put me out of the 
 Commission of Peace.” Seal of arms. 
 
 Lady Anne Middleton to Boger Kenyon. 
 
 558. 1683, November 17. Leighton.-— Wonders why Kenyon is so 
 set against her, that he would not accept of the Constable’s return for 
 her estate, as he had done I'or others. She thinks he must have some 
 unkindness for her, more than for the rest of the recusants. She has, how- 
 ever, reason to acknowledge his favours, especially when her husband 
 was prisoner at Preston. Seal of arms. 
 
 Laavrence Bawstorne to his “ Cousin Kenyon.” 
 
 559. 1683, November 18. Penwortham. — “ Your intended watch is 
 aiiiakeing, and if you have any old silver lace, it will be the best that can 
 be, for a figure plate. You may send it to Holcom, directed to John 
 Holt, cutler, post, Holcom Hill, and Bobert Starkie will take care to 
 get it him. I have contributed a case, which will save some charge, 
 if you approve thereof, and if not, you may alter that at pleasure.” 
 
 Sir Boger Bradshaigh to Boger Kenyon. 
 
 560. 1683, November 30. Haigh. — Concerning a stipend belonging 
 to the Chantry of St. Katherine, in the Chapel of Blackrod. 
 
 I was certified from London, “that my Lord Derby had seconded his 
 letter to our Chancellor, in speaking to him himself, to remove the 
 sessions from Wigan, Avith several reflections, as if the town had never 
 heen so loyall as to deserve any favoui s. Now, though I know the thing 
 Avill not be done, yet I am sori*y his Lordship will offer at so meane a 
 revenge, to a town that never made him fault, but by adhering to the 
 Earl of Ancram, to whom, in my knoAvledge, they have beene, and are 
 dayly more obleiged, in many particulers, than ever any town that I haAe 
 
170 
 
 knowne, hath heene to any burges that ever served them, not only in time 
 of Parliament, but every day in the interval of every Parliament, to this 
 very day.” 
 
 Thomas Preston to Eoger Kenyon. 
 
 561 . 1683, December 3. Holker — On behalf of Lady Middleton, 
 who desires to compound for her recusancy. Seal of arms, 
 
 H. Hulme to Koger Kenyon. 
 
 562 . 1683, December 4. Davyhulme. — Kequesting to be put in the 
 Commission of the Peace. Seal, 
 
 Christian Eigby to Dorothy Kenyon. 
 
 563 . 1683, December 6. London. — Sending sundry recipes (torn). 
 ‘‘ For. a Bouillon : — Boyle a knockle of veale too houres, take of salory, 
 succory and endiffe, of each a handfull, two handsful of sorrell, which 
 you must boyle in that liquor, halfe an houre ; then put in youre knokle 
 of veale, and boyle all together a quarter of an houre. Beate half a 
 duzen yoalks of eggs in some of the liquor, and season according to your 
 disscretion, and give them a warme over the fire. Serve up the knokle 
 in the dish with the broth. To make Black Cherye Brandye : Take, 
 to every pound of black cheries, a quart of the best Kants brandy, 
 breach the stones of two pounds of cheries, put in spermint, bame, rose- 
 marey, 6 sprigs of each, a littell cinamon, ginger, nuttmeg, what quantey 
 you pleas. You may let theese stand alltogether to months, and then 
 bottell ; or to keep it all in a large bottell is the best.” 
 
 John Adams to Eoger Kenyon. 
 
 564 . 1683, December 18. Inner Temple. — “ I doubt that my long 
 absence from your county may occasion some persons to suspect that, either 
 I am negligent, or doe not intend to proceed in the general .survey of 
 England ; but really there is noe reason for the one or the other, for I 
 hope (if God spare my life) to render a good accompt of my under- 
 taking. And as for industry in the prosecution of my work, I never 
 took greater pains in my life then last summer. My being in the 
 north, did occasion some persons in the south to raise a report of my 
 being dead, and perhaps my being here ma}' give birth to the like report 
 in your neighbourhood. 1 hint this to you, because it is very probable 
 that the gentlemen who subscribed upon your recommendation of my 
 work, will ask you what is become of me and my designe, and this I 
 offer, in excuse for the trouble of this letter.” 
 
 Eichard Eigby to Eoger Kenyon. 
 
 565 . 1683, December 23. London. — We received the sad news of 
 nephew Eigby being killed at Luxemburg. He, being in Paris Avith 
 the Duke of Northumberland, was persuaded to go with him to Luxem- 
 burg, the French having laid siege to it, and he, being in a barn at 
 dinner with the great officers, a great shot came from the tOAvn which 
 hit him on the head. 
 
 Guicciardini Wentworth to Eoger Kenyon. 
 
 566 . 1683, December 29. — “ This comes to give you the welcom 
 home, and of a happy new year ; but, withall, to give you the less pleasing 
 
171 
 
 account of the death of Sir Edward Carr, who, after 10 dayes sickness, 
 
 dyed last of the small pox, about 8 in the morning, to the no 
 
 small greef of all the family, and more especially of his deare mother, 
 who is the most sorrowful woman liveing, and an object of great pitty. 
 They intend to bury him by his father, att Sleeford, and cary him 
 hence on Tuesday next, if possible, or Wednesday. The small pox is 
 very mortall, and att this time, severall persons of quallity of both sex, 
 lye by the walls.” Seal of arms. 
 
 Guicciardini Wentworth to Roger Kenyon. 
 
 567 . 1683[-4], January 5. — I came just now from my poor Lady 
 Cust, who really is an object of great pity, since her bloud letting ; her 
 favour [fever] has pretty well left her, and the family begins to recover, 
 having been all sicke. This night Sir Edward’s [bones] are deposited by 
 those of his father. Seal, broken. 
 
 William Assheton to Roger Kenyon. 
 
 568 . 1683[-4], January 5. Salford. — Asking for Kenyon’s interest 
 to procure him the office of coroner, vacant by the death of Mr. James 
 Gartside. Seal. 
 
 [Lady] Anne Middleton to Roger Kenyon. 
 
 569 . 1683 [-4], January 15. Leighton. — Begs that he will accept the 
 value of her estate returned by the constables, and that she may have 
 the same usage as other recusants. Seal of arms. 
 
 R. Leigh to Roger Kenyon, at the “ Sword and Buckler,” 
 
 in Holborn. 
 
 570 . 1683[-4], February 14. Lyme. — “I have not heard from die 
 Chancleor since I saw you ; tlierefore conclude you must submitt to his 
 orders, and, if you will take my advice, you must be as diligent to find 
 out for him, as you were for the last Chancleor. I know the Orange is 
 squeezed ; the Duchy is grown to be a barren pasture ; but, if you can 
 find out any improvements, it will bee acceptable ; and, though at pre- 
 sent it looks hard upon you to pay in this mony, I am confident you 
 will have a reparation some way. But, I must say to you, as the King 
 said to the Chancleor — you must hunt. I wish the King had either 
 given him a better place or none.” Seal with crest. 
 
 J. Rowe to Roger Kenyon. 
 
 571 . 1683 [-4], February 26. Liverpool. — The affront which he 
 received from the Mayor of Liverpool and others, when he was competitor 
 for the office of Town Clerk, will excuse him in what he “ shall *act.” Is 
 informed that the present Mayor has declared that the power of choosing 
 a town clerk is with him. He calls attention to the case of the Dean 
 and Chapter of St. Peter’s, A"ork, who, upon the King’s happy restora- 
 tion, accepted a Commission of the Peace for their liberty of St. Peter’s, 
 York, and several prebends, and other gentlemen, within the said 
 liberty, were named justices ; but the Dean and Chapter had omitted to 
 have a commission for a Gustos Rotulorum, which was not perceived 
 till a barrister, without the consent of the De.an and Chapter, applied to 
 
172 
 
 Lord Chancellor Hyde for a patent to be Cnstos Roiulormn^ and who, 
 by virtue thereof, nominated a clerk of the peace under him, to execute 
 the office, and so continues to take his fees, to the value of 20li. per 
 annum. He does not find any difference between this and the Corpora- 
 tion of Liverpool, who have lately accepted a Commission of the Peace. 
 Seal, broken. 
 
 William Hayhuest to Rogee Kenyon, at Peel. 
 
 572 . 1683-4, March 14. Plymoutb.— Has arrived safely, but is sur- 
 prised not to find Kenyon’s son ; ‘‘ immediately upon comeing hither, I 
 went to Mr. Carkett, an eminent merchant, Serjeant Maynard’s kinsman, 
 who . . . sent immediately to inquire if any such was prisoner, and there 
 
 is none, nor ever was there Except hee bee a souldier in the 
 
 cittadell, I cannot imagine hee should be here.” Seal of arms. 
 
 Directed to be left “ at the Generali Post Office in London, to be 
 sent as directed — in all, 6t/.” 
 
 Thomas Hod to Rogee Kenyon. 
 
 573 . 1683 [-4], March 24. Wigan. — ‘‘I come not along with Mr. 
 Woods, because to morrow morneing, I have a retl'errence betwixt the two 
 Lady Stanleys, wheiein your assistance will be desired for the young 
 lady.” Seal. 
 
 William Kiekby to Rogee Kenyon. 
 
 574 . 1684, April 7. Kirkby. — “ I am sure you are not a stranger to 
 the great care and toil my nephew Kirkby and myself hath had, in putting 
 the laws in execution against all absentees from our Church, the lawes 
 against Conventakells, &c., and that as our duty, and in obedience to 
 the King’s commands ; in which, I thank God, we have had very good 
 successe. For several, both quakers and other dissenters, are (upon our 
 putting the laws in execution) become conformists to the Church ; and 
 those who are most obstinate and disaffected to the government, is {sic), 
 by these methods, plainly pointed out. But Avhile we thus struggle 
 amongst our neighbours, with loyalty and all integrity, to serve our 
 gracious King, and our country, here is some of our neighbouring 
 justices, who you well know, Mr. Rawlingson and Mr. Knipe, who 
 refuse to join with us in this good service, which makes both us, and 
 the King’s business, very uneasy to our country, and us to be very ill 
 represented, and thought to be busy in that wdiich is not required of us. 
 1 presume you will, ere long, have opportunity to wait on our worthj^ 
 Chancelor, to whom I pray give my most humble service ; and I intreat 
 you will acquaint him with this matter, to whose great wisdom I shall 
 humbly submitt.” 
 
 8ie R. BifADSIIAIGH to RoGEE KeNYON. 
 
 575 . 1684, May 2. Haigh. — Asking for a coj)y of Lord [Derby’s?] 
 letter to Mr. Rawlinson, concerning the return of his Mayor’s Com- 
 mission. 
 
 Infoemations against Clippees of Coin. 
 
 576 . 1684, May 23 and 25. — “ True copies of the informations and 
 confessions of Edward Jackson, a prisoner in New^gate, convicicd and 
 
173 
 
 condemned for clipping his Majesties lawful! cojne (and since executed), 
 written with the said Jackson’s own hand, and sent by him at severall 
 times, to Sir Thomas Wharton, one of the wardens of his Majesties 
 Mint. 
 
 “ The first, 23rd of 
 May [16]84. 
 
 in that time he 
 packs, which much 
 
 I Mr. William Crook, who I lived with about 
 > eight yeares and 3 quarters, and was his factor 
 J at London about four yeares and a half, and 
 did send great sums of money up to me in 
 of it was clipped and showed to be newly done, 
 and it was severall times returned back on my hands, and I was 
 threatened ofen to be in treble for it. I remember, at one time, there 
 came a gentleman to me and, to the best of my knowledge, he had a bill 
 on me for SOI., and I took a batke of money out, which had about 
 70/. that was newly comen from the above said Mr. Crooke, out of 
 Lancashire, and it was so much clipped, that I could not pay 30/. out of 
 it, and the gentleman that came for the money, took 7 or 8 halfe 
 crownes and set them on edges and wipt his hand over them, and there 
 came filings of them, as he called it, and I writt to Mr. Crooke severall 
 times and tould him the money that he sent to me, much on it caused 
 my name in question, and I was afraid that I should be in trouble, and 
 his answer was that he advised me to put a good face on it and tell 
 those people that found fault with it, it is such money as he receves ; and 
 when I went from him out of Lancashire there came one Mr. Davi 
 Solam, that was his prentis, and I can make it appear that he did carry 
 severall sumes of money of his master to be clipped, and I found it out 
 by making some enquiries after Mr. Crooke, how it fell out that he had 
 so much dipt money. 1 can make it appear where severall sumes have 
 been changed, and, a little before I left him, there came to my hands 
 above 140[/.] all or most of it clipped. 
 
 ‘‘ Mr. Thomas Marsden, he always is for large money, when he receives 
 any, and he is mighty difficult in takeing any little money, but, on my 
 knowledge, he payes as much little money as any man does ; and I heard 
 Mr. Marsden say to me, about 6 months agoe, that he had sold a great 
 sum of melted silver, which he did say was clippings, as we were drink- 
 ing a glass a wine at the Mite Tavern, in King Street, but there was no 
 one by but he and I. About two yeares ago, one John Eclston, that was 
 Mr. Marsden’s man, and I, drunk a pint a wine together in Milk Street, 
 at the King’s Armes, and we fell in discourse together about his master, 
 and I tould him that I heard he struck him ofen, and I said : John, I 
 heard your master put you in Kewgate ; and he said : yes, it is soe, but I 
 maid him fetch me out presently, or else T would a had company of him ; 
 and sume time after this, his said man went from him into Flanders, 
 which he pretended went against his will ; but I am informed that he 
 sent him there, and of my knowledge he have sent severall sumes of 
 money to him; and I have heard his man say that he did not value his 
 master, for he said his master durst do no other but let him do what he 
 pleased, for if he pleased, he could say something against his master 
 would make him repent stricking of him ; and I remember Mr. Marsden 
 asked me if he might trust Kichonson ; for what, said I ; in business said 
 he ; but, said he, I heare he have been a clipper; so have 1 toe heard soe, 
 but I cannot tell how true it is ; and I know that Kichonson have been 
 at his house since. 
 
 “ Thomas Wiggins, over against the White Cross Tavern, in White 
 Cross 8ti-eet, received tnoney from one John Edgleston, who wa.s Thomas 
 Mar.sden’s man, which the said Marsden pretended would arrest him for 
 it, but I tould him that Wiggins replied, he <lurst as well take a hear by 
 
174 
 
 the tooth as meddle with him, for he would make him repent it, or words 
 to this affect ; and if Wiggans house be searched, I believe tools for 
 clipping may be found in it. 
 
 “ Nathaniel Mollineux, of Westhoghton, near Manchester, used to 
 exchange broad money for narrow, for advantage. 
 
 Robert Mollineux, on Houghton Common, received broad money from 
 the said Nathaniel and paid him again in narrow, and have been in 
 custody for the same, but made his escape, since which time, about 
 Christmas last, he came to me in London, and told me that he would give 
 money for a pardon, for that he was guilty of clipping the current coin 
 and vending the same, in exchange for large money, giveing 18^?. per 
 [pound] and that to encourage the procuring of his pardon, he would 
 make a large discovery of persons of estates, guilty of the same fault. 
 
 “ Law : Lowson ^ of Chorley, in Lancashire, hath been seen to clip 
 money, by James Rascow, who will evidence the same. 
 
 “ Peter Breyares ^ hath filed money at his house in Chorley town, near 
 the Cross, and [been] seen to do it by Richard Blackburne and Hugh 
 Cooper. 
 
 “ Davi Solam hath sent me narrow money out of Lancashire, which, 
 when I offered to pay away, I was threatened to be troubled for the 
 filings being fresh upon it. 
 
 “ Richard Jackson, of Kurden [Cuerdon ?], in Lancashire, exchanged 
 broad money for narrow, 18<i. in the pound advantage. 
 
 Richard Hutchinson, goldsmith, in Chelmsford, hath bought of me 
 melted silver, knowing the same to be clippings melted, for he came one 
 time and told me that one of the parcells was not so well melted, but 
 that he could discern part thereof to be clippings; however, having it so 
 cheap, a pennyworth from me as 45. or thereabouts by the ounce, told 
 me if I had any more such, or could help to more of the same, he would 
 buy it. 
 
 “ There is [a] goldsmith, whose name I cannot remember, but his house 
 is in a court, near the five Bells, alehouse, in Swithings Lane, who bought 
 a parcell of selver, in my presence, of one John Nichonson, to the value 
 of 60 pounds, which was the clippings of money, melted down, and that 
 he gave for the same, about 45. 6d. the ounce, without any say made of 
 its goodnes. 
 
 One Tho : Ouldfeild, otherwise Orford, of Finchley, County Middle- 
 sex, have exchanged brod money for narow, with John Nichonson, at \Hd. 
 in the pound advantage, and the said Nichonson hath severall times browed 
 large money on me, which he afterwards tould me, that when he had 
 dipt it, he disposed thereof to his chapmon, Ouldfeild, for brod money. 
 
 “ This is what at present cums (?) to my memory, and I will endeavour 
 to make a further discovery, as I can recollect the names of persons and 
 passidges relateing to this afaire.” 
 
 p . 1 I have set apart a little of the preshus time I 
 
 secon con ession | spend (since I writ my former paper) 
 
 f (ulcere my conchance, and serve the King, in 
 
 ^6i e ay, L OJ •] ^vhat I further can remember, which 
 
 is, that I, being in his own house, I mean Mr. Marsden’s warehouse in Cole- 
 man Street, at the sign of the ‘‘ Maiden Head,” when he had packs com 
 out of Lancashire, and out of them had taken certain baggs, which he said 
 was money returned to him by his father, I took one of them in ray hand 
 and found the same to be clippings of money, which he tooke hastily 
 from me, and said they were no such thing, and thrue them into a 
 nopsqure {sic) corner. 
 
 ^ In Itoger Kenyon’s hand, “ Tried and acquitted.’ 
 
175 
 
 “ Mr. Sam ; Neale, lininge draper, at the Crown in Gratious Street, did 
 at one time, when I had a sum of dipt money by me, exchanged it, and 
 giving brod money for it, required \‘ld. \_pei'] pound, which 1 paid him, 
 and the like he did, and one other time, for another sum of dipt money. 
 
 . “ One John Prescot, in Preston, in Lancashire, would a had me to 
 bought a parcell of clippings, which he shewed me a sample of, and I 
 refused to by the same. 
 
 “ Mr. Marsden tould me, that Mr. Doyley came formerly to him and 
 
 serched his house, but they found nothing One Mr. George 
 
 Macye came to him, as he tould me, heareing there was an information 
 against him for clipping, but he said he frighted him the said Mr. 
 Macye. 
 
 “ May it please your Worship 
 
 That my sad condition may be a pressing argument of your pity, and 
 for God’s sake see me this day at ray condemned chamber ; the occasion 
 I am so bold to put your honour upon this trouble, is I have something 
 of great importance to relate to you alone, and cleare my conscience 
 before I dye, according to what I know, and if your honor will be pleased 
 to answer your poor petecioner’s request, I, the unfortunate man, shall 
 be comforted to see you, and will allwaies pray to God for you and yours. 
 
 May the 24th, 1684. 
 
 Your worship’s humble servant, 
 
 Edw. Jackson.” 
 
 Endorsed : “ To the Eight Hon ; Sir Tho : Wharton^ &c.” 
 
 ^ , q Mr. Thomas Marsden, did about eight 
 
 \\ ar ac ^son, I j -^^g Taverne together, 
 
 I ^bout 10 clock in the evening, he urged me much to 
 -I ‘ J goe home with him, and I asked him for what, after 
 a long discourse and he tould me that he would let me see him clip, pro- 
 vided I would be true to him ; and I tould him I would never discover 
 nothing ; but I did not goe, because it was late, and my wife stayed up for 
 me ; and then he asked me, another time, when I would come and stay all 
 night with him, and I should see him doe as he promised me a little 
 before, but I never did see him in my life clip any money, but Martaine (?) 
 have. 
 
 “ And there is Mr. Thomas Crooke, that is brother to this William 
 Crooke, that lives near Wigan, in Lancashire, that was partners with Mr. 
 William Crooke, did doe as much as his brother, William Crooke, for clip- 
 ping of money, as Davi Sollam have told me, that was their prentis, since 
 I came from them.’^ 
 
 Endorsed : “ To the honourable and worshipfull Sir Thomas Whar- 
 ton, in Clarkinwell, close near Smithfield, these present.” 
 
 Richakd Cotton to Roger Kenyon, at the Sword and Buckler,” 
 
 in Llolborn. 
 
 577. 1684, November 7. Knowsley. — According to your request, I 
 have sent you a catalogue of such trees as I think necessary for you to buy, 
 at London ; what else is necessary, I suppose the country may afford. 
 The man who I deal withall for my Lord [Derby] is one Mr. Fuller, at 
 the “ Three Crowns and Naked Boy” at Strand Bridge, who I look 
 upon to be the best seedsman in the town. I have the man I spoke to 
 you of, when you were in the country, whose wages, you know, will be 
 six pounds per annum ; but you, who will have as good a garden as is 
 in Lancashire. T think ought to have a gardener answerable to it. By 
 Mr. Cooper, I hear that Mr. Verigny, that belongs to my Lord Stafford, 
 
176 
 
 can recommeui a Frenchman to you, who, for twelve pounds per 
 annum, will not only improve your trees, but raise mellons, &c. Mr. 
 Yerigny lodges at the “ Golden Ball,’' in York Street, in Oovent Garden. 
 If you please to speak to him, you may know further. I am afraid you 
 will find the peach trees very dear this year, by reason of last winter. 
 Seal of arms. 
 
 W1LLIA.M Patten to Eoger Kenyon. 
 
 578. 1684, November 13. Preston. — “When Madam Bindley was 
 last at Preston, Mr. Pigot had the happiness to see her, and was mightily 
 struck in love with her ; and he and I went to Manchester to waite upon 
 her, in the way of courtshipp, this week. He caressed the younge lady, 
 and I complemented the mother, and understand she will consult Mr. 
 Lightbrowne.” Prays that Kenyon will speak in favour of Mr. Pigot 
 to Mr. Lightbrown. Seal of arms. 
 
 William Assheton to Roger Kenyon. 
 
 579. 1684, November 18. Manchester. — Yesterday, being in com- 
 pany with Dr. Cuerden, of Preston, he gave me an account of the 
 Heralds’ Office, and finding my good friend, Sir WilliamDiigdale, principal 
 King-at-Arms, and my fellow-servant, Mr. Gregory King, now Rouge 
 Cross, Chief Pursuivant. I beg, at your leisure, you would please wait 
 ii})on Sir William Dugdale and Mr. King, and beg their interest upon my 
 account, in procuring me the now present Norroy’s deputation to me, and 
 my son Robert, for this county. Seal. 
 
 George Kenyon to Roger Kenyon, M.P., at Westminster. 
 
 580. 1684, December 28. Manchester. — Information, given by 
 Hartley, concerning fifteen coiners and clippers of coins, in Lancashire, 
 Derbyshire, and Staffordshire. Seal of arms. 
 
 Thomas Morcroft to Roger Kenyon, at the “ Sword and Buckler,” 
 
 in Holborn. 
 
 581. 1684, 30. Ormskirk. — Begging Kenyon’s interest on 
 
 behalf of his son William, who is in want of employment, and “ who went 
 to London, about 3 months since, of his owne accompt, without aney 
 knowledg of us, and, as it is said, concerning a yonge woman, whear 
 some fixion was, as I am told, in the case.” 
 
 Thomas Braddyll to Roger Kenyon, at Peel. 
 
 582. 1684-5, February 3. Holborn. — “ Considering the sad news 
 we have here of the king’s illness, you may in reason expect I should give 
 some accounts of it, which I do as follows : — Yesterday morning, his 
 Majestic, being about to walk out, was taken with an apoplecticall fit, so 
 violently, that he fell down as he was drawing on his shoe. All means 
 being used for his recovcjry imaginable, he was let blood, and after that, 
 hot firepans were applied to his head, for all which he remained speech- 
 less for above 2 or 3 hours. But in the afternoon, having taken 
 physick, as vomits, etc., which wrought very well with him, it was 
 hoped his distemper was a working it self off. He also became sensible, 
 and knew anj^one that spoke to him. Betwixt 3 or 4 a’clock yesterday, 
 he lay down to repose himself, but was nor, suffered to stay, they expect- 
 
177 
 
 ing a return of the fit, hoping, however, that if he continued to he better, 
 the danger would be past. Yesternight he also continued to be well, 
 and taking moderate rest; he was much better this morning. Just now 
 I bad news from a gentleman at Whitehall that (God be praised) the 
 King continues in a mending condition. ..... My service to your 
 fireside.” Portion of seal. 
 
 Thomas Bkaddyll to Roger Kenyon. 
 
 583 . 1684[-5], February 7 . — ‘‘It pleased God the King was taken, 
 the 2nd instant, with the fit of an apoplexy. Of the particulars, I suppose 
 you have had from another hand ; but yesterday, about a quarter before 
 twelve a clock, he died, and the Duke, according to the usual custom, 
 was proclaimed King yesterday in the afternoon, with great solemnity.” 
 Seal^ broken. 
 
 E. Ashton to Roger Kenyon, at Peel. 
 
 584 . 1684-5, February 24. London. — “ I am advised and pressed by 
 several! of my friends, to stand to be parlement man for Clitheroe, with 
 Sir Thomas Stringer. The Duke of Albemarle, Sir Thomas, and Mr. 
 Braddyl, promised inee last night to employ all their interest for mee. 
 I cannot well refuse to use my endeavours, when I have the honour 
 (I wish I did deserve it) to be taken notice of, as one capable to doe 
 my country some service. I am sure I am very willing to doe it effect- 
 ually at this time. But all this is to no purpose, unlesse you are free to 
 give mee all the assistance you can, and, indeed, to manage the whole 
 thing for mee. I have promis’d to desire this from you, and that with 
 your best advice and interest you would befriend Sir Thomas Stringer 
 and mee together. Pray tell mee sincerely, with all the freedorne wee 
 ever us’d, by the first post after this, what you thinke of all these par- 
 ticulars. Would you have mee stand ? How shall I manage it ? 
 Should I come down myselfe ? About what time ? What service can 
 my brother doe mee ? And, if you can guesse, whereabouts all this will 
 cost mee ? ” Beal of arms, 
 
 Henry Brompton to Mr. Leech, Attorney-at-Law, in Manchester. 
 
 585 . 1684[-5], February 26. Serjeants Inn. — I make bold to trouble 
 you on behalf of a friend of mine, and one whom the Baron hath promoted 
 to be master of the school of Repton, in the county of Derby. He in- 
 forms me that Mr. Chetham, of Turton Tower, near Manchester, by 
 marriage with his lady, hath a place like to fall suddenly, if not already 
 fallen, to his disposal. It is called Etwall, the vicar whereof is dead or 
 dying. It is usually joined to the place of master of the hospital of 
 Repton. The person I desire you to speak for is one Mr. Doughty, a 
 good divine, a great scholar, and not only loyal himself, but of loyal 
 extraction. It may be, Mr. Robert [Roger ?] Kenyon would assist you 
 in it. I do not question but the Baron will appear in it at the assizes, 
 but Doughty was chaplain to Judge Charlton. 
 
 Henry Rowe to Roger Kenyon. 
 
 586 . 1684[-5],. February. Wigan. — “ Yesterday there came to this 
 towne, a great many people out of Preston, to meete Mr. James Ashton, 
 who brought the charter with him. Amongst the Prestoners there was 
 Mr. Hodgkinson and several other aldermen of Preston.” Beal. 
 
 73480. 
 
 M 
 
178 
 
 R. Bradshaigh to Roger Kenyon. 
 
 587 . 1684-5, March 4. Haigh. — He is commanded by Lord Derby 
 to call a meeting of the gentlemen of Salford Hundred, to choose knights 
 for the ensuing Parliament. Seal of arms, broken. 
 
 Roger Kenyon to “ Thomas Sorocold, of Barton, William Hulme, 
 of Daivehulme, and Peter Egerton, of Shaw, Esquires, and each 
 of them/’ 
 
 588 , 1684-5, March 5. Peel. — Lord Derby had written to Sir Roger 
 Bradshaigh, to desire him to direct the “ gentlemen of the county ” to 
 meet his lordship at Preston on Friday, the 13th instant, at 10 a.m., 
 to consider of fitt persons for knights of the shire and of burgesses for 
 the ensueing Parliament.” Seal of arms, broken. 
 
 Edward Rigby to Roger Kenyon. 
 
 589 . 1684-5, March 7. London. — Having a command, from a great 
 person at Court, to oblige Sir Edward Chisenhall from giving Lord 
 Charles Murray an opposition at Wigan, and knowing Kenyon to be a 
 member of the Corporation of Wigan, asks him to use his interest for 
 such purpose. He knows Lord Charles Murray to be an honest gentle- 
 man, and firm for the Protestant religion. Seal, broken. 
 
 [Roger] Kenyon to the Duke of Albemarle. 
 
 590 . 1684-5, March 10. Knowsley. — “ T am very much troubled to 
 find what I have done at Clitherow, at the instance of my Lord Derby, 
 and other gentlemen, is disresented by your Grace. It was what I did 
 believe was for the King and country’s service, and could not have 
 received so contrary a construction from your Grace. Your Grace, if 
 times past may be remembered, never saw mee slack in service to you 
 on like occassions, but I never before heard your Grace did insiste to 
 nominate both burgesses to be chosen ; and, therefore, preserving a 
 place for one which wee did beleeve would be Sir Thomas Stringer, I 
 thought, and so did those at whose instance I went, that the earlier ap- 
 plication was made and more like to succeed. So, as time taken to 
 consult your Grace would have been to let in others in the mean time, 
 and our directions being to chose persons of untainted loyaltie, I thought, 
 and still think, the gentleman proposed did, every way, answer that 
 character.” I never to this day heard that Mr. Stanley was proposed to 
 stand for Liverpool. I went to Clitheroe after I received your Grace’s 
 first letter ; it was a general meeting, to consider of all that were, or 
 should then be, “propounded” to .stand, which were: Mr. Stanley, Sir 
 Edmund Ashton, Colonel Ashton, Sir Thomas Stringer, Mr. Warren, and 
 Mr. Marsden. At my return home, I met with your Grace’s later letter, 
 and the next day came hither to acquaint my Lord Derby, who saith he 
 hath no reason to believe his Majesty will be offended for his proposing 
 his brother at Clitheroe, where many of the electors are his Lordship’s 
 good friends. Kor is it in my power to prevail with his Lordship, and 
 Mr. Stanley, to desist. I am, in a particular manner, a servant to his 
 Lordship, “ nor can T so allowably, as perhaps in another way, expostu- 
 late with his Lordship.” Draft. Vide the Duke's letter. No. 594. 
 
179 
 
 The humble Address to the King by the Grand Jury of the County 
 Palatine of Lancaster from the Assizes held at Lancaster. 
 
 591. 1684-5, March 21. — “ Since our wise God thought good to try 
 your princely patience, in the want of so dear a brother, and our carriage 
 in the losse of so gratiouse a soveraigne, the eye that pierces after this 
 Providence, shews us his happy change in this translation, corrects our 
 passion, stops our tears. It shows us, too, our duty and allegeance is 
 changed to you, your person sacred to us, and lookeing up to you, your 
 goodnes in your gratiouse declaration, anticipates our prayer of being 
 governed by our established lawes iu Church and State. What shall we 
 doe to manifest our joys ? We dedicate our lives, our fortunes, to you. 
 Our constant loyaltie, in every act, shall speake our gratitude. May the 
 King of Kings protect and preserve your Majesty long to raigne happy 
 over your vast dominions, and in the hearts of all your people.” 
 Copy. 
 
 Edward Rigby to Roger Kenyon. 
 
 592. 1684-5, March 24. — My Lord Charles Murrey settes forward, 
 upon Thorsday morning, post for Wiggon, for the election. LTpon my 
 owne accompte, I doe hartilie entrete you to give him as much satisfaction 
 in the toune as you can (my frende Jack Asheton comes along with him), 
 and I doe further entrete you to spend five pounds upon the out bur- 
 gesses to drinke my Lord’s heelth, and fevour me likwise to procure 
 50 ginys to offer my Lord, by Mr. Asheton, if he have occation, and I 
 will pay the value heir upon sight.” Seal of arms. 
 
 R. Leigh to the Earl op Derby. 
 
 593. 1685, March 31. Lyme. — Has just received our chancellor’s ” 
 letter, which he quotes as follows: “Kow for what my Lord Derby 
 desires for my Lord Col[chester], nobody is satisfyed which is here, 
 therefor I must not write such a letter as is desired, and I hope my 
 Lord Derby will pardon me for not writing to Preston on my Lord 
 Colchester’s behalfe. All elections goes on most prosperously. Your 
 countryman, Birch, is layd aside at Webley [Weobiey], his oune toun, 
 where he did beleeve no flesh liveing could receive any kindnes, but by 
 his permission.” Goes on to say that many of Lord Derby’s friends 
 were engaged for Colonel Ashton, before they knew his Lordship’s 
 brother would stand at Clitherow. If your Lordshipp will please to let 
 them at Preston know you are willing your brother should stand there, 
 they will be glad on’t, and he will have it without any trouble or charge. 
 If the Preston election precede Clitherow, you will have two strings to 
 your bow, and you doe extremely oblige Clitherow to serve you, when- 
 ever you command them.” Copy. 
 
 The Duke of Albemarle to Roger Kenyon. 
 
 594. 1684[-5], March. — “ I saw, in a letter from Sir Roger Bradshaw 
 to Robert Nowell, that att a meeting att Manchester, Mr. Stanley, my 
 Lord Darby’s brother, was one of those proposed to stand for Leverpool, 
 and I perceive since, that by your meanes, in the name of the gentlemen 
 att that meeting, he has, by you, beene proposed at Clitheroe to oppose 
 the interest that I am endevouring to make their for Sir Thomas 
 Stringer, and, by the King’s direction, for Cornell Ashton, your kins- 
 man. How I ought to take this from you, lett the world judge. When 
 
 M 2 
 
180 
 
 you take soe much paines to coucern my Lord Darby, and such a body 
 of gentlemen against me, who of themselves had never thought of this 
 but for you, I suppose you, who have occasioned this opposition, can 
 be a meanes to put a stop to it, and prevent the clashing of the King’s 
 friends, at a time which requires soe much they should stand togeather. 
 No doubt but Mr. Stanley may be chosen att Leaverpool, where he was 
 first intended, without dividing an entrest, which is made by the King’s 
 direction, and which division, if it goe on, will be laid to your charge by 
 every body that hears the story. I have directions still to push on the 
 entrest, I first writt to, for Sir Thomas Stringer and (?) Cornell Ashton, 
 which I must doe ; and if you give us trouble, put us to charges, and 
 divide the country against us, it will not be lookt upon here as a very 
 considerable service to the King, but a very particqler disobligation to 
 your friend, if you please, to serve you. — Albemarle.” Signed. Vide 
 No. 590. 
 
 “ A Declaration” enjoined to be performed by Joseph Heyworth, 
 and Mary, his wife, of the Parish of Hanmer, in the Deanery of 
 Bangor and Diocese of Chester. 
 
 595. 1685, May 3. — The said Joseph Heyworth and Mary, his wife, 
 shall be present in the Parish Church of Hanmer, upon some Sunday, in 
 one of the months of June instant, or J uly next ; and being in their accus- 
 tomed apparel, in the time of divine morning service, in the presence of the 
 whole congregation, then and there assembled ; where, immediately after 
 the reading of the gospel, standing upon a form or seat, before the place 
 where the minister readeth prayers, they shall say after the minister as 
 followeth : — “ Whereas we, good people, not regarding or having respect 
 to the good and wholesome laws and canons of the Church, have 
 procured ourselves to be clandestinely married, without licence or pub- 
 lication of banns, contrary to the said good laws and canons of the 
 Church, and thereby have incurred the heavy censure of excommunica- 
 tion, to the great danger of our own souls, and evil example of others; 
 therefore, we are heartily sorry for the same, and desire Almighty God 
 to forgive us both, &c.” 
 
 The humble Address of the Borough of Clitheroe to James II. 
 
 596. [1685. j — “ We humbly beg leave to expresse our great greife for 
 the death of our late dread Sovereign and your Majestie’s most dearly 
 beloved brother. Wee blesse God for the preservation of your sacred 
 Majestie and of your undoubted right to succeed him upon the throne 
 of your royall ancestors. It is a just reward for all your sufferings, all 
 your virtues, your steddy constancy to your friends and to your word, 
 your mercy and forgivenesse to your enemies, the great example of your 
 life in justice, temperance, patience, industry and integrity, your un- 
 daunted courage, so often tryed in the great varieties of your active 
 life, your entire obedience to the King, your brother, and the strict 
 regard you have allwaies had to our lawes. Your Majesty has been 
 graciously pleased to promise you will still preserve them. May God 
 Allmighty, who put it into your heart to make that gracious declaration, 
 for ever ennfirme you in a sacred resolution to observe it. So may you 
 live and reign, live long and happy, abundantly blessed with peace and 
 plenty, blessed with a numerous progeny from your most illustrious 
 consort, and may there never want one of this royall line to sway the 
 scepter of these kingdomes. And may the people be never wanting in 
 their allegiance to assist your Majestie, as wee do solemnly promise wee 
 will with our lives and fortunes.” Copy. 
 
181 
 
 Volunteers to serve against the Duke of Monmouth. 
 
 597 . [168o.] — Addresses to the Earl of Derby, Lord Lieutenant of 
 Lancashire, from Manchester, and other parts of the county, setting out the 
 readiness of the signatories to provide men and horses, to be employed 
 in quelling Monmouth’s rebellion. The address from Manchester is as 
 follows : — Wee whose names are hereto subscribed, his Majesties most 
 loyall subjects of the toune of Manchester . . . true sons of the 
 
 Church of England, astonished that the gracious declaration of our 
 dread soveraigne, the King, should be requited with an horrid rebellion, 
 and that, too, vailed under the pretence of that religion which most 
 strictly enjojnes lojalty and allegeance, and forbids resistance and 
 rebellion under the severest penaltyes, in detestation of this scandall laid 
 upon it and us, and in perfect duty and fidelity to our gratious King 
 (whom God long preserve with a prosperous reigne on the throne of 
 his royall l)rotlier and ancestors), doe desire and hunibly beseech your 
 lordshipp that we may, during this most unnatural rebellion, list 
 ourselves, our servants, or others, under your lordshipp as our captaine, 
 to serve his Majestie in the war against the rebells, and goe under your 
 lordshipp’s conduct, at our own charge, with as much order, and as 
 subject to discipline, as the souldiers in the militia are or any other. And 
 tins we subscribe to bring in, as well appointed as we can, as followeth ; 
 viz ; — 
 
 E. Mosley, two horses and men and two foot soldiers. 
 John Bland. 
 
 Joseph Yates, a horse and a man and a foot soldier. 
 Matthew Bootle, one horse and man and foot man. 
 tTohn Lister, a footman with musket, compleat. 
 
 Samuell Lightbourne, a foot souldier, pike. 
 
 Thomas Shaw, a horseman and foot sotddier. 
 
 Robert Illingworth, a horseman and armes and a footman. 
 William Drinkwater, a foot souldier, compleated. 
 
 John Byrom, a foot souldier well armed, pike. 
 
 Joshuah Browne, a horseman, well accoutred. 
 
 Samuell Lesse, a foot souldier. 
 
 James Diggle, a foat souldier. 
 
 Samuell Brooke, a foot souldier. 
 
 Ellice Hey, in person, with his best armes. 
 
 John Winne, a musketeer. 
 
 Edward Chetham, a musketeer. 
 
 Joseph Slalor and 1 , , 
 
 Thomas Herreck, | ™««keteer. 
 
 Adam Gartside, a musketeer. 
 
 Miles Bradshaw, a musketeer. 
 
 Nathaniell Walker, a pikernan. 
 
 James Mosse, a pikernan. 
 
 John Hopwood, a musketeer. 
 
 Samuell Kash, a musketeer. 
 
 Abraham Holland, a pikernan. 
 
 Robert Thyei*, a musketeer. 
 
 Francis Browne, a pikernan. 
 
 Joseph Stockdale, a foot souldier. 
 
 William Bowker, a musketeer. 
 
 Thomas Gartside, a musketeer. 
 
 Richard Whalley. 
 
 William Edmundson, a musketeer. 
 
 John Leadbeater, a pikernan. 
 
182 
 
 Leonard Egerton. 
 
 Samuell Dickanson, a horse and man armed. 
 Francis Cartwright, a pike, in person. 
 
 Joseph Byrom, a musketeer. 
 
 James Baynton, a pikeman. 
 
 Thomas Dixon and 1 « , . , . 
 
 George Loyd ) a foot souldier. 
 
 John Shelton, a musketeer. 
 
 Balph Jaxkson. 
 
 Thomas Minshall. 
 
 Ellis Benshaw, a musketeer. 
 
 Henry Baley, a musketeer. 
 
 Oswald Mosley, a horse and man armed. 
 John Gilliam, junior, a horse and man. 
 
 John Lightboune. 
 
 George Curbesheth, a pikeman. 
 
 William Plungeon, a musketeer. 
 
 John Barton, tanner. 
 
 John Antrobus, a foot souldier. 
 
 Peter Haddock, a foot souldier. 
 
 Philip Oldfeild, a foot man. 
 
 Edward Bootle, a foot souldier, pike. 
 
 Thomas Drinkwater, a pikeman. 
 
 Thomas Kadcliffe, a pikeman. 
 
 John Moxon, senior, a musketeer. 
 
 John Alexander, a foot souldier, pike. 
 
 John Gilliam, senior, a musketeer. 
 
 Thomas Bent, a musketeer. 
 
 John Widdowes, a musketeer. 
 
 John Werden, a musketeer. 
 
 Thomas Staynrod, a pikeman. 
 
 Gervase Staynrod, a pikeman. 
 
 Edward Byrom, a foot souldier. 
 
 Humphrey Marler, a pikeman. 
 
 James Radclitfe, one horse and man. 
 
 John Oldfeild and 
 Humphrey Oldfeild, 
 
 Robert Alexander, two musketeers 
 Joseph Sherwin, a pikeman. 
 
 Geffery Holcroft, a pikeman. 
 
 Joseph Bruckshaw, a musketeer. 
 
 Regnall Molyneux, a pikeman. 
 
 Robert Wilson, a musketeer. 
 
 Edward Greaves, a musketeer. 
 
 Charles Beswick, a musketeer. 
 
 Thomas Newby, a musketeer. 
 
 Edward Siddall, a musketeer. 
 
 Nathan Leech, a pikeman. 
 
 John Holling worth, a pikeman. 
 
 Lawrence Gardnet, a musketeer. 
 
 John Booker, a musketeer. 
 
 Robert New, a pikeman. 
 
 John Barlow, a musketeer. 
 
 William Swarbreck, a musketeer. 
 
 Daniell Woolmer, a musketeer. 
 
 
 one horse and man. 
 
 John Boardman and 1 
 William Hulme, / 
 
 musketeer. 
 
183 
 
 Michaell Piralott, a musketeer. 
 Robert Sutton and 
 
 
 musketeer. 
 
 musketeer. 
 
 Richard Worthiugton, 
 
 Richard Hampson and 1 ^ 
 
 Samuell Barlow, / 
 
 John Byron, a foot souldier. 
 
 Edward Radeiiffe and 
 Isaac Hyde, 
 
 Jonathan Greene, a musketeer. 
 
 John Sandiford Mason, a musketeer. 
 Edward Scott and 1 p . 
 
 Edward Holland, | ^ foot, souldier. 
 
 John Hey wood, a pikeman. 
 
 a pikeman. 
 
 a foot souldier. 
 
 George Grimshaw and 
 Peter Tickle, 
 
 John Bradshaw, apothicary. 
 
 William Beck, a pikeman. 
 
 Joseph Bacon, a foot souldier. 
 
 Arnold Siddall. 
 
 Jonathan Runager, a pikeman. 
 
 Thomas White, a foot souldier. 
 
 John Watson and 1 
 
 Thomas Bowker, / 
 
 Edmund Travis, a foot souldier. 
 
 James Rodgers, a foot souldier. 
 
 William Crompton and 1 p , ... , 
 
 rT^^ Ty 4 . ^1 ) a toot souldier. 
 
 ihomas Buterwortli, J 
 
 a foot souldier. 
 
 Roger Kenyon to the Earl of Rochester, “ att his apartments in 
 
 Whitehall.” 
 
 598 . [1685 ?] — Peel, near Manchester. — ‘‘Erom the great pleasure 
 I read in our common newsepaper that your Lordship is comeing to be 
 Lord High Treasurer of England, procedes the great presumtion of this, 
 to offer my most humble and willing service in any office, in any part of 
 England you will admit mee to serve you. I want neither health nor 
 heart to do whatever you think mee fit for. I was trobled with a 
 deafness at the beginning of this Parliament, [which] made mee not 
 offer to come into it, but am now much better. My Lord, I have two 
 sons, both bred to businesse ; if any or all of us be fitt for your Lordship’s 
 service it is the thinge I greatly desire and humbly aske. My eldest 
 son presents you this ; hee hath been at the barr four or five years. My 
 other son is a diligent man and, if I may propperly say so, a good clerke. 
 I can onely say of myselfe, that when I had the honour, in King Charles 
 the Second’s time, to serve your Lordshipp, and the rest of the Com- 
 missioners of the Treasury, I was very just and faithful, and so I will 
 ever bee. I beseech your Lordship pardon this unwonted presumeing.” 
 Draft. 
 
 Information as to Seditious Language used by George Wright. 
 
 599 . 1685-6, March 9 . — Information by James Atwell, one of the 
 constables of Bolton, that on the 1st instant he saw George Wright, of 
 Leigh, carryer, on market day, go up to the top of the market cross 
 at Bolton, “ and there tooke off his hat and held it towards his mouth, and 
 aloud said : ‘ Here is a health to the right King of England ; the right 
 King of England is alive.’ ” And three weeks before the informant 
 
184 
 
 heard the said George, in Little Bolton, “lying along upon his belly and 
 drinking pudle water,” say similar words, but did not name the late Duke 
 of Monmouth. Other witnesses depose that said George went about 
 the streets of Bolton crying “ God bless the right James, the* right King 
 of England,” and also cried “ I hate all papists.” 
 
 John Braddyll to Roger Kenton, at Peel. 
 
 600 . 1686, April 24. London. — “ I have sent you draughts of what 
 fancyes are most usuall for the placing in gardens.” Our countryman, 
 Stamforrl, has made a great bussle in the City with his chapel ; “ but, 
 being aftronted last Sunday by your people, the King has this day sent a 
 party of soldiers into the Citty, who are to guard him during his 
 devotions tomorrow. Pennies [Penn’s ?J recantation is so ridiculous, 
 that the papists, I think, will not proceede in it at this time.” Seal of 
 arms. 
 
 John Braddyll to Roger Kenyon. 
 
 601 . 1686, May 8. London. — I have given myself the best informa- 
 tion which I could, as to the ornaments you most fancy for your garden, 
 which you may imagine are made at several prices, from I5li. to 30/^. ; 
 but, for 25 /l, I believe you may have a pair of lions very well worked. 
 
 Declaration by Chief Justice Herbert. 
 
 602 . [1686, June.] — “ Chiefe- Justice Herbert, on his giveing judg- 
 ment for Sir Edwnrd Hales, at the suit of Godden, declared that the 
 Judges had resolved these five points in that case, for law : — ■ 
 
 “ 1. That the King of England is an hereditary, not elected, and an 
 absolute soveraigne, not a limited prince. 
 
 “ 2. That the lawes of England are the King’s, and not the people’s 
 lawes, and that the construction of them belong onely to him. 
 
 “ 3. That the King’s prerogative is as much the law of England as 
 that called the property or liberty of the subject. 
 
 4. That the King cannot by any concession, in or out of Parliament, 
 separate from the Crowne any branch of his prerogative, necessarily 
 incident thereunto ; but that the same instantly reverts againe to the 
 Crowne. 
 
 “ 5. That it is not in the power of a Parliament, though with the 
 royall assent, to deprive the King of the service of his subject nor to 
 limitt his choice, who shall and who shall not serve him, nor to impose 
 qualifications upon the subject, whereby to disable him for, or make him 
 incapable of, the service of his sovereigne, when he, in his discretion, 
 thinks fitt to require it, and judges him serviceable to him.” Copy. 
 
 John Braddyll to Roger Kenyon. 
 
 603 . 1686, July 27. — ’Our camp is quite lost now. The English 
 have bravely, though unsuccessfully, fought at Breda (.^). Out of twenty- 
 three, twelve are killed and wounded; amongst the latter is poor Mr. 
 Bellasis, who is shot in tlie breast. They first mounted the breach, with 
 other volunteers, and there, not being enough of them, nor well seconded 
 by the infantry, they stood, a sacrifice to the enemy. One Mr. Wiseman, 
 a very young gentleman, was tired upon ten times, but valiantly kept 
 his post, till he was killed by a cimeter.” Seal of arms. 
 
185 
 
 Thomas Broune to Eoger Kenyon, in London. 
 
 604. [16]86, November 23. St. John’s, Cambridge. — Has sent a 
 bill of Kenvon’s son’s accounts for Lady Day and Michaelmas quarters, 
 1685, “and for the time that his name stood in the butteryes, after he 
 went doune : 
 
 £ s. d. 
 
 Duo upon the bill of December 21, 1684- 
 His bill of March 25, [16]85 - 
 His bill of June 24, [16]85 - 
 His detriments, &c., to June 24, [16] 86 - 
 
 - 64 : 02 : 01^ 
 
 - 38 : 10 : 03| 
 
 - 11 : 09 : 11 
 
 - 02 : 17 : 031 
 
 Sum total 
 Received 
 
 - 116 : 19 : 19^ {sic) 
 
 - 65 : 00 : 00 
 
 Rest due to me 
 
 51 : 19 : 09^ {sic) 
 
 The sum now due, you may please to order to be paid to Mr. Samuel 
 Smith, att the “ Prince’s Arms,” in St. Paul’s Churchyard, or leave a bill 
 with him, upon any in London.” Seal of arms. 
 
 The Earl of Rochester to the Clerk of the Peace for the 
 County of Lancaster. 
 
 605. 1686, December 1. Whitehall, Treasury Chambers. — His Ma- 
 jesty having been pleased to give fresh directions for the effectual prose- 
 cutionjof clippers and coiners, I do therefore desire you to send copies of 
 informations or examinations against such offenders, unto Owen Wynne, 
 Esquire, Warden of his Majesty’s Mint, in the Tower of London. 
 
 Clippers and Coiners and their methods of coining. 
 
 606. 1686. — “ An account of the coiners and clippers, discovered and 
 informed against, in the County of Lancaster and elsewhere, and of the 
 makers of stam.ps, stuff, and instruments to coin and clip with, and of 
 their factors, buyors, and vendors of clippings and of false money, 
 putters off, and of their agents, messengers, and persons employed in 
 this trade of diminishing or falsifying the King’s coin, and of such as 
 furnish the clippers with fair money to be clipped for part of the gain.” 
 
 A long list of persons indicted for coining follows, at the end of which 
 is an account of the manner in which the coiners proceeded: — 
 
 “ The ingredient of the coyneing stuffe, call spawd, and the way they 
 make it. 
 
 “ 1. Allumen pliimosum, one pound (wortli 4 or 5 shillings). ’Tis a 
 light stuffe, in the forme of a feather, and is burned and bruised to 
 powder. 
 
 “2. Alabaster, burned and bruised to powder; about 6 pounds of that 
 to one of the allumen jyiumosiim. 
 
 “3. Bole burned and bruised to powder; twix a pound 
 
 and two of this, to the two former. 
 
 “ All these to be searsed through a fine sive or searse cloth, mixed 
 well. 
 
 “4. Sal dissolved in water ; to which water, the afore- 
 
 mentioned powders, so mixed and sifted very fine, when this stuffe is 
 to be used, are put and wrought like fine dough or past, and this 
 stuffe is not destroyed, nor much wasted by casting into, but becomes 
 both finer and fitter for the purpose, by usage. 
 
186 
 
 ‘‘ The materialls they have to coyne with, and the manner of useing 
 them : — 
 
 “ 1. Copper, whitened with white arsneck. 
 
 2. Silver, clipped off his Majesty’s lawfull coyne. Two parts silver, 
 to one parte whited copper. 
 
 “ 3. A pair of flaskes, a casting pott, a pestell, all of iron. These 
 flaskes are round or ovall, have a topp and a bottome made with pins 
 in the topp, falling into holes made to fitt them in the bottom ; that, 
 when laid together, they fall fixedly and close all wayes even and alike. 
 Then, in their bottom flask, laid upon a place for the purpose, they 
 first lay their patternes, any pieces of money they will have counter- 
 feited ; and so, 7 or 8 half-crownes or shillings at a time, or more, as 
 their flasks are in bignes ; and these they cover with the stufFe called 
 spawd, which they thrust and ramm hard downe with the iron pestell ; 
 and this leaves in that stuffe the impression of one side of the moneys 
 to be counterfeited; then they turne this stuffe, which retaiues the 
 impression, out of the flask upon a smooth board and take out the pat- 
 ternes, which they then put, with the contrary side up, into the top flaske, 
 and in like manner fill that with the same stuffe, which accordingly 
 takes and retaines the impress of the other side of the money to be 
 imitated, and then turne that allso out to take out their patternes, and 
 then again putting these into their proper parts of the flask, with the 
 smooth sifles downe, they make, with a knife or other instrument, a 
 hollotv place in the stufe lying in the flask, for the mettle to run in 
 and come to the hollows, so prepared for the reception of it, into the 
 moulds thus made ; and thus, having fixed and prepared their spawd, 
 as they call it, and closed their top and bottam flaskes, there is a little 
 hollowed place comes out of their flask, into which, having melted their 
 mixed metalls in their casting pott, they power the same, and presently 
 take it, so cast, out of their flaskes, which comes out very black, and 
 to alter that colour, they lay it upon a thin broad iron plate set upon 
 a very red hot fire, which changes the colour to blew ; and then they 
 take it of the fire and boyle it in a tartar, bruised, which they call 
 argoll, mixed with salt, aiid this makes it over white. Then they rub it 
 in sal armoniach^ which makes it somewhat black againe, and then 
 they again rub it with clay, and afrer, wash of the clay with water, and 
 when thus brought to the colour they would have it, they wipe away 
 the clay and water with a cloth, and this makes it very passable ; and 
 this money, if cutt into, retaines it colour, as all silver.” 
 
 Guicciardini Wp:nt worth to Roger Kenyon.^ 
 
 607 . 1681, April 2. — Mr. Heywood went to Oxford the first day of 
 the year, but what has become of him, I know not. Sir Robert [Carr ?] 
 
 is not yet come home ; he stays, 1 suppose, for Mrs. B , who went 
 
 down with him to her father’s, and I fancy it will be suitable to his 
 inclinations to bring her back. If he come home to-night, he and his 
 son go on Monday to Newmarket. It is supposed the term will be 
 kept at London. The City seem not to be appalled at the Parliament 
 being rubbed off. Some say Fitz Harris’ business was a main help 
 to its being done. Soon my Lord of Oxford’s regiment is brought and 
 quartered round the City. It is, this morning, freshly discoursed that 
 next week the Duke will be in London, that the Duke of Hanover is 
 returning, and a match will be made with Lady Ann. Two nights ago, 
 the Duke of Albemarl and Colonel Legg and divers others, supping 
 together at Captain Skelton’s, the Colonel told the Duke, with whom 
 
 ^ This letter has been misplaced. 
 
187 
 
 he had been discoursing, and grew hot, that he was a rascal, which was 
 returned with a glass of wine in the Colonel’s face, and had been 
 followed by blows, had not the company interposed ; some whereof 
 immediately informing the King, command was sent them, upon their 
 allegiance, not to stirr nor presume to fight, and there it stops. The 
 quarrel began about Portsmouth, the garrison which the Duke had 
 contracted for with the governor, which is Colonel Lecrg’s. The mews is 
 filled with horse and foot ; what the issue will be Cod knows ; but to 
 outward appearance, things are as still as ever in my life. Seal 
 of arms, 
 
 L[eftwich] 0[ldfield] to KoGEii Kenyon. 
 
 608. [1687,] April 10. — ‘‘Here is talk of some clashing among the 
 grandees. For ought 1 can learn, the return made by the judges is as 
 little satisfying as that made by the lord-lieutenants, which some argue, 
 from the privicy of the matter, because against the nature of the thing, 
 to have kept the contra secret. All is on the anvile before the Committees 
 for regulating Corporations. The cotfee newspapers say the Corporation 
 at Oxford, resolves to defend their charter by law against the Quo War- 
 ranto, for the surrender whereof were but 2 votes, and 82 against the 
 surrender. Here is talk of a fresh letter from Pentionary Fagell and 
 another from Dr. Burnet to the Lord President, but the binding some 
 booksellers to appear next term, stiffles the publishing such. It is said 
 that Mr. Barker, Clerk of the Crown, a patentee for life, is suspended 
 from his office, for neglecting to send down a dedimus with the commis- 
 sion of peace, and Sir Bobert Clerk, of Lincoln’s Inne, a Northampton- 
 shire gentleman, put into the place. The information and indictment on 
 which the said office is to be adjudged forfeited (if found next term) yet 
 is surely traversable. However, Sir Clerk {sic) at present takes the 
 place upon him, and hath removed the office. If I mistake not, this 
 said Sir Clerk marryed the Lady Ivy’s daughter or daughter-in-law, 
 who are both papists, and hee suspected to be gon over lately.’^ 
 
 The humble Address of the Protestant Justices of the Peace 
 of the County Palatine of Lancaster. 
 
 609. 1687, July 12. — “We, your Majesties Justices of the Peace 
 for this county, of the Church of England as by law established, do give 
 your Majestie our humble and hearty thaidis for the assistance your Ma- 
 jestic has been graciously pleased to give, by dispenseing with the oaths 
 and test, and so joyneing in the Comission wdth us, severall gentlemen of 
 the Koman Catholique religion (persons of discretion and interest) by 
 whose help and counsell, we doubt not but to be better enabled to pre- 
 serve your lawes and the peace of this county, with which your Majestie 
 has been pleased to intrust us ; and we cannot but, in gratitude, make our 
 humble acknowledgements for these and all the favours your Majestie 
 has been pleased to conferr upon us.” Only two signatures. Copy. 
 
 The Same. 
 
 610. [1687, July 12.] — A draft of the above address in ihe hand- 
 writing of Boger Kenyon. 
 
 Observations upon the Government in Lancashire and the 
 changes there. 
 
 611. 1687, August 27. — King James came to Chester ; he there made 
 the Lord Moliueux, a popish rescusant convict, his Lord-Lieutenant of 
 
18^ 
 
 Lancashire, and displaced the Earl of Derby. After this, the Lord 
 Molirienx made 12 Deputy-Lieutenants, which had the late King’s 
 approbation, viz. : Lord Brandon, Mr. Spencer, Mr. Girlington, Mr. 
 Banaster, and Mr. Warren ; all the rest, being convicted papists. 
 
 The Earl of Derby to Eoger Kenyon. 
 
 612. 1687, December 10. — I hope this will find you safe and sound 
 at home, after a winter journey. Your saying my wife enjoined you to 
 come hither, induces me to be the more earnest in the same thing ; for 
 perhaps you may give some light. I confess, if her carriage would 
 surprise me, it would do now ; but I shall say no more, referring matter 
 enough against I see you, which I desire may be with all possible speed. 
 Sealf broken. 
 
 Francis Molyneux to Koger Kenyon, at Peel. 
 
 613. 1687-8, February 25. London. — “ Yours I received, and, in 
 answer, shall receive your son upon likeing, and doe hope there will be 
 noe reasons of objection on either side. Theire is one thing that my Lady 
 Molyneux could not resolve me, that is, whether he hath had the sm^dl- 
 pcx, which is a distemper we are much afraid of, and must be expected, 
 untill past, so that, if he is not past them, if any sumploms appear, he 
 must be removed, though 1 will see the same care, as att home ; but for 
 any other charge, except kitchin physick, wee doe nott allow ; but if the 
 distemper be apparent before he be removed, I will nott venture him, 
 butt raither remove my owne children, for, as neare as I can, I will make 
 the case myne and doe as I desyre myne may be dealt with. It is my 
 desire to make all things plain, which avoids misunderstandings. I shall 
 valew Sir John and my Lady’s recommending me to be his master, and 
 noething shall be wanteing in my parte for his good, but it must be his 
 care to deserve encouragement and kindness before I shall allow it, 
 which will be his owne advantage.” 
 
 Following.^ is a letter from the writer’s uncle, Sir John Molyneux, to 
 the same, and of the same date. 
 
 “ I have had a very severe fitt of the goute in both my feete, right 
 knee, and hand, for six weekes, and could not write till this weeke, not 
 wear my shooes till Thursday last. My nephew, Francis Molyneux, sent 
 your owne letter with this, being he could not come see mee this night. 
 I am sorry my cosen, your sonne, William, could not come up, before 
 my wife and selfe went out of this towne, that I might have given him 
 some good counsel. I am sure he will have a goodimayster and mistress, 
 if it bee not his owne fault. Therefore, I would advise him by all means 
 to bee careful of what companions and acquaintance hee gets, and not to 
 goeout of his mayster’s house without lycence and command, and to bee 
 sure hee goes not oft to his brother, lest hee make that a pretence and 
 excuse for his absence; and pray doe you charge him not to bee too 
 familiar with the footeboy in the house, who I doiibte got noe good with 
 being in the house with the other ’prentises who were turned away. I 
 doubt not but both yourselfe and my cosen, his mother, and all freinds, 
 will give him all the good counsell and advice imaginable, for this is a 
 sad towne for youth, and greate cornplaynts are of them generally. And 
 above all things, charg (3 him against all garneing and goeing to the lottery, 
 for my cosen’s last prentise, being sent to pay 20/., lost it the same day at 
 the lottery, soe was sent to his parents into Yorkeshire the Munday 
 after, for hee would not bee ruled. T shall bee most glad to heare hee 
 doth well, and shall enquire after him. My wife talked to my neice 
 
189 
 
 about him alsoe, who is a very good woman and was ranch conserned. 
 The two prentises did soe ill ; they were both related to my nephew and 
 niece, and if yours doe not well, they will never take any relation’s chil- 
 dren more, though they are much importuned already ; they are very 
 busye and .... his trade exceedingly encreases.” 
 
 Servants and Apprentices. 
 
 614. 1687[-8,] March 23. — Minute of Justices of the Peace for the 
 County Palatine of Lancaster, touching the settlement of servants and the 
 apprenticing of poor children. 
 
 K. Molyneux to Roger Kenyon. 
 
 614a. 1688, March 27. London. — ‘‘ Accordinge to your desire, 
 [I] have discourste Mr. M[olyneux] as effectuallye as I can, about your 
 sonne, but can by no meanes perswade him to find cloathes, nor allowe 
 anythinge towardes them, but promises to see your money warilye 
 bestowed, that the charge may be as easy on that accompt as can be 
 expected. Kor would hee, as he positively affirmes, find him with 
 cloathes under 50/. more money, or neare it ; and on those termes it is 
 much better let it alone and find them yourself, for as much more 
 yearely as the interest of the money comes too, will fitt very well for 
 three or four of the first yeares, and about 8/. per annum afterwards ; 
 for soe much is the usual! allowance of masters to their servants (when 
 they come to termes), though never soe good men’s sonnes (I heare of 
 none that goes higher), so that, according to that computation, it 
 were considerable loss to come to his termes, Mr. M[olyneux] and your 
 sonne likes one another very well for this short time they have been 
 togeth(ir, and doubt not but it will continue ; for I really thinke he 
 could not have beene better placte in London (if to a shop trade), nor 
 more hopefullye for preferment, for his master is a tyte fitt man for 
 business as moste aboute towne, and has great trade, but his servants 
 are exposed to as little hardshipp or servile worke as any man’s ; their 
 employe is easye enough — dilligence and care are the onelye ingredients 
 that is required to make them acceptable, and constitutes them capable 
 and fitt for his employ. And I know it is the same with all consider- 
 able dealers, but then the* difference is this : many such exposes their 
 servants to great paines in carryinge burdens and many other waies ; 
 but heare they are put to no hardship at all, save removeing of cloath 
 and lif tinge it to and fro in the shopp.” 
 
 William B[ankes] to Roger Kenyon. 
 
 615. 1688, April 16. Winstanley. — ‘‘ I hear no newes, but only that 
 the Bishop of Durham hath put some questions to the clergy of his dio- 
 cesse, concerning their complying to take off the Penal Lawes, and those 
 that refuse in so reasonable a request are to meet v/ith the Oxford men’s 
 fate — suspension, &c. Our clergy conclude they must undergoe the 
 same test, and expect to meet with the same kind usage. I hear they 
 intend to consult one another betimes, and intend to give one and the 
 same answer. The Wiggoners have refused to gratify their Mayor and 
 new Aldermen, in not signing an addresse that was prepared to have 
 been sent up to his Majesty, with their thanks in it, for the regulation ; 
 and, in it, promise to choose such -members as would assist in so grate- 
 full a work, as taking off those penall lawes would be.” Seal. 
 
190 
 
 The Earl op Derby to [Roger Kenyon]. 
 
 616. 1688, April 19. Knowsley. — “I cannot but be concerned, not 
 to see you before I leave the country, which I shall certainly do ere the 
 sessions are ended.” As to refusing to employ a papist as his ‘‘faulk- 
 ener,” and as to mapping out his estates. 
 
 Charles Hilton to Roger Kenyon. 
 
 617. 1688, May 24. ‘‘ Fullers Rents.” — The news at present is 
 
 slender ; but there is come about, the Bishops’ paper which was presented 
 his Majesty on Friday last, and this is the true copy of the paper, viz. : 
 ‘ I am not avers to the reading the K.’s declaration for liberty of 
 conscience, for want of due tenderness towards dissenters, in relation 
 to whom I shall willingly come to such a temper as shall be thought 
 ft, when the matter comes to be considered and settled in Parliament; 
 and the declaration being found upon such a dispenceing power as 
 may lay by at pleasure all laws, ecclesiastical and civill, seems to me 
 illegall, and did so to the Parliaments in 1662 and 1672; and, because 
 it is a point of so great concernment, I cannot so far make myselfe 
 party to it, as reading it in true divine service will amount to.’ The 
 names of the Bishops who subscribed this paper are Ely, Peterborough, 
 Chichester, Bath and Wells, St. Asaph, Bristol. This is reported to be 
 his Majesty’s answer: ‘My Lords, you have surprized me; I did not 
 expect such an answer from men of your principles, though ’iis no more, 
 nor other, then what others have often told I might expect from 
 you.’ ” The surrender of Alba Regalis is confirmed, with the several 
 particulars. 
 
 Nathaniel Molyneux to Roger Kenyon. 
 
 618. 1688, May 24. London.- — “ I doubt not but you had an account 
 from Mr. Molyneux, that your son was bound last Monday but one, (o 
 which I was a witness, and can assure you I never saw anything done 
 with greater satisfaction and willingness, on both sides. I enclose a copy 
 of the Bishops’ address to his Majesty, last week. I have also sent you 
 the King’s answer, which came out in print yesterday, but is called in 
 again ; it is a very severe thing, but short, he calls them trumpeters of 
 rebellion, with many other strange sort of speeches, which I cannot now 
 stand to mention. There is no other news at present, but things run 
 so strangely high that there will in all probability be news enough, and 
 too much, in a short time.” 
 
 Richard Hatton to Roger Kenyon. 
 
 619. 1688, May 30. Dean. — “ Although I have received noe com- 
 mand with the declaration, to annex any word of exhortation to the people 
 to move their complyance therewith, yet I thought good to acquaint you 
 herewith, and to send the declaration to peruse, if you have not seen it ; 
 you may either returne it by the bearer, or send it, upon Friday, by 
 Richard Farnworth. Sir, I humbly desire your opinion whether it be 
 convenient to say anything at all to it, or noe. I would carry myselfe 
 as inoft'ensive in this concerne as I could, that I might neither expose 
 myselfe to be informed against by some busybody Romanist, nor to the 
 censure of any Nonconformist, as if the meer publication of the 
 declaration, did testify any concurrency therewith. I know not well 
 what to resolve upon, but I am inclinable to think that the safest way 
 will be to bo silent. The clergy are injoyned (as you see, sir) in the 
 
191 
 
 declaration, to read it upon two Sabbath dayes, unless I mistake the 
 sence ot* it, and that it does give a liberty to read it upon either day. I 
 cannot well understand why it should be read twice. Sir, I cannot but 
 acknowledge some particular kindnesse I have received from you; and 
 above all, I am cordially thankfull for your present countenance towards 
 me. I have had a very great esteeme of you since I have understood 
 your Christian carriage and resolution against the takeing olf the penall 
 laws and test, notwithstanding the temptations you had to the contrary, 
 from worldly respects, which, I am apt to think, would have prevailed 
 with some others. I heartily love persons who are firm in their prin- 
 ciples. Our poor distressed Church is hardly beset on every hand. T 
 hope that God, in His due time, will give her a gracious deliverance. 
 Portion of seal. 
 
 William Patten to Roger Kenyon. 
 
 620. 1688, June 3. Gray’s Inn. — “ There is great news about our 
 Bishops, and to tell you the whole trial, would take up almost a volume. 
 But, in short, the Bishops, this morning, were found by the jury not 
 guilty. Yesterday, upon the trial, Powell and Holloway were of opinion 
 as the said jury gave their verdict, but the Lord Chief Justice and 
 J ustice Allabone, otherwise. The Court sat yesterday till after six, and 
 began again at eight in the morning. So soon as the evidence was 
 delivered to the jury, the whole hall loudly proclaimed huzzas. The jury 
 gave not their verdict till after four this morning, and then privately to 
 Mr. Justice Allabone, sealed up; and, about nine this morning, the 
 verdict was recorded, the Bishops being present. All the four Courts 
 near, sat, yet notwithstanding, the people, alta voce., gave several huzzas.” 
 Seal of arms. 
 
 Leftwich Oldfield to Roger Kenyon. 
 
 621. 1688, June 3. — ‘‘ The clergy in this county [Cheshire ?], as far 
 as I can perceive, generally agree not to read the declaration, notwith- 
 standing the Bishops’ monition, as well as order. For avoiding of schism, 
 among other reasons, as I am told, they choose rather to follow the Metro- 
 politan, accompany ed with soe many other Bishops of approved integrity 
 and learning, with approbation of both Universitys, and the generality of 
 the clergy of the kingdom, in the substantialls of the petition, then their 
 own diocessan, dissenting from that nationall synodicall body (if I may 
 so, in this case, call them), recconing it a strang task to beenjoyned, with 
 their owne hands, to pull the Church fence ; a/cZo de se, you know, can 
 have noe benefit of clergy. Besides, they are jeallous lest their flocks 
 should, like the doctors at London, when he began to read it, all goe out. 
 How the Judges, the Commissioners Ecclesiastique, and the drummers, 
 will thunder at this, in defence of the liberty and dispensing power, the 
 fortnight promised probably will inform. The Bishops have, in my 
 opinion, begun the intrenchment on a vantage ground. I am in paine 
 till I know how some clergymen of your county acquitt themselves in 
 this particular; it is a weighty matter, and will soe be found.” 
 
 William Bankes to Roger Kenyon. 
 
 622. 1688, June 12. Winstauley. — The seven Bishops are gone to 
 the Tower, having refused the Lord Chancellor to be bound to appear at 
 the King’s Bench Bar, which, as they were Peers (thinking they might 
 be questioned by the House of Lords), they could not submit to. His 
 
192 
 
 Lordship asked then, whether they owned the petition ; they all answered 
 it was their own, upon which his Lordship replied it was a seditious one. 
 A soldier that deserted his colours, was going the same day to be hanged, 
 and a priest being earnest with him to turn his rcdigion ; but he told him 
 he was a protestant, and would die so, so pulled his cap over his face and 
 fell to his prayers. Just in the nick of time, a pardon came, without the 
 priest’s solicitation. This steadiness of the man, gave the Bishops great 
 satisfaction. Seal. 
 
 George Kenyon to his father, Eoger Kenyon. 
 
 623 . [1688], June 14. London. — “ I have been ill of the epidemi call 
 distemper, but, I thank God, am perfectly recovered; it seises [like a 
 
 giddiness in the head and a and ague throwout the whole 
 
 body. They say three parts of the City have had it. ’Tis now no news 
 that there is a Prince of Wales, nor the committment of the Bishops. I 
 was this day in the Tower to see them at prayers. People crowd so 
 many to see them, that the soldiers are forced to keep all the gates shut, 
 and, did they not, I beleeve the Tower would scarce hold the numbers 
 that flock there. By good chance, I gott in after prayers ; all the people 
 kneeled in a lane to rcceave theyr benediction, and all the 7 layed theyr 
 hands upon my head. Tomorrow, they are expected to appear in the 
 King’s Bench : if they do, I will write by Saturday’s post to you.” 
 Seal 
 
 George Macy to Eoger Kenyon, Clerk of the Peace at Lancaster. 
 
 624 . 1688, June 26. “ Bow, near London.” — The occasion of this, is 
 to desire you will send me a certificate, under your own hand, and to make 
 oath of it before my Lord Chief Justice Wright, when he comes to 
 Lancaster, that Thomas Lyon was brought, by habeas corpus, from Surry, 
 and Eobert Mollineaux from Essex, in August, 1684, and tryed for high 
 treason, at your assize; the first executed, and the other transported. 
 My Lord Chancellor was then their judge. For there is now estreats of 
 80/. come out against me, for not prosecuting them in the countyes 
 where I apprehended them. Inclosed is your letter to me written con- 
 cerning the proceedings at Lancaster Assize, at which time I was at 
 Bristoll, prosecuting of clippers. I hove acquainted my Lord Chief 
 Justice with the trick that is put upon me. Thomas Higham, who broke 
 the gaol at Lancaster, was seen lately here in London.” 
 
 Thomas Parker to Eoger Kenyon. 
 
 625 . 1688, Jul3''9. “ Brewtholme.” — The inhabitants of Colne Parish 
 design to move the Justices, at the Sessions at Preston, for an order to 
 cause the inhabitants of Admergill to contribute towards the relief of 
 their poor; by what law or rule, the writer docs not understand. They 
 neither being in the same parish or county. Asks for Kenyon’s 
 favourable assistance to the inhabitants of Admergill. Seal of arms. 
 
 William Patten to Eoger Kenyon. 
 
 626 . 1688, July 10. Gray’s Inn. — I cannot give you any more particu- 
 lars of the Bishops’ trials, for I was not in Court ; but, upon the trial, were 
 very hot dehates by counsel, on both sides ; and the Bishops’ counsel 
 
193 
 
 were very smart and brisk, and Mr. Solicitor was so run down, that he 
 was several times hissed. They talk as if the Bishops must be 
 prosecuted before the Lords Ecclesiastical, but that is not certainly 
 known to me. Seal of arms, broken. 
 
 Thomas Parker and Christopher Wilkinson to Roger Kenyon. 
 
 627 . 1688, July 12. Waddow. — On behalf of “Dr. Deeming, 
 
 Practitioner in Physic and Chirurgery,” long since licensed by the late 
 Archbishop of York; who, by some misrepresentation, is committed to 
 the Bridewell at Manchester, a prison for infamous persons. 
 
 Laurence Ratvstorne to Roger Kenyon, at Ormskirk. 
 
 628 . 1688, July 15. Preston. — “ Hutton, one of the townes within the 
 Parish of Penworth[am], is sore burdened with their poore, is not at all 
 eased by the rest, notwithstanding they have no poore, some of them, 
 and the rest not in any equality. The bearer can inlbrme what would be 
 tedious to express in writeing. If you think it feasible, pray you promote 
 that the parish may be chardged mutually to contribute with it (as by 
 law you know it ought) and it will be a great kindness to us, for the 
 greatest share lyes indeed uppon me. I know you will advise them the 
 best, and if it cannot be effected, tell them soe, and they will rest satis- 
 fied ; better sit still then rise up to fall.” Seal of arms. 
 
 Order touching Highways in the Hundred of Derby, made at 
 the General Quarter Sessions held at Ormskirk. 
 
 629 . 1688, July 16.-—“ This Court, upon consideration of the great 
 decay of the King’s highways and the long neglects of the sufficient repaires 
 thereof in this County, resolveing to make a thorrou reformation thereof 
 iireach towne and vill, doth hereby order, that all and every the King’s 
 highways, in each parish, towne, and place, within the Hundred of Derby, 
 shall forthwith be put in perfect good repaire ; that they be made so 
 wide, so smoothed from little rockes, little hills, hollowes, slodds, and all 
 unevenness, freed from boggie, sincking, soft, deepe, or founderous places, 
 rid of all sorts of rubbish, and so sufficiently passable throughout, that 
 coaches, carts, and carriages, may safely, in all places, goeing by the calsey, 
 meet and pass each other. That all ditches which convey the water cross 
 the highway , be soughed with wallstone, and well covered throughout, from 
 one side of the lane to the other. That the ditches running on each side 
 the lane be well scoured, and the earth or sand cast thereout, not left in 
 heapes, but either spread to level the waye in low places, or removed out 
 of the way. That all hedges on each side the lanes be cutt, and the trees 
 lopped that in anywise anoy the highway, and the loppings removed out 
 of the lanes. That all trees, underwoods, groves, bushes, broomes, 
 brambles, gorses, and the like, be well ridd up and totally removed out of 
 the said lanes ; and that all the holes occasioned by ridding the same, as 
 allsoe all pits, slacks, and hollowes, little hills and heapes of stone, earth, 
 and rubbish, be levelled and made even, and where the said wayes are 
 cumbered with loose stones or other rubbish, or knotted and uneven 
 calseys, that such calseys be pulled up and new paved, and the unneces- 
 sary stones and rubbish removed ; and that all calseys be made of the full 
 bredth of one yard and a quarter, of round stones and not of flags ; and 
 that all places where calseys are of flags, that if round stones may be had 
 with a reasonable charge, that the flagged calseys be pulled up and new 
 calseys, with round stones made in the place, or such other place of the 
 lane, as may be more convenient, of the full bredth aforesaid, or a well 
 
 N 
 
 73480. 
 
194 
 
 gravelled way in lien thereof ; and that there be no channell paved for the 
 water to be drained cross the calsey, except such draines be well 
 soughed, covered, and paved over, and that it be so covered the full 
 bredth of the calsey as may make it safe, by day and night, for horsemen 
 to ride over. And all and every the overseeres of the highwayes within 
 the said Hundred, are hereby required to see this order duly and fully 
 executed. And this Court, being of opinion that no gentleman will take 
 it amiss to be intreated to promote and give his help to so publick and 
 so good a work, hath thought fit, to nominate for each parish within this 
 Hundred of Derby, severall gentlemen, and to desire them, or any two or 
 more of them, to call before them the respective overseers of the high- 
 wayes within each townshipp within the said parishes, and with them to 
 inspect the severall highways, and, upon their view, to direct each 
 overseer, within his particular precinct, what reformation, according to 
 the Court’s direction before herein specifyed, is to be made in all points, 
 and how, and in whatt manner, the said overseer, with the aid of the 
 inhabitants, shall proceed. And that the said gentlemen, or some of 
 them, will please to have sometimes an eye to the said works, whilst 
 they are in doing. And will, at the next sessions after Michaelmas next, 
 certify this Court how this work is, in all or in part, performed, and 
 which of the said overseers or inhabitants have been remiss or faulty, 
 and how, or what part, of the wages or work, is neglected or omitted, and 
 why, that the Court may, at the said next sessions, take such further 
 course thereupon as the case shall require ; and to these ends, the Court 
 hath thought fitt to nominate for the said severall parishes, the persons 
 following, viz. : — 
 
 “ For the parish of Wygan : — Thomas Gerrard, Esquire ; William 
 Standish, Esquire ; Philip Langton, Esquire; William Bankes, Esquire; 
 Thomas Ashurst, Esquire ; Birtie Entwisle, Esquire ; Peter Holing- 
 ton, Esquire; Mr. Thomas Ince, Mr. Peter Worthington, Mr. Robert 
 Markland, Mr. Peter Catterall, Mr. Thomas Blackburne. 
 
 “Winwick: — Peter Legh, Esquire; John Rizley, Esquire; John 
 Byron, Esquire; Thomas Bretherton, Esquire; Mr. John Lander, 
 Mr. Jonathan Blackburne, Mr. John Widdowes, Mr. George Sorocold, 
 Mr. Hamlett Woods, Mr. Legh Bowden. 
 
 “Prescott: — Peter Bold, Esquire; John Byrom, Esquire; Edward 
 Ogle, Esquire; Stephen Alcock, Esquire; Mr. John Right, Mr. Peter 
 Marsh, Mr. Edmund Taylor, Mr. Jonathan Care. 
 
 “Walton: — The Honourable William Molineux; Edward Ogle, 
 Esquire; Stephen Alcock, Esquire ; Oliver Lyme, Esquire ; Silvester 
 Richmond, Esquire ; Mr. Robert Breeres, Mi*. Thomas Fletcher. 
 
 “ Orraeskirke : — Sir Thomas Stanley, Baronet ; John Entwisle, 
 Esquire ; Thomas Dod, Esquire ; Stephen Alcock, Esquire ; John 
 Ashton, Esquire; Mr. Samuel Andrewes, Mr, John Shawe, Mr. James 
 Holland. 
 
 “ Warrington : — Peter Bold, Esquire ; John Ashton, Esquire ; Robert, 
 Lord Burlegh; Mr. Richard Howorth, Mr. Thomas Chadwick. 
 
 “Legh: — William Hilton, Esquire ; John Rizley, Esquire ; Richard 
 Stanley, Esquire ; Thomas Mort, Esquire ; Roger Kenyon, Esquire : 
 Mr. Alexander Ratcliffe, Mr. Rizley Brown, Mr. John Sorocold. 
 
 “ Childwall : — Thomas Korres, Esquire ; John Harrington, Esquire ; 
 Mr. Thomas Cooke, Mr. William Wainwright. 
 
 “ Hyton : — John Harrington, Esquire ; Mr. Robert Roper, Mr. Henry 
 Orme, Mr. Martin Willis, Mr. Henry Lathom, Mr. John Wright. 
 
 “ Halsall : — Sir Charles Anderton, Baronet; Robert Molineux, Esquire; 
 Mr. Thomas Bootle, Mr. John Tatlock, Mr. William Male, Mr. Peter 
 Marsh, Mr. Robert Bootle, Mr. Thomas Lidiate. 
 
195 
 
 ‘‘ Sephton : — The Honorable William Molineux ; Henry Blundell, 
 Esquire; William Blundell, the younger, Esquire; Mr. William Byron, 
 Mr. Thomas Bootle, Mr. Robert Breeres, Mr. John Johnson. 
 
 “ Aughton : — Edward Stanley, Esquire; Mr. Alexander Hesketh, 
 Mr. Roger Bostock, Mr. William Jameson, Mr. Thomas Lidiate, 
 Mr. fFohn Bamber, Mr. Roger Pye. 
 
 “ ^^orthmeales : — Barnaby tiesketh, Esquire; James Gorsuch, 
 Esquire; Mr. Richard Formby, Mr. Nicholas Fazakerley. 
 
 “ Alker: — Mr. Nicholas Fazakerley, Mr. Thomas Tickle, Mr. Thomas 
 Bootle. 
 
 “ And it is lastly ordered that the high constables of the Hundred of 
 Derby shall forthwith issue copies of this order at large, to be sent to 
 some of the said gentlemen herein named, of each parish within the 
 said Hundred, to be communicated to the rest within his parish respec- 
 tively.” 
 
 [Similar Order, made at Manchester, on the 19th of July, 1688, for 
 the Hundred of Salford.] 
 
 ‘^Manchester: — Edmund Trafford, Esquire; Edward Moseley, 
 Esquire; John Barlowe, Esquire; John Hartley, Esquire; James 
 Lightboune, Esquire; George Pigot, Esquire; Joseph Yates, Esquire; 
 Oswald Mosley, Esquire ; Mr. James Chetham, Captaiiie Thomas 
 Dicconson, Mr. Edward Bootle, Mr. William Ashton, Mr. Ralph Stop- 
 ford, Mr. Ralph Worsley, Mr. John Newton, Mr. Henry Dicconson, 
 Mr. Robert Lichford. 
 
 “ Eccies : — Edmund TrafFord, Esquire; Peter Egerton, Esquire; 
 William Hulme, of Davyhulme, Esquire ; Richard Stanley ; Roger 
 Kenyon, Esquire; Thomas Sorocold, Esquire; Mr. Francis Sher- 
 ingtou, Mr. Edward Valentine, Mr. Richard Lightboune, Mr. Robert 
 Edge, Mr. Williain Cooke. 
 
 “ Flixton : — ^Peter Egerton, Esquire ; William Hulme, Esquire ; 
 John Isherwood, Clerk ; Mr. Roger Rogers, Mr. Henry Knight. 
 
 “ Prestwich ; — Sir John Egerton, Baronet; William Hulme, of Kears- 
 ley, Esquire ; William Ashton, Clerk ; Thomas Serjeant, Esquire ; 
 John Dantesey, Esquire; Rawstorne Lever, Esquire; Mr. Adam Gart- 
 side, Mr. Henry Colborne, Mr. Thomas Harrison. 
 
 “Dean: — The Honourable Hugh Willoughby; Sir Charles Anderton, 
 Baronet; William Hilton, Esquire; William Hulme, Esquire; Roger 
 Kenyon, Esquire; Mr. William Legh, Mr. Nathaniel Molineux, of 
 Westhoughton, Mr. John Johnson, of Halliwill, Mr. John Johnson, of 
 Westhoughton, Mr. Thomas Briggs. 
 
 “ Bolton : — The Honourable Hugh Willoughby ; Sir Charles Ander- 
 ton, Baronet; William Hilton, Esquire; John Bradshaw, Esquire; 
 James Chetham, Esquire; Thomas Lever, Esquire; Roger Kenyon, 
 Esquire; Nicholas Starky, Esquire; Mr. Ralph Egerton, Dr. Grundy, 
 Mr. Thomas Marsden, Mr. John Andrews, Mr.. Thomas Smith, 
 Mr. Nathaniel Molineux, Mr. James Crompton, Mr. Edward Richard- 
 son, Mr. Robert Roscoe, junior, Mr. George Smith, Mr. Thomas 
 Briggs. 
 
 “ Bury : — Thomas Greenhalgh, Esquire ; Richard Holt, Esquire ; 
 Thomas Gipps, Clerk; John Lomax, Clerk; Mr. John Allen, Mr. Peter 
 Holt, Mr. Richard Lomax, Air. Edmund Bury, Mr. Thomas Nuttall, 
 Nicholas Starky, Esquire; Mr. Robert Roscoe. 
 
 “ Ratchdale : — James Holt, Esquire; Alexander Butterworth, 
 Esquire ; Henry Howorth, Esquire ; Richard Entwisle, Esquire ; 
 Henry Pigot, Clerk ; Mr. James Scholefeild, Mr. Richard Ingham, 
 Mr. Samuel Hamer, 
 
 N 2 
 
196 
 
 “ Ouldham : — Sir Ralph Ashton, Baronet ; Richard Ashton, Esquire ; 
 Joshua Horton, Esquire ; Joseph Greg, Esquire ; Isaack Harpur, Clerk. 
 
 “ Middleton : — Sir Ralph Ashton, Barronet ; Richard Ashton, Esquire ; 
 John Hopwood, the younger, Esquire; Richard Warburton, Clerk; 
 Henry Wrigley, Esquire; Mr. James Hilton. 
 
 “ Ratcliffe : — Mr. Jervase Staynrod, Mr. Henry Coulborne, Mr. John 
 Allen, Roger Walker. 
 
 “ Ashton : — John Ashton, Esquire ; Mr. Jonathan Bickford, Mr. John 
 Chadwick, Mr. Ralph Sandiforth, Mr. William Stopford, Mr. Ralph 
 Stopford, Mr. Lawrence Right, Mr. Edward Roe, Mr. John Heywood.” 
 
 Roger Kenton to his father, Roger Kenton, at Peel. 
 
 630. 1688, July 31. Cambridge. — “ All our public papers are full 
 of a speedy Parliament, and all possible care is taking here, by regulations, 
 one after another, that such members may be elected that will remove 
 these troublesome laws. All my little knowledge that way, teaches me 
 that it was usually the business of Parliaments to enact and establish 
 laws ; but I believe this will be the only one whose main end and design 
 must be, to abrogate and overturn them. There was one piece of news, 
 last post, which made me sweat, and, at the same time, think of you; it 
 was [that] there is a design to have a general regulation of justices and 
 clerks of peace, through the whole kingdom. This, though it is not 
 altogether improbable, yet, for your sake, I hope it is absolutely false. 
 
 Dr. Gower (who, I think, is the only man you are acquainted 
 
 with), was lately, upon the death of the divinity professor for the Lady 
 Margaret, chosen by the University into that place.” Seal of arms. 
 
 Henrt Rowe to “ Mr. Kenton.” 
 
 631. 1688, September 6. [Wigan.] — I came into town before the 
 election of the Mayor. The present Mayor went into Court at twelve, with 
 Mr. Mollineux, Mr. Spencer, and several other gentlemen of their persua- 
 sion. The Court was called, the Jury sworn, and the charge given by 
 Mr. James Anderton; after that, the Court was adjourned till three 
 o’clock, with proclamation that the Mayor would go to election at two 
 o’clock, and so rise to dinner at their coming to election. The Common 
 Council, by whom he is to be chosen, were for Mr. Scott ; but Mr. 
 Mayor, and the others of his side, would not admit of election, but ad- 
 journed the Court till the 24th of this month, leaving behind him the 
 staff, mace, and sword. And so the honest burgesses, I mean the Common 
 Council men of the town, met together, after the Mayor was gene out 
 of tlie town, and chose Mr. Alderman Scott to be Mayor, who was sworn 
 by the Common Council with the greatest joy that ever was at the 
 election of a mayor in Wigan. He was conducted to his house by Sir 
 Edward Chisenhale, Mr. Bankes of Winstanley, and several other 
 gentlemen. 
 
 Thomas Braddtll to Roger Kenton. 
 
 632. 1688, September 15. Portfeild. — Last night I received a letter 
 from my son, stating that Mr. Preston of Holker, and Mr. Rowlinson of 
 Carke, design to stand as burgesses for Lancaster. Seal of arms. 
 
 George Allanson to Roger Kenyon, at Peel. 
 
 633. 1688, September 25. [London.] — “ Wee have scurvey newes 
 here, that the Dutchy (aA) are out with a very great fleet and 23,000 
 
197 
 
 land souldiers, and intend for England, which I hope not, if God keeps 
 out the French.” Seal of arms. 
 
 The Earl of Dunmore to [the Earl of Derby]. 
 
 634. [1688,] September 25. — “ The report of the Prince of Orange’s 
 landing, drives all thoughts of standing for Parliament out of my head. I 
 do not know, as yet, what I shall be commanded. All officers are 
 ordered to their quarters^ great many company es of foot and troopes of 
 horse are raiseing. Here has beene the D[uke] of S[hrewsbury] with 
 the King, and some other people of quality, about it. By the last ex- 
 press from Holland, there is now no doubt made but the designe is 
 against us, which gives a very hot alarm, they being ready to saile.” 
 Copy. 
 
 The Same to the ’S ame. 
 
 634a. [1688,] October 1. — I received your Lordship’s letters yester- 
 day, by Mr. Corbett, and told the King of your readiness to serve him, 
 which he was extreamely pleased with, and commanded me to tell you 
 so, and that he would have you come up as soone as possible. I am 
 sure you will receive all the markes of his kindness you can desire. I 
 cannot help adding how much I was satisfyed with the King’s obligeing 
 way of receiveing your offers, which I assure you was very extraor- 
 dinary. When you come up, you will find very different measures taken 
 towards {sic) those practised, when you was last here, which is a great 
 joy to us all. The particulars I cannot tell you, but some I will. The 
 Bishop of London is restored. I am told Magdalene Colledge will be. 
 The Bishopps that were in disgrace, have been with the King, and are 
 very well satisfyed of the assurances he has given them ; but tomorrowe, 
 they are to meet againe, and then wee shall know more particularly. 
 Every post brings us newse of the great prejiarations are made in Hol- 
 land for the invasion, but the wind has been contrary, which has 
 hindered them from coming out, if they were ready, which I hear to- 
 night they are not. Our forces are in so good order and so much 
 encreased, that I believe they will find it very difficult, if not impossible, 
 to compasce their designe, especially since there is a fleet out, which my 
 Lord Dartmouth goes tomorrow to command. Other newes your mes- 
 senger will inform you.” Copy. 
 
 The Countess of Derby to “My Lord [Derby].” 
 
 634b. [1688,] October 1. — “ Last night 1 saw the King in the drawe- 
 ing roome. He came and told me you had offered your service, which he 
 said he tooke very kindly, and thanked you for it.” Copy. 
 
 The Earl of Dunmore to the Earl of Derby. 
 
 634c. [1688,] October 4. — “ I have but just time to tell your Lordship 
 that all those which wish you well here, are impatient to have you come 
 up ; for I am againe bid to assure you of all kindnesse imaginable from the 
 Court. Things begin to change mightily, for the Church of England is 
 wholly trusted ; the Charter of London is restored, which will be fol- 
 lowed, I believe, by doing tbe same thing to other citys. The Bishopps 
 are every day with the King. Wee hear no more newes of the Dutch, 
 the wind being contrary.” Copy sent to Roger Ke?iyon. 
 
198 
 
 635 . 1688, vSeptember 28 to November 21. — ‘‘ A Diaky or memory e [in 
 the handwriting of Roger Kenyon] where my Lord Derby has been 
 each day, with some observations of what he hath transacted 
 on several accounts, and how corresponded, since the day before 
 Michaelmas last, 1688. 
 
 “ September 28. At Knowsley. — This day hee sent his servant, Mr. 
 Corbet, post to London with a letter to the Lord [Dunmore], to make his 
 complement to the King, haveing heard his Majestie was pleased to 
 restore him to his leiftenancies; another letter to one of the seven 
 Bishopps, to desire from his Lordshipp to be informed of the true state 
 of affaires, and to have liis advice. 
 
 “ September 29. Ibidem. — [No entry.] 
 
 ‘‘ September 30. Ibidem. — This day, his Lordship directed the Clerk of 
 the Peace to observe what Popish justices came to the session, which 
 were to begin at Lancaster the next day but one; what measures they took; 
 what publick orders they -made; and to give his Lordshipp an account. 
 
 “ October 1. /6^^/em.--This day, my Lord [Dunmore] writ to my Lord 
 Derby that the King desired my Lord Derby to come up as soon as 
 possible ; adding, that when my Lord did come, he would find very differ- 
 ent measures taken towards those practized when my Lord Derby was 
 last there, which was a great joy to them all, viz. : that the Bishopp of 
 London was restored, that Magdalen Colledge would be, that the 
 seven Bishops were much satisfyed with the assurances his Majesty had 
 given them. 
 
 ‘‘October 2. Ibidem. — [No entry.] 
 
 “ October 3. Ibidem. — This day, Mr. Corbet returned with letters 
 ut supra. &c. 
 
 “ October 4. Ibidem. — This day, my Lord [Dunmore] writ againe to 
 my Lord Derby, all those who wish you well here, are impatient to have 
 you come up ; things change mightily, the Church of England is wholly 
 trusted ; the Charter of London is restored ; the like wilbe done to 
 other cities and burrowes ; the Bishops are every day with the King. 
 
 “ October 5. Ibidem. — This day, his Lordship received a retorne from 
 the Bishopp, and other letters adviseing him to come up ; and [that], at 
 this time, the cuntry in generall were wonderously glad to hear his Lord- 
 ship would be restored. 
 
 “ October 6. Ibidem. — His Lordshipp was now preparing for his jor- 
 ney ; and, this day, he received an account from the Sessions, &c. 
 
 “October 7. Ibidem. — This day, amongst other preparations, which 
 he would not be unready with, at his waiteing upon the King, to dealc 
 dutifully and plainely with his Majestie, when, in secret, hee took a paper 
 to this effect, amongst his remembrances. 
 
 “Things which much dissatisfy his Majestie’s Protestant subjects. 
 
 “The removeall of officers without any fait charged upon them, both 
 military and civil, and placeing men unqualifyed bylaw, in their roomes; 
 and the illegall and maleadministrations of such officers. 
 
 “The extravagant methods practised by the new magistrates in the 
 ancient loyall corporations, contrary to the expresse concessions in their 
 charters, to the mine of the burrows [and] destructive of the govern- 
 ment thereof. 
 
 “ That if his Majestie would please to have the cases truly stated, and 
 sent up from Wigan, Liverpoole, and Preston, the retornes to be made 
 by the displaced officers, and truly done at their perills. 
 
 “ That the Protestant gentry will not, can not, joyne in Lancashire, in 
 the execution of any office, with such as will not qualify themselves to 
 act according to law 
 
199 
 
 “ That the popish clergie so biissie themselves ia secular affaires, no 
 way relateing to their function, that they are grevvouse to his Majestie’s 
 Protestant, and vexatiouse to his Pomane Catholique, subjects. 
 
 “ That these persons, and his Majestie’s new made justices, have made 
 frequent adresses to his Majestie egregiously abusive, by false represen- 
 tations of things, quite contrary to the dispositions of the generality of 
 his subjects. 
 
 “October 8. At Sir Willowby Aston’s house. — This day, his Lord- 
 shipp begun his jorney from Knowsley towards London. 
 
 “ October 9. At Newport. — Thence he writes to have 2 pads bought, 
 to be ready at his retorne into Lancashire, haveing a prospect of his 
 much rideing. 
 
 “ October 10-13 [blank]. 
 
 “ October 14. At London. — This being the King’s birthday, and his 
 Lordship in mourneing, hee went not to Court. 
 
 “ October 15. Ibidem.— This day his Lordship kissed the King’s hand ; 
 his Majestie telling him he had sent for him to restore him to his 
 lieftenencies of Cheshire and Lancashire ; and after about an bower’s 
 discourse, the King desired his Lordshipp to hasten his visits in town 
 and to see the King againe, so soon as those were over, and then, as 
 speedily to retorne. This day his Lordshipp was well welcomed to 
 town, by some of the Lords. 
 
 “ October 16. Ibidem . — [No entry.] 
 
 “ October 17. Ibidem. — This, and the two former days, his Lordshipp 
 made his visits to the lords, his relations and acquaintance in town, 
 who, understanding he was to be restored to the lieftenancies of the 
 countys of Lancaster and Chester, the one abounding with papists, and 
 both neer neighbors to Ireland, thought it a good hit to gaine that post 
 to out the two popeish Lords, and deemed it adviseable to act with that 
 caution as not to have his commission withdrawn, but authoritatively to 
 gaine and preserve a power to secure the quiet of those countyes, and 
 haveing raised the militia, who were eager to follow him, hee might 
 raise, upon occasion, those and the more northern countys ; no man of 
 note to hinder him. Some of these Lords, then desired the Lord Derby 
 would correspond with the Lord Delamer. Whilst my Lord was at 
 London, the proclamation for restoreing Corporations came forth. 
 
 “ October 18. Ibidem . — This day, my Lord Derby waited againe on 
 his Majestie, who received his Lordship with much respect, closetted 
 him for some time, but without one word of religion ; told him hee was 
 a Stanley, that his ancesters were ever loyal, that his Majestie had been 
 abused with false reports of him, that he did now restore him, and, that 
 no time might be lost, would have him presently on his jorney home- 
 ward, and that it should be his Majestie’s care to speed his commission 
 after him, that it should be more large then any former had been, that 
 he expected his Lordshipp’s great care to keep his two countyes in quiet, 
 and preserve the peace there. His Lordshipp told him hee would do his 
 utmost to do that, acting according to law. The same day , and next 
 morning, his Lordship revisited his friends, &c., and left London. 
 
 “ October 19-23 [blank]. 
 
 “ October 24 and 25. At Knowsley. — [No entry.] 
 
 “ October 26. Ibidem . — His Lordshipp, this day, writ to all his old 
 deputy-lieftenants that were able, and for Lancashire, to come to him to 
 Knowsley the Thursday, following, viz. prime Novemh'is, to prepare for 
 matters, after allmost 4 years discontinuance, many of the militia 
 officers being, by death or otherwise, removed. 
 
 “ October 27. Ibidem . — This day, his Lordshipp received an Order, 
 with the Privy-Counsell’s signatures affixed, signed by his Majestie’s 
 
200 
 
 own hand, and siibsigned ‘ Sunderland,’ stileing his Lordshipp lord~lief- 
 tenant of the countyes of Chester and Lancashire, empowering him, as 
 such, to raise the militia, all or part, with a large power, discretionarily 
 to act for preservation of his Majestie’s peace and tl\e security and quiet 
 of the 2 countys, to hinder any from raiseing officers, except by his 
 Majestie’s Commission. Note. — That before this time, Collonel Gage 
 and his officers had Comissions, and had raised their cudgellery (sic) in 
 Lancashire and Cheshire which were quartered in several townes in 
 both countyes. Note, also that, as yet, his Lordshipp’s Comission as 
 lord lieftenant was not come to him. 
 
 “ October 2o. Ibidem , — [No entry.] 
 
 “ October 29. Ibidem . — This day, his Lordshipp’s Comission for his 
 Lieftenency not being comme, (which delay happened by my Lord 
 Sunderland’s being displaced before it could be ready, as was and 
 is supposed) his Lordshipp sent Mr. Corbet againe, post to London, for 
 it ; with letters to the Lord Preston, then Secretary, and letters to the 
 Duke of Ormond and Lord Rochester concerning the same. 
 
 ‘‘ October 30. Ibidem . — This day, the Lord Derby sent to the Lord 
 Delamer to desire a better correspondence betwixt them two, and to ask 
 where, when, and how, they might meet. My Lord Delamer appointed 
 to meet at Bold, the next day but one. This day, the Lord Derby sent 
 by the post to Mr. Tench, the names of his intended deputy-lieftenants 
 for both countys, to be approved of by the King and to have a Comis- 
 sion by his Majestie’s direction to gentlemen in the cuntry to take his 
 Lordshipp’s oath, and for Mr. Tench to solicit these and send them down 
 by Mr. Corbet. 
 
 October 31. Ibidem . — This day, his Lordshipp writt to all those he 
 had named in Cheshire for his deputy-lieftenants, to give him the meet- 
 ing at Northwich in Cheshire, that day senight. 
 
 “ November 1. Ibidem . — This day, the Lord Delamer met my Lord 
 Derby at Bold, where they spent some time in secret discourse, and im- 
 parted to each their severall ways of acting, my Lord Delamer declareing 
 liis great satisfaction in that meeting ; my Lord Derby haveing there 
 told him more than he durst, at that time, do to his own deputy-lief- 
 tenants. This evening, my Lord Derby and his deputy-lieftenants for 
 Lancashire, met at Knowsley. 
 
 “ November 2. Ibidem . — His Lordship shewed these deputies the 
 aforesaid order of the 19th of October. They were willing to serve him 
 as deputies, but were all of opinyon, neither he ought to act till his 
 Comission came and that hee had taken his oath, nor that they could act, 
 till the King had approved them, his Lordship given them Comissions, 
 and they taken their oathes. His Lordshipp then, that no time might 
 be lost, directed them to enquire and informe him, from the majors of 
 the severall regiments, and others, how many of the old officers were in 
 being and fit and willing to serve, and to find fit persons to supply the 
 vacancies of the rest. 
 
 “ November 3. Ibidem . — This day. Major Farrington, Major Preston, 
 and Mr. Copley were with his Lordshipp, to give names to supply 
 vacancies. This day. Captain (31dfield was there, about their Cheshire 
 concernes, for the militia of Cheshire. This day, Councellor Mort was 
 there, sent for to advise how farr his Lordshipp might legally act, if 
 occasion should be, before the Commission came. All resolve they 
 would, if great occasion should be, act by it ; but could not raise money 
 for the militia, without the Comission. Mr. Bankes and R[oger] 
 K[enyon] then there. 
 
 ‘‘ November 4. Ibidem . — All the said company, save Captain Oldfield, 
 this day took scale of his Lordship. 
 
201 
 
 “November o. Ibidem. — This day, the Prince of Orange landed at 
 Dartmouth. 
 
 “November 6. Ibidem. — [No entry.] 
 
 “ November 7. At Leftwich. — And this day, met the Cheshire deputy 
 lieftenants at Northwich, whom his Lordshipp acquainted with wliat 
 had been done, and that hee would send them deputations when his 
 Oomission came, which he dayly expected &c. and, that no time might 
 be lost, that, in the meantime, they would consider and send him the 
 names of fit officers to be comissionated {sic) by him, which they 
 promised, but did not performe. 
 
 “ November 8. At Knowsley. — This day, his Comission came to 
 him, whilst at Leftwich ; as also his Majestie’s approbation of all the 
 deputy lieftenants of both countys — 29 in number ; and a Commission 
 to Lancashire gentlemen to take his oath. The Comission beares date 
 the 25th of October. And by the laches of the Clerk of the Crown, the 
 new Secretary, knowing nothing of it, had been so delayed. 
 
 “ November 9. Ibidem. — day, my Lord Derby was sworne Lord- 
 Lieftenant of both countys. 
 
 “ November 10-13. Ibidem. — These 4 days, my Lord’s Secretary had 
 4 or 5 clerks, close at work, who made ready 29 deputations for the 
 deputy lieftenants, and fixed his Lordshipp’s large scale thereunto ; all 
 which, his Lordshipp, this day, signed, and afterwards gave comissions 
 to, and swore 3 Lancashire deputy lieftenants, one lieftenant-collonel, 
 and 3 captaines. 
 
 “November 14. Ibidem. — This day, the said deputations for all the 
 deputy-lieftenants of Cheshire were sent and actually delivered to them, 
 and they were at this time writ to, to speed the names of the militia 
 officers for that county that were to be comissionated by his Lordship, 
 and all his Lordshipp’s men close at work, to make ready 80 comis- 
 sions, with blankes, for the militia commission officers of both countyes. 
 
 “ November 15. Ibidem. — This day, the deputations were accordingly 
 sent to the rest of the deputy-lieftenants of Lancashire, and all of them 
 were writ to that they, and all the comission officers of the Lanca- 
 shire militia, would meet his Lordship at Preston, the then next 
 Wensday, to receive their comissions and take their oath. This 
 day, the Lord Delamer raised his tenants, and others, in Warrington, 
 Manchester, and Ashton ; and, to encourage them to rise with him, 
 publickly did declare that my Lord Derby would go the same way. 
 Which publication, hee knew, was against my Lord Derby’s designe that 
 that should be so soon known, for it did much startle severall of the 
 deputy-lieftenants, and of the militia officers, in both countys, and 
 rendered them, in Cheshire especially, very averse and backward in 
 raiseing their militia. 
 
 “November 16. Ibidem. — The Lord Delamer was, with his new 
 levies, at Boden Downes, in Cheshire. This day, Sir William Gerard 
 sent to my Lord Derby the Lord Delamer’s speech, which his servant 
 had fixed on the crosse at Warrington. There was no secret in it, and 
 to avoide the suspicion of confederacie, my Lord Derby sent it to the 
 then Secretary, Lord Preston. 
 
 “ November 17. Ibidem. — If his day, my Lord Derby had an informa- 
 tion in writing, and the informer sent with it from Wigan, that a soldier, 
 sick and likely to dye, had declared to his landlady that his conscience 
 durst not let him dye, without revealeing that there was a designe 
 amongst the soldiers, against the Lord Derby, to take him prisoner, but 
 hee feared to kill him ; and that the soldiers were for this purpose, in 
 the dead of the night, to march, without beat of drum, secretly, from 
 Wigan to Knowsley, the next night. My Lord Derby hereupon sot his 
 
202 
 
 tenants and servants to keep a strong guard in and about his house^ and 
 sent two of his servants, in the evening, with the paper to have the 
 Mayor examine the sick soldier and the woman ; and if they heard of 
 any soldiers comeing, to be back before them and give notice. 
 
 ‘‘ It was within night when my Lord’s servants came to Wigan, and 
 the guard took them and their paper at the guard-house ; it was carryed 
 to the collonels and captaines, and no examinations at that time taken 
 upon it, nor till the sick soldier had been taught a new lessen, which 
 was, that the soldiers, some of them, had said that if they thought my 
 Lord Derby was in combination with my Lord Delamer, as my Lord 
 Delamer had affirmed, that they would march to Knowsley and take or 
 kill his Lordshipp ; but true it was, the soldiers were up that night 
 before day, and before sunrise did march out of town towards Liver- 
 pool, and on their way thither, were within a myle of Knowsley, and 
 the common soldiers were heard to say (as it is probable they thought) 
 they were going to Knowsley, though they did not come there at all. 
 At this time, Collonel Gage’s regiment had no arms, except one Captaine 
 Moor’s company, which was raised about London and sent down ; but 
 there were armes, about this very day, came to Chester for them, and 
 were afterwards sent thence to them to Liverpoole. At this time, 
 Captaine Ashurst, his foot company of the Militia, good men and well 
 armed, were raised, and lay at Preston neer Knowsley. 
 
 “ November 18. Ibidem . — This day, Collonel Gage, Captaine Tildes- 
 ley, and other officers of that regiment, went to Knowsley, to dine with 
 my Lord Derby and excuse themselves for not haveing waited on his 
 Lordship sooner, and to beg his Lordshipp’s beleefe that there was in 
 none of their officers any ill-intention towards his Lordship, However, 
 my Lord Derby was alarmed with the like report from Gage’s soldiers, 
 then at Liverpoole, and, to prevent danger, went that night to Win- 
 stanley.” 
 
 “ November 19. [At] Winstanley. — [No entry.] 
 
 “ November 20. At Astley. — This day, my Lord sent commissions to 
 the militia officers of the county of the city of Chester, and ordered the 
 militia of the city to be forthwith raised and in readynesse for the 
 defence of Chester Castle, if need were, there being a good understand- 
 ing betwixt his Lordship and the governor. And this day, his Lordship 
 writ to the governor, to meet him at Warrington the then next Friday. 
 This day Lieftenant-Colonell Sir Richard Standish his foot company, 
 were raised and quartered at Wigan.” 
 
 “ November 21. At Preston. — This day, his Lordshipp met all the 
 deputy-lieftenants and all comission officers of the militia, who received 
 their comissions and took their oaths ; and now all the militia was 
 ordered, forthwith, to be raised. This day. Captain Bold’s troop was 
 raised, and guarded my Lord into Preston. Captain Longworth’s foot 
 company raised and quartered in Preston ; Collonel Rigby’s regiment to 
 l>e all forthwith raised, to lye, part in Lancaster, part in Preston; 
 Collonel Nowell’s regiment to go to Manchester ; my Lord’s own 
 regiment of foot to be at Ormskirk, Prescot, Wigan, and two companys 
 at Warrington which were ordered, if any force were heard of, to come 
 against Dunham, to draw thither forthwith in defence of that house and 
 family ; and that speedy notice should he given to my Lord, who would 
 follow them with sufficient force. This was somewhat beyond what 
 the Militia Act aj)points — that the force of one county do not march out 
 of the county without the King’s speciall order ; wherefore, the afore- 
 said direction was probably given. The like direction was intended to 
 be given at Manchester. Warrington is but 6 myles, and Manchester 
 but 6 myles or 7, from Dunham, on each side it.” 
 
203 
 
 Dorothy Lagoe to Roger Kenyon. 
 
 636. 1688, October 1 1. — ‘‘ The 3rd of August, John Digle, a Callender 
 man, one of the overseers of the highways, required a lay of mee for the 
 higheway. I refused to pay it, and hee took a pewter dish out of my 
 howse and said Mr. Kenyon could not bring mee off for this, if hee could 
 for otlier layes.” Seal. 
 
 Laurence Rawstorne to Roger Kenion. 
 
 637. 1688, October 16. Preston. — ‘‘ The busines of this day has been 
 a consultation of the Lord-Lei vetenant and his deputies, and what the 
 result of that is, wee poor inferiours know not; but the matter of your 
 enquiry I suppose to be how the old deputy leivetenants came of. There 
 was no more then Mr. Fleetwood, Colonel Rigby, and Cousin Preston, who, 
 after they had dyned at [the] ‘ Mitre ’ together, came to resolve that they 
 would waite on his Lordship and give this answer, (to wit) that in regard 
 they had been formerly under the Lord of Derbye’s command and that 
 they understood hee was in the King’s favour againe, they thought hee 
 might comand their service, and they were ready and willing to serve his 
 Majesty, in what capacity soever, to testifie their loyallty, but would not 
 take commissions at present, till they heard from him ; with some other 
 more pleasant words and expressions then I can give and would be 
 tedious to relate, for I had it but at second hand and am imperfect in it. 
 Cousin Preston had received his commission and returned it then, which 
 my Lord said was strange, after acceptance ; his Lordship being in a 
 jocose and pleasant humour, and Captain Glreenhalgh had the same fate 
 and sent his man with his, which was received. The conclusion was that 
 hee dranke the King’s health to them and wished, as they had been 
 friends, they might part in charity. This small account accept, and for 
 the news 1 suppose you have it, onely wee have 3,000 Scotch foot under 
 Leivtenant General Douglas will be with us tomorrow, and wee hope will 
 but stay one night.” Seal of arms. 
 
 Kathantel Molyneux to Roger Kenyon. 
 
 638. 1688, October 18. London. — “As to forraigne newes, and 
 domestick alsoe, it is so various, that wee cannot tell what to creditt. 
 Wedensday night last, and most of yesterday, it went for current that the 
 Dutch was landed at Sole Bay, but proves a meere roraan[ce]. The truest 
 
 newes, and that wliich wee moste confyde in, is that was 
 
 appointed a publike fast throughout Holland to implore [God’s] assistance 
 and blessinge upon their designes, in the defence of the protestant 
 religion, till which was over, the Prince resolved not to way anchor, or 
 put to sea; soe that, it is concluded, they sayled not till today, or last 
 night. It is sed, by all inteligence that comes from good handes, that the 
 Prince has great forcses, both of foot and exelent horse, far more then 
 our newes makes it, or the common report. Their navy consists 
 (besydes an expectation, or rather an assurance, of 20 saile of Swedes 
 
 ships) of 87 men-of-warr above shipps and att leaste 400 flatt 
 
 bottomes and good shipps that them for carry inge men and 
 
 horse. The great los that was said they sustained by the stres of wether, is 
 a meere storye, all falce. Their navye is in excellent good order, and every- 
 thing in good redines. Prince and all imbarke, but not one word sed 
 there what their designe is, or whear their tradeinge voyige lyes. Our 
 Dutch Embassador assures the Kinge they have noe designe against him, 
 and pawns his head out, but if he forfeit yt, you know it is pretty secure. 
 
204 
 
 because hee is what Jiee is. I hope it will prove as hee ses, and that they 
 are not so foolehardy as to atack us, who are soe strong, potent, and in 
 such an equipage that wee are able almoste to blowe them home againe. 
 The King {laus Deo) is in good health, and Prince of Wales alsoe, who 
 was christened this weeke — Jacobus Franciscus Edwardus. The Pope 
 and French King wear his godfathers, and Queen Dowager, godmother. 
 There has been great pressinge hear of late, both for sea and land. A 
 great army the King has, and in good equipage, and great preparations 
 hee makes of wagons, and in all other respects, that such an ocasione 
 requires for carryinge all warlike instruments to destroy theis fooles, 
 forraigners, and strangers that cannot be soe wyse as to stay in their 
 own countrye. And now. Sir, I thinke you have newes enough to fill, 
 till theis madmen invade us, and then (if I continue hear soe long) will 
 tell you both of their landinge and sending home again (if not well 
 mannered).” 
 
 Postscript . — Lord Derby is in statu quo prius — has his commission 
 again of Lord-Leivetenant, as I am informed by a very good hand.” Seal 
 of arms. 
 
 Warrant by James II. to the Earl of Derby. 
 
 639 . 1688, October 1 9. Whitehall. — “ Whereas wee find it necessary, 
 upon this intended invasion, that the kingdom should be in a posture of 
 defence. Wee doe hereby authorise and require you, forthwith, to raise 
 such part of the horse militia, as you think requisite, for preventing evill 
 disposed persons to goe to the enemy, and for securing the peace and 
 quiet of the country ; leaving it to you, upon any exigency that may 
 happen, to raise such part of the foot militia as you shall think necessary 
 for the purposes aforesaid. And our further pleasure is, that in case you 
 shall find that any person, of what quality soever, endeavoring to raise, 
 without a comission from us, or doeing any thing else which may disturb 
 the peace of our government, you forthwith give orders for seizing and 
 securing the said persons, with their adherents and accomplices. And 
 we doe also authorise and require you to doe what you shall further 
 think requisite for our service and the security and peace of those parts, 
 relying entirely upon your prudence and conduct.” Copy. 
 
 William B[ankes] to Roger Kenyon. 
 
 640 . 1688, October 23. Wigan. — “ The Corporation here is going 
 about this afternoon to place their old aldermen and officers. My sister, 
 Betty Leigh, writes me a piece of news which looks strange, but 1 will 
 venture it with you : that the Lord Sunderland and his Lady are said to be 
 gone into Holland, and that our great Lord Chancellor would have a 
 quicks (5^c).” Seal. 
 
 Thomas Braddyll to Roger Kenyon. 
 
 641 . 1688, October 25. Portfield. — “ On Saturday, we received the 
 unwelcome news of the death of my little grandson at Connishead, who 
 died on 19th instant, of convulsions. We have very good news of my 
 Lord of Derby, that he hath a commission for Lord-Lieutenant of 
 Lancashire and Cheshire, which rejoices the hearts of the generalities 
 of the country, for the red-letter men talk very high. Young Townley, 
 of Townley, is raising a troop of horse, and Mr. Holman, your 
 acquaintance of Loudon, is his colonel.” Portion of seal. 
 
205 
 
 Draft of a Petition, giving particulars of a dispute between the 
 Earl of Derby and Lord Delamere. 
 
 642 . 1688, October to December. — “ In October last, when the late 
 King had apprehensions of the then Prince of Orange his preparations for 
 coming into England, he, observeing he had put the lieftenancy of 
 Cheshire and Lancaiishire into unserviceable handes, thought fitt to 
 restore them to the Earle of Derb}' ; for, in that family, they had both 
 been for many generations, some hundreds of years. 
 
 “ The Earle of Derby, consulting with such as were promoters of the 
 then Prince of Orange his interposing to redress the kingdom’s 
 greevances, they concluded it was very adviseable to reaccept the late 
 King’s comission for his lieftenancies, which the Earle of Derby himselfe 
 had possessed 13 yeares ; for, thereby, he would be enabled to secure 
 those two county s, which were not onely most pestered with papists, but 
 likeliest to be the inlets of the Ireish. The late King desired the Earle 
 of Derby to go down to those countys, and sent him first a warrant to raise 
 all or part of the militia for preservation of the peace, and after, a 
 comission for the lieftenancy of both countys. 
 
 “ 30 October, 1688. — The Earl of Derby, when in the country, kept 
 an intimate correspondence with his freinds above, and being thence 
 informed of the Lord Delamer’s complyance, sent to desire a meeteing. 
 
 “ 1 November. — These two Lords met, had secret discourse some 
 howers, [and] imparted, each to other, diverse wayes to manage them- 
 selves. The Earle of Derby’s part was to be acted with secrecie, 
 least his comissions might be recalled ; and in raiseing the militia, to 
 comisionate such as might be relied on, or as time might work upon, and 
 not to declare till things were riper. 
 
 “The Lord Delamer’s undertaking was to rise so soon as newse came 
 of the Prince’s landing ; of which the Earle of Derby was to take no 
 notice, till the Lord Delamere was gone. The Earle of Derby, when the 
 militia were raised, to quarter some near the Lord Delamere’s house, with 
 private intimation to secure it and the family. 
 
 “15 November. — -The Lord Delamere writt to the Earle of Derby 
 that he was riseing. 
 
 “ 16 November. — The Lord Delamere randevouzed his men onBoden 
 Downes, and (perhaps to encourage them to come in) gave it out that 
 the Earle of Derby would go the same way, which report alarumed his 
 neighbouring intended deputy-lieftenents, and somewhat impeded their 
 proceeding, haveing not yet been ail acquainted with what was intended to 
 be done. 
 
 “ 19 November — Being but two days after the Lord Delamere’s going, 
 the Lady Delamer sent to Knowsley, the Earle of Derby’s house, his 
 Lcrdshipp being then abroad ; her gentleman publickly told it there, that 
 the Earle of Derby had promised to quarter part of the militia at 
 Altringham in defence of Lord Delamere’s house ; which was a second 
 publication of what was promised to be kept secret. 
 
 “ 24 November. — ^The Earl of Derby met Mr. Shakerley, then governor 
 of Chester Castle, who secretly corresponded with his Lordshipp to 
 secure that castle; and the Earle of Derby then gave him orders to raise 
 the militia of the city of Chester forthwith, for his assistance. The same 
 day, the Earle of Derby sent, by Mr. Birlow, to the Lady Delamere to 
 assure her of his constant care for her safety ; that she had been, and 
 should be, ever in his care, and that her house Dunham should be so, as 
 much as Knowsley. 
 
 “ 26 November. — The Earle of Derby sent severall foot companies to 
 quarter at Warrington, five miles from the Lord Delamere’s house, and 
 
206 
 
 one foot company at Manchester, within 6 miles of the Lord Delamer’s 
 house, who had secret orders that if any force were observed to draw 
 towards Dunham, they should ini ediately march thither to defend it ; and 
 hiraselfe, upon notice, would forthwith follow with his troopes. 
 
 “ 27 ISTovember. — Colonel Gage his E-omish regiment, raised in Lan- 
 cashire, before the militia was raised, grew uneasie (though they were not 
 yet disturbed) of being in that county, and went to Chester ; and 
 comeing thither in the night, the City militia being in armes, they, were 
 forced to be put and kept in the old town hall for that night, and not 
 received into any quarters. 
 
 “ Before this time, the Earle of Derby had comissionated 29 deputy- 
 leiftenants, all Protestant gentlemen of best quality and interest in the 
 two countyes, and comissionated fitt persons for militia officers in both 
 countyes, and raised, besides the militia of the City of Chester, 4 good 
 and great regiments of foot and 5 troopes of horse, all which, in con- 
 venient time, did unanimously declare for his Highness the Prince of 
 Orange ; and the declaration proclaimed in the head of every troop and 
 company. 
 
 “15 December. — All the country was greatly alarmed with the noyse 
 of the Ireish Papists, burneing and killing all before them. The Earle 
 of Derby thereupon, forthwith, with his own hand, writt and sent to the 
 Lady Delamere to assure her that in this exigencie, she should assuredly 
 find his particular assistance, and that he would send her what force she 
 thought needfull to secure her person and house. 
 
 “16 December. — The Earle of Derby received a letter, which was 
 sent open, or opened by the way, and copies taken before it came 
 to his Lordshipp. It is the Lord Delamere’s own hand in these words, 
 viz : — 
 
 Superscribed. 
 
 ‘ For the Earle of Der% at Knowsley in Lancashire. 
 
 ‘ My Lord, December 10th. 
 
 Had I foreseen how backward your Lordshipp is in doing your 
 part, I should have told your Lordshipp that it was not worth the while 
 to mention your name to the Prince ; for you cannot forgett you promised 
 to raise the militia imediately, and to quarter Bucklow Hundred at 
 Altrincham, and that if, in case the Papists comitted any outrage, or rose 
 in armes, that then you would fall upon them and leave neither root nor 
 branch. How farr you have made this good, your Lordship can best 
 tell ; but I hear, that on the 3rd instant, no militia of Buckley Hundred 
 was up, and, though the Papists made an attempt to burn my house, yet 
 I don’t hear of any resentment your Lordship has expressed against it. 
 Your Lordship must think you cannot be esteemed by the Prince, or 
 those with him, as a man that has given any assistance to the cause, and 
 I beleeve the nation will have the same opinion of you. But God be 
 praised, we need none of your help, or, if we be distressed, wee shall, not 
 seek to you for succor. Thus you have the opinion off. 
 
 Your humble servant, 
 
 Delamere.’ 
 
 ‘ Just now I hear you have suffered the Papists to possess themselves 
 of Chester.’ 
 
 “ In this account, many matters done by the Earle of Derby are omitted, 
 which perhaps in another, might have seemed meritorious ; but for the 
 Earle of Derby to have deserved so ill of his great neighbour, the Lord 
 Delamer, to be thus treated by him, and to add to his triumph, that the 
 leiftenancy of Cheshire, which so many ages remained in the house of 
 Derby, and the Gustos Rotulorum^s office, which the Earle of Derby 
 
207 
 
 held at his .... Majesty’s accession to the Crowne, must be taken 
 from the one, to be, given to the other, it must be endured with humblest 
 submission as to his Majestie ; but whether, in honor, the Lord Derby 
 could take one without both, is the humble question, and how 
 accountable (so doing) he can be to his countrymen and freinds in both 
 countyes, who have hitherto been allwaies united. 
 
 ‘‘ To answer each part of the above mentioned letter : never were 
 any Papist, or other, in all this time, near the Lord Delamer’s house, to 
 burne or harme it, nor was any manner of hurt done to it ; nor did any 
 Papist in either county, save those which were raised before the Lord 
 Delamer’s going, rise, or attempt to rise, nor did those who were before 
 raised, committ anything, but were kept in awe after the militia were up, 
 which were all up before the time in this letter supposed, nor did the 
 Papists ever possess themselves of the government of Chester Castle or 
 the city of Chester ; they were only quartered there, one fortnight 
 and 3 dayes, and might have been at any time, and then were taken 
 prisoners by the governor, the city militia, and townsmen.” 
 
 [ •] to the Eaul of Derby, at Knowsley. 
 
 643. 1688, November 13. — “ Eight frigatts more are ordered to bee 
 got ready with all speed, and his Majesty has sent to Trinity House, for 
 them to provide him a thousand seamen. Yesterday, two batallions of the 
 King’s and one of the Lord Craven’s regiment, marched, as also the 
 Lord Churchill’s troop of guards, and part of the Lord Dover’s (?), and 
 this day, the rest with the Duke of Northumberland’s troop, and to- 
 morrowe the Earl of Eeversham’s marches, and on Thursday his Majesty 
 intends to goe for Salisbury to view the ground and order matters fit 
 for the rendevous of his army, which will bee on the 28th instant. It 
 will consist of 21,000 men ; all old souldiers of the English, Scotch, and 
 Irish, leaving the new raised . . . with some old ones, in garrisons, 
 
 &c. A whole regiment is to guard the citty every night while the King 
 goes for the west, but his Majesty will stay but 3 dayes there, att 
 present. The western letters tell us that the Prince of Orange landed 
 but 16,000 foot and 5,000 horse, and those were numbered by some 
 persons of discretion ; that the Earl of Shrewsbury, Earl of Macklesfeild, 
 and Lord Wiltshire, came to Exeter on Wednesday, but the Prince of 
 Orange did not come thither till Friday, and lodged himself at the 
 Deanery. That his horse are pretty good, but the foot very ordinary, 
 and much inferiour to ours ; that some of his troops were advanced to 
 Honiton, Tiverton, and other places, in order to go for Bristol ; and 
 that he had sent to bespeak 7^00 pair of shoes and 7,000 yards of cloath 
 there. The Lord Colchester, lieutentant of the first troop of guards, 
 Colonel Godfrey, Mr. Thomas Wharton, and 4 or 5 of that troop, and a 
 brigadier, are absent, and supposed to be gone to the Prince of Orange, in 
 calashes, last week. The Duke of Grafton came from sea last night. 
 It is discoursed that one of the Prince of Orange’s gunners has deserted 
 and is come up, and gave his Majesty an account of their army, much to 
 his satisfaction. On Sunday, the rabble got together to pull down the 
 Popishe chapel at St. James’, and broke the windows, &c., but the 
 Lord Craven and guards coming, and promising to blow it up next day, 
 they were dispersed ; but yesterday, as the preists were removing their 
 goods, they seized on two cartloads and burnt them on Holborn Hill 
 and in Smithfeild ; whereupon the guards were sent to suppress them, 
 with orders to fire with bullet, which they did, and killed 4 or 5, and 
 forced the rest to retreat.” Seal of arms. 
 
208 
 
 Peter Egekton and William Hulme to Koger Kenyon, “ at 
 Knowsley, or elsewhere.” 
 
 644. 1688, November 14. — You are very sensible we know what a 
 consternation the country is in, upon the account of the late potent in- 
 vasion, and what a clatter the red-letter men make, and in what a readyness 
 they unanimously shew themselves to be to serve the King, upon that 
 occasion. Now, it is some surprise to us, that it should be thought 
 needless (by wise and thinking men) to put the country into as great a 
 forwardness for action as they. It is now some weeks agoe since we 
 had it from any good hands, that the Earle of Derby had received againe 
 his commission and was restored to his full power, as before, and we 
 have been in expectation of his calling the militia together every day. 
 Now, good cousen, we desire to be informed by you of the truth in that 
 matter, and what you doe conceive that his Lordship does design to doe, 
 for we doe apprehend the consequences of sitting still at this time to be 
 as fatal as those of doeing something; provided alwayes, that a man 
 have but the good luck to doe that little thing that he does, wisely ; but, 
 hit or miss, we are at his Lordship’s devotion, and if we may but be 
 thought worthy to understand his mind, nobody shall be more ready to 
 the utmost extent of our power to serve him than we.” Seal of 
 Egerton armes. 
 
 Petition to James II. by the Nobility and Gentry of the County of 
 York, City of York, and County of the same City. 
 
 645. 1688, November 17. — “We, your Majestie’s most loyall sub- 
 jects, in a deep sense of the miseries of a warr now breaking forth in the 
 bowells of your kingdomes, and of the danger to which your Majestie’s 
 sacred person is thereby like to be exposed, and also of the distractions of 
 your people, by reason of their present grievances, do think ourselves 
 bound, in conscience of the duty we owe to God and our holy religion, to 
 your Majestie and our country, most humbly to offer to your Majestic 
 that, in our opinion, the only visible way to preserve your Majestie and 
 this your kingdome, would be the calling of a Parliament — regular and 
 free in all its circumstances. 
 
 “ We, therefore, do most earnestly beseech your Majestie that you will 
 be graciously pleased, with all speed, to call such a Parliament, wherein 
 we shall be most ready to promote such councells and resolutions 
 of peace and settlement in Church and State, as may conduce to your 
 Majestie’s honour and safety, and to the quieting of the mindes of 
 your people. We do likewise humbly beseech your Majestie, in the 
 meantime, to use such means for preventing the effusion of Christian 
 blood, as to your Majesty shall seem most meet.” 
 
 [Roger Kenyon] to Sir William [Hulme]. 
 
 646. 1688, November 28. Wigan. — The reports, you may believe, 
 were as surprising to me as they could be to any other ; but coming so 
 many ways, at sundry times, from divers places, and so sober persons, 
 though I am not apt to be too credulous, yet, pondering the circumstances 
 and discontents of some impatient to be anything but uppermost in every- 
 thing, it seems as if such gave leave to their passions per fas vel nefas 
 to hurry them on to what they aim at by the most unaccountable 
 methods. The original reporters are jirofessors of the Roman religion, 
 and seem rather religiously than maliciously to make the discoveries. 
 Minutest means are not despicable to detect conspiracies. Draft. 
 
209 
 
 Roger Kenyon to the Mayor of Wigan. 
 
 647. 1688, November 28. — I heartily thank you for your intima- 
 tion, though the matter of it, for those soldiers to demand of the militia 
 som6 compauyes to deliver up their guard is, I think, what ought not to 
 have been done without pre -acquainting mee, who ordered the militia of 
 your city (sic) to be at this time raised. You tell mee their entrance into 
 your city, in the night, with light[ed] matches, put your town into a great 
 consternation; and so it well might. If the thing is over, and all 
 at quiet, I shalbe very glad ; if otherwise, pray let mee forthwith 
 hear from you agaiue, and I will readily contribute that power the 
 King hath entrusted mee with to preserve your peace ; and if you write 
 againe, bee, I pray, as particuler as you can, that the remedy may not too 
 much exceed the necessity of what aid is sent you, if occasion be.’^ 
 Draft. 
 
 News Letter addressed to Roger Kenyon, at Peel. 
 
 648. 1688, November 29. London. — “ In my laste, I tould you that 
 the Lords Spirituall and Temporall were ordered to attend his Majesty, the 
 effecte of which meeting hath produced a free Parliament ; for, yesterday, 
 the Lord Chancellor came to the severall Courts of Westminster Hall 
 and declared his Majesty’s resolution of a free Parliament, in all its cer- 
 comstances, being called immediately, and had given orders to the Clerk 
 of the Petty Bagge to prepare the writts for passing the seales, and they 
 will be issued out immediately. Three things, I am told, were agreed 
 on in Council, viz., a free Parliament, a generall pardon, and commis- 
 sioners to be sente to the Prince, who lay on Sunday night at Crake- 
 hurne, haveing hunted (?) in the Lord Pawlett’s parke, and, on Tuesday, 
 was expected at Sherburne, designed to lye at my Lord of Bristill’s. 
 His army marches three roads towards London, viz., by Sherburne, 
 Marleborrow, and the Devizes We are advised from Birmingham that, 
 on the 26th, the Lord Delameere, with severall other Lords, came 
 to that place, with about 500 horse, well armed, and expected as many 
 more in a few dayes. They marched to Edgbaston Hall, where they 
 found a greate quantity of armes, which they seized. The Lord Dauby, 
 with severall other Lords, are still in Yorke ; they have just sent parties 
 of horse to bring in some companyes of foote which were marching 
 southwarde, which, as soon as they met them, laide downe their armes 
 and joyned the horse, declaring for a free Parliament and the Protestant 
 religion. 
 
 “ Nottingham, the 26th instant. — The Lord Devonshire, Sir Scroope 
 How, &c., are going to Derby, with about 200 horse ; severall stout 
 fellows are there ready to mounte horses. One Cornet Gree, late of the 
 Lord Arran’s regiment, is gone to Liester, to raise men for Sir Scroope 
 How. The Duke of Newcastle, having ordered the militia to meete him 
 at Southwell, severall came, but had their armes seized ; and partyes are 
 sent out to seize the rest. All the Papists have there armes seized. In 
 short, the generality of the people came into them, declareing for a free 
 Parliament and the Protestante religion. The Lords Northampton, 
 Gray of Ruthin, Manchester, and severall gentlemen, came to North- 
 ampton, the 26th, and marched towards Harborrow. Those in Oxford- 
 shire are alsoe for a free Parliament, and severall gentlemen have 
 joyned them. Yesterday, the Common Council of this City was chosen, 
 being most of them Church of England men. The Kinge sente to the 
 Lord Mayor that hee would not have them meete till he gave order. I 
 am tould that the Commissioners that are to goe to the Prince of Orange 
 are the Bishopps Ely and St. Asaph, the Lords Godolphiu, Hallifax, 
 73480. O 
 
210 
 
 Nottingham, and Rochester. The Parliament is to meete the 15th of 
 January. The Duke of Albamarle is dead, in Jemeca, and Dr. Oates dyed 
 last Tuesday. It is said the Earl of Salsbury and Lord Milford are 
 made Groomes of the Stole to his Majesty. Sir Nicholas Butler hath 
 laide downe all his places.” 
 
 J. Keeling to Roger Kenlon. 
 
 649. [1688, November.] — Mr. Corbet and Mr. Ormeston are here ; 
 the occasion thus : one of our towne was tould by a soldier that our 
 companies were to march out privately, this morning, and that some 
 designe was against my Lord of Derby, which wee sent to acquaint Mr. 
 Banks with, and hee, being at Knowesley, the person who heard the 
 words v/ent thither; upon which they came to inquire if there were 
 anything in it ; but, I believe, very little — only the jealousies, perhaps, of 
 some Protestant soldiers, by reason of their sudden and private departure. 
 Mr. Corbet was to order mee to send a messenger to you to let you know 
 his Lordship’s desires to see you today.” 
 
 Postscript. — If you have anything extraordinary of my Lord Dela- 
 more, pray let us have it. Pray let Dick give the messenger my hand- 
 kerchief. The newes speaks little but that my Lord Lovelace is taken, 
 with 13 of his horse (by the militia), goeing to the Prince of Orange. 
 Severall killed on both sides. Hee intends to fortifye the line for his 
 winter quarters. The Bishop of Exeter is made Archbishop of Yorke.” 
 Seal, broken. 
 
 Thomas Preston to Roger Kenyon; to be left “att the three 
 Legs of Man,” in Wigan. 
 
 650. 1688, December 4 . Lancaster. — The officers are so clamorous 
 I know not what to do with them ; therefore, I desire you will not fail 
 in sending me orders to receive the sum laid upon Lonsdale Hundred, 
 and a discharge to the High Constables.” Seal of arms. 
 
 The Earl of Derby to Roger Kenyon. 
 
 651. 1688, December 8. — “ I am, I assure you, out of order, having 
 been ill last night — much worse than I shall own. This may excuse me 
 to the gentleman that designed to meet me ; and, to tell you truly, I do 
 not see any great necessity for it, my opinion being so well known for 
 Lord Colchester and William Holt, for the King’s proclamation removes 
 all scruples, and I hope his carriage may take off the objection of a Court 
 employment, so far am I from thinking it to his prejudice, as things go 
 now.” Seal of arms. 
 
 William Banks to Roger Kenyon. 
 
 652. 1688, December 9 . Winstanley . — “ Mr. Keeling had a letter, by 
 the last post, from my Lord Ancrin [Ancrum] ; it is more remarkable than 
 any of his former, which makes Keeling impatient till my Lord [Derby] 
 and you have i»ad a sight of it.” Seal. 
 
 Lord Delame re to the Earl of Derby. 
 
 653. [1688,] December 10. — Original of letter quoted in No. 642. 
 
 News Letter addressed to Roger Kenyon. 
 
 654. 1688, December 13. London. — Yesterday, neare Wapping, my 
 Lord Chancellor, in a seaman’s habitt, was seized and brought before my 
 
211 
 
 Lord Mayor, and from thence committed to the Tower. Lord Chief 
 Justice Herbert [and the] Bishop of Chester are seized. Wright and some 
 other of the Judges are fled. Prince George is alreddy come to White- 
 hall, and the Prince of Orange is expected tomorrow. 
 
 “ Yesterday morning, severall of the Lords, Aldermen, and Comis- 
 sioners, went in theire coaches and 6 horses to meet the Prince of 
 Orange, to present him with a very complementall address, as, amongst 
 others, that the King had left his people, and therefore prayed his high- 
 ness to make hast to London to settle affaires.” 
 
 Mr. Hammond to Eoger Kenton. 
 
 655. 1688, December 13. Whalley. — -‘‘Mr. Parker, of Bradkirk, came 
 to Clitherow, and, with his son, discoursed in the lawyer’s behalf, who 
 declared himself willing to serve in Parliament, if they should think him 
 fit ; he joins with none ; several promised him their votes. Mr. Pudsay 
 offers himself. Mr. Wilkinson, of Waddow, makes interest for himself 
 or Mr. Waddall. Sir Edmund says little of it.” Seal. 
 
 [Roger Kenyon] to the Earl of Derby. 
 
 656. 1688, December 18. — ‘‘ Sunday last, his Majesty returned to 
 Whitehall and was received with great joy. A Council was held and an 
 express sent to Ireland to supersede the Earl of Tirconnel’s Comission 
 and to constitute the Lord Grenard in his room, who is to turn all 
 papists out of comysion and disarm them. But the news of TirconneFs 
 being secured, proves false. 
 
 “Father Hall is comitted to Newgate, as is F. [Father?] Peters’ 
 brother and Sir Roger L’Estrange, for writing and dispersing treason- 
 able papers against the government. 
 
 “ The King’s forces are marched out of town, to make room for those 
 of the Prince of Orange, who entered on the guard att Whitehall last 
 night, and the King has ordered the Duke of Berwick to deliver Ports- 
 mouth peaceably, &c. 
 
 “ Major Littleton is killed by Captain Atherley, in a quarrel. 
 
 “ The Lord Chancellour is writing a narrative in the Tower, and will 
 discover all he knows. Wee are told he will discover something about 
 the death of his late Majesty, and that he is much troubled in mind 
 about his evidence concerning the birth of the Prince of Wales. His 
 Lordship delivered the seal to his Majesty, and the writts for the 
 Parliament to Mr. Chiffins, 
 
 “ This morning, his Majesty went for Rochester, and some of the 
 Prince of Orange’s troops are his guard. The Prince of Orange has 
 confined the Marquis of Hallifax, as some say, for advising a private 
 treaty with his Majesty, and not in Parliament. And a guard is sett 
 upon the Earl of Feversham and Collonel Oglethorpe, about some words 
 of the Earl of Essex’s death. 
 
 “ The Bishop of London is Clerk of the Closet, and the Bishop of 
 Durham turned out, and Dr. Hickman is made subdean of the Princess’s 
 Chappel. 
 
 “ The Prince lay last night att Syon House, and this afternoon came 
 to 8t. James’s, being met by the Sheriffs and Aldermen in their formali- 
 tyes, &c. 
 
 “ Sir John Fenwick and the Lord Newburgh have layd down their 
 Comissions. 
 
 “ The Lord Mayor continues very ill. 
 
 “ The Catholiques in Cheshire have layd down their arms. 
 
 o 2 
 
212 
 
 “ The tryall of the 7 Bishopps is now printing by order. 
 
 ‘‘ The chusing Parliament men here, was putt off to-day by reason of 
 the Prince’s coming to town. 
 
 “ Att Oxford Sir Thomas Clargis and Mr. Finch are chosen for the 
 University, and Sir Edward Norris and Captain Berty, for the town ; 
 but it is said Mr. Finch will bee made Lord Chancellour, and Sir John 
 Powel, Lord Cheif Justice.” 
 
 The Declaration of the Lord Lieutenant, the High Sheriff, Deputy 
 Lieutenants, Justices of the Peace, Officers of the Militia, and other 
 Protestant gentlemen of the County Palatine of Lancaster. 
 
 657. 1688, December. — We being heartily and zealously concerned 
 for the protestant religion, the laws of the land, and the liberties and 
 properties of the subject, cannot, without being wanting to our duty, be 
 silent under those calamities wherein late prevailing popish councils 
 have miserably involved these kingdoms, and do therefore unanimously 
 resolve to apply ourselves to his Highness the Prince of Orange, who, 
 with so great kindness to these realms, so vast expence, and such hazard 
 to his person, hath undertaken, by endeavouring to procure a free parlia- 
 ment, to rescue us, with as little effusion as possible of Christian blood, 
 from the eminent dangers of popery and slavery. And we do hereb}^ 
 declare that we will, with our utmost endeavours, assist his Highness in 
 the obtaining such a parliament wherein our laws, liberties, and proper- 
 ties may be secured, the Church of England in particular, with due 
 liberty to protestant dissenters, and, in generall, the protestant religion 
 and interest may be supported and encouraged, to the glory of God and 
 the happiness and reputation of the established government in these 
 kingdoms. In the meantime, we will endeavour to preserve, as much as 
 in us lies, the peace and security of this county, by taking care to disarm 
 all papists, and to secure all Jesuites and Romish preists within the 
 same. And if there be anything more to be performed by us for pro- 
 moting his Highness’ generous intentions for the publick good, we shall 
 be ready, as occasion requires, to contribute our best endeavours.” 
 
 The Convention. 
 
 658. 1688. — “ Remarques upon a free conference in the Convention.” 
 
 Observations on Lord Brandon’s Lord Lieutenancy and the State 
 of the County of Lancaster. 
 
 659. [1688-1689.] — “That Lord Brandon, before the late King James 
 his comeing to Chester and Holliwell, writ to the Lancashire Noncon- 
 formists, it being his post to introduce that party to complement that King, 
 and on a large common, short of Chester, the Lord Molineux and his 
 popeish spark es standing on one hand in the King’s way, and the Lord 
 Brandon at the head of his tender iiolders-forth, some 16 or 17 of them 
 haveing buds on, on a very hot day, and backed with a small mob of the 
 same complexion, stood on the other hand to receive the late King. 
 
 “ That the Lord Molineux was, at Chester, made Lord Leiutenant of 
 Lancashire, who, thereupon, afterwards made 13 Deputy Lieutenants, 
 7 convicted papists and 6 reputed protestants; of all the 13, Lord 
 Brandon was his first-named Deputy Leiutenant, 
 
213 
 
 January 22th, 1687-8.— Lord Derby put out from being Gustos 
 Eotulorum and Lord Molineux made Gustos. 
 
 ‘‘11 April 1688. — Earl of Derby and 43 more of the Protestant 
 Justices were turned out of the Comission of Peace, and 27 rejectors of 
 the penall lawes and test came in, of which 16 were papists, the rest 
 had the name of Protestants ; Lord Brandon one of these. 
 
 “ May 1689. — Lord Delamer made Lord Leiutenant of the county of 
 Chester. Lord Derby, whose ancestors had had it above 200 years, 
 himself haveing been Lord Leiutenant 13 years, was turned out to give 
 place to Lord Delamere. This, ])erhaps, was too much resented by Lord 
 Derby, to find his freinds, who were the ancient Deputy Leiutenants and 
 militia officers there, turned out, and thereupon he quitted the 
 Leiutenancy of Lancashire too, so [that in] 
 
 “ June 1689, Lord Brandon, who had been, within less then a yeare, a 
 Deputy Leiutenant with the papists, was made, and is now. Lord Leiu- 
 tenant of Lancashire. Lord Derby, who was before Gustos Rotulo^'um, 
 is laid aside for that too, and Lord Brandon in that place, 
 
 “ Lord Brandon hath not, in Lancashire, ever qualified himself accord- 
 ing to the Act of 25 Car. 2 for these places. Quere^ if he have done that 
 anywhere, and if he have not done. Quei'e, whether all the Comissions 
 given by him, his being fallen, be not allso void, and then what a condi- 
 tion is the Lancashire Leiftenancy in, though the Deputy Leiutenants 
 and militia officers did duly qualify themselves. 
 
 “ The Lord Brandon was a regulator of the Lancashire Corporations, 
 and very unaccountably removed the Mayor of Lancaster, the Mayor of 
 Preston, the Mayor of Wygan, and other officers, sure that was an 
 employment of trust under the late King, and in those days he never 
 qualified himself accordeing to the said law. Quere, if his disability be, 
 or can be, restored, without an Act of Parliament. 
 
 “ The Lord Brandon had diverse of the cheefe papists, in Lancashire, 
 in prison, but so as in the townes of Manchester and Salford where they 
 were, each had so much liberty as to choose his lodgeing, to remove at 
 pleasure upon any dislike to any other lodgeing, to meet and dine 
 together where they pleased, to converse without any restraint with any 
 that came to them, together or apart, and some of them were frequently 
 permitted to go to their own homes and to retorne upon paroll without 
 any keeper, which gave them a much greater opportunity then they 
 could have otherwise had, had they not been thus kept together. 
 
 “ That a little before the election of this Parliament, to sweeten them 
 for their interest, they were ail discharged upon baile. 
 
 “ That when the Lord Brandon came downe and set up his friend Sir 
 Samuel Grerard to be chose at Lancaster, severall papists, which before 
 absconded, came to give votes for his friend. Sir Samuel, his Lordshipp 
 personally appeareing to manage that election. 
 
 “ That some of the papists have owned a protection under the Lord 
 Brandon. 
 
 “ That there are now in Lancashire, many new companies, who have 
 colours, drums, and armes, and frequently traine, formed into companies. 
 Quere, by what Comission, they are not of the militia, viz. : — 
 
 “ Captaine Bight, Captaine Bootle, Captaine Hooper, Captain Browne, 
 Captain Andrews, Captaine Crompton, Captain Sharpies, Captain Bigby, 
 Captain Willoughby, Captaine Clayton, Captain Astley, Captain Dor- 
 neinge. 
 
 “There are several others who have sometimes appeared in com- 
 panies, but whether they have done of late, Quere, viz. : — Captaine 
 Cross, Captaine Lever, Captaine Egerton, Captaine Birch, Captaine 
 Hulme. 
 
214 
 
 Petition of William Richard George, Earl of Derby, to 
 
 James II. 
 
 660. [1688.] — “ I had not at this time in this matter appeared, when 
 your Majestie’s troubles are too many ways multiplied upon you, but that 
 if opportunities of this nature are slipped they are past retreeve. 
 
 “ Your royall brother. King Charles the Second, was generously bounti- 
 full to the late Duke of Albemarle’s father, for the doings of that brave 
 manj so eminently instrumental! in his Majestie’s restoration, in con- 
 ferring upon him considerable estates in divers countys, which, I suppose, 
 by his late Grace his dyeing without issue, do revert to the Crown and 
 are now in your Majesty’s disposition. 
 
 ‘‘ Might I offer to your royall consideration in the other scale, my 
 grandfather’s and father’s sufferings, the consequences whereof have 
 sunk mee, comparatively to theirs, so low in estate (which, without 
 derogation, methinks I may mention, since by no prodigality, but by the 
 effect of faithfullest loyaltie, their losses came) that as I bear their 
 quality, which I would not eclipse, I have often chosen rather to 
 disapear then not support ; I hope this may, with such proportion, weigh 
 in your compassionate thoughts, as in some degree to restore mee, if it 
 were but granting to mee and my family so much of that late Duke’s 
 lands and estate as lye in Lancashire, where most of what lemaines to 
 mee of my ancestors’ estate is. 
 
 To enumerate our losses (for theirs are now mine) would make it 
 too long for a petition, but by a moderate estimate, made 37 years ago, 
 they did amount to 209,000/. 
 
 “ If I have sometimes failed in my attendance at Court, and suffered 
 for want of those influences which your benigne aspect hath enriclied 
 others, which it hath never been my want of perfect loyaltie, but because 
 I was afraid to express my other wants. I have, I hope, no way 
 diminished my ancestors’ character in these countryes where I live, but 
 if your royall heart shall incline by granting these lands to enable mee 
 to make a good figure abroad also, a much fallen family will, to ages to 
 come, celebrate your gracious Majestie’s memory.” Drafts in Roger 
 Kenyon's hand. 
 
 Edward Chippindall and John Webster to Roger Kenyon, 
 
 at Peel. 
 
 661 , 1688-9, January 3. Cliderow. — They have received the Sheriff’s 
 precept for the election of burgesses for Parliament. Not being sure 
 whether they ought to proceed thereon, or new orders,” have called a 
 “ Hall ” for the next Monday, “ when we desire your company.” Seal 
 of arms. 
 
 Thomas Greenhalgh to Roger Kenyon, at Peel, 
 
 662 , [16]88[-9], January 9. — “ There was 2 men this day with mee, 
 the one lives in Bolton, the other on Tonge Moor, that were but a few 
 days since at the ale-hous on Hindley Common, when Mr. Langton of Loe 
 beinge gone out to look on the wall, the landlord begun the Earl of Derby’s 
 health, which Mr. Langton hearing, broke the landlord’s head with his 
 cane and threw him in the fyre. One of the witnesses blaming of him for 
 his abuse, he fell upon him, who threw Mr. Langton in the fyre ; but 
 Mr. Langton goes and fetch’ t 4 more, soe that they being but 2, 
 thought it convenient to march off*.” Seal of arms. 
 
215 
 
 J. Rowe to Roger Kenyon. 
 
 662a. 1688[-9], January 10. [Isle of Man ?] — “ I have noe newes to 
 send you hence in this great conj uncture, but can truely tell you that we are 
 of one minde, unanimous, and of one true protestant religion, in this litle 
 quiet nation; and if we have noe disturbances from abroad, we are assured 
 of peace at home, not being (God be thancked) infested with Rome’s 
 incendiarys ; yet we cannot but admire the suddaine and great revolu- 
 tions, and with great eagernes expect to heare of the established peace 
 of the three kingdoms. It would be too tedious to express here my 
 earnest desire, for the welfaire of England to be restored to its pristine 
 glory and happines.” 
 
 [^Postscripts] — Captain Charles Christian gives his humble service 
 to you.” Seal. 
 
 R. Heywood to Roger Kenyon, at Peel. 
 
 663. 1688 [-9], January 13. Castle Rushen [Isle of Man]. — “ I hope 
 
 you and I may now drink a bottle of wine, without danger of our throats, 
 by the sparks lately soe much in fashion . ... We have been 
 
 much amazed and distracted here, by the various reports wee have 
 received of the affairs of England, not knowing what to believe ; but of 
 
 late we have received better satisfaction There are 
 
 severall of the Popish recognizauces, forfeited 9 or 10 years agoe, 
 yett uncompounded for, and you may please to remember I excepted 
 them, and the remainder of Lever’s fine, in the deed of conveyance to 
 Tom Dod and his partner. If there bee any hope of getting any thing 
 . . . I will come over.” Seal of arms. 
 
 Viscount Colchester to Roger Kenyon. 
 
 664. 1688 [-9], January 24. — ‘‘ I have sent you the Prince’s order to 
 mee to seise horses of my Lord Branden’s, or the Marquess de Miremond’s 
 regiment. I am informed there are severall run into Lancashire. My 
 request to you is that you will employ your people to seis such horses as 
 they shall find did belong to either regiment, and send them to 
 Wardly (?), and I will order Richard Lightborn to satisfy them for their 
 expences.” Seal of arms. 
 
 Justices for Lancashire. 
 
 665. 1688-9, January 29. — The names of the Justices of the Peace 
 
 for the County of Lancaster. . c 
 
 to Roger Kenyon. 
 
 666. [1688-9 ?] February 2. Whitehall.— “ The late King, as he is 
 now stiled, has still a great party in the House of Lords, many being for 
 calling him back, though it is declared by them, he has broke all the 
 lawes and deserted the Government, as you may find by the votes, but 
 we that se through it, are resolved to stick to the Prince and do not 
 question our success at last.” Seal. 
 
 George Allanson to Roger Kenyon. 
 
 667. 1688 [-9], February 2. Temple. — The Lords begin to come 
 pretty near a closure with the Commons, only they cannot agree that the 
 Government is vacant, but the next week is supposed will settle that 
 matter, by two or one crowned heads. 
 
216 
 
 [William Banks to Koger Kenyon.] 
 
 668. 1688 [-9], February 2. London. — There seems to be a differ- 
 ence in opinion between the Lords and Commons, about the vote sent up 
 to the Lords relating to the vacancy, about which the Lords do not concurr; 
 a conference is designed to be had on Monday. There are some sort of 
 people that begin to threaten the Bishops, because all but two of them 
 went against the vote, and, as I am told, their own house has a great 
 many in it that would gladly have them only there as cyphers. It 
 is said two letters were delivered this day to each house, one sent by 
 the Lord Preston, and are supposed to come from the King. Neither 
 house gave them reading, so that they cannot be certain who they come 
 frorn ; they lie upon the tables, and I hear the Lords’ house will look 
 into them on Monday. “ Two petitions were brought to the houses this 
 morning, delivered- by ten of the mobile; the substance of them was to 
 have some one put into the throne, the King being gone. They 
 report every one of the ten was deputed to this by 5,000 of the tike, 
 which, if not satisfied, will come themselves. These petitions were not 
 read.” This gang expressed their kindness to the Bishops, saying if they 
 would deliver their chaplains, as they called them., into their custody, 
 they would take care of them. Seal of arms, hrohen. 
 
 William B[anks] to [Roger Kenyon]. 
 
 669. 1688[-9], February 7. — ‘‘ After the Free Conference was over 
 yesterday, the Lords, upon the return to their house, voted an agree- 
 ment with the Commons as to the vacancies. About twelve this day, they 
 sent them to us for our concurrence, but our Committee having not 
 then drawn up all the heads judged necessary to be redressed and 
 allowed by those who are to be set in the throne, they put off the con- 
 sideration of the Lords’ resolution till tomorrow.” Seal, 
 
 Nicholas Starkie to Roger Kenyon, at Peel. 
 
 670. [16]88[-9], February 9. Gray’s Inn. — Craves his “assistance 
 and advice, which will be the most proper and best course to take, to get 
 to be Attorney Generali of Lancashire,” which place, he supposes, will be 
 vacant, when the Prince is proclaimed King. He would not doubt of 
 success, if he could make Lord Derby and Lord Colchester liis friends. 
 “ I hear that Mr. Greenfield and Mr. Barty Entwisle, who are now in 
 town, intends to make what interest they can, but through whom, I 
 
 cannot learn. It is said that the Prince and Princess will be 
 
 proclaimed King and Queen of England on Munday.” 
 
 William Banks to Roger Kenyon. 
 
 671. 1688 [-9], February 14. — Has spoken in his favour to Lord 
 Derby. Lady Derby has been made, by the Queen, Groom of the Stole, a 
 place of great profit, \,000li. per annum at least, “ and to take place of 
 all Duchesses. This will let some people see there is merit in that person 
 that hath been so neglected. The Lord Sunderland was seized at 
 Rotterdam, in woman’s habit. The Lord Chief Justice Wright was 
 taken this morning in the Old Bailey and sent to prison. The King 
 having chosen a council this day, they sat, and it is said that the great 
 men will find it an easy matter to turn this Convention into a Parliament. 
 I hear the lawyers engage to find law, so there is like to be a dull time 
 for the poor alehouses that expected new treating of parties.” SeaL 
 
217 
 
 William Assheton to Eogee Kenyon. 
 
 672 . 1688[-9], February 14. London. — The enclosed paper contains 
 the substance of what the Convention has done since their meeting, and 
 was perfected and concluded by both Houses last Tuesday night. That 
 same night, the Princess of Orange came to Whitehall ; she was met at 
 Greemvich by the Prince and Princess of Denmark, and was received at 
 Whitehall by the Prince of Orange himself. Yesterday, both Houses 
 w^aited upon them both, in the Banquetting House, and, according to 
 their resolution, at eleven o’clock they were proclaimed King and Queen. 
 Their Majesties went to chapel at Whitehall the same day, and in the 
 King’s seat appeared his Majesty, with his Queen on liis right hand and 
 the Princess of Denmark on his left. The Bishop of London preached 
 upon these words, ‘‘Neither circumcision availeth any thing nor uncir- 
 cumcision, but a new creature.” This morning I saw a list of the Privy 
 Councillors, great officers of State, Judges, etc., but I am told it is imper- 
 fect ; it is certain the Lord Delamere is of the Privy Council, but I do 
 not learn that our good Earl is amongst them. Seal, 
 
 William Banks to Eoger Kenyon. 
 
 673 . 1688[-9], February 16. — The enclosed was their Highness’ 
 answer to the declaration presented by both Houses, in the Banquetting 
 House, immediately after which they were proclaimed. Thanks was 
 ordered to be returned them for their gracious answer. On Monday, their 
 Majesties will come to the Lords’ House, to which day we are adjourned. 
 They had designed to have been there on Friday, but the Master of the 
 Wardrobe to their late Majesties had laid the robes out of the way, so 
 that they could not be found, therefore, new ones are to be ready for 
 Monday. Seal, 
 
 William Banks to Eoger Kenyon. 
 
 674 . 1688 [-9], February 19. — “ Tomorrow we appointed to wait on 
 my Lord Derby and Lord Colchester, the later of these I met with to day, 
 gave him. your service, and told him the contents of yours. He said he 
 should be ready to do what lay in his power, when he was put in a way 
 how to proceed. Mr. Starkey will direct him, I suppose, as to that. As 
 to Vernon’s place, I writ to you three or four posts agoe ; there are 
 several aiming at it, but no one yet hath a promise that I can hear. 
 Mr. Hulme, of Urmstone, hopes for successe on my Lcrd Delamer’s 
 interest, having ingaged him at his first comming up, and his brother, 
 Mr. George Booth, is made one of the Commissioners for the Customs, so 
 that he stands in all likelyhood fair. My Lord Derby told me he had 
 also desired the favour of recommending one, at the same time I put him 
 in mind of you. When next I see him, you shall know more. The 
 Lord Maxfield is made Captain of the first Troop of Guards, but it is 
 believed his mind is not thoroughly satisfied with that command. His 
 Grace the Duke of Ormond is first Bedchamber man (next to the Groom 
 of the Stoole) if he pleases. This, if accepted on, it is hoped will let him 
 in to greater preferment. I have inclosed you the King’s speech and 
 the Order for rectifying the prayers. To day we had designed to have 
 considered his Majesty’s speech, and accordingly had entered into a 
 Grand Committee of the whole house, but the Lords sending us down a 
 Bill to prevent and remove all doubts, questions, surmises, and difficul- 
 ties, concerning the assembling and sitting of this present Parliament 
 since February 13th, it was read, and ordered to be read again tomorrow, 
 
218 
 
 upon which the debate will be, whether we shall be a Parliament or not. 
 To day, the King viewed in Hide Park about ten thousand of the Dutch 
 forces, one half of which are to goe forwards tomorrow towards 
 Holland, the rest are to follow, all but about 200 horse, which they call 
 his Guard de Core.” Portion oj seal. 
 
 Nicholas Starkie to Eoger Kenyon. 
 
 675. 1688[-9], February 19. — Concerning his appointment as Cus- 
 tomer for Liverpool, for which office several persons are applying. Lord 
 Delamere has great hopes of getting one of his brothers to be a Com- 
 missioner of the Customs. This day the Convention have turned them- 
 selves into a Parliament. 
 
 William Banks to Roger Kenyon. 
 
 676. 1688[-9], February 21. — Lord Derby and Lord Col[chester] 
 will deliver Mr. Starky’s petition to his Majesty this night. As to Mr. 
 Vern[on’s] I find, by his Lordship, it is filled up, as he says, by a friend 
 of Lord Delamere’s, his brother George being made one of the Com- 
 missioners for the Customs. I can assure you I often remind him of 
 you, but I know his slow way of proceeding so well that I must confess 
 1 was afraid he would let someone step in his way ; “ for my part, I cannot 
 hear that he hath opened his mouth for any soul living.” However, 
 Mr. Stanley was to-day made one of the Grooms of the Bedchamber, 
 which I am glad of, but whether it was upon any motion of his, I 
 cannot learn, “ for his shy reserved humour sticks so close to him that I 
 believe he will befriend but few.” Joining Lord Colchester with him 
 will make him more active. When William Ashton sees you, he will tell 
 you more than I can well write, for I have told him all. The resolution 
 of the Grand Committee yesterday was, that we were a Parliament ; the 
 House agreed to it and gave the Lords’ Bill a second reading ; it is 
 committed, and will not be long, I suppose, before it be passed into an 
 Act. There being several regiments of the Dutch forces ordered by his 
 Majesty to return back into- the States’ service, there was a motion made 
 in the House this day that his Majesty might be desired to bestow a 
 donation on those forces that came over with him, that were now going 
 back. It was agreed to, and the Lord Wiltshire ordered to present the 
 desire of the House to his Majesty. It was also ordered that Sir 
 Robert Howard bring in an account of all moneys issued out of the 
 Exchequer to Burton and Graham, for prosecutions at law, etc., termed 
 by some, blood service. Also, that he bring in an account of all moneys 
 paid during the reign of King Charles II. and King James, for secret 
 services. Last night. Lord Arran, Duke Hamilton’s son, was set upon 
 by six men, as he was going home in his chair, one of them ran the chair 
 through and scarred his throat, but he got out, drew and defended 
 himself, till his men got people together. He has several slight wounds 
 in his hands and head. The men are not to be discovered, running away 
 as his servant came up. This I had from one he told it to himself. 
 They were English, and he heard them call him a ‘‘ Papist dogg,” though 
 he is none of that religion. It is talked here that the Paptists in our 
 country are inquiring who those were that pulled down or defaced their 
 chapels. I can scarce believe they would be so silly at this time of day 
 to act so imprudently. 
 
 Nicholas Starkie to Roger Kenyon. 
 
 677. [1688-9,] February 28. — “The news here is, that the King is 
 landed in Ireland with a great many French officers, and that Tarconnell {sic) 
 
219 
 
 is 70,000 strong, and 30,000 of them very well armed, and it is reported that 
 they are very mutinous in Scotland. It is not certainly known who will 
 be Judges Commissioners of the Grreat Seal, or Commissioners of the 
 Treasury. The Commons have voted the king 70,000/. per mensem for 
 six months, and are this day about setting the Revenue, it is doubtful 
 whether for life, or from three years to three years, that there may be a 
 tryennyal Parliaent.” 
 
 The Eaul of Debbv to [Roger Kenyon?]. 
 
 678. 1688-9, February 28. Whitehall. — Being informed of the 
 Popish meetings lately, in several places, and having acquainted the King 
 with it, I am commanded by his Majesty to desire you and the rest of 
 the Protestant gentlemen, to take such care as that they keep the peace, 
 and also to desire that you will use your endeavours to suppress them, if 
 they should attempt anything against the Government. 
 
 William B[ankes] to Roger Kenyon. 
 
 679. 1688[-9], March 9, — “ The House hath had nothing before them 
 these two days but the Bill for the Aid, which is to be read again on 
 Tuesday next, and will afterwards be ordered to be ingrossed. All the 
 Commissioners for each county are already added to it. The Councill is 
 now, as I am told, putting the King in mind of filling the Commissions for 
 Justices and Leiftenants. The Lords Leiftenants that were, and others of 
 the members for each county, have delivered in lists of such as they think 
 fit to serve, in order to it. You may guesse who did it for Cheshire. 
 For Lancashire, my Lord Derby gave in one, but I am apt to think there 
 might be some other papers delivered in besides, by others that pretend 
 to as great interest there. After a while, when wee see who are the 
 Lord Leiftenants, wee can easily guesse at the other commissions for all 
 places, [which] I am told are ready. Reflections are cast on the Cheshire 
 Deputies and ofiicers as being persons of the least estates, least interest, 
 and not liked by the souldiers, who are well affected, as they say, but 
 Ido not hear they will afford their officers so kind a character. You may 
 guesse from whence this arises. I shall be glad to hear from you, after 
 you have met Sir Ralph and Cozen Rawstorn. It is reported here, the 
 Papists and others as disaffected, as themselves are very high in your 
 parts, as though they had something in prospect.” 
 
 \^Postsc7'ipt.'\ — My Lord Colchester’s Regiment is to march through 
 our county to Carlisle. If there be any young fellow^s about you that 
 will bring in horses of fiveteen hand high, he will take them into his 
 troop. Richard Lightbound {sic) can tell you the certain time of the 
 regiment’s coming.” Seal, 
 
 The Earl of Derby to Roger Kenyon. 
 
 680. 1688-9, March 14. Whitehall. — “ I am very glad you have 
 thoughts to come up, and I desire you will lose no time. I shall defer re- 
 solving upon a seal keeper until I see you. Roper has writ on behalf of 
 two, but I tell him I am engaged to you, which I suppose will stop his 
 mouth. Expecting to see you soon, I shall not mention the chancellor- 
 ship nor anything else, only I showed the King Col : Rawstorne’s letter ; 
 his Majesty is very well pleased with it. I trust now, in a short time, the 
 lieutenancy will be settled, and that I shall be continued, notwithstanding 
 the endeavours of some to the contrary.” Seal of arms. 
 
220 
 
 L. Rawstorne to Roger Kenyon, at the ‘‘ Sword and Buckler,” in 
 
 London. 
 
 681. 1688-9, March 17. Preston. — Asks Kenyon to speak to Lord 
 Derby on behalf of Capt. Bellingham, to procure him a captain’s place in 
 some regiment going to Ireland. Seal of arms. 
 
 S. Richmond to Roger Kenyon. 
 
 682. 1688-9, March 24. Liverpool. — Asking for Kenyon’s influence 
 to get his son the post “ of one of the Lord of Derby’s titular chaplains. 
 It is generally observed that the Papists are as high and brisk as in King 
 James’ reign.” Several of them abscond, which makes him apprehend 
 they must have some pernicious design on foot, and now the soldiers are 
 leaving the country and marching for Ireland, he could heartily wish 
 that such a care were taken to secure them, that his Majesty’s good 
 Protestant subjects may be delivered from their fears and apprehensions. 
 
 [S.] Richmond to Roger Kenyon, in London. 
 
 683. [1689,] April 2. Liverpool. — Thanks him for his “friendly 
 
 intercession ” with Lord Derby on behalf of his son. “ We have received 
 nothing of late from Ireland. The .... opinion here is that 
 [the] Protestants have little .... left but Londonderry, and 
 should that place [be given] up by the Irish (with conveniencys for a 
 siege) .... supplys reach them out of England or Scotland, the 
 town must of necessity surrender ; and then, farewell Ireland till a new 
 conquest at ... . must cost millions of treasure and tliouvsands 
 
 . . . . Our Papists are still very uppish and, it is said, some of 
 the best of them are absconded, for what end, may be easily supposed. 
 Pray God protect us from all their designs, and settle these distracted 
 nations in peace and quietness.” Torn. 
 
 Leftwich Oldfield to Roger Kenyon. 
 
 684. 1689, April 15. — “I am informed that my brother Tom — after 
 having bin plundred and fearing wors usage — with som gents of consider- 
 able estates, made escape out of the River Shanon (many others, attempting 
 the same thing, being taken), and is coming almost round Ireland, at last 
 arrived at Plymouth, is now coming up to London. I hope he may come 
 to find you in town \ have therefore advised him to find you out (I hope 
 the stationer in Gray’s Inn Gate knows your lodging), because I tell 
 him you will, as a true friend, direct and introduce him to my Lord and 
 Lady Derby, and probably otherwaise to his hopefull advantage. He 
 writes that King James landed, 13 March, at Kinsal with several French 
 and Irish officers that escaped out of England, and that the Bishop of 
 Chester is with them.” Seal. 
 
 [The Same] to Roger Kenyon. 
 
 685. [1689?] April 20. — “Here is terrible apprehensions of Northern 
 disturbances ; the imposing of oaths and necessary taxes to support new 
 impositions, I expect will make diveilish fractions. Every man is apt to 
 stick to his purs, and not willing to part with it to everyone who bids 
 him deliver. If the nation be measured by the rable, it will be found 
 like recconing without the host. The division of the partys spoken of, 
 threatens confusion. Many false steps and fatall omissions irremediable 
 without wonderfull providence. The State proprietors and undertakers 
 may answer, for sure they begin to find themselves out in their 
 
221 
 
 polliticks; but c:m falling all to pieces be avoided^ when they come to 
 determine and settle religion; that word imbroyleth (?) most part of 
 the world at present, and raiseth .... that the thing itself is 
 almost lost in the disputes. Many Babells are built upon that basis.” 
 Postscript . — “ The account of the King’s landing in Ireland seems to 
 agree with the Butler’s letter to his mother in Wales. Here is report 
 that he took 1,000, some say 10,000, hors with him, the Duke of 
 Luxemburg, and many extraordinary officers.” Unsigned. Seal. 
 
 Thomas Rishton to Roger Kenyon. 
 
 686 . 1689, April 26. Greengore. — Asking for Kenyon’s influence 
 with the Chancellor, to have Mr. George Tounson made a Justice of the 
 Peace, as he lives amongst a numerous neighbourhood of Papists in 
 Chipping, Bleadale (?), Goosnargh, andBolland, and he thinks there are 
 some feuds betwixt him and them, as they are now strangely impudent 
 in the country. The Papists here are so uneasily troublesome, they 
 never carried themselves at a greater height and confidence than now, 
 frequently and publicly libelling and rediculing the King and Queen 
 and all such as side with them ; they know at present they may do it 
 with impunity, because there is nobody to complain to. 
 
 [Thomas Kenyon] to Roger Kenyon. 
 
 687. 1689, May 14. London. — The King went this morning towards 
 Portsmouth, took with him 19,000//. to distribute amongst the sailors, 
 who, it is said, behaved themselves very bravely in the late engagement. 
 The Dutch fleet, consisting of 39 men-of-war and 10 tenders, joins the 
 English to-morrow at Portsmouth, and will receive, it is believed, some 
 private orders from the King, so that in a little time we may expect to 
 hear of some signal action. Commissions for raising 50 regiments 
 more will immediately be issued forth, five regiments arrived from 
 England at Londonderry, and the garrison there has, in a late sally, 
 entirely cut off the Royal regiment and most part of the Duke of 
 Berwick’s regiment of horse, and made a great slaughter amongst the 
 rest. Sir Roger Strickland was killed in the engagement at sea. 
 Colonel Lundy is committed to the Tower, and offers to impeach 
 Colonel Richards and Cunningham of High Treason. The Parliament, 
 resolving to set closely to the business of the kingdom, have ordered 
 that no Private Bills shall be brought in during this session. 
 
 William Banks to Roger Kenyon, [M.P.]. 
 
 688. [16]89, May 21. London.-— I received yours, and acquainted 
 as many with it as I knew. For that purpose I staid in town last night. 
 I have delivered the case to Sir Edward Chishenall, who is very much 
 your friend and takes a great deall of care in it ; and because it is thought 
 necessary to have more writ, I have desired him to imploy two or three 
 scriveners to write out about a dozen off them, which we will distribute 
 to such as we hope will make the best use of them for you. To-morrow, 
 it will be brought before the House. I am forced to goe back this 
 morning to Richmond, but will be here to-morrow to doe you the best 
 service I can. I suppose you know who did you this dissarvice in the 
 other House. Iff we can but gett it back to a conference (which will 
 be all the tugg !) I hope it may goe well ; we have a great many 
 enymes in our House, because no other county hath the like .... 
 
I 
 
 222 
 
 The Dutch have joyned our fleet with seventeen men-off-war. Peter 
 Shakerley is sent to the Tower, as the warrant is for treasonable 
 practices .... Lord Derby is gone into Gloster shire.” 
 
 [Leftwich OldpieldJ to Eoger Kenyon. 
 
 689 . [1689,] June 5. — ‘‘ On the other side is, I believe, a prettie exact 
 account of what passed this place. It would be a wild thing to say 
 anything of reports how many passed Stockport, since we hear they 
 came two or three days^ march from or by Warrington, whence the most 
 notable was a parcell of boys that mimicked granadeers and were very 
 ready in their exercise ; little exercising of any, either foot or horse, 
 that I hear of, saving drawing up and saluting the lord with volleys, as 
 he came nere them. Great thancks returned them, with money to the 
 severall troopes and companies to drink, shouting and clawing one 
 another. His lordship, they say, had pen and ink in his hand, and noted 
 the names of the officers and number of their men, in his book, and the 
 officers gave listes of them to his clerk, as is said. Great declaring of 
 readiness, at his call, to fire and to die, as some say, but of any speech, 
 petition, or address, can learn nothing to be relyed on. Some whispering 
 or soft discourse passed between his lordship and the officers, when he 
 came to them, and the largess given. Some companies had 20^., some 
 30^., some five or six half-crownes, as said, when the silver grew low, 
 and afterward, the guineas went till all had some touch of the Generali’s 
 liberality. It is talked as if the Lancaster men designed a petition (if 
 he pleased to undertake the delivery and redress) against Lord Brando])’s 
 being their Lord Lieutenant, but closly caryed. Some pretend to know, 
 others do but guess at the growth of strawberries. This towne is now 
 full of the retorning rout, for the rare-show ended Tuesday evening, but 
 reports differ soe much about the gross number, that there is no ofering 
 at an estimate — the difference being between five thousjind and fourty 
 thousand, besides spectators innumerable. The greater part mustered, 
 are thought to be foreigners. I hear not of any man of note in Cheshire, 
 save Colonel Legh; be brought in, as reported, 200 (not of the militia, 
 but volunteers). Captain Low, of Korth . . . brought on Monday, 
 
 foot, and on Tuesday, hors, but it is the other county-men are to mee 
 most remarqerable, their principles considered, which you know better 
 than I, and therefore I leave them to your further consideration. . . . 
 
 “ I have, in all, a regard to our lord ; if, out of these broken hints you 
 can spell any thing worth his notice, I have my end. I make noe com- 
 ments and admitt noe gloss yet. Besides, I perceive by yours, it is 
 dangerous writing. Mine to you have been with most freedom. I 
 cannot imagine who should be sent for up, or who should be suspected. 
 
 I have heard talk of an association at Chester ; but, sure, it will prove 
 noe more then making Mr. Leving an alderman by fair voting, though 
 to the great dissatisfaction of the all-pretending party. And I would 
 hope nothing wors can be charged or proved against P. Shakerley, 
 and that the trick of putting him by, being restord [resorted ?] to, that 
 government is att (?) the end on it. 
 
 “ On Monday morn, at 3 o’clock, a pack of Ashton’s foot, between 
 two and three hundred, condiictyd by Captain Wright, passed towards 
 Bowden. 
 
 At 7 o’clock another parcell, called Blakley Lyon, with two collours 
 (with a lyon displayed in the said collours), about six score foot, lead 
 by Captain Leaver, of Olerington, and Sam Dickinson, junior, with two 
 drums and two pipers, and followed by about 40 hors, passed through 
 this towne. 
 
223 
 
 “ About an hour after, Captain Parson-Duhurst passed, followed by 
 about 80 hors, six abreast, all with drawn swords, but neither col’lours 
 nor trumpeters, besides the parson, not above six carrying pistolls of 
 the whole. 
 
 ‘‘A collours, with about 80 foot, from Radcliff, under Captain Seddon. 
 
 ‘‘ Out of Salford went Birch of Ordsall, with a parcell of hors and a 
 company of foot, very full and well armed. 
 
 “Out of Manchester, Captain Joshua Brown, with 60 hors, and 
 Captain John Digles, with about 120 foot with armes and trophies, 
 some trumpetts being sent in on Sunday by his Lordship, enquiring for 
 Captain Brown. 
 
 “ Egerton of Shaw^ with others, passed at Barton, I hear. 
 
 “ Monday night came into quarters at Manchester, Captain Cross, of 
 Darwen, with about 50 hors. Lord Willoughby’s second son with 72 
 foot. Captains Throp and Smith, of Bolton, with about 120 foot, all 
 which marched out early on Tuesday morning for Bowdon, that being 
 the principall show day. 
 
 “ Same night came also to quarter in Manchester, a parcell of 
 Cheshire hors, about 60 (with two trumpetts), from about Sandbach, 
 conducted by one Cotton, a pettifogger, and nephew to Mr. Acton, of 
 Crew. These had been at Bowden on Monday, where they had left 
 their foot to ly all night in Bowden church, with a cart-load of Sand- 
 bach ale, brought thither for succour. The said hors returned to 
 Bowden early on Tuesday. 
 
 “On Tuesday night, in their return from Bowden tumult, came to 
 quarter at Manchester, about 60 foot in a company, from Saddleworth, 
 in Yorkshire, headed by one Captain Bulkeley. 
 
 “It is said that old Colonel Dukenfeild undertook for a regiment of 
 true old stagers.” Unsigned. Seal. 
 
 Safe Conduct. 
 
 690 . 1689, June 6. — Safe conduct for Edward Henshaw, master of 
 the ship Dove, of Dublin. 
 
 Henry Rowe to Roger Kenyon, in London, 
 
 691 . 1689, June 7 . Peel. — “This is to give you an account of my 
 travels (since you went for London) about the sheareing (sic) of the 
 Justices that wold take their ooths. On Wednesday, after the receipt 
 cf the Commission of Peace, I went to Warrington, thinking to find there 
 Mr. Bold and Mr. Risley. Mr. Bold was gone for London, Mr. Risley 
 took his oath that night. I went to Liverpoole, thinking Dr. Richmond 
 would have taken his oath, but he desired tyme till you come home, and 
 would not then take it. I went on Thursday to Ormskirk, and 
 Dr. Alcock gave me the same answer. 1 went afterwards to Preston to 
 a general meete, where I thought I should have mett some gentlemen 
 that were in commission, but there was none. Afterwards, I went to 
 the assizes, and there I swore Judge More, Mr. William Kirkby, 
 Mr. Cole, and one Mr. Fenwick. There was none that came 
 beyond sands but Mr. Kirkby. Mr. More, Mr. Cole, and Mr. Fenwick 
 appointed Quarty Sessions to be at Lancaster on Tuesday, the 11th of 
 this month, and appointed me to be there .... Mr Kirkby, 
 hereing of it, told me he would gett the gentleman in commission 
 beyond sands, to meet two days after the Sessions at some place, and 
 w'ould give me notice, that I might come over and swere them. After 
 the assyses were ended, I went into Blackborne Hundred, and first I 
 
224 
 
 went to Mr. Osbaldeston to have sworn him, but he lay upon his death- 
 bed, and died the day following I met with Mr. Braddylland he would 
 not take it till you came home, saying, he had nobody to join with him 
 but Mr. Holden, and he would joyne none with him. I went to Black- 
 borne to see what Mr. Livesay would doe, and he desired to bee excused, 
 being 81 years of age, and weeke and feeble.^’ Seal. 
 
 Certificate of the Arrival of Lunt and Threlfell. 
 
 692 . 1689, June 17. — Certificate, by James Crosfield and Henry 
 Jaynson, that the Lyon, of Lancaster, came to Beathaven (?) from Ireland 
 on that day, between .3 and 4 o’clock in the morning, and at that time her 
 longboat put Lunt and Threlfell on shore. 
 
 Trained Bands of Lancashire. 
 
 693 . 1689, June 1 8, — Commission from Charles, Lord Brandon, Lord 
 Lieutenant of the County Palatine of Lancaster, to Sir Richard 
 Standish, Bart., as Lieutenant-Colonel of a regiment of foot of the 
 trained bands within the County of Lancaster. Copy. 
 
 [The Earl of Derby] to Roger Kenyon. 
 
 694 . [1689?] July 4. — 1,000 foot and 1,000 horse are marching 
 for Ireland under the command of Counte de Solmes. It is certain King 
 James’ affairs go ill, many of his own religion growing discontent[ed], and 
 I am assured, from a very good hand, the gentlemen of best quality who 
 are protestants, in and about Dublin, are at this time forced to beg their 
 bread. I am sure I need not comment upon this to you, but I woud 
 have others, if there can be such fools or knaves, to se what they must all 
 come to if the late King should prevail.” Seal. 
 
 [The Earl of Derby] to Roger Kenyon. 
 
 695 . [16]89, August 13. — The Parliament is expected to rise this 
 week, and, so soon as I have freed a friend, and a near relation, out of 
 trouble, I resolve to go straight into Lancashire. By the informations and 
 the letters, I find the Papists were in great expectation of the late King’s 
 and their great master’s coming into Lancashire. I believe the Protestants 
 will not envy their having such a one, and, for my part, I wish all 
 popish governments had exactly the same for their heads. Their in- 
 telligence, I find, still fails them, for Ireland will certainly be very sud- 
 denly reduced, Kirk having at this time 15,000 men with him. I am 
 very glad you have got those letters, I hope the authors will be found 
 out. Holograph, hut unsigned. 
 
 “Mr. Higiisheriff John Birch’s Order concerning the House 
 of Correction at Preston in Amonderness.” 
 
 696 . 1689, August 26. — Ordering that John Willacy “ do continue 
 governour of the said House of Correction, as it appears that Willi.am 
 Tomlinson, of Garstang, is a very disloyal and disaffected person to the 
 Government, a great favourer of Papists, and did very much mishehave 
 himself in the governing of the said House, formerly, and is not fit to be 
 intrusted with so great a charge.” Copy. 
 
225 
 
 The Declaration of the Right Reverend Father in G-od, John, 
 late Lord Bishop op Chichester, upon his death-bed. 
 
 697. 1689, August 27. — ‘‘ Being called by a sick (I think a dying) 
 bed, and the good hand of God upon mee in it, I take the last and best 
 viaticum^ the sacrament of my dear Lord’s body and blood. I take myselfe 
 oblidged to make this short recognition and profession, that whereas I 
 was baptized into that religion of the Church of England, and sucked it 
 in with my milk, and have constantly adhered to it through the whole 
 course of my life, and now, if so be the will of God, shall dye in it, and 
 had resolved through God’s grace assisting mee, to have dyed so, tho’ att 
 a stake. And whereas that religion of the Church of England taught 
 me the doctrine of non-resistence and passive obedience, which I have 
 accordingly incullcated upon others, and which I took to be the 
 distinguishing character of the Church of England, I adhere no less 
 firmly and stedfastly to that and, in consequence of it, have incurred a 
 suspension from the exercise of my office and expected a deprivation. I 
 find, in so doing, much inward satisfaction, and if the oath had been 
 tendered at the peril of my life, I could onely have obeyed by suffering. 
 
 “ I desire you, my worthy friends and brethren, to bear witness of this 
 upon ocation, and to beleive it as the words of a dying man and who is 
 now ingaged in the most sacred and solemn act of conversing with God 
 in this world, and may, for ought he knows to the contrary, appear with 
 these very words in his mouth att the dreadfull tribunall.” 
 
 “ This Declaration was read and subscribed by the Bishop, in the 
 presence of Dr. Green, the parish minister. Dr. Hicks, Dean of Wor- 
 cester, Mr. Jenkins, his Lordship’s chaplain, Mr. Powell, his secretary, 
 and Mr. Willson, his emanuensis, who all communicated with him.” 
 Copy. 
 
 Daniel Fleming to Roger Kenyon, Clerk of the Peace. 
 
 698. [16] 89, September 23. Rydal. — When they meet, he is ready to 
 take such oaths as are appointed by law. ‘‘ You may acquaint eJudge 
 Powell, that I am much his Lordship’s servant; that the Clerk of the 
 Peace for Cumberland and Westmoreland have been with me ; that I 
 have taken the oaths fcr Justice of the Peace in those two counties, and 
 that I shall doe the like for Lancashire.” Seal of arms, hrohen. 
 
 Letter from the Lords of the Treasury. 
 
 699. 1689, September 26. Whitehall. — Ordering the enforcement 
 of the Act for the better securing the Government, by disarming papists 
 and reputed papists. Copy. 
 
 A. Rigby to Roger Kenyon. 
 
 700. 1689, October 12. London. — He has a great liking to a certain 
 young lady, as well as to the excellent tempers of the father and mother ; 
 otherwise, as he hopes to be saved, he can have a very fine young lady 
 with 8,000/^. “ on the nail.” with a prospect of much more. 
 
 The Justices at Manchester Sessions to the Earl of Shrewsbury. 
 
 701. 1689, October 18. — “ Wee account it our humble duty to make 
 his Majestic, by the favour of your Lordshipp’s relation, acquainted that 
 many of our Romann Catholique younger gentry, some of good quality, 
 
 73480. P 
 
226 
 
 have for some months absconded, though wee have assurance they 
 renaaine in our cuntry. Wee have had diverse discoveries, by informa- 
 tion, that their hath been some medelling of officers and men, prepara- 
 tory to their hopes of an invasion or an insurrection, and after severall 
 
 too plaine [ ] though not affecting us to that degree as to think 
 
 materiall enough to trouble your good Lordshipp with, yet the con- 
 tinuance of them, and the observation which spreads and becomes a 
 public remarque, puts us upon it to present your Honour the account 
 that, to some of the gentlemen now absconded, there hath been sent from 
 London, boxes with scarlet and loke pistolls, swords directed for safe 
 conveyance to protestants who knew nothing of them, and, by neglect of 
 the correspondents, unintentionally delivered as directed, and so dis- 
 covered. That there hath been warr sadles bespoke and privately 
 conveyed to disafected persons, 5 or 6 months ago, that our gaoles are 
 full of Irish papists yet, we have frequent accounts of many others at 
 popish houses, and that which gives the occasion of this is, that the last 
 day but one, six new warr sadles, made by a popish sadler, were sent for 
 in the night by a popish gentlewoman, one Mrs. Outhbert, a widow, who 
 hath three brothers now absconded. Wee have five persons in prison, 
 about them all papists, and the rumour so possesses the enraged rable, 
 that wee are more solicitouse to appease than afraid of what those male- 
 content restles gentlemen can do ; for wee, without aid, are sufficiently 
 able and vigilant to free our cuntry from danger. There are some 
 constables and others do deserve rewards for their extraordinary care. 
 What wee shall do with those offenders, with these sadles or with 
 others, upon like occasions, your Lordshipp’s appointement, according to 
 his Majestie’s good pleasure, will, with greatest humility and faithfull- 
 ness, be complyed with and obeyed.” 
 
 Thomas Hodgkinson to Roger Kenyon. 
 
 702. 1689, October 23. Preston. — I went on Wednesday last to 
 Browsholme, to the christening of Cousin Parker’s son and heir, where 
 the child was no sooner christened but the mother died, so that our 
 designed rejoicing was turned into mourning. Seal of arms. 
 
 William Banks to Roger Kenton. 
 
 703. 1689, October 26. Winstanley. — Is sorry he disappointed him 
 to day at Wigan; he rose early intending to be off* by eleven o’clock, but 
 Mr. Holt not being up, he was forced to stay till ten, before he came down, 
 after which Mr. Holt would not let him go without a breakfast equal to 
 a dinner ; then they tossed off some “wooden cans” which took till half past 
 two. “We drank your health and a great many more that we took to be 
 no flinchers,and then, in hopes to have found you at Wiggan, I rid ray mare 
 
 so as to get there before five I must desire you will 
 
 deliver the enclosed to my Lord Derby ; it is only to pay my service to 
 him before I leave the country, and assure him I am the same man 
 (whatever he may think to the contrary) both to him and his family that 
 I always professed myself.” Seal. 
 
 Richard Langton to Roger Kenyon. 
 
 704. 1689, November 21. London. — His affairs are in good posture, 
 which he ascribes to Kenyon’s assistance. Lord Rawlinson chosen referee, 
 in the matter betwixt the Chancellor and clerks, who was of opinion “ we 
 ought to be restored, and an order accordingly, last post, went from the 
 
227 
 
 Chancellor to Preston for that purpose, and Tom White is to be removed, 
 and I hope we are in a fair way for settling ourselves more steadfastly 
 than heretofore. The Chancellor is very generous, and insisted not 
 upon one penny more than our generosity would advance.” Seal of 
 arms, 
 
 William Banks to Koger Kenyon. 
 
 705. 1 689, November 23. London. — I cannot yet learn who is to be 
 our sheriff. Lord Delamere intends,! perceive, to top over our Chancellor, 
 but who it is he hath recommended, time must only show. Last night, 
 at a Committee, upon a full hearing, we voted his brother (though our 
 sitting member) unduly elected for Dartmouth, so one Mr. Horne who 
 opposed him, but could not have so much justice of the Mayor as to be 
 returned, was voted into his place. We have no further account of 
 Irish news but that they are gone into winter quarters ; all former 
 extravagant stories are contradicted. 
 
 The Earl of Derby to Eoger Kenyon. 
 
 706. 1689, November 24. — “ I can more easily believe Lord Delamere 
 designs that office for himself than you would imagine. I stood near half 
 a quarter of an hour in the Court of Bequests this morning, within four 
 yards of Mr. Banks, who would not vouchsafe so much as to stir his hat ; 
 after this, I suppose, you will be of my mind.” Seal of arms. 
 
 Boger Kenyon to his father, Boger Kenyon. 
 
 707. 1689, November 26. Cambridge. — I must thankfully own your 
 kind concern for me, in wishing my judgment (as you think mistaken) 
 rectified, and indeed, sir, your thinking it so, were it a case where 
 authority should prevail, would go a great way towards the setting it 
 right, but authority seems there only to have place where reason is 
 wholly at a loss and cannot direct, which is quite otherwise in the case 
 before us, and I must confess, that of all those reasons made use of for 
 the taking of the new oaths, not one appears to me forcible or convinc- 
 ing, but, on the contrary, there are a great many difficulties, which to 
 myself are insuperable. This, I believe, will be the case with me on the 
 thirty first of .January. 
 
 “I have tried all our booksellers for the Oxford decree in ’83, where 
 the solemn dedication of it to the Holy Trinity is expressed at large, but 
 cannot meet with it, though there is a late pamphlet, called the History 
 of Passive Obedience, which gives some few of them, together with the 
 doctrines of our Canons and Homilies, the judgments of our Univer- 
 sities, and the opinions of our divines in full, as to that case.” 
 
 Boger Kenyon to his uncle. 
 
 708. 1689, December 7.— Our news here (as I suppose everywhere 
 else) is very different, everyone telling his story according to his wishes 
 and inclination, nor is it possible how to fix it. The Convocation, I believe, 
 will consent to no alterations, for which reason they are already severely 
 lashed in print, and what will be the issue of this great meeting we arc 
 yet to learn. 
 
 L[aurence] Bawstorne to Boger Kenyon. 
 
 709. 1 689, December 18. Preston. — “ This world, this degenerate age 
 wee live in, is soe addicted to lyeing, that one can credit nothing beyond 
 
 p 2 
 
228 
 
 their owne knowledge. The storie of hideing armes at Sir Thomas 
 Clifton’s, when fixidlj examined, amounts to nothing; the persons that 
 should have proved it, denies flatly, they never saw armes, nor did any 
 expressions ever come from them that they did. Mr. Rigby, of Riby, 
 tould me uppon Monday last, that hee was urgent with theim to tell the 
 trueth therein, but they know nothing of any such matter ; this account 
 I had from him on Monday last, and so could not write sooner. The 
 countrey is troubled with the fears they lye under of the Irish Papists 
 who are, under bail, at liberty, and it is thought many more appear under 
 that pretext, which did not before. House-breakings and stealing of 
 horses, and such rumors of misdemeanours are abroad, as are strange to 
 hear ; and yet not an information come[s] to mee about any. What 
 such things will result in, I cannot define, but deme them presages of 
 some ill consequences and effects ; the Lord turne all to the best ! I long 
 to see you to conferre. The sessions will be too far of, if wee could with 
 litle trouble doe it sooner, but I refferre that to you ; the face of affairs 
 has but an ill aspect, to say no more.” Seal of arms. 
 
 Bond to Abstain from Excess op Drink. 
 
 710. 1689. — Bond by William Erankland, of Clare Street, in St. 
 Clement’s Inn, in the County of Middlesex, barber surgeon, to Nathaniel 
 Molyneux, of Dez Hill, in West Houghton, in the County of Lancaster, 
 gentleman, for 100/i. to be paid to the said Nathaniel on the 6 May next, 
 if the said William do, from the date hereof to the said time, drink any 
 brandy, either entirely by itself or mixed with any other liquor or liquid 
 stuff, or be drunk, or drink above one bottle of wine to his share, in any 
 company. Seal of arms. 
 
 The Earl of Derby’s Claim to Service at the Coronation. 
 
 711. [1689.] — The petition of William George Richard, Earl of 
 Derby, to the Lords Commissioners of the Court of Claims, to carry 
 before their Majesties, at their coronation, the sword called Curtana, by 
 reason of his tenure of the Isle of Man. Copy. 
 
 Names op Conformble Clergy” and of Chapels and Meeting 
 Places in Lancashire. 
 
 712. [1689.] — “ The names of our conformable clergy who have taken 
 the oathes, within this County [of Lancaster] : — 
 
 Alcham — John Taylor, curate. 
 
 Ashton-under-Lyne — Thomas Ellison, parson. 
 
 Astley — John Battersby, mioister. 
 
 Atherton — James Wood, minister. 
 
 Aughton — John Brownsword, rector. 
 
 Billinge — Nathan Golborne, minister. 
 
 Blackburne — Francis Price, vicar; Henry Walmsley, curate. 
 
 Blakeley — John Moreton, curate. 
 
 Bolton-by-the- Sands — Thomas Garforth, vicar. 
 
 Bolton- in-the-Moore — John Lever, vicar. 
 
 Broughton — George Sedgwick, curate. 
 
 Burneley — Thomas Kay, curate. 
 
 Bury — John Lomax, curate. 
 
 Caiton — Anthony Prockter, curate. 
 
 Cartraell — John Armestronge, curate; Rowland Johnson, curate. 
 
 Cartmell Fell — John Macdowell, curate. 
 
229 
 
 Chipping — Richard White, minister. 
 
 Chorleton — Joshuah Hide, curate. 
 
 Chorley — Benjamin Edmunson, minister. 
 
 Church — John Barlowe, curate. 
 
 Cliderow — William Banck, curate. 
 
 Cockerham — Lawrence Shaw, vicar. 
 
 Colne — James Hargreaves, curate. 
 
 Coniston — John Byrkett, curate. 
 
 Coulton — Thomas Myers, curate. 
 
 Crossby Magna — John Waring, curate. 
 
 Crosshall — James Werden. 
 
 Crosston — John Ryley, rector. 
 
 Dean — Richard Hatten, vicar. 
 
 Denton — Roger Dale, curate. 
 
 Downham — Richard Wright, vicar. 
 
 Eccles — Thomas Hall, vicar. 
 
 Eccleston—Robert Linethurst, curate. 
 
 Ellinbrook — Myles Atkinson, minister. 
 
 Farneworth — Christopher Marsden, curate. 
 
 Flixon — John Usherwood, curate. 
 
 Flookebrough — George Bateman, curate. 
 
 Goosenargh — James Butterworth, minister. 
 
 Gorton — Robert Dewhurst, minister. 
 
 Gressingham — Richard Thompson, curate. 
 
 Hallsell — Nathana<dl Brownell, rector. 
 
 Halton — Thomas Withers, rector. 
 
 Harwood and Lango — Edward Sheardley, curate. 
 
 Haslindean — John Duckworth, curate. 
 
 Hawkeshead — Thomas Bell, curate. 
 
 Hey sham — Richard Taylor. 
 
 Holland — Roger Bolton, minister. 
 
 Hollenfayre — George Hatten, curate. 
 
 Hoole — Richard Foxcroft, parson ; John Battersby, curate. 
 
 Hyton — John Lowe, vicar. 
 
 Upper Kellet — Henry Batty, curate. 
 
 Kirby— James M uncaster, vicar. 
 
 Kirk ham— Richard Clegg, vicar. 
 
 Lancaster — James Fenton, vicar; William Gregson, curate. 
 
 Leigh — William Barrett, minister. 
 
 Leyland— George Walmsley, vicar. 
 
 Lindall— Hugh Dobson, curate. 
 
 Lithom — James Threlfall, vicar. 
 
 Lowick — James Pickthall, curate. 
 
 Lun — Thomas Ryley, minister. 
 
 Maghull — Zachary Leach, curate. 
 
 Manchester — Dr. William Wroe, warden ; Francis Mosley, fellowe ; 
 
 George Ogden, fellowe ; John Hinde, chaplaine. 
 
 Meales — Richard Hardy, rector. 
 
 Mellinge Church — Daniell Armstead, vicar. 
 
 Mellinge Chappel — Peter Dean, curate. 
 
 St. Michael’s — Thomas Robinson, vicar. 
 
 Middleton — Richard Warburton, rector; Thomas Harcurt, curate. 
 Millam — William Wells, vicar. 
 
 Newchurch iii-Winwick — Thomas Willson, curate. 
 
 Newton — Samuell Leach, curate; Edward Alanson, curate. 
 Ormkirk— Zachary Taylor, vicar. 
 
 Padiham — Richard Kippax, curate. 
 
530 
 
 Pemberton — Peter Gregory. 
 
 Pillinge — Gabrieli Dawson. 
 
 Poulton — Bichard Harrison, vicar. 
 
 Prescott — Thomas Wells, curate. 
 
 Preston — James Bland, curate. 
 
 Prestwich — Archippus Kippax, curate. 
 
 Each dale — Henry Pigott, vicar. 
 
 Batcliffe — Charles Beswick, rector. 
 
 Bibchester — William Felgate, curate. 
 
 Bingley — Joshua Dixon, curate. 
 
 Bufford — Edward Atherton, curate. 
 
 Sallford — John Hide, minister. 
 
 Standish — William Heddock, parson. 
 
 Staveley — Bobert Balfell, curate. 
 
 Tatham — Thomas Sharpe, rector. 
 
 Tunstall — Edmund Tatam, vicar. 
 
 Turton — William Bichardson, curate. 
 
 Ulverston — John Crewdson, curate. 
 
 Ur s wick — Tliomas Inruan, vicar. 
 
 Walton-in-le-Dale — William Coulton, curate. 
 Walton-cum-Fazakerley — T. Pawlett, parson; Thomas Marsden, 
 vicar. 
 
 Warrington — John Ward, minister. 
 
 War ton — Thomas Lawson, vicar. 
 
 Whalley — Stephen Gey, vicar. 
 
 Whittington — Thomas Bouch, rector. 
 
 Wigan — Peter Hadden, curate. 
 
 Winwick — Thomas Bennett, rector. 
 
 Wood Plumpton — Thomas Kirkham, curate. 
 
 “ These following clergy who took the oathes, theyr benefices are not 
 knowne : — 
 
 Thomas Ingham, of Burneley, clerk ; Thomas Pendleton, of Man- 
 chester, clerk; John Usherwood, of Manchester, clerk ; William 
 Stones, clerk, supplyes the chappells of Darwen and Tockholes ; 
 Thomas Armetriding, clerk ; William Woods, clerk. 
 
 “ Presbiterian meeting houses not appropriated to any certain 
 preacher : — 
 
 Bichard Ingham’s house of Little Harwood. 
 
 Thomas Dicconson’s house of Stalmyn. 
 
 Bobert Whiteside’s house of Martin. 
 
 John Brook’s house in Little Bolton. 
 
 “ Meeting houses for Quakers within this county, certified and recorded, 
 viz. ; — 
 
 A house in Lancaster. 
 
 William Higg in son’s house of Yelland. 
 
 Thomas Wither’s house of Kellet. 
 
 A house att hlarsden. 
 
 A house in the forrest of Bossendale. 
 
 A house in Ouldham parish. 
 
 John Townson’s house in Batcliffe. 
 
 William Eccleston’s house in Great Singleton. 
 
 Lawrence Coulborne’s house of Freckleton. 
 
 Alexander Sailesbury’s house at Wediker. 
 
 John Prockter’s house of Dunishaw. 
 
 A house att Penketh, in Prescott parisli. 
 
231 
 
 A house att Hartshaw, in the same parish. 
 
 A house att Biccurstaff, in Ormkirk parish. 
 
 One roome in Manchester. 
 
 James Jamson’s house in Preston. 
 
 Mathew Bead’s house in Mitton parish. 
 
 Thomas Dil worth’s house of Bradley. 
 
 Certified by Henry Coward. 
 
 Swarthmoore Hall. 
 
 A new building upon Swarthmoore. 
 
 Colt House in Hawkeshead parish. 
 
 George Benson’s house at Stangend, in Hawkeshead parish. 
 
 The Height, in Newton, in Cartmell parish. 
 
 John Gurnell’s house att Spooner Close, in Hawkeshead parish. 
 
 James Harrison’s house att Collingfidd, in Cartmell parish. Certi- 
 fied by Leonard Fell. 
 
 A chamber belonging to Balph Ridgeway at the upper end of the 
 Smithy Doore, in Manchester. 
 
 Henry Janney’« house in Heaton Norris. 
 
 Certified by James Stretell. 
 
 Job Owen. 
 
 “ The names of the Chappells in this County, certified and recorded, 
 for meeting places for Dissenters : — 
 
 Shyreshead chappell in Cleeveley. 
 
 New chappell in Pendleton, for Thomas Jolly and his congre- 
 gation. 
 
 Cleaveley chappell in Cleaveley, for Robert Waddington and his 
 congregation. 
 
 Tockholes chappell in Tockholes. 
 
 Horwitch chappell in Horwitch. 
 
 Els wick chappell in St. Michaell’s parish, for John Parr and his 
 congregation. 
 
 New chappell in the Castle Hey in'] r c< ha- a 
 T ' 1 *^1 tor Samuell Augier and 
 
 Liver poole, > i 
 
 Toxteth Park chappell, / ‘congregation. 
 
 Rainford chappell in Rainford, for James Bradshaw and his con- 
 gregation. 
 
 Birch chappell in Manchester parish, for Henry Finch and his 
 congregation. 
 
 “ Presbiterian parsons and theyr meeting places : — 
 
 Thomas Whalley — Christopher Parkinson’s house in Chipping. 
 
 Charles Sagar — his owne house in Blackburne, William Harwood’s 
 house in Lower Darwen. 
 
 Thomas Jolly — New Chappell in Pendleton, his dwelling house, John 
 Holkar’s house in Read, Agnes Atkinson’s house in Clayton- 
 super-Moras, Abram Haworth’s house in Haslinden. 
 
 Robert Waddington — Cleaveley chappel in Cleaveley, 
 
 Thomas Key — -Thomas Livesay’s house in Over Darwen, William 
 Waddington’s house in Alcham, Walton Hall in Walton-in- 
 le-Dale. 
 
 John Parr — Elswick chappel in St. Michaell’s parish. 
 
 Samuell Augier — New chappell in the Castle Hey, in Liverpoole, 
 Toxtetli Parke chappell. 
 
 Peter Aspinall — Eccleston’s barne in Warrington. 
 
 Nathanaell Heywood — Bury’s house in Ormkirk. 
 
 James Bradshaw — Rainford chappell in Rainford. 
 
 Thomas Risley — Richard Jackson’s barne in Culcheth. 
 
232 
 
 William Birchall — John Hasleden’s house in Ashton-in-Makersfield. 
 
 Henry Finch — Birch chappell in Manchester parish ; his owne 
 house in Manchester. 
 
 John Walker — John Hasleden’s barne in Park Lane, in Ashton-in- 
 Makersfield ; William Lathwait’s barne in Wygan. 
 
 Henry Pendlebury — Oliver Nab’s barne in Walmsley and Bast house. 
 
 Joseph Whitworth — Mr. Mathew Hallowe’s house in Hundersfield. 
 
 Henry Newcome — an outbuilding in Dean’s gate, in Manchester, 
 belonging to the heirs of Thomas Stockton. 
 
 Kobert Eaton — William Walker’s barne in Pilkington. 
 
 Robert Constantine — an edifice of J ohn Jackson’s in Grreenacres, in 
 Ouldham parish. 
 
 John Lever— John Boardman’s barne in Bolton. 
 
 Roger Baldwin — Mr. Roger’s barne in Maunton, in Eccles parish. 
 
 Thomas Kinaston — William Broom’s barne in Chorleton, in Man- 
 chester parish. 
 
 George Benson. 
 
 William Aspinall. 
 
 Jeremy Alredd. 
 
 James Naylor of St. Ellen’s chappell, in Makersfield. 
 
 John Compton — Cockay chappell. 
 
 “ Other meeting places for Presbiterians, certified and recorded, but 
 appropriated to no particular persons, viz.: — 
 
 Meeting places certified by laymen, the preacher not named. 
 
 Mr. George Benson’s house in Netherkellet. 
 
 r Richard Willson. 
 
 Certified by < John Willson. 
 
 } 
 
 L William Brathwait. 
 
 An upper chamber over a warehouse 
 Moor Lane in Lancaster. 
 
 in 
 
 Augustine Greenwood, 
 
 Thomas Hodgson, 
 
 William Townson, 
 
 Shyreshead chappell in Cleeveley. 
 
 Richard Diccon son’s house in Whittingham. 
 
 Mrs. Mary Preston’s house in Preston. 
 
 Bispham schoolehouse in Bispham. 
 
 Tockholes chappell. 
 
 Hor witch chappell. 
 
 Roger Kitchen’s house in Wood Plumpton. 
 
 Robert Swarbreck’s house in Rossiker. 
 
 Lawrence Livesay’s barne in Upper Darwen. 
 
 Thomas Slater’s house in Whittington. 
 
 Thomas Dugdall of Baery his barne in Whalley. 
 
 Ralph Walmsley ’s house in Tockholes. 
 
 Thomas Thomason’s house in Edgeworth. 
 
 William Holder’s barne in St. John’s Wind in Preston. 
 
 John Sanderson of Hardhornend and Newton his house ; his barne 
 belonging to the said house. 
 
 John Park, of Longton, his house ; his barne belonging to the said 
 house. 
 
 Mary Collinge’s house in Blakeley. 
 
 James Hardmans of Brodefield’s house. 
 
 Ann Entwisle’s house in Edgeworth, in Bolton parish. 
 
 Francis Beckett’s house in Tatham. 
 
 Richard Jones’ house in Caiton. 
 
 Nicholas Charnock’s house of Barniker, in Garstang parish. 
 Mathew Hoole, of Martin, his house.” 
 
233 
 
 Petition against the Sheriff of Lancaster. 
 
 713. [1689.] — Petition against the appointment of Mr. Birch as 
 SherilF of Lancaster, his quality not being greater than is fit for a high 
 constable, and ‘‘ instead of our dear and noble Lord Derby, who certainly 
 had been fittest for our Chancellor, he knowing all men in our country, 
 and who is fitt for the several 1 places, and would have placed men in them 
 without being presented ; but that ray Lord Brandon should be pitched 
 upon to succeed him in the Lieftenancy of Lancashire, one who, but a while 
 since, was for takeing away our penall lawes . and test, was a Deputy 
 Lieftenant to the Lord Molineux, put in for a Justice of Peace when 
 our Protestant Justices were turned out, and a late Begulator of our 
 corporations. What interest can this worthy lord expect if he resort 
 to his old acquaintance? It must be to papists and arch fanatiques. 
 We did not oppose his being a Parliament man upon the account of his 
 father ; but it is severe to reject our old Lord Lieftenant who hath 
 governed us and Cheshire, himselfe 13 yeares, and his ancestors time 
 out of mind, whose services to your Majestic, when justly considered, 
 have been inferiour to none, whose interest in the North is not to be 
 vyed with, and we hope and beg you will not reject it him nor us.” 
 Copy. 
 
 “A Particular of some Letters sent from the Councell to the 
 House of Commons.” 
 
 714, 715. [1689 .] — To Wm. Pigot, the King’s own hand, but no 
 name subscribed, purporting that the Foster was safe arrived, but had 
 been in great danger. That care should be taken for landing the goods, 
 but that it might do well to wait a convoy from the French fleet. Dated 
 8 June. 
 
 “To Mr. James Goodlad, same hand and same date, purporting that 
 the writer would take care to send the goods, but desires to hear where 
 they might be landed, unknown to the Custom House ofiicers — adding 
 that Londonderry still holds out. 
 
 “ Another, the same hand, under the same cover, that he hoped ere 
 long to be on their side of the water with them. That their good in- 
 tentions and endeavours were satisfactory. 
 
 “ To John Lane, merchant in Broad Street, London, same date. In- 
 forms ’tis dangerous passinge to Ireland, but that, being got thither, he 
 was well, and that what he asked the King was granted. That the 
 person sent to the Lord Melford was not trusted, but kept in custody ; 
 that money wilbe sent by the way of France, for the Lord Walgrave 
 is to pay 25,000/. per week till the whole be payed you. — C. Powell. 
 
 “ A printed paper, directed to the Convention in Scotland, inveighing 
 against the illegall and unnaturall proceedings of the Prince of Orange, 
 that he had fayled in making out the French league — the P[rince] of 
 M[ales] being illegitimate or imposture, that the blood spilt and to be 
 spilt would lye at their dores ; that all the judges who condemned any 
 person would be guilty of bloodshed, and that he desired they would 
 chuse a President and proceed, &c. That he had sent to Dundee and 
 Gorden. Dated 16 May, Dublin. 
 
 “ To Mr. Abbot, subscribed W. B. Imports the security of his pas- 
 sage ; that Londonderry is not taken. Kirk cannot land by reason of a 
 bomb. Hopes to visit him ere long in some parte of England and bring 
 the goods along. Dated 9 June. 
 
 *‘ To Geo. Frogmorton, Esquire, at Hichin, in Hartfordshire, from 
 
 . B. Same date. Purporting the King is very well. Derry not yet 
 
284 
 
 taken ; that when he went down himselfe they fired at him, which 
 caused a closer siege. Kirk at sea and cannot land. I have sent the 
 commissions for Sir C. C. and Sir F. F., and hope, when F. F. 
 comes, not to long from them. A blank commission undirected inclosed. 
 
 “To James Brig, at Charles Pigeon, Esquire, his chambers in 
 Cray’s Inn, from W. B., to the same effect of the former. If any 
 letter be sent to you, subscribed C. Powell, it comes from a friend, 
 Grooden, in White Heart Court, Lombert Street, [who] will pay the 
 money when called for. 
 
 “ These to be kept by the Attorney Grenerall.” Copy. 
 
 Lord Brandon’s Lord Lieutenancy. 
 
 716. [1689 -1690,] — “It will not easily be fogott in Lancashire, that 
 the Lord Brandon has had two pardens — one for murder, another for high 
 treason — and that after the late Kinge had forgiven him, he was a 
 violent asserter of that Kinge’s dispenceing power to the highest degree, 
 in that County, and in that raigne, when he was a Deputy Lievtenant 
 to the Lord Mollineux, a grand papist. He was one that pressingly 
 moved the people to promise to chuse men for the Parliament that 
 would take away our penall lawes and testes. He was intimate with 
 Father Leaburne, Father Groodon, and all the popish gentry. He was 
 made a justice of the peace and never was soe before, together with 
 all the grand papistes of that county, at the very time when forty-four 
 protestant justices, firme to the Church of England, were all turned out 
 of commission for noe other fault then for being soe. After all this, he 
 was a colonel of horse for the late Kinge, and actually in armes till, 
 and after, his abdication. His ancestors, and not very longe since, 
 were dependents upon this Earl of Derby’s ancestors, and the Lord 
 Warrington’s ancestors were Deputy Lievtenants to the Earle of Derby 
 and his ancestors. In the late Be volution, this Earle of Derby acted 
 his part, and was in his place much more instrumental! then any for the 
 accession of their present Majesties to the Crown. There is no blott in 
 his ancestors’ escucheon ; they have borne the office of Lord Lievtenants 
 of Lancashire and Cheshire above two hundred yeares, except in the 
 time of the late horrid rebellion, in which this Earles grandfather, 
 for his loyalty, lost his life, and a great part of his estate. And what 
 has this Earle of Derby done soe much to demeritt, as to be turned out 
 of these Lieftenencies } The Lord Warrington is a minor and cannot 
 personally execute the place of Lord Lieftenant of Cheshire. And as 
 to the Lord Brandon, besides what hath been before observed of him, 
 his actings may administer suspicion what his designes are, if these 
 thinges were enquired into, viz. : what armes, besides the militia arraes, 
 of which every souldier keeps his owne, are stored up in Lancashire 
 h} that Lord, part at Hallsall, part at Liverpool Castle, and other 
 partes elsewhere, in the custody of some dissentors. Sir Ilichard Standish 
 said he believed there might be as many as would arme ten or twelve 
 thousand men, and gave this account from whence they were had, viz. : 
 some bought in and brought over from Irland, for which Sir Richard 
 was asked, as he was a Deputy Leiftenant, to give a receipt, but he 
 said he refused soe to doe, not knowing to what purpose they were 
 brought over, for the Lord Branden, as was, two or three j^eares agoe, 
 informed to the House of Commons, had given commissions to a great 
 many to be captaines &c., besides the captains of the militia, all or most 
 of them being dissenters — of which he could give noe good account. 
 And it is not forgott that his Lordship summoned the Lancashire 
 dissentinge ministers and their clan, to meet King James at Stocken 
 
235 
 
 [Stockham ?] Heath, in Cheshire, at which place the Lord Branden, as 
 their cheiftaine, presented them to King James. Besides these armes, 
 all the old Lancashire militia armes, his Lordship tooke to himselfe, and 
 sent down new ones from London, and made the countrey take them at 
 his rates, and in sending down those. Sir Bichard said he had an opor- 
 tunity of sending down what greater number he thought fitt, and of 
 storing up the overplus imperceptibly. Besides these, it is supposed 
 his Lordship found a considerable stock of armes which were left at 
 Liverpool Castle by the Lord Mollineux, layd up there by that Lord 
 (who is a papist) when he was owner of that Castle and Lord Lieftenant 
 of that County under the late King James. Besides all these, severall 
 packes of swordes within this year or two have been pretendedly seized, 
 carried from London by a Lancashire carrier, which, as it was given 
 out, were goinge to some Lancashire papiste’s, hot, when the swordes 
 were disposed of according to his Lordship’s order, noe farther inquiry 
 was made after the party, whoever it was, to whom they were soe suppo- 
 sicitiously sent. Sir Bichard said there was a Lancashire man could 
 cleanse armes who had a great deale of money owing by the Lord 
 Branden, for dressing of all these armes. Sir Bichard also told that the 
 Lord Branden has now given protections to many of the great papists 
 and other Jacobites. His Lordship makes himself very busey in every 
 corporation, soe often as there is occasion to choose any new Member of 
 Parliament, soe much concerned as if he, as Lord Lieftenant, must govern 
 the election, and in these he fades not to have the whole interest of 
 papist and Jacobite, tho’ all that seldome makes his endeavours success- 
 full ; for the countrey, generally speaking, neither loves him nor feares 
 him.” 
 
 Order by Baphe Ashton, Bichard Standish, James Holte, Henry 
 Farington, L. Bawstorne, L. (?) Bichmond, and Balph Long- 
 worth, to the Bailiff of the Corporation of Wigan. 
 
 717. 1689[-90], January 11. Wigan. — “ These are to require you, in 
 their Majesties names, strictly to comand you, that you upon the twenty- 
 seventh day of January instant, take to your assistance a competent 
 nomber of such Protestant inhabitants as are well affected to their 
 present Majesties’ Groveriiment, and that you and they, the said 27th 
 day of January instant, so soon as you can discern day, being well and 
 sufficiently armed, repair to the houses of all Papists Becusants, or other 
 houses, suspected secretly to harbour any absconded Papists which, in 
 the late King’s time bore arms or bore office, or to harbour any Irish, 
 Scotch, or other popish Soldiers, or such as have harboured emissaries to 
 the late King, since the Coronation of their present Majesties, or such as 
 are reasonably suspected to keep to the use of any popish recusant, or 
 for their assistance, any arms, armour, ammunition, horses fit for the 
 warrs, warr saddles with furniture, or any other habiliments of warr 
 whatsoever, and where you find any such absconded Papist, any Irish, 
 Scotch, or other popish Souldiers, so secretly harboured, or any horses, 
 arms, armour, ammunition, (U* other habiliments of warr, or you find any 
 thievish, roguish, or other felonious or suspected persons to be robbers 
 of houses or the like, that you forthwith seize and secure every such 
 person’s horses, arms, ammunition, or other habiliments of warr, and the 
 master or owner of the said horses, where they shalbe so found, and 
 them bring before some of their Majesties Justices of Peace in the said 
 county, togather with this Warrant, to be examined, disposed of, and 
 dealt with according to Law. And for as much as we are informed 
 that several of the Irish, Scotch, and other popish souldiers, do lurk and 
 
236 
 
 hide themselves in the day time in woods, rocks, or other secret places, 
 now, if any of the inliabitants of your town shall informe you of the 
 places where they do so hide themselves and frequent, that then you fail 
 not to search the said houses and places and to apprehend the said 
 persons so lurking and hiding themselves, and bring them before some of 
 their Majesties justices as aforesaid. And hereof faile not att your 
 perill/’ Seven seals. 
 
 Sir Eoger Bradshaigh to Eoger Kenton. 
 
 718. 1689 [-90], January 19. Haigh. — “ My cozen Shakerley is recom- 
 mended to the Corporation of Wiggan by the Eight Honorable the Earle 
 of Derby, to searve for burgess of that town, in the roome of my cozen 
 Banks, deceased. I hope you will favour that his Lordship’s inclina- 
 tion.” Seal broken. 
 
 John Entwisle to Eoger Kenyon. 
 
 719. 1689 [-90], January. — Eequesting a copy of the record of the 
 conviction of Lord Molyneux as a popish recusant. Seal. 
 
 Thomas Kenyon to his Father, Eoger Kenyon. 
 
 720. 1689[-90], February 5. Chester. — It was on Monday lust I 
 received the news of my Lord Derby’s appointing Mr. Arthur Bennett 
 (our Attorney Bennett’s younger brother) his Deputy Bailiff Itinerant 
 for Cheshire, allowing him, for his services, 30/L a year. We have little 
 news now in Chester besides the adjournment of the Parliament till 
 22 April, and a great expectancy of seeing the King here, ere long, in his 
 passage for Ireland ; whether it is real or a state trick to make soldiers 
 come in faster, I must leave to wiser heads. Seal, 
 
 The Earl of Derby to Eoger Kenyon. 
 
 721. 1689-90, February 8. — “My last gave you a short account of 
 the parliament being dissolved, and this post will bring, dear Eoger, the 
 proclamation for calling another. We must now bestirr our selves, and I 
 hope every one will do so ; I am sure I question not your endeavors. 
 I intend to make what hast I can into the country. Major Preston 
 writes to-night to the same effect. I did, the last, post to Mr. Holt. I 
 hope all our party will unite and lay aside all animosities among one 
 another. My Lord Colchester and my brother stand for Liverpool, 
 which I hope will keep out Norris.” Seal of arms. 
 
 Eoger Kenyon to Various Constituents of Clitheroe. 
 
 722. 1689-90, February 12. Peel. — Asking for their votes for the 
 next parliamentary election. Promises to serve the church, king, country, 
 and borough. Draft, 
 
 Thomas Hodgkinson to Eoger Kenyon. 
 
 723. 1689-90, February 15. Preston. — “ As to Mr. Highsheriffe’s 
 
 , . . am not much concerned further then to observe your kindnes and 
 
 civility, which he ought to take more particuler notice of, if he rightly 
 apprehended his owne interest. As to the other concern of Clitherow, I 
 shall go to Cuerdall too-morrow and engage him, and quantum in se I do 
 not expect to bee deiiyed. If I bee, I shall not take it kindly; but do not 
 
237 
 
 much question what hee can do to the utmost. The mob here are mad 
 and (I beleeve) that Greenfield will carry it, for one; whether the 
 Chancellor will carry it or no, I know not, but it is reported he is coming 
 down. I cannot say that his clearke has been over sedulous for him. 
 However, I meddle none. I was summoned upon Thursday last (and 
 only three more in this tonne) to take the oaths before the Commissioners 
 of the Tax, but did not appeare ; the worst (as to that) is double charge. 
 I am praying for the continuiiiice of the last Parliament, having no 
 prospect of a better.” Seal of arms. 
 
 Thomas Kenyon to Roger Kenyon. 
 
 724 . 1689-90, March 19. Chester. — “ Theellection of members for 
 the ensiieing Parliament of this citty, began Monday morning last, and con- 
 tinued till near 7 att night, att which time. Proclamation beinge thrice 
 made, by the common cryer of the court, that if any freeman of this citty 
 were yet to vote, let them come forth, the Sheriffs would take their pole, 
 otherwise the books would be closed ; but, none answering, the Court ad- 
 journed, till 9 next day, to give judgment ; about which hour, the court 
 sat againe and the severall candidates attended, both sides having rakt 
 together the small remainder of freemen which had not voted the pre- 
 cedeing day. Upon the first meeting. Colonel Whitley and Alderman 
 Manwaring demanded the pole for some more of their party, which the 
 said sheriff refused, answering, that haveing caused Proclamation to bee 
 made the day before, as aforesaid, and none Jippoaring, the Court was 
 adjourned to this time and place to inspect the books and give judgment, 
 pursuant to which he was resolved to take no more votes of either side; 
 in whose Judgment Sir Thomas Grosvenor and Leeving (unwilling to 
 give the Court further trouble, though they had as strong a party in 
 readiness) acquiest. The other Sheriff (who is supposed to have been 
 tampered with) resolving to make difference, protested his brother’s pro- 
 ceedings, but being hastil}’ asked again of them, and 
 
 surprized for want of sufficient instructions what to say, was at a loss for 
 an answer. By and by, a paper was put into his hands to read ; but, not 
 used much to writing, was consequently as unready as afore in speaking, 
 but clapping it into a young clerk’s hand at his elbowe, made him his 
 deputy pro tempore.^ and desired him to read it for him, who instamtly 
 begins — the Protestation of Mr. Sheriffe’s brother; at which the head 
 Sheriff (Mr. Partington) commands him silence, who, not readily obeying, 
 wtis forced from his standing by the Sheriffs officers. Sir John Man- 
 waring (present at the election) takes the paper, together with his office, 
 out of his hand, and gets up to read it, but the noise of the ruble’s con- 
 tinued shouting, prevented. Some time after, silence being made, the 
 books were openly inspected, and the Sheriffe declared Alderman Man- 
 waring, 457; Colonel Whiley {sic), 483; Mr. Leeving, 494; Sir 
 Thomas, 498; and then adjourned to the pentice, to scale and signe the 
 Indentures; which being accordingly done by the Mayor, Aldermen, 
 &c., and affixt to the Chamberlain’s mandate, indorsed with the Sheriffes 
 returne, was by the head Sheriffe (the proper and usual officer) delivered 
 into the seal keeper’s hands, whose office it is to return, together with 
 the Indenture, the Originall writ out of Chancery, before directed to the 
 Chamberlaine with the Sherriffes answer to him indorst, affixed thereto ; 
 which was by him accordingly done and delivered to the hands of the 
 chief member elect, by him to he retorned above .... Sir Thomas, 
 Mr. Leeving (and I hear just now), my Lord Cholmondeley, are on their 
 way already to London. The election for the county is not yet over, but 
 I suppose may end to-night in disfavour of Sir Philip.” Seal broken. 
 
238 
 
 Laurence Rawstornb to Eoger Kenyon. 
 
 725. 1689-90, March 24. Preston. — Captain Bellingham desires 
 “ horse,” and “ if he had a regiment with us now, they would be few (sic) 
 enough to scour the countrey of the Irish disbanded souldiers, who are, by 
 2 at least, in some of our Papists’ houses ; may be, 8 or 10 in a house, as 
 they are of ability to receive theim. They alarum the country mightiely; 
 but, in regard we have some foot companies here, our feares are the lesse. 
 I signified so much to Cozen Bancks and wished he would impart it to 
 my Lord, and his Lordship was pleased to write to me ; yet nothing of 
 command how to behave our selfes in that case, and so w^ee are meerly 
 passive, and hope they have not the spirit to attack us. I desired 
 Mr. Patten, who by this time is with you, to put you in mind of our 
 concerns with theim, which would make them a little more mute, and 
 animate us to act more vigourously. You may set it a- work, now you 
 are there. You knowe the way and means how to begin ; pray you 
 omit not. It would be good allay to cook their brags.” 
 
 Thomas Kenyon to Roger Kenyon. 
 
 726. 1690, March 29. Chester. — We have no newes from Ireland 
 since the last account of 8,000 French that landed. Sir James Poole is 
 already secured by order of Councell, and committed for high treason ; 
 it is reported some others are in danger to undergoe the same fate. 
 Seal broken. 
 
 William Hayhurst to Roger Kenyon, M.P., in London. 
 
 727. 1690, April 1. Lancaster. — “ Mr. Rowe and myselfe were, but a 
 while agoe, before the Judge, upon a petition preferred against us by 
 honest Richard Royd (?) ; the judge was a little brisk upon Mr. Rowe, 
 and told him the words spoken against, were not indictable nor action- 
 able ; and Mr. Rowe being something peremptory, hee grewe angry at 
 him. Hee gives it out for law that no words are indictable, but such 
 as touch the Government ; though a man call you traytor and murderer, 
 you cannot indict him ... We had a very good charge, princi- 
 pally relating to an unity, and to lay aside animosities and distractions 
 and to exhort the people to a hearty contribution to supply the King’s 
 occasions. There is a story of a plott in Lancashire for raising 3 troops 
 of horse, discovered by one Dodsworth, a papist. Mr. Standish of 
 Standish’s house was besett, but 1 hear he escaped. Most of the princi- 
 pal! papists are in it, and some protestants. This is a whispered thing ; 
 some give it credit, some otherwise.” 
 
 Sir Ralph Assheton to Roger Kenyon, M.P. 
 
 728. 1690, April 1. Middleton. — “Your unanimous agreeing to 
 supply his Majesty, is extreame good news to us. Give what you will, so 
 Ireland may speedily be reduced. I mension this because I know our 
 cnimies are still at worke, and, so long as the Frence have any hold in 
 the aforesaid kingdom, we must expect it, to say no more. J am now to 
 my part against those that would destroy his Majesty and our happy 
 government.” Seal of arms. 
 
 C. Greenfield to Roger Kenyon, M.P. 
 
 729. 1690, Aprils. Preston. — The assizes ended on Friday. There 
 is “ a poll-bill in preparing, but the nomination of commissioners, I pre- 
 
239 
 
 sume, will not be yet. If it should bee before I come up, pray name for 
 this toune : — The Mayor for the time beinge ; Laurence Rawsthorne, 
 esquire ; Edward Rigby, esquire ; Chr ; Grreentield ; Law: Wall ; Gieo : 
 Addison ; William Lemon; Tho : Winckley (?) ; Jo: Kellett ; Nath: 
 Walmsley ; Daniell Chadocke ; Rich : V . . . ; Roger Sudell, 
 
 junior; William Hebson ; John Cockshull ; [and] Tho: Greenfield.” 
 Seal of arms. 
 
 Thomas Winckley to Roger Kenyon. 
 
 730. 1690, April 13, Preston. — On Saturday last was sennight, two 
 strangers, who had been in the town a day or two, were brought before 
 Mr. Mayor and Col. Rawstorne ; by their brogue they were discovered 
 to be Irishmen. They pretended they were protestants, designing for 
 Ireland to serve King William and Queen Mary, as volunteers in Duke 
 Schombergh’s camp. One says his name is Dore and the other, Burke. 
 The first pretends he was sent out by the late King James with a 
 detachment from Hounslow Heath to the Island of Bombay, as far as 
 the River Euphrates, and returned to England about a year ago, knowing 
 nothing of the revolution. The other came over from Ireland about 
 Michaelmas 1688, being a corporal of dragoons to one Major Mathews, 
 in Col. Butler’s regiment, was wounded at Reading, and lay a long while 
 in London. Upon being searched, letters were found on them to Sir 
 William Creagh, Sir Rowland Stanley, and Sir James Poole, and the idle 
 Mr. Molyneux ; the contents had nothing extraordinary but recommend- 
 ing the bearers, with some hints of their usefulness. They are in the 
 Serjeant’s custody, and copies of the letters have been sent to Lord 
 Brandon. Seal of arms. 
 
 Jo. Hulton to Roger Kenyon. 
 
 731. 1690, April 19. — ‘‘Since my last, wee have had our shipping 
 returned from Belfast that went with the last recruites, by whom severall 
 letters cam from persons in the Army to their freinds here. One of them, 
 being more particular than the rest, I have sent you a coppy of it. I 
 only tell you that our Irish gentlemen give great credit to it. If it 
 should prove true, I am of opinion there will bee no action in the field. 
 The Irish and French will get into strongholds and put our army on 
 seiges, which will make tedious worke. Wee have a great many 
 recruites of horse pas through this town for Highlake. 
 
 {Enclosure.) 
 
 “Dublin, April 12, 1690. — Our account of the French supplys are 
 different. It is certain there are but four regiments, one red, one bleu, 
 and two white, and the most they pretend is 1,600 in a regiment. The 
 supplys of stores are, 1,000 barrells of powder, 10 feild peeces, 4 morters, 
 witli bombs, carcases, ball, and other necessarys for warr, as pistolls 
 swords, &c., the number not knowne ; they are 8 battalions, whereof 4 
 are Switzers, Walloones, and other strangers, and severall Germans, 
 prisoners that are entertained, and about 300 English, Scotch, and Irish. 
 That the Lord Hunsden had been at Corke neer two months with King 
 James. He ordered the English, Scotch, and Irish, that came from 
 France, into his regiments, but Lieftenant-Generall Loozon would not 
 suffer him to have a man. That one of the French regiments are as far 
 as Waterford, where they stay till they heare how we move. There is 
 already shipt on board the French ships, five regiments of Irish, viz. : — 
 the Lord Mountcashell’s, Colonel Brown’s, Colonel Cha : O’Brion’s, 
 Colonel Butler’s, and Colonel Feilding’s — all of foot. They say they 
 
240 
 
 force protestants on board — the Irish running away. Their eight 
 regiments of dragoones are in a very bad condition, also four of the eight 
 regiments of horse. Oates sould for 20^. per barrel!, and but few to be 
 had. Pease straw and other straw are their generall food, and the 
 worke horses are so weak that carriages are not to be had. The Spring 
 comes on apace about Dublin, and if grass can be had, their numbers will 
 make them more formidable, but at present they are in a sad condition. 
 On the 20th March, dyed the Grovernor of Drougheda ; also Duke 
 Mollass is dead. The force at Dundalke, Ardee, Cavan Castle, Blany, 
 Drougheda are in a bad condition, dying in great numbers for want. 
 Colonell Sarsfeild is come from the borders of Cavan, and Brigadeer 
 Hamilton and Lord Galmoy are goeing to governe there. Sarsfeild is 
 falne sicke since he came to towne. The [death] of Colonell Nugent is 
 much lamented by the Irish. They lost a many brave men in that 
 action with him at Cavan. The Duke of Berwick was there, and had 
 his horse twice shot under him. He hath been heard to say he feares 
 the Irish will never stand the English rebbles, as he calls them. This, 
 a protestant gentleman at Dublin sent, by water, to the north ; several! 
 have soe made their escape of late from Dublin.” 
 
 [Thomas Hodgkinson] to his cousin, Roger Kenyon, M.P, 
 
 732 . 1690, May 6. Preston. — ‘‘ Upon Sunday last, I received a letter 
 from Mr. Roper, wherein he desired an account what Colonel Mathews 
 had done here, touching the papists, whereunto I recounted what I had 
 heard, viz. : that Mr. Barlow and Mr. Harrington were taken, and sent 
 to Lancaster, but do not hear that any other is apprehended. A detach- 
 ment (of 42) of the Dutch troopers were sent from Lancaster hither, 
 where they have quartred about three weekes and were sometimes (as 
 I am tould) sent into the countrey to seize the old sinners, but returned 
 re infecta. Colonell M. went from hence, upon Sunday morning last, 
 towards London, and the Dutch troopers returned from hence, this 
 morning, towards Lancaster, and this is all the account I can give, 
 touching this affaire, whereof, I pray, acquaint my Lord Derby. I am 
 mightily your debtor for your frequent letters. I have (according to 
 your desire) burned your last, and did not think it prudentiall to com- 
 municate the same to any person, being morally certaine that noe 
 certificate would have been sent upp by any sort of persons. More of 
 this at our meeting. The gaole was broke upon Sunday night by the 
 Irish soldiers, and onely three of them escaped. I tould you formerly 
 that Edm : Threlfall’s son was taken, but hath since made his escape, 
 whilst his mother plaid at tables with his keeper. Nothing more here 
 worth communicating.” 
 
 . . . . WiNCKLEY to Roger Kenyon, M.P., at Westminster. 
 
 733 . 1690, May 9. Preston. — On Wednesday, Sir Edward Chisnal 
 came to towne, and has been here ever since. He seems not fond of 
 petitioning. His reason is, that if there be either motion or petition for 
 a short day, there wil be noe lesse then a moneth given the other side, 
 considering the distance of place to attend and bring up witnesses, if 
 any (as certainly some wil) move for reasonable time, and that Mr. 
 Patten may not be surprised, liveing 160 miles from London, and before 
 the moneths end, he supposes there will be a recesse. But Sir Edward 
 is full of belief that, as this case happens, the House wil grant a new 
 writ, and leave Mr. Patten to prosecute, or let fall his peticion, as he 
 thinks fit ; for, seeing my Lord Willoughby is removed to the House of 
 
241 
 
 Lords, and soe noe longer a member of the House of Commons, there is 
 a vacancy, as in case of death, and a writ to issue to elect another in my 
 Lord Willoughby’s roome ; and, if Mr. Patten make good his peticion, 
 then the person that succeeds his Lordship is removed, and Mr. Patten 
 comes in ; but if he fayle to procure his peticion, then the new member 
 continues. How consonant or agreable this is to the rules and practice 
 of the House, those that are the old members, can best tell ; and he 
 desires that you and Mr. Greenfield wil be laboring to informe your 
 selves sufficiently in the thing, and if you see a fair prospect of 
 obtaining such a writ, then to venture a motion ; and I believe Sir 
 Edward will be with you before the end of the next week. And by this 
 post a short state of the case will be sent to Mr. Greenfield for you and 
 him to advise upon with Sir Robert Sawyer, Mr. Finch, or such other 
 eminent members as you judge most proper. It would be a great 
 prejudice to us, if a day should shortly be assigned for hearing this 
 matter, and a recesse happen, after a hurry up to London, and charges 
 layd out, and all to noe purpose. Soe that we should have a fair pros- 
 pect that the Parliament wil be sitting at the day to be assigned for 
 hearing, or else we shal be spoyled, and not able to bear another journey. 
 . , . . As to the petition concerning the gaol, I finde all here 
 
 very cold m the matter ; they think the castle will take up as much cost 
 in keeping up and repaires, as building and maintaining a new gaol at 
 Preston, which, being the middle of the county, wil save the country 
 abundance of money, in carrying presoners as far as Lancaster, from your 
 part of the county.” Seal of arms, 
 
 Thomas Kenyon to his father, Roger Kenyon, M.P., at 
 Westminster. 
 
 734. 1690, May 17. Chester. — Has received a letter from ‘‘Mr. 
 Barton ” stating that “ My Ijord ” [Derby ?] designed to wait on the King 
 at Chester “ as chamberlain of this county ” and “ for that end commanded 
 me to get a new purse made, bearing their present Majesties’ armes and 
 cypher.” Has consulted “ the upholsterers here, and severall others 
 [as to] the best artists in imbroydery, Chester affords, who unanimously 
 agree that the old one is a peece [of work] not to be sampled in this 
 
 toune : the goodnes of the worke richnes of the 
 
 materiall, not being here to be met w[ith] Those 
 
 frie[nds who have] seen the old one, and with whom I have advised, 
 considering the work is but little decayed — except the ground upon 
 which the motto is wrought — have perswaded me to have that took out, 
 and a new one layed on, the which is very sensible, and with altering 
 the cypher and -setting new tassells to, will (it is not doubted) under the 
 whole [look] very sumptuous and gay.” Desires to know “ his 
 Lordship’s ” pleasure; if a new one is required, it must be prepared in 
 London, “ Chester not being able to afford it.” ... Its make “ is 
 the same with that carryed before the Chancellor of England, 
 bearing the armes of England in embroydery and the cypher of their 
 Majesties, viz. : .XXX. in the upper part ; on one side the arms, and OR on 
 the other side.” 
 
 Thomas Rishton to Roger Kenyon, M.P. 
 
 735. 1690, May 17. Whalley. — “ I have promised Sir Edmund 
 Ashton to write to you, by this post, and it is to let you know his design 
 of having a free plate, to be run for at Clitheroe, at such times as will be 
 agreed to by consent. The contributers he has prickt down are a great 
 
 73480. Q 
 
242 
 
 many, and he thinks they will most of them willingly club with him. 
 The town it self intends to make a joynt stock. He says he thinks he 
 ought first to acquaint the burgesses and bayliffs.’’ Seal of arms. 
 
 Eobert Sclater to Koger Kenyon, M.P. 
 
 736. 1690, May 19. — We should be glad to hear that the Protestants 
 would unite more than they do, to discourage the common enemy. The 
 Papists make great boasts of our differences, and they and others disaffected, 
 are at a great height. We would gladly know something of his Majesty’s 
 going for Ireland, which we hoped the last post, but had no letter from 
 you. Sir Edmund Ashton laid his commands upon me to write to you, 
 about a plate of 15 or 20/^. to be run for at Clitheroe at midsummer. 
 Seal. 
 
 Thomas Kenyon to Eoger Kenyon, M.P. 
 
 737. 1690, May 19. Chester. — In my last, I had not time to give you 
 an account of the taking of Charlemont, which was then spoken of, but 
 since confirmed. It surrendered on Wednesday last, the garrison 
 having suffered much for want of provisions, and constrained thereby to 
 yield it up. 
 
 John Apulton to Eoger Kenyon. 
 
 738. [1690, May?] — ‘‘His Lordship may be assured of officers that 
 will stand and fall with him. I had the happiness to recommend Mr. 
 Leiftwich Oldfeild for a captain of horse, whom I hope his Lordship was 
 well pleased with. I do think Mr. Shakerley the fittest person in our 
 county to bee a collonel of foot, and to make a good militia, in a short time, 
 and I do not doubt but he will readily and willingly serve his Lordship, 
 but I leave it to your consideration whether you think fit to propose him. 
 
 On Sunday last, came a vessell to Highlake fr[om] D , loaden with 
 
 tallow and hides, her cockett was for France. Sir Cloudesly Shovell 
 has secured all the men and put them on board severall vessells. The 
 master pretends he made his escape, but that that gives mee suspition 
 of him, is the relation hee gives of the affaires there. He says that the 
 French were landed at Cork, but not above 3,000, and with very little 
 ammunition or armes ; that the Irish are very much dis[contented] 
 at it, expecting much greater supply.” Much decayed. 
 
 A Manchester Hews Letter. 
 
 739. 1690, July 5. — “ On Thursday, in the afternoone, the Earle of 
 Devonshire and Pembrooke were sent from Whitehall, in order to goe 
 on board the fieete, as yet not known on what occasion, though various 
 conjectures are made of it, though it is generally said, on complaint of 
 some Dutch ministers, because my Lord Torrington did not releive the 
 Dutch squadron,when they were soe warmely engaged, for we say here, 
 he fought at too far a distance and might have come neerer the weather- 
 gage. Our last advice from the fleet, left them of from Dunagence, on 
 Thursday, in the afternoone, plying to the eastward, the French fieete 
 tydeing it upon them within two leagues. Two Dutch disabled ships 
 were left att Hastings, and haveing drawne them on shore, soe that the 
 French could not get them of, who sent their boats on shore and burnt 
 them. We are makeing our fieet towards the gunfleete, and it is believed 
 that this day, both fleetes are seen of Dover. Expresses have been sent 
 
248 
 
 to the Mayor and cheef officers of the ports, both of Sussex and 
 Kent. 
 
 “ Since the before written, we have the following account (viz.) from 
 Dover, on the 4th instant, it is writt that the Saldadoes was sent 
 thither by the Lord Torrington for 40 or 50 pilots to cary the fleet 
 up the river, they making for the Downs. The Earle of Devonshire 
 and Pembroke were just arrived there and goeing to the fleet at 
 Eye, from which place they write, the 3rd instant, that our fleete came 
 to an anchor neare that place, and the French fleete followed, and came 
 to an anchor two leagues from them, haveing chased two Dutch men 
 of warr on shoare at Hastinges, from which place the weman and 
 children were sent, the 3rd instant, with what goods they could carry, 
 feareing the French should land, which they had not at 5 that after- 
 noone, but had sett fire to the two Dutch ships, which were then 
 burneing, and that two other Dutch ships were on the sands by the 
 White Rocks, about a mile to the west of Hastings, at whom the French 
 fired, without much damage, about 60 guns, and the Dutch kept firing 
 at them from one of their sliips, the other being left by all their men, 
 and in case they see no hopes of saveing them, they are resolved to sett 
 fire to them to prevent their falling into the French hands, who, it is 
 thought, will come up to them the next tide, which would be about 
 4 o’clock next morneing. The Dutch Vice-Admirall and his son are 
 buryed there, and about 250 sick and wounded were brought thither, and 
 to Battle. Severall gentlemen have been on the guard all this night, 
 feareing the landeing of the French, which as yet have not appeared, 
 and it is thought they have gone of to sea. The French sent five long 
 boats on shoor at Flastings, but were kept of that place by their greate 
 guns. Five of the French men of war came soe nigh, that they fired 
 severall guns on the sands. A1 the pilotts, as well from Deale as Dover, 
 are sent to the fleet, and all the merchant ships that were in the Downes 
 are sent for back againe. Our Irish letters of the 26th past, say that 
 our army were in possession of Dundalke, that the enemy had drawne 
 their army on the south side the river Boine, where they were secureing 
 all the passes to hinder us from marching tov/ards Dublin. All the 
 ships from Belfast are ordered to Highlake and Carlingford. The 
 Commissioners at Carriekfergus are ordered not to sufter any to depart 
 ' that kingdome, without his Majesty’s pasport. By a vessel arrived at 
 Milford Haven, we are tould that the late King had drawne his army 
 towards Ardee, and left but one regiment in Dublin, the Protestants 
 being secured in the churches and colledges. The Parliament of 
 Scotland satt the 26th past, and agreed upon an Act to appoint Com- 
 missioners to visit all scholes and universities of learning, ordeineing all 
 the regents and masters to heighten the confession of faith and take the 
 oath of allegiance, and be assured that there principles be agreeable to 
 the present Government. The new Commission for the Privy Councel 
 was read this day, and all the present members took the oaths. By ex- 
 press from Plymouth, we hear that Sir Cloudesley Shovill, in the 
 Monke, with the Experiment and Dovei\ arrived, the 30th past, at the 
 Lands End, and were hourely expected at that place ; and from the Isle 
 of Wight they say that the fleet that cam.e from Plymouth, being eleven 
 saile, were plying windward of that place, supposed to be as high as 
 Dunnese (?), the wind at east north east. Our Holland letters yester- 
 day say that the Duke of Savoy had totally defeated the French army 
 and tooke Mounsier Callivate prisoner, but this merritts confirmation. 
 Sir, this is all the Bull’s head post news in Manchester.” 
 
 [P.S.] — “ In Manchester here they be carrying a thing made like 
 the Pope, upon a man’s shoulder, on a long pole, rownd the towne, and 
 
 Q 2 
 
244 
 
 a drum before it, and bonefires made, and ringing, for joy of the good 
 newes last night out of Ireland of Dublin and Drocheda being taken, 
 and King James fled away towards Kingsaile.” 
 
 Order by the Justices of the Pea.ce for the County of Chester to 
 Lieutenant William Churcu and Cornet Eobert Lee. 
 
 740. 1690, July 9. — We, haveing receaved her Majesty’s Order in 
 Councel to secure all such papists and other persons whom we shall 
 have reason to suspect to be disafiected to the Government, as may 
 probably be active against it in case of an insurrection or invasion ; and 
 for as much as Sir Philip Egerton, knight, Francis Cholmoley, esquire, 
 and Thomas Minshall, of Erdeswick, in the said county, esquire, and 
 Leftwich Oldfeld, of Leftwich, in the said county, esquire, have not 
 taken the oathes to their present Majestyes, whereby they have rendered 
 themselfs justly suspected to the Government; these are, therefore, in 
 there Majesties’ names to authorise and require you, or ether of you, 
 imediatel}' to aperehend the said Sir P. E., F. C., and Tho. Minsh : 
 and L. O., and convey them to the castle of Chester, and deliver them 
 into the custody of Sir John Morgen, governer of the said castle, who 
 is hereby required to receive. and safely to keep the said persons there, 
 until they shall be thence discharged by due order of law.” Copy. 
 
 Note . — ‘‘ There was likewise an order of same date, to the same 
 persons, to search for and seize all arms in the houses or places of abode 
 of the said Sir Philip Egerton, Francis Cholmondeley, Thomas Minshall, 
 and Leftwich Oldfeld.” Copy. 
 
 Order by the Justices of the Peace for the County of Chester to 
 Sir Thomas Bellot and Major John Davenport. 
 
 740a. 1690, July 21. — “ We, having received her Majestie’s order in 
 Councell to cause all horses belonging to papists and persons disaffected to 
 the Government, or who shall refuse to take the oathes to their present 
 Majesties, to be seized, and forasmuch as the persons here undernamed 
 are either known papists, or reputed papists, or persons disaffected to 
 the Government^ or have refused to take the oathes to their said 
 Majesties, these are, therefore, in their Majesties’ name, to authorize and 
 require you, or either of you, imediately upon sight hereof, to make 
 dilligent search for, and seize and take into your custody, all the horses 
 of the said persons here undernamed, that you shall anywhere find in 
 their possession, or in the possession of any others for their or any of 
 their use or uses, and that you speedily give an account, unto us, of your 
 doings, to the end that such horses may be disposed of according to order 
 of law.” Copy. 
 
 Schedule of names of recusants — viz. : “ Tho; Holford of Newbrook, 
 esquire, John Holford of Kinderton, Ger; Croxton of Eavenscroft, 
 Ea; Walley of Stanthorn, gentlemen, Jer. Eooth of Twemlow, Leftwich 
 Oldfeld of Leftwich, Tho : Minshull of Erdswick, esquires, Wm. Lownds 
 of Clverton, gentleman. Sir Phi : Egerton, knt., Francis Cholmondeley, 
 esquire, Peter Yates of Church Hulm, innkeeper.” 
 
 Thomas Kenyon to Eoger Kenyon. 
 
 741. 1690, July 30. — The wind blows fresh from Ireland, and it is 
 said the King resolves (if that gives leave) to set sail thence to-night. 
 Seal of arms. 
 
245 
 
 [Leftwich Oldfield] to the Earl of Derby. 
 
 742. 1690, July 31. — Recounting the substance of discourses with 
 
 Sir John about the condition of Lancashire. “ That tlie old 
 
 divisions in these parts were well known, and the original thereof was 
 Cavalier and Rounded. That we thought it not advisable to petition the 
 King, not from any sullenness or disaffection, but lest it should be mis- 
 construed by the same interpreters that sent us hither, complaining 
 against the Queen, from whose order in Councell our committment is 
 pretended to derive itself, as also the warrant for taking horses, and 
 applications of that kind, if approved good manners would have directed 
 that way, wherewith the King, in all likelyhood, would not at present 
 interfere. That we were careful to avoid giving offence, and for any 
 offence taken, or for anything acted, don, or said, or any just cause or 
 reason of suspicion, by us or any of us given, for such dealing with us, 
 we are ready to put ourselves, severally, upon God and the eountrey, and 
 to the ordinary cours, tryall, and determination of the laws of the land, 
 with dutifull patience submit ourselves, hoping no more at the hands of 
 our friends, then that they will opportunely say and doe for us, what 
 common justice and charity shall prompt. That the quiett enjoyment 
 of our legal I properties and liberty is all .we desire, and that the harder 
 dealing we find, and the longer causlesly held in durance, the harder will 
 the reflection be, we conceive, upon those who take pleasure in our 
 sufferings. That the root of animosities here, the old cause of new 
 doeings, hath layn bare many years. Probably, we may never be 
 mentioned, but if we should, or any questions should be asked, our 
 friends should not differ in their accounts.” 
 
 Order at a General Meeting of the Justices of the Peace for the 
 County of Lancaster. 
 
 743. 1690, August 25. — Whereas, William Tomlinson, late Governor 
 of the House of Correction at Preston, had been turned out of his place 
 and one William Higginson, put therein, the said Tomlinson having 
 been represented to his Majesty as one obnoxious to the Government, 
 and in no way qualified for the said em.ployment, the said Tomlinson 
 petitioned that the charge might be examined, and, if innocent, he might 
 be restored. It was thereupon ordered by Lord Nottingham, Principal 
 Secretary of State, that the allegation be examined; and upon its 
 examination, it was found that the said Tomlinson was a fit person to be 
 Governour of the House of Correction. It is thereupon ordered that 
 he enjoy the said place. 
 
 Orders at General Meetings of the Justices of the Peace for 
 the County of Lancaster, held at Lancaster, &c. 
 
 744. 1690, August 25-1693, April 4. — Meeting held at Lancaster 
 25 August, 1690. — Whereas, upon the hearing of counsel on behalf of 
 Nicholas, Bishop of Chester and Rector of Wigan, and on behalf of the 
 parishioners of Wigan, and especially the inhabitants of Hindley, 
 against John Greene, upon his tendering a certificate to the Clerk of 
 the Peace, to record the Chapel of Hindley, in the parish of Wigan, as a 
 place appointed to dissenting protestants for their religious worship, it 
 was shown that in the year 1641 the said chapel was erected for the 
 ease of the inhabitants that were above two miles distant from the 
 parish church ; that it was built by the approbation of the then Bishop 
 of Chester, and the first minister who settled there was conformable to 
 
246 
 
 the Church of England ; and it was supplied by conformable ministers 
 till they were turned out of their livings. And the nonconformist who 
 got in was, at Bartholomewtide, 1662, put out by the Act, and a con- 
 formist restored, and it has since been possessed by conformists. That 
 at communicating times, the inhabitants repair to Wigan to receive the 
 sacrament, owning thereby their dependence and subjection to the 
 mother church. That the generality of the inhabitants of Hindley are 
 very conformable. That this chapel is endowed with 22/e. by the 
 year, and upwards, besides the benevolent contributions of the chapelry. 
 That the donatives of the endowment have been by persons of the 
 Church of England, and one sum of 6Z^. by the year, which had been 
 for some time withheld, was, in 1669, by the Duchy Court, decreed to 
 be yearly paid to the minister of Hindley Chapel. That a very pious, 
 orthodox minister is, about a month ago, dead ; who had been long pos- 
 sessed of the place, and that another conformable minister had offered 
 to come into the place, but had been kept out by the said Green on pre- 
 tence that he, and some few other dissenters, are feoffees for the ground 
 on which the chapel stands. The whole Court (the Honourable Hugh 
 Willoughby excepted) were of opinion, and ordered, that the Clerk of the 
 Peace should not record Mr. John Green’s certificate, and that Hindley 
 Chapel should not be used by dissenters for their pretended religious 
 worship. 
 
 Meeting held at Ormskirk, April 11, 1692. — Whereas motion was 
 yesterday made by Thomas Patten, Esqr., ‘‘ counceller at law,” for the 
 recording of St. Ellen’s Chapel for a meeting house for a congregation 
 of dissenters from the Church of England ; and upon hearing of 
 counsel on behalf of Mr. Byrom and others of the Church of England, 
 showing that the chapel is a consecrated chapel-of-ease within the parish 
 of Prescott, which anciently was, and now of right ought to be, supplied 
 with a minister of the Church of England, for the ease of the inhabitants 
 within the parish aforesaid, particularly within the town of Hardshaw- 
 within-Windle : Now, upon full hearing, the motion was lost by a 
 majority of 26 to 1, and it was agreed that the said chapel be not so 
 recorded, &c. 
 
 Meeting held at Lancaster, 4 April, 1693. — Whereas, upon reading 
 the petition of Thomas Sharp, clerk, rector of Tatham, and other the 
 parishioners of Tatham Parish, concerning Tatham Chapel, it appearing 
 that the said chapel is an endowed ancient chapel, wherein the sacra- 
 ments and prayers of the Church of England have been duly ministered 
 and used, time out of mind, till, about two years last past, some of the 
 dissenters living near the chapel, surreptitiously obtained the same to be 
 recorded as a meeting place for dissenters, and, by colour thereof, have 
 used the same ; upon consideration whereof, the justices recommend it 
 to the Justices of Peace, at their next Quarter Sessions, to order that 
 the dissenters, for the future, shall not presume to meet and exercise 
 their religion in the said chapel of Tatham, on any pretence whatsoever, 
 &c. The recommendation was confirmed at a meeting of the justices 
 on 25 April 1693. 
 
 At the General Quarter Sessions for Lancashire, held at Ormskirk, 
 20 July, 1693. — The petition was read of James Naylor, of Windle, 
 clerk, shewing that by the Act for exempting their Majesties’ Protestant 
 subjects, dissenting from the Church of England, from the penalties of 
 certain laws, the places of meeting are required to be certified at the 
 next Quarter Sessions. In pursuance of this, the said James Naylor 
 certifies that St. Helen’s Chapel in Hardshawm, is intended as a meeting 
 place for Protestant dissenters, and desires it may be so recorded. Upon 
 the motion put, whether it be recorded or no : — Lord Willoughby, 
 
247 
 
 Mr. Walmesley, Mr. Herle, and Mr. Samuel Crooke, for recording it; 
 Mr. Bertie Entwisle, Captain Clayton, and Mr. Johnson, Mayor of 
 Liverpool, against recording it. Therefore, ordered to be recorded. 
 
 Memoranda follow, dated 1 August 1696, as to the necessary steps to 
 be taken by dissenters, for exempting themselves from penalties, and of 
 the numbers of dissenting meeting places in Lancashire. 
 
 Sir Richard Sta.ndtsh and Alexander Rigby, Justices of the 
 
 Peace for the County of Lancaster, to their Fellow Justices. 
 
 745. 1690, September 17. — “Pursuant to your order, made at an 
 adjornement of the last generall quarter sessions of the peace for this 
 County of Lancaster, to the Sheriffs board at Lancaster, in the assize week, 
 the 25th of August last, ordering that William Higginse be, for the reasons 
 therein set forth, removed, and William Tomlinson restored to his place 
 of Governor of the House of Correction at Preston in this County of 
 Lancaster, and nominating and desireing Sir Richard Standish, Barronet, 
 Alexander Rigby of Layton, Henry Farrington and Char lees Parker, 
 Esquires, or any two or more of them, to put the said Tomlinson into 
 possession of ilie said house and place: Wee the said Sir Richard 
 Standish and Alexander Rigby, on Saturday the thirteenth of Sep- 
 tember instant, went to the House of Correction at Preston aforesaid, 
 but found there the doors locked or bolted, which were refused to be 
 opened to us ; Higginson, in the said order enjoined to yeild obedience 
 thereunto, not thinking fit to be seen, if he was in the house, nor then, 
 nor ever since, to speak with us. Howbeit, some person imployed by 
 him, a man unknowen to us, did come to the dore when wee demanded 
 entrance, according to the said order, and that wee might restore the 
 said William Tomlinson, in the order mentioned, to his said place ; but 
 the persons within, still kept the dores shut against us, and positively 
 denyed to us entrance, one of them sayeing they had as good power to 
 keep it as wee to demand it, and, as wee have since heard, they had 
 then within the said house an armed rable to keep the house, and 
 whilst wee were but a litle way gone from the place, wee heard a gun 
 or guns go oF in or about the said house.” 
 
 Henry Rowe to Roger Kenyon, M.P. 
 
 746. 1690, October 6. Wigan. — On Saturday last, Alderman Bancks, 
 the town clerk, was chosen and sworn Mayor. “ If you would be pleased 
 to write two words to him, to desire him to take the oath of a justice for 
 the whole county, I am sure he wold doe it, which would not be only 
 a great service to their Majesties, but, I am sure, will be much to 
 your advantage.” Seal^ hroken. 
 
 Thomas Green to Roger Kenyon. 
 
 747. 1690, October 6. — Having been sent to prison the previous year, 
 on a charge of high treason, upon the information of one Kelly, a person 
 he never knew, he begs Kenyon’s assistance that he may be admitted to 
 bail. 
 
 Enclosure . — Copy of a petition, by Thomas Green, to the Justices of 
 Assize for the County Palatine of Lancaster, that he may be brought to 
 trial. 
 
 R. Longworth to Roger Kenton. 
 
 748. 1690, October 7. St. Michael’s. — Thanks Kenyon for his kind- 
 ness in that “ my good Lord Derby was pleased to honour my poor house 
 with his presence.” Hopes his letter will find Kenyon at the House of 
 
248 
 
 Parliament. Commissioners [of the Peace ?] are wanted for his part of 
 the Hundred of Amunderness, and he hopes the following names, or 
 some of them, may be added, viz. : — John Veale, Esq. ; Mr. Pichard 
 Longworth ; Mr. Thomas Smith; Mr. Thomas Fiffe ; Mr. William 
 Slater ; and Mr. Richard Rivingtou, all living convenient for this part 
 of the Hundred. “ When money is given, if I had the casting vote, it 
 shold be by a land tax, for certaynely it is the safest and readyest way 
 to raise money, and with the most equallity.” Seal of Arms, 
 
 Edward Chisenhale to Roger Kenyon. 
 
 749. 1690, October 10. — “ Pray give my serviss to all our Lan- 
 cashire members that are com up. I wish they were all up to have heard 
 soe gratious a speech as the King has made, and especially in that all 
 accounts are redy to be layd downe before you — a suer way for his 
 Majesty to be supply ed by all of you, and, by all you represent, will be 
 most chearfully paid. Seeing our moneys fairely disposed, we think we 
 cannot pay too much, onely doe what you cann, that we may make money 
 of our land, as one way we want an Act to put downe all common bruers 
 in Norfolke and Suffolk, or that none shall be quallifyed to keepe inn or 
 victualling house, except they brue their one drink. All this inquire of 
 Sir William Cooke, farther ; another, that theire may not be any under- 
 takers to laye in the Kinge his beefe and swyne for sea, for by that the 
 country is beaten downe to theire owne price, and especially by having it 
 all bought at Smithfield, which is great charge to the farmer by drive- 
 ing, and heats the King’s beefe, but that the King would have his stores 
 at London, Bristoll, Hull, Ipswich and Dover, Chester or Liverpoole, 
 &c. This would be a vast advantage to the farmer, and better for the 
 King, and prevent a privatt running man forestoleing all the markett in 
 England, by drawing all to London.” 
 
 The Earl op Derby to Roger Kenyon. 
 
 750. 1690, October 10. Kn[owsley]. — Refers to his indisposition, 
 which, he thanks God, is much abated. It lies most in his head, and this 
 is the first day he attempted to write. There was an earthquake the 
 other night. 
 
 John Hulton to Roger Kenyon, M.P. 
 
 751. 1690, October 31. — “A relation of mine, that lives in Chester, was 
 lately at London, and lodged at Mr. Laurence Baskervile’s ; she has an 
 extraordinary art in cutting of paper, in imitation of point, and brought 
 some up with her, with design to present [it] to the Queen. Baskervile 
 understanding it, took her to the Lady Delamere, who was very fond of 
 it, and [told] her she would present it, but could not take her .... 
 this gave my kinswoman a jealousy that she would not perform her 
 promise, or, at least, tell her Majesty who did it; so that, a little before 
 she came out of town, she waited on the Lady Delamere to know 
 whether she had presented the Queen with that point. She replied, she 
 had not done it herself, but had given it to my Lady Derby, who had 
 given it to the Queen, and that she very much admired it. Now, a 
 friend of my kinswoman’s writes her word that it is believed the point 
 was never given to the Lady Derby ; and if the Queen has it, the Lady 
 Delamere presented it as from her daughter, or not from my relation. 
 I heartily beg the kindness of you that you would wait on my Lady 
 Derby, and know whether such point came to her ladyship’s hand; u 
 
249 
 
 so, we are satisfied. I have sent you, enclosed, a little for you to see, but 
 this was her first work. That she took to London was ten times finer 
 cut, and more in imitation of point. I should be glad to hear from you 
 of your strength and procedeure in your House, and that, in a short time, 
 you will call on our independent companies in Lancashire and Cheshire 
 to account ; for I take them to be as dangerous to our government as any 
 enemy whatever. I suppose you have heard what industry is used by 
 that party to make Cornet (?) Whitley mayor [for] this year, in this 
 Corporation; he feasted the mob every day .... We have mayor 
 and sherilf to our minds, and hope you will appoint us honest Com- 
 missioners for the monthly tax, for hitherto there has been the most 
 impartial dealings in the world. I have paid twice as much as their 
 adored coxcomb, Alderman Mainwaring, and, indeed, the fanatics in 
 general, have paid little or nothing ; they preserve themselves and 
 purses for the good old cause ! ” 
 
 Robert Roper to Roger Kenyon, M.P. 
 
 752. 1690, Kovember 11. — “ 1 have this day given my Lord an ac- 
 count of the contents of Sir Vere Fane’s paper, inclosed in your letter to 
 me of the 1st instant, by which bee mentions 887/. 105. 2<7. to be already 
 paid, in part of 1,730/. 10^. 7c/., due at Michaelmas last. 1 have examined 
 the receavor’s accounts of the Isle of Man, and therein is charged 
 989/. 175. Ic/. paid to Mr. Greenwood, of Lancaster, b}^ Alderman 
 Bence’s order, and for his use, which is 1477. 5s. 8c/. more, and must 
 bee in Mr. Greenwood’s hands, if he hath not accounted for it. When 
 it is seasonable, I know you will put my Lord in minde of this arreer, 
 and also what is due to Mr. Stanley, upon the account of his rent charge; 
 for I doubt my Lord will not bee able to stave off payment, noe longer 
 then priviledge of Parliament doth continue, and when that is ended, 
 these arrears will fall very heavy, unlesse, in the meane while, some 
 course be taken for payment.” Seal. 
 
 W. Hayhurst to Roger Kenyon. 
 
 753. 1690, December 5. Preston. — Making application for an 
 appointment in Lord Derby’s service. Lord Brandon has not thought 
 fit to appear at the election. Mr. Buckingham, his gentleman, came up, 
 on Wednesday, to Mr. Patten’s, and went yesterday with Mr. Patten, and 
 several of his party, to Mr. Mayor, to acquaint him that my Lord 
 recommended Mr. Patten as the most proper person to represent them 
 in Parliament. “ I doe not hear, for certaine, of any indirect methods 
 used of either side, though there is discourse of gold being offered by 
 Buckingham, on behalfe of Mr. Patten. The comon method is for some 
 two of acquaintence and interest to goe from house to house and ask 
 their votes, and to drink them well. After the call book was called over 
 and the defaulters, it was asked Mr. Patten’s party if they had any 
 more to poll, or if they could except against any that had polled for 
 Sr. Edward, both which they did in a fewe, and were allowed to give 
 Mr. P[atten] his due. Hee, carried beyond expectation, . civill and 
 willing to suppress any disorders. There was some fighting at the 
 further end of the Court, but soon over. The Mayor and gentlemen 
 of the town mett Sr. Edward into the town, with threescore and twelve 
 horse, and ringing of bells. The Indenture was scaled in Court, and 
 you need not fear any further appeales. Colonel Rawsthorne gave his 
 vote for Sir Edward.” 
 
250 
 
 Thomas Hodgekinson to Koger Kenyon, M.P. 
 
 754. 1690, December 5. Preston. — “ This day, our election began, 
 about eleaven of clock, and continued until three this afternoon. There 
 was never an election in this place managed with more calmne& on both 
 sides, saving some few rude disturbances by Mr. Patten’s creatures, but 
 (indeed) against his inclinations. Sir Edward Chisenhale carried it by 
 57 votes, soe that you will have no further trouble, in the comittee of 
 priviledges, about this corporation. Bee pleased to rectify my mistake to 
 my good Lord Derby, for I have (by this post) given his Lordshipp an 
 account that wee outvoted Mr. Patten 60 votes, whereas (upon a more 
 exact scrutiny) there only appeares 57, which mistake (though not very 
 considerable) I thought fitt to correct, being sent to a person of that 
 honnor and quality. Sir, I am now with Mr. Maior, Sir Edward 
 Chisenhale, and many more of your friends, who have already drunke 
 his Lordshippe’s health, and are now remembering (their worthy friend) 
 the sitting member ; unto whom they do owne themselves particularly 
 
 obliged, in their late dispute in the senate The company 
 
 is pressing mee with glasses, and only give me time to tell you that I 
 am, sir, your very affectionate servant.” Seal of arms. 
 
 Army Accounts. 
 
 755. 1690, December 9. — The answer of Pichard, Earl of Eanelagh, 
 Paymaster-General, etc., “ to soe much of the reporte, observations, and 
 resolutions of the Committee for examining the accompts of the army,” 
 etc., as concern him. 
 
 Army Accounts. 
 
 756. 1690, December 9. — Kemarks concerning the Report of the 
 Committee for examining the Accounts of the Army. 
 
 The State of the Kavy. 
 
 757. 1690, December 23. Admiralty Office.— An account of the 
 present state of the ships of war of their Majesties’ Royal navy. 
 
 The Earl of Derby to Roger Kenyon. 
 
 758. 1 690 [-1], January 15. Whitehall. — ‘‘We are every hour in 
 expectation to go ; all our coaches were ready this morning, the King 
 resolving to set sail this afternoon, but the wind changed, not above three 
 hours before, for Jast night it blew as [hard as] could be, so that we 
 are all ready, upon an hour’s warning. You will hear, in the public 
 letters, of some persons taken who are lately come out of France ; they 
 had letters about them which confirm very much what was my Lord 
 intentions.” Seal of arms. 
 
 Nicholas Stratford, Bishop of Chester, to Roger Kenyon. 
 
 759. 1690-1, January 22. — Encloses the charge against Mr. Braddyll. 
 Thinks Mr. Gey has “ done the part of a good Christian and a good 
 subject,” and that “ Mr. Braddyll, who has been so unfaithful, and 
 abused his truest to so high a degree, deserves to be excluded, with some 
 note of infamy, from an}' public trust for the future.” Seal of arms. 
 
251 
 
 John Barton to Roger Kenyon. 
 
 760 , 1690[-1], January 22, Knowsley. — As to Kenyon’s being the 
 fittest man in Lancashire, i£ not too old, for the government [of the Isle 
 of Man ?]. 
 
 The Earl of Derby to Roger Kenyon. 
 
 761 , [1691,] February 1. The Hague. — ‘‘ It happens unfortunately 
 for mee, that the Grovernor should dye whilst I am here ; all that I need to 
 say, I continue of the same mind I was of, when I last saw you ; but that is 
 not the thing I must now consider ; it is sending someone to supply the 
 place untill my return into England, I must first say I am sorry 
 William Hayhurst is not gone, but that cannot be helped now. Yet I 
 do not see any reason why he may not go still, for that instrument I 
 signed for him, gives him greater authority than I have skill to dr[aw] 
 here, for you or him, being directed to the Governor and the rest of my 
 officers ; suche latter are obliged to give all the light they can, and hee 
 may instruct them, by your advice, what is to be done in the meantime, 
 onely keep the letter I writt to the Governor ; and since I am out of the 
 king-dome, I fancy you and the rest of my Commissioners may have power 
 to graft an order to them in the Island, upon what I have signed and 
 sealed to William Hayhurst, to bee of force untill they heare from mee. 
 All things go as well here as I can desire, but, upon my word, I have 
 very litle time for writeing, especially tonight, for I am to goe tomorrow 
 morneing very early to Amsterdam. The gazette and the newse letters 
 will be very full of the King’s reception here, and the joy all people are 
 in with the sight of him, which is not to be expressed, for I could not 
 have imagined half so much, if I had not been eye-witnes.” Original 
 and Copy, in Roger Kenyon^s handwriting. 
 
 Thomas Braddyll to Roger Kenyon. 
 
 762 , 1690[-1], February 2. Portfield. — Desires a copy of the 
 information, “ or what you are pleased to call it,” which ‘‘ Cousin Gey ” 
 has laid against him to the Bishop of Chester. 
 
 Appended is the copy. 
 
 “ T. B., esquire, a Justice of the Peace and a Commissioner in the 
 severall Polls and 3^. Subsidy Act, who was a long time before he would 
 take the oaths to the present government, dealt thus in his actings as 
 Commissioner with the King and countrey in Whally, in the county of 
 Lancaster, where he liveth. 
 
 ‘‘1. Hot one child in that township (though some scores taxable and 
 taxed by the sworn assessors) would he suffer to pay, but struck them 
 out of the assessment. 
 
 “ 2. At the 2s. in the pound, an assessment was made up by the 
 assessors, for 2s. in the pound only ; but he causes his clerk to interline 
 the other tax of \2d. in the pound, in that assessment, so that the King 
 was cheated of the third part, through the whole town, and if enquired 
 into, probably in many others. 
 
 “ 3. His own demesnes of Braddyll and Brockall, and as it is believed, of 
 Samsbury, to the valew of severall 100/. per annum, were clearly, by 
 his procurement, left out of the tax, and not one penny paid for them. 
 
 “ 4. In the review of the 1st poll, not a child in the town (though a 
 great number) save his 2 daughters, the vicar’s three children, and 
 about 4 more, at most, put into the assessment, and his own wife omitted. 
 
 “ 5. Numbers of papists of quality, freed by him (as it is presumed) 
 because R. Grimshaw, esq., G. Talbot, gent., Justic Cotterell, Attorney 
 
252 
 
 ftt law, being doubly assessed, according to the Act, as professed papists 
 were struck off by him, the 2 last, 40/. a peece, the 1st, a far greater sum. 
 
 ‘‘ 6. Servants, wages of whole townships (as it is believed) particularly 
 the township of Osbuldalston, there being a great family in it, nearly 
 related to him, by his means were wholly left out, and never paid [a] 
 penny , 
 
 “ 7. Exclaimed on the vicar, telling him he deserved to be pulled out of 
 the pulpit, for preaching against perjury, and pressing all concerned, to 
 make just and true taxes, according to their oaths. 
 
 ‘‘8. Grave the countrey, in one assessment, no time to appeal, but instead 
 of 14 days allowed by the Act, would have them pay within 4, and 
 threatned and distreyned upon such as would not submit to his arbitrary 
 commands, particularly the vicar of Whallay.” 
 
 Egbert Roper to Roger Kenyon. 
 
 763. 1691, March 31. — The bearer brings you a letter from my 
 lord ; and, this day, I have another from his lordshipp, wherein .hee 
 acquaints mee that hee hath appointed you Governor of the Isle of Man, 
 but not to go over hither, untill his lordshipp’s returne to England, and 
 in the meanwhile, to appoint your deputy to stay in the Island about a 
 moneth, and to bring his lordshipp an account how afiaires stand there, 
 and you and I to meet forthwith, to consider the affaires of the Island.” 
 Seal. 
 
 Thomas Gipps to Roger Kenyon. 
 
 764. [16]91, April 4. Bury. — ‘‘ There is a gentleman at Manchester 
 (one Dr. Buck) that designs to sett up, either at Manchester or at Warring- 
 ton, in the practice of physick. He has a letter from some of your friends, 
 recommending him to your favour and countenance to promote his 
 interest, what in you lies.” The writer has also one from a special 
 friend and kinsman (a doctor in physic of the first rank in England) 
 w^ho gives a satisfactory character of this Dr. Buck. Seal of arms. 
 
 Ralph Jackson to Roger Kenyon, at Manchester. 
 
 765. 1691, April 13. Middleton. — Has, for several years, been 
 
 exercised in military affairs, “ and does, in some measure, understand 
 them,” and, to satisfye any person that he is qualified for a commission, 
 “ will not onely perforrne the exercise before any commission officer what- 
 ever, but, at the same time, will undergoe the examination upon that 
 account.” Begs, therefore. Lord Derby’s interest to obtain for him the 
 King’s commission. Seal of arms. 
 
 Genebal Ginckle to “ Mr. Roe, Comptroller of the Isle of Man.” 
 
 766. 1691, April 29. Dublin. — “I am informed by Mr. Daniel 
 IL lyes, a merchant of this city, that the ship St. Stephen., of St. Sebastian, 
 wl'creof John Lebarta is master, loaden at St. Sebastian with wine and 
 brandy, and bound to this place, was, by distress of weather, in her voyage 
 hither, driven to the Isle of Man, and there seized by your order, upon 
 pretence of belonging to their Majesties’ enemies. I can assure you that 
 we have made it our particular care to encourage the trade of this dis- 
 tressed kingdom, in order to supply their Majesties’ army with so 
 necessary refreshments, of which we have great want. Therefore, I desire 
 you will give him, in the release of said ship and her cargoe, the latter 
 belonging to subjects, confederates to their Majesties, a friendly and 
 
253 
 
 impartial assistance, in order that their Majesties’ army in this kingdom 
 under our command, may have the benefit of those necessary refreshments 
 in the field.” 
 
 Adrian Venn to the Earl of Derby, at Ormond Gate, near 
 
 Whitehall. 
 
 767. 1691, May 14. Harwich. — Has brought his lordship ‘Gwo 
 casts of Lenteners ” from Antwerp. In the packet coming from “ Helford 
 Sluice,” were 16 or 18 recruits for the Coreland (?) Regiment in Ireland, 
 under the command of Colonel Shock. Some of the recruits took him for 
 a spy, and, having no pass, he was brought before Justice Seamans, of 
 Harwich, and one of the recruits swore that he was in the French 
 army before Mons. Prays for his Lordship’s intercession. 
 
 Stephen Gey to Roger Kenyon. 
 
 768. 1691, May 27. — When he got to Wigan, Lord Derby, with his 
 whole family, went to Winstanley to dinner. Is a little amazed that he 
 has not heard from Lord Derby nor Mr. Entwisle, but believes “ that 
 per fas nefasque he will continue to mischiefe me and mine, if possible, 
 but I know God has a hooke in every manes nostrills.” 
 
 The Earl of Nottingham to the Earl of Derby. 
 
 769. 1691, June 4. Whitehall. — “I send your lordship enclosed, by 
 the Queen’s command, a warrant for releasing a Spanish ship called the 
 St. Stephen^ of St. Sebastian, driven into the Isle of Man by stress of 
 weather, and there arrested, contrary to the constant practice everywhere 
 observed in the like cases, and the provision made by the treaty 
 between us and the Crown of Spain, for the security of the subjects of 
 both nations against any such irregularity ; and her Majesty is the 
 more concerned to see the partys releived herein, in regal’d of the strict 
 union and friendship, at this time, between us and Spain, and the benefit 
 which accrues to this nation by the Spanish trade, which may be liable 
 to suffer much, by such an example as this, if not timely redressed ; and 
 that this may be done the sooner, her Majesty has signed a duplicate of 
 this order, which will be delivered to your Deputy Governour, and Ido 
 not doubt but j'our lordship will immediately issue such directions, on 
 your part, as may prevent any delay in the execution of her Majesty’s 
 commands, in so just and necessary a cause.” Signed. Enclosed., 
 
 Warrant for release, signed “ Marie R.” 
 
 The Ship St. Stephen. 
 
 770. 1691, after June 4. — Paper stating that the Queen’s order of this 
 date, touching the release of the St. Stephen, is based upon an entirely 
 wrong supposition that she is a Spanish ship, manned by Spaniards, 
 laden with goods the growth of Spain, bound from Spain to Dublin, on 
 the account of the King of Spain’s subjects, forced by stress of weather 
 into the Isle of Man, and had not been guilty of any act of forfeiture ; and 
 setting out answers that will be “ well proved ” to each of these 
 suppositions. The answers are to the effect that the vessel is ‘‘ a sloop, 
 built in New England” and that she had her name given her by Hilary 
 and Peter Reneu — French merchants, living in London, but born at 
 Bordeaux — ‘‘ before she was ever at Spain.” Printed. 
 
254 
 
 The Earl of Derby to the Earl op ^Tottingham. 
 
 771. 1691, June 7. Knowsley. — I received your Lordship’s letter 
 this day, by the post, and also her Majestie’s order, dated three days ago, for 
 releasing a wship seized in the Isle of Man, pretending to come from 
 St. Sebastian, in Spain, laden with claret and brandy. When I was with 
 the King in Holland, my Governor of the Isle of Man died. I have 
 appointed a new governor, who is going over, so soon as the wind will 
 serve. This ship was seized by my officers of the Customs there, but 
 that this ship was drove in by stress of weather, I believe is misinforma- 
 tion, and I am very doubtful whether, in truth, it be French or Spanish 
 wine. A French merchant, one Mr. B-enue, was divers times with me at 
 London, and showed me a certificate from the Commissioners of the 
 Customs, Sir Richard Temple and others, who, I am sure, never heard 
 what my officers in the Isl3 of Man, who seized or stayed the ship, can 
 say to this matter, and I suppose your Lordship will think it reasonable 
 the whole truth should be known. This Mr. Renue would have sould 
 me the claimer pretences (sic), I understood it to be his own, if I would 
 have given him an inconsiderable sume in comparison of the real value, 
 after he had showed me the Commissioners of the Customs discharge 
 would have let the rest go ; all these made me desirous to know the 
 whole truth. My officers having done no wrong, I should not be blamed 
 for their irregularity, and if the statute which prohibitts the importation 
 of brandy into Ireland or the Isle of Man from any kingdom or place, 
 under the penalty of forfeiting the brandy and the ship may be punished, 
 I hope what is done, is not of very ill example. All I would, with all 
 humility, beg of her Majesty, is that this strict order of delivery of this 
 ship forthwith, may be dispensed with, till her Majesty and your Lord- 
 ship may, so soon as the Governour, who lies at Liverpool, waiting for a 
 wind, can goe over, by examination of the matter, be truly certified and 
 fully informed. Or, if this may not be, I pray your Lordship’s advice by 
 the return of this post, for none shall more readily and humbly comply 
 with all her Majesty’s commands.” Cop^, 
 
 The Earl of Derby to Roger Kenyon, at Liverpool. 
 
 772. 1691, June 8. [Knowsley.] — tias received the Queen’s order to 
 deliver the ship and cargo now “stayed” in the Isle of Man. Has 
 written to Lord Nottingham “ to desire of her Majesty that order may 
 be suspended, until due examination of all matters, in the Island, relating 
 to the ship and goods, and that you have certified the truth of the whole 
 matter under your hand, which I desire you to do with all care and 
 speed, and so soon as I have heard from my Lord Nottingham, you shall 
 hear further and receive my order, touching the said ship and goods, and 
 in the meantime you are to keep the same in safe custody.” Signed. 
 
 The Earl of Nottingham to the Earl of Derby. 
 
 773. 1691, June 16. Whitehall. — “ I have receaved your Lordship’s 
 letter of the 7th instant, about releasing the ship St. Stephen, of St. Se- 
 bastian, and liad sooner returned you an answer, but that I was willing to 
 acquaint the Queen with what your Lordship writ, and receive her direc- 
 tions. Before her Majesty signed the warrant which was sent to your 
 Lordship, she referred this matter to the Commissioners of the Customs, 
 upon whose report of the case, and upon consideration of the treaty 
 with Spain, and the strict obligations of complying with it, her Majesty 
 
255 
 
 directed the immediate release of this ship, and I am now commanded to 
 acquaint you, that her Majesty sees no reason to recede from her former 
 orders, and does therefore expect your punctual complyance herein 
 without any further delay.” 
 
 C. Wharton, Sir Thomas Travers, and Wm. Sacheverell to 
 the Earl of Derby, at Knowsley. 
 
 774. [1691,] June 22. Castletown, Isle of Man. — Upon the Grover- 
 iior’s desire, they have been on board the seized vessel, and tasted three 
 of the casks in her hold. They are of opinion that the casks contain 
 ‘‘ small French wines, and truly the growth of France.” Signed, Seal. 
 
 Information of William Cooper, of ‘‘Peeltown.” 
 
 775. 1691, July 7. — “ In April, 1689, one Mr. Jackson of the County 
 of Downe, in Ireland, sent into the Isle [of Man] by one William Duglass, 
 82 tanned hydes and other goods, to save and secure them from the 
 enemy ; being at that ti.me when the Irish Protestants fled into the Isle 
 for security.” These were seized, because no cocket could be produced 
 for the same. 
 
 Examination of “ Mr. David Murray, merchant at Douglas.” 
 
 776. 1691, July 18. — He had received from his brother, Mr. Kobert 
 Murray, of Chester, the copy of a letter from Peter Penewe to Mr. 
 William Clayton, merchant, of Liverpool, telling him of the seizure in 
 question, stating the vessel — which was built in New England — was 
 going from St. Sebastian to Dublin, and begging his aid in obtaining her 
 release, &c. Signed. 
 
 Examination of James Chenneau, taken before the Earl of 
 
 Derby. 
 
 777. 1691, July 25. — -Knows Stephen de Fernandis, who is a 
 Spaniard; they, with two other Spaniards, sailed from London to St. 
 Sebastian, in the ship in question, which was then called the St. Stephen. 
 He was present at the lading of the said ship ; the cargo was not taken out 
 of any other ship, but was brought direct from the Custom House at 
 London. Mr. Peter Renewe sent him with the ship and cargo to Spain. 
 Hillary Renewe is Peter’s brother and partner ; they are Frenchmen, 
 born at Bordeaux. Believes that Mr. Hilliary Lesseur, who now lives 
 at St. Sebastian with Mr. Stephen Cadroy, is nephew to the Renewes. 
 The examinat was born at the Isle of Oleron, and does not know that 
 he is a denizen of England, but Peter Renewe wrote to him, in the 
 previous May, that he would send him his free denizenship, &c. 
 
 “ The manner of his Lordship’s [the Earl of Derby’s] goeing to 
 the Tinwall, from Castle Rushen.” 
 
 778. 1691, July 30. — “ About 7 of the clock in the morning, all 
 persons who are to attend his Lordship from Castle Rushen to the Tinwall, 
 to wit, the Governor, with his staffe of authority, all the officers and Lords 
 Council (except such as are military, and except the deemsters and 
 24 Keys, who are to go before to the Tinwall, and attend there the Lord of 
 Man’s coming) all knights, gentlemen of quality, strangers and natives. 
 
 “ At half an hour past 7 of the clock, the bell rings for half a quarter of 
 an hour ; which done, the Constable of that Castle, with the other 
 
256 
 
 officers of that Castle, go forth of the Hall to the gates there, to order 
 the guard, and to doe their obey sauce at his Lordship’s passing by. 
 
 ‘‘ When the Governor hath notice that the guards are so sett, and his 
 Lordship’s horses and all things in readiness, he acquaints his Lordship 
 therewith, who, thereupon, arises and commands the Governor, with his 
 * staffe, to goe, which he doth, walking harehead before him. Then 
 folio wes my Lord, and next after him all the best gentlemen of quality 
 that are strangers, and allsoe his Lordship’s cheif servants, &c. When 
 his Lordship is come out of the gate, the groomes stand ready with their 
 horses, and whilst the Lord, the Governour, the persons of quality, &c. 
 are mounting, the Constable of the Castle, with his guards, march for- 
 wards, with his Lordship’s musick playeing before them ; and when all 
 are on horseback, then the Comptroller on the right hand, and the 
 Steward of the Household on his left hand, rideing bare before the 
 Governour. Then comes the Governour, allsoe rideing bare, before his 
 Lordshipp, thorrow the towne, with his staff in his hand. Then the 
 guards march, the musick playeing before them, thorrow the towne, all 
 the best gentlemen of quality that are strangers, two by two, following 
 next after his Lordshipp, and in like manner, his Lordshipp’s cheife 
 servants, and after them, the meaner persons accordingly. 
 
 ‘‘ When his Lordship is about the middle of the town, the great guns 
 from the Castle goe off, 5 at the least ; and haveing marched thorrow the 
 town, those footguards and musick take horse, and attend his Lordship, 
 with the rest, to the Tinwall. 
 
 “ When, in this order, they have passed the town, the Governor, &c. 
 ride covered, till they come to the Tinwall feild, where his Lordship’s 
 guards, consisting of a thousand firelocks, are posted in great ordre. 
 His Lordship, after he hath taken a view of them, passeth thorrow them 
 on horseback, and in that passage is decently saluted by all the military 
 officers commanding those guards. And thus his Lordship, the 
 Governour, and persons of quality, &c., with him, ride on till they meet 
 the Bishop and Clergy, the Deemsters, and the 24 Keys of the Island ; 
 the Clergy on the right hand, the other on the left. 
 
 “ Then his Lordshipp alighteth, the Bishop, or in his absence the 
 Archdeacon, or in his absence the Vicar -General, holding the right 
 styrrup, accordeing to the ancient custome. When his Lordshipp hath 
 saluted them all, they march ; that is to say, the fower and twenty, in 
 decent coates, and the Deemsters after them, in gownes, the Clergy in 
 their habitts, and the Bishop after them. Then the Governor, my 
 Lord, and after him all the gentry passing thorrow a guard, to witt, of 
 Peele garrison, on one hand, and the garrison of Castle Bushen on the 
 other hand, which make a lane to the church door. My Lord being 
 thus conducted goes up into a chaire provided for that day, and then 
 heares a sermon. The sermon ended, all goe forth of the church but 
 my Lord, the Governor, the Lordes Councill, the Deemsters and twenty 
 four Keys, the Secretarys, Clerke of the Bolls, and such as the Lord will 
 comand to stay. 
 
 “ If his Lordship have anything to propound to the country, he moves 
 it to the Deemsters, and fower and twenty, who, debateing the matter, do 
 agree thereunto, or give his Lordship satisfaction, by their sufficient 
 reasons to the contrary. And if the Deemsters and fower and twenty 
 have any request unto his Lordship, they move it themselves, in an 
 humble manner. If my Lord approve thereof, he commands it to be 
 inserted in the statute book, where it is mentioned as an humble request 
 of the Deemsters and fower and twenty, on behalf of the country, setting 
 all tlieir names unto the same, as allsoe the Governoi’ and ail of the Lords 
 Councill, subscribe ; then my Lord confirmes the same with his own 
 
257 
 
 subscription, under these words ; — ‘ Be it enacted as it is desired ’ ; but if 
 his Lordshipp like not the motion, then he tells them that he will take 
 it into consideration against another time. 
 
 ‘‘ Note. — That when his Lordship intends to propound something that 
 day, which he conceives may probably find some opposition, or require 
 some long debate, to prevent an inconveniency, his Lordship appoints a 
 meeteing some day the week before, where all things are well weighed 
 and considered, to the contentment of all parties. 
 
 ‘‘ When there is no more for his Lordship and the rest then with him 
 to doe of themselves, his Lordship sends one of the Deemsters forth of 
 the church into the feild, where the said Deemster comands the cryer to 
 proclaime that if anyone have complaint to make, thoe it be against any 
 of the otficers, or any request by petition, or difference between e party 
 and party, he, or they, whoever they be, may come into the Church and 
 be heard, and his Lordshipp will take order that right shall be done, 
 accordeing to justice and the lawes of the land. Then such as have any 
 business, present themselves before the table humbly, on their knees, 
 and deliver their petitions to the Comptroller, who is there ready to 
 receive the same and to read, when the Lord commands him; which 
 being done, the Lord heares the matter, if he please, or appoints 
 another day. 
 
 “ All this being done, one goeth forth to cause the drums to beat ; then 
 the people gather together expecting his Lordshipp’s coming forth ; the 
 souldiers stand to their armes, and then the Bishop and Clergy come into 
 the church ; then the fower and twenty march, two in a brest, thorrow 
 the guards up to the Tinwall hill, the Deemsters followeing them, then 
 the Clergy, Bishop, &c., as before, two and two. The officers follow 
 his Lordship, soe doe the gentlemen strangers and others, the Bishop 
 and Clergy on the right hand ; the Deemsters and four and twenty, on 
 the left, standing bare, make a lane for his Lordship to goe betwixt them 
 up the degrees to the top of the hill, where, when his Lordship is 
 arrived, he sitts in a chaire of state, with his face towards the east, the 
 Governor standing or sitting on my Lord’s right, and the Bishop on the 
 left, the sword of state holden before his Lordship with the point 
 upward, by whom his Lordship thinks fitt to honor therewith. The 
 gentlemen strangers stand or sitt behind his Lordship ; the Deemsters 
 and officers stand one degree below the Governor ; the Guards (to witt 
 of the two garrisons) stand at the foot of the hill, with matches lighted, 
 bullets in their mouths, &c. Then the people draw nigh to understand 
 what is said unto them. 
 
 “ The first busines on the hill is that the six Coroners or Sheriffs 
 present themselves before his Lordship, with white rods in their hands, 
 which were given to them at the late Tinwald, as markes of their office, 
 to continue from that time for one year. They are to come one after 
 another, on their knees, before his Lordship, presenting their staves 
 which he receives and (haveing been but lately elected and sworn, and 
 recommended unto him as able and honest men) he returns them their 
 staves, being satisfyed that they are fitt persons for such a place of 
 creditt, advantage, and trust. My Lord haveing a note of their names, 
 and haveing comanded the Deemster to call them in order, he restores 
 them their white rods, and each Coroner, as he receives the same on his 
 knees, bowes towards his Lordship’s feet, riseth, maketh his reverences 
 as he retires to one side, his face still towards my Lord ; and, in like 
 manner, all the rest. 
 
 “ After this, if any new law be made, or old altered, it is proclaimed by 
 the cryer, in Manckes, being read and dictated to him by the eldest 
 Deemster. 
 
 73480. 
 
 R 
 
258 
 
 “ In conclusion, the Lord commands the cryer to lett the people know 
 (in Mancks) that his Lordship continues his love unto them and his care 
 of them, and prayes God to bless them. 
 
 ‘‘ So, commonly, they crye aloud — ‘ God allso bless his Lordship and all 
 his,’ and with a ffreat huzzah and shout, concludes the business of that 
 day.” 
 
 Examination of Robert Burdett, Junior, of Dublin, merchant. 
 
 779. 1691, August 3. — At the instance of Mr. Daniel Hayes, merchant 
 of Dublin,he came to the Isle of Man to look after the ship [the St. Stephen] 
 and mariners in question. Had no orders to vend, retail, or utter ” any 
 of the wine, &c. on board, but ‘‘ he was left at liberty, at his discretion, to 
 have presented some of it to the Earle of Derby and Governour of the 
 Island, if the ship had been released accordinge to her Majestie’s order.” 
 
 The Earl op Derby’s Instructions to his Governor op the Isle 
 OP Man, his deputy or deputies. 
 
 780. 1691, August 4. — “That whereas many complaints have been 
 made to me since my coming into this Island, against those persons, their 
 actings here, who have been, by commission of the Commissioners of 
 the Customs in England, sent hither to act, upon pretence for their 
 Majesties’ service, as surveyors of the Customs of this Island, and who 
 have, contrary to law, as I am informed, taken upon them, in many 
 particulars, very arbitrarily to act, to the great oppression of the people 
 and with much contempt to me and my officers in the said Island; I do, 
 therefore, hereby require you to have particular regard to these men, 
 their demeanors and actings ; and, whilst they behave themselves accord- 
 ing to law for their Majesties’ service, they, desiring your aid, that 
 you very readily assist them, but when and where they otherwise act, 
 that you, upon good proof of their misdemeanour, impartially put the law 
 in execution against them ; and for your so doing, I do hereby promise 
 to indempnify you against any prosecution ; notwithstanding their 
 threats, insolencys, or the utmost they can do you. And I do expect 
 your constant complyance to these my directions, with care and without 
 timerity. And that in any case where any seizures are to be made, that 
 you make seizures, and not permit them to make any seizures, or other- 
 wise to act what is the part of my officers, properly to perform.” Copy. 
 
 Order directing the release of the ship St. Stephen. 
 
 781. 1691, August 13. Whitehall. — Order in Council — made on the 
 petition of Andrew de la Barthe, master of the St. Stephen, of St. Sebas- 
 tian, belonging, with her cargo, to the subjects of Spain, seized in the Isle 
 of Man by the Earl of Derby — directing the immediate release of the said 
 vessel and her crew, or the attendance of the Earl of Derby and the master 
 of the vessel, on 24 Sept. next. 
 
 Annexed. — Copy petition. Petitioner with his vessel, being forced by 
 stress of weather into the “ road of the Isle of Man,” the vessel was 
 seized by the Earl of Derby’s officers, and carried into “ a harbour ” 
 [Derby Haven] and Petitioner and his crew turned out of their vessel. 
 Previous orders of Council, for restitution of the vessel, have been ignored 
 by the Earl, &c. 
 
 An Account of the Earl of Derby’s proceedings in disturbing the 
 King’s officers of the revenue in the Isle of Man. 
 
 782. 1691, August 13. Whitehall.— -Order in Council stating that the 
 Lords Commissioners of the Treasury had that day presented an account 
 
259 
 
 of the proceedings of the Earl of Derby and his officers in the Isle of 
 Man, against the King’s officers there, and directing the attendance of 
 some person or persons, sent by rhe Earl, at the board to be held on the 
 24 September following, to give an account of the whole matter. 
 
 Appended . — “ An account of the proceedings of the Earle of Derby, 
 Eoger Kenyon, Esq., Governor, and other his Lordship’s officers in the 
 Isle of Man, against the King’s officers and other their Majesties’ sub- 
 jects : — 
 
 “ It being apparent, since the death of the late Governor Haywood, 
 that their Majesties’ officers in the said Island do meet with strange 
 interruptions, in the execution of their offices, by the said Earl of Derby, 
 Roger Kenyon, Esqre., and other his Lordship’s officers there, both to the 
 prejudice of their Majesties’ interest and other their Majesties’ subjects 
 as fall in there, by wreck or otherwise. 
 
 ‘‘ 1st. That on 29th January, 1690, there hapned a vessell to be cast 
 away upon the said Island, that had been in their Majesties’ service, in 
 the master’s chest whereof, there was found by the said Earl of Derby’s 
 officers, an account that did discover a great abuse to the prejudice of 
 their Majesties’ interest ; which account coming to the knowledge of 
 Benjamin Dewy, the King’s officer there, strange endeavours were used 
 by the said Earl’s officers to keep the said Dewy from a sight thereof, 
 and although at last, with some trouble and charge, he got a copy of 
 what liad relation to the King, yet they would by no means part with 
 the original, though it no ways belonged to them. 
 
 ‘^2nd. That General Ginckell’s cornet, being one of them that was saved 
 in the said vessel, who, with others, were going for England for recruits, 
 with considerable sums, though it was known there was saved both 
 money and goods of some value, yet the said Earl’s officers, in whose 
 hands it was, keeps the most part of it, whereby the said cornet was 
 forced to go thence without money to bear his charges ; and although 
 he left a letter of attorney with the said Dewy, to take care of, and 
 receive what should be found in his absence, and there being some goods 
 taken up, which had been some small time in the possession of the said 
 Dewy, yet the said EaiTs officers came and took them away, never 
 restoring them afterwards. 
 
 “3rd. That in May, 1691, the said Dewy had an account that there 
 was imported into the said Island, some goods without cockett, and the 
 •said Earl’s officers, to baffle the said Dewy in this business, entred the 
 said goods in an other man’s name, then what the said Dewy had an 
 account of, and before the said Dewy could find out the intrigue, the 
 goods w'eie conveyed away, and never after could be discovered. 
 
 “ 4th. That in the beginning of June following, the said Dewy received 
 an other account that there was lodged in one of the said Earl’s officer’s 
 house, 1,100 yards of linen, imported into the said Island without cockett ; 
 he did not deny but he had the goods, yet would not suffer the said 
 Dewy to have so much as a sight of them, of which the said Dewy 
 complained to Mr. John Rowe, the Earl’s comptroller, wffio declares he 
 would not meddle therein. 
 
 “ 5th. That on the 8th of April, 1691, there hapned, by contrary winds, 
 to put into Darby Haven, a small vessel loaden with wine and brandy, 
 the pilot whereof informed that he took in his goods at St. Sebastian, 
 and [was] bound for Dublin, but the said Earl’s officers first, and 
 afterwards the said Earl and Governor themselves, against all law and 
 precedent, stopt the said vessel, and still detein her, notwithstanding 
 they have the Queen’s order to release her. But the said DeAvy, to 
 prevent embezlement of the said goods, and not knowing but the same 
 
 R 2 
 
260 
 
 may more properly belong to the King, put a lock upon the hatches, till 
 the business should be determined in England. 
 
 “ 6th. That the said Earl’s officers when they first stayed the said vessel, 
 declared that they only staid her, as being fallen into their Lord’s 
 priviledge, but yet about a month after, when required by some to know 
 for whom they acted, the said John Rowe declared that he acted for the 
 King, but being asked by what commission, to this he was silent. 
 
 “ 7th. That the said Dewy (as his duty w'as) made all the enquiry he 
 could, to know what was the occasion that brought the said vessel into 
 the Isle of Man, and cannot find but that what the said pilot pretended 
 was really true, for that one Anthony Thompson, master of the Lyon of 
 Lancaster, whowasloaden with salt, and bound for Bristol, declared that 
 he, being off of Wexford in Ireland, or thereabouts, met with this vessel, 
 who followed him into Darby Haven, and could not, as the said 
 Thompson informed the said Dewy, get Dublin, for that himself would 
 fain have been there, as being a better outlet for Bristol than Derby 
 Haven ; and further, the said Dewy was informed that the said pilot, the 
 same day, or the day after he came to an anchor in Derby Haven, not 
 being willing to depend wholly upon his own judgment, was about 
 hiring one Duncan McLoughlan for 50s. to pilot him to Dublin. 
 
 “ 8th. Also, after the said vessel had been in Derby Haven 6 or 7 days, 
 the said Earl’s officer, against the said Dewy’s will, removed her, with the 
 help of several boats, to Castle Town bourn, a very dangerous place, 
 and, therefore, the said Dewy tould them that he would run no risque if 
 she miscarried ; to themselves be it. 
 
 ‘‘9th. That on the l7th of June, [16]9l, the said Roger Kenyon, the 
 Grovernor, landed at Darby Haven, and sending for the said Dewy (he 
 being then at Douglas) to Castle Town, he attended him there the next 
 day, and the said Governor told the said Dewy that he had an order 
 from the Earl of Derby, to send him two bottles of wine out of each 
 cask aboard the said vessel for a taste, which were 48 bottles in all, but 
 the said Dewy scrupling it, the said Governor tould him he would break 
 up the hatches if he did not open them ; the said Dewy seeing no remedy, 
 suffered the said 48 bottles of wine to be drawn off, which was sent into 
 England, and owned to be received by the said Earl of Derby. 
 
 “ 10th. That on the 21st of June aforesaid, the said Governor sent his 
 warrant, or token, for the said Dewy, who was then at Douglas, to come 
 away presently to Castletown ; according, he went thither ; but because 
 the said Dewy had not brought the key with him, to give some gentle- 
 men (newly landed from England) a taste of the wine, the said Governor 
 tells him, very angerly, that he would break up the hatches, and that he 
 should have no key at all upon them, and further said that the King 
 had nothing to do in the said Island, the laws of England was nothing 
 there, neither had the said Dewy any power there, forasmuch as he 
 knew who gave it him ; and the said Dewy telling him that his business 
 was to take care that the King’s service received no prejudice, the said 
 governor hastily asked, / What King, what King.^’ The said Dewy 
 tould him that he knew no king but one, meaning King William, to 
 which the said Governor muttered some words, which the said Dewy 
 could not understand, but by his fury in delivering them, they seemed 
 to be dangerous. 
 
 “ 11th. That on the 22nd ditto, the said Dewy attended again at Castle- 
 town with the key, but because he did not open the hatches presently 
 at the said Governor’s command, he swore he would break them open, 
 and that he would commit the said Dewy, and said that he should have 
 no key at all upon them, and that he would take it away by force, in 
 order to which, the said John Rowe, the comptroller, being present, and 
 
261 
 
 a very officious man against the King’s officers, was sent out, to call in 
 some soldiers, and had not the said Dewy comply ed to open the hatches, 
 and give those gentlemen a taste of the wine, he must have been 
 committed by two soldiers which the said comptroller had got ready. 
 
 “ 12th. That the same day and the day following, the said Governor 
 being gone to Peel Town, summoned Jonathan Antrobus, the other 
 King’s officer, before him, and, amongst other discourse, tould him that 
 the King had no right in the Isle of Man, neither had his officers 
 anything to do there, nor should they make any stop or seizure of any 
 goods imported without cockett, and that the King had no more to do in 
 the said Island than he had to do in Normandy or Gascony, and that he, 
 the said Antrobus, should not presume to write to the Commissioners 
 without first giving him an account of it, nor meddle with any goods 
 there imported, but first make him acquainted with it. 
 
 “ 13th. That on the 3rd of J uly following, the said Earl himself landed 
 at Darby Haven, and about ten o’clock the same night, gave order for 
 the King’s lock to be broken ofif the hatches, which accordingly was 
 done, and the said John Kowe being present, together with one Beck, a 
 cooper, which the said Earl had sent over some time before, and one 
 Nicholas Harlowe, a very pernicious man in all this business, drew off 
 some wine and brandy, and the said Earl never after would suffer the 
 said Dewy to put a lock on for the King any more. 
 
 “ 14th. That on the 4th ditto, the said Dewy being at Castletown, was 
 summoned by the said comptroller before the Earl of Darby, where he 
 attending in the dining room of the Castle, in the presence of divers 
 gentlemen, his Lordship asked the said Dewy how he durst meddle with 
 this wine vessel, as being fallen into his right, and bid him, if he dared 
 to give an account into England that the lock was broke off, which his 
 Lordship owned to the said Dewy was done by his order, and further 
 tould the said Dewy that he had nothing to do there, nor should not 
 meddle wdth the staying or seizing of any goods imported into the said 
 Island without cockett ; I will humble you,’ said his Lordship, ‘ I 
 will make you know yourself, I will lay you by the heels, get you gone 
 out of the room ’ ; with several other expressions to this purpose, which 
 the said Dewy cannot remember. 
 
 loth. That on the 9th ditto, the said Earl of Darby, notwithstanding 
 he* had received the Queen’s order for the releasing the said vessel, gave 
 order to the Governor for the wine and brandy to be taken, from on 
 board, into the Castle, of which the said Dewy and Antrobus having 
 private notice, they, as their duty was, gave their attendance at Castle- 
 town, to take the account of what should be landed, and although they 
 were often affronted by the said Earl’s officers, yet the same day they 
 took an account of 46 hogsheads of brandy, which was all that was then 
 landed. 
 
 “ 16th. That on the 10th ditto, the said Earl’s officers landed 13 pipes 
 of wine out of the said vessel, which the said Dewy and Antrobus, and 
 also one Mr, Robert Burdett, took an account of ; after which, the said 
 Dewy (having the Commissioners’ leave to come to England) went for 
 Douglas, to prepare himself for his voyage, leaving the said Antrobus 
 behind, to take an account of the rest. 
 
 “ l7th. That on the 1 1th ditto, the said Earl’s officers landed 7 pipes and 
 4 hogsheads of wine more, which the said Antrobus and Burdett took 
 the account of, and thereupon, they were both immediately committed 
 to prison, without any reason showed ; and presently, a special messenger 
 sent away with the Governor’s warrant or token to I)ouglas, to fetch the 
 said Dewy back to Castletown a prisoner, which said messenger was so 
 
262 
 
 severe, that he would not suffer the said Dewy to speak, or do anything 
 out of his sight. 
 
 “ 18th. That the same day, the said Dewy being brought prisoner to 
 Castletown, and so before the Governor, who asked him for his papers by 
 which he had taken the account of the goods that were landed, demand- 
 ing of the said Dewy why and for what reason he did so, and why he 
 took men’s names, and because the said Dewy tould him he had not 
 brought the papers with him, the said Governor said he would commit 
 him to prison, until he did produce them, there being all the while two 
 soldiers to guard him. The said Governor further required the said 
 Dewy to shew him the copies of all his letters to the Commission, about 
 the said vessel, and to give bond to answer to what he should object 
 against him ; all which being so unreasonable, the said Dewy did abso- 
 lutely deny him, and presently, thereupon, in came the said Earl of Darby, 
 who only said, ‘ What this Dewy has to do to take the account of the 
 landing these goods, I cannot tell ; but I doubt not,’ said his Lordship, 
 ‘but I shall find friends to disappoint them all,’ and so went out; 
 whereupon, the said Dewy, telling the said Governor that the papers 
 signified but little, and that Mr. Antrobus had the same (who was still 
 a prisoner), they being sent for, and nothing what was expected found 
 therein, the said Dewy and Antrobus were both released, and ordered 
 to attend the Governour again in the evening. 
 
 “ 19th. That the said Dewy and Antrobus appearing in the evening, 
 according to order, the Governour only said, that as the said Dewy was 
 to go for England, and Antrobus to stay in the country, he should not 
 presume to write anything to the Commission, but first shew it him, nor 
 meddle with anything, but first acquaint him with it.” 
 
 Proceedings before the Commissioners, appointed under the Statute 
 of 43 Elizabeth, entitled. An Act to redress the misemployment 
 of lands, goods, and stocks of moneys, given to charitable uses. 
 
 783 . 1691, September 8, Wigan. — The jurors present that there then 
 was, and for time immemorial there had been, a consecrated chapel in 
 Hardshey-cum-Windle, in the parish of Prescot, called St. Ellen’s 
 Chapel; and that the said chapel, about 70 years before, being old and 
 decayed, and. too little for the “auditors,” was taken down, and a 
 larger chapel was built in the same chapel yard; and that divine 
 service, according to the usage of the Church of England, had constantly, 
 till of late, been used and exercised there, the sacraments administered, 
 the dead buried, and all other ecclesiastical rites performed therein, as 
 a chapel- of-ease, belonging to the parish church of Prescott. But of 
 late, Thomas Roughley and others, trustees for the several gifts 
 bequeathed for the use of a preaching minister at the said chapel, 
 have brought in a minister of the Presbyterian persuasion to preach 
 there, and have misappropriated the funds. It is therefore ordered by 
 the Commissioners, that John Byron, of Parr, Nicholas Rigby, the 
 younger, of Harrocke, and others, be appointed trustees, in the place 
 of the said Thomas Roughley, and others. 
 
 Information of Thomas Corbin, of Liverpool, mariner, taken before 
 Thomas Brookbank, Esqre., Mayor of Liverpool. 
 
 784 . 1691, September 14. — Was born in New England, and has been 
 a seaman 16 or 17 years, during which time he was taken prisoner by 
 the Turks, and carried captive to “ Argiers,” where he was kept 
 four years, and learned to speak Spanish. On the Wednesday before 
 
263 
 
 Easter last, he came from Drogheda in the ship John and Anne, of 
 which Mr. John Bradshaw was master, into Derby Haven and there 
 saw the sloop in question. One of the Frenchmen on hoard her was 
 a very able seaman and had been first mate to Captain Wright, master 
 of a “ transport ship,” and after Captain Wright’s death was himself 
 master of her. The informant says he is hired to go with the ship 
 Barhadoes Merchant, to Virginia, &c. 
 
 Order postponing the hearing of the cause concerning the ship 
 
 St. Stephen. 
 
 785. 1691, September l7. Whitehall. — Order in Council, con- 
 senting, at Lord Derby’s request — his witnesses being unready — to the 
 postponement of the hearing of the cause concerning the St. Stephen, to 
 the 22nd of October next. 
 
 Petition of the Shipowners of Liverpool to Roger Kenyon, M.P. 
 
 786. 1691, October 23. Liverpool. — Pointing out that the ship- 
 owners, by constant victualling of their ships used in their Majesties’ 
 service, by supplying them with materials, and paying the poor seamen 
 only so much as to keep alive their almost starved families, have so sunk 
 under the burden, that, if not relieved, it will end in their ruin. They 
 hope that supplies may be given, this session of Parliament, and a 
 “ branch ” appropriated to the payment of these transport ships. 
 Signed by Richard Houghton, the mayor, Thomas Brookbancke, 
 William Williamson, Richard Windall, James Prescott, William 
 Clayton, Peter Arberton, John Thomas, S. Richmond, John Molyneux, 
 A. Norres, Thomas Johnson, senior, S. Richmond, junior, Thomas 
 Johnson, junior, William Chantnell, Ed: Tarleton, Thomas Jumpe, 
 William Roe, Daniel Chaddocke, Thomas Clayton, William Preeson, 
 James Barton, Thomas Sneeling, Tho : Edwardson, John Sinkler, 
 Thomas Reynolds, Jno. Rymmer, John Fells, William Webster, William 
 Reynoldes, Thomas Bayly, and James Skinner, James Gourdon. Attached 
 are papers showing the comparative price of freight given hy their 
 Majesties and hy merchants. 
 
 William Patten to Roger Kenyon. 
 
 787. 1691, December 20. Preston. — I have seen a letter from our 
 good Lord Bishop, wherein he gives two reasons for not licensing Parson 
 White to Wigan; one is, because it is a place of no certainty, for every 
 bishop or new rector of Wigan, may displace him at pleasure ; and the 
 other, because he is informed the parson has a great many children, 
 and he is afraid that may prove a charge to the^ town. The latter 
 reason cuts the poor parson to the heart ; and, considering he is not 
 under these circumstances, it grieves him that the Bishop should be 
 misinformed. 
 
 Certificate of Captain Phineas Pett. 
 
 788. [1691.] — I having received orders to wait on the Right Honour- 
 able the Earl of Derby, at the Isle of Man, to transport his Lordship from 
 thence to England in their Majestys’ yacht The Navy (under my 
 command), being present at the examination of Monsieur Cheveaux, 
 who calls himself the pilot of the St. Stephen, of St. Sebastian, touching 
 
264 
 
 the reasons of their coming with that ship into the dangerous haven 
 called Derby Haven, in the said Isle, to which the master (as ho 
 pretends) was forced by ill weather ; observed [the] matter of fact 
 to bee as followeth : — That coming, as he affirmed, from the southward, 
 having passed the narrow between the Tuscar and the Smalls, that 
 olf of Arklee Head (which land they made and knew, as the said 
 pilot himself says), they met with a hard gale of wind at S.W., 
 whereupon the master (though he was bound for Dublin) bears away 
 to the Isle of Man, for the safety of the ship and cargo, as is pretended. 
 When I saw so great a fault in seamanship as this, I thought myself 
 obliged to give my poor opinion in the matter, which is that none 
 but a madman, or one that had no good design, would leave a weather 
 shoare in a storm, to go to a place thirty-five leagues out of his way, 
 to the manifest hazard of the ship and their lives, when he might, 
 without any danger of weather, have kept the weather shoare on board, 
 and, more than that, have got into Dublin (whither he was bound) 
 at his pleasure, as the wind was, or, in great security, have kept sea, 
 until better weather, as will be plain to any seaman which knows that 
 coast, or to any body else that will give themselves the trouble to 
 look on a chart of these seas. And I must further observe that there 
 are many safe harbours which a good man might, with all the security 
 in the world, have made use on, upon the coast of Ireland, where they 
 were, and that there is not one in the whole Isle of Man which is not very 
 dangerous in the fairest weather. All which I justify to be truth, 
 and, therefore, give it under my hand. Signed, 
 
 ‘‘Mr. GtRAham’s and Mr. Burton’s Answers.” 
 
 789 & 790 . [After 1691.] — Answers to certain inquiries made by the 
 House of Commons, concerning the Treasury accounts, principally rela- 
 ting to the cost of law suits. Among other things, that as to the charge 
 against them for their exorbitant expenses in presenting the Lord Bussell, 
 Colonel Sydney, Sir Thomas Armstrong, Lord Brandon, Lord Delamere, 
 Mr. Hampden, Mr. Cornish, Sir Samuel Barnardiston, Sir Patience 
 Ward, Sir Thomas Pilkington, Mr. Bethell, Sir William Williams, 
 Mr. Johnson, Dr. Oates, etc., the answer states that Lord Bussell’s trial 
 came to but 18Ze. 17^. 6c?.; Colonel Sydney’s, to 51/2. 3^. 5c/.; Sir 
 Thomas Armstrong’s, to lO/e. 14^. 2d . ; Lord Brandon’s, to 63//. 9s. 8d. ; 
 Mr. Hampden’s trial, finding inquisitions, and seizing his estate, to 
 339//. 2s. 8d. ; Mr. Cornish, as to his trial only, 30//. 15s. 6d.. As to 
 the causes of Sir Patience Ward [and] Sir Thomas Pilkington, about 
 the 100,000//. fine, these are not all brought to account, nor was the 
 said Burton concerned in the same, nor in the causes of Sir William 
 Williams, or Dr. Oates, otherwise than by paying 1,800//. to Mr. Hause, 
 by the direction of the Lord Treasurer ” ; the said four causes being 
 directed by the late king, wh6n Duke cf York, and followed by 
 Mr. Swift, who was then his solicitor. 
 
 As to money paid to jurors, the answer states that, in cases of life and 
 death, the,y never paid a penny to any juryman, or spent a farthing on 
 them ; but, in all indictments of trespass, etc., they did as is usual, and 
 the constant practice of the Court and not otherwise. Mr. Hause says 
 he was recommended to the King by Sir Boger Lestrange, to be assistant 
 to Mr. Graham and Mr. Burton, in the prosecution of Dr. Oates. As 
 to Cragg’s testimony, that Burton and Graham endeavoured to procure 
 accusations against divers of the subjects, and solicited him to give 
 information against the Earl of Macclesfield, with promise of a discharge, 
 
265 
 
 and 100/^. to be paid him quarterly, which was refused, they say that 
 after Cragg had given to his late Majesty an information (all of his own 
 handwriting) of the invasion of the late Duke of Monmouth, Mr. Bridge- 
 man, Graham, and Burton were directed to go to Cragg, in Newgate, to 
 desire him to explain some passages in his information ; but, as he gave 
 no positive answer to anything, he was never called as a witness, nor was 
 his evidence ever made use of. As to Aaron Smith’s information, that 
 they solicited against and prosecuted Stephen Oolledge, and denied him a 
 copy of his jury, they say that he had made his application to the 
 Attorney- General and the Court, for a copy, before he came to them 
 for it ; and the same, being denied by the Attorney and the Court, it 
 was not in their power to grant it. 
 
 The Commissioners of Customs to the Earl of Derby. 
 
 791. 1691-2, February 19. Custom House. — Wee have, not without 
 some surprise, read your Lordship’s letter to us of the 16th instant, 
 whereby we presume your Lordship hath had our intentions represented, 
 very diferent from what they are. Wee are so far from thinking to 
 infringe your Lordshipp’s rights in the Isle of Man, that wee have 
 never soe much as questioned them, but, in all our proceedings, have 
 desired the concurrence of your Lordship’s authority, in secureing their 
 Majesties’ customs, and executing the laws of England. Your Lordship 
 may also please to remember that, though complaints of no inconsider- 
 able nature (and such as are proved upon oath) have lately been laid be- 
 fore the Council, wee have desisted from any prosecution thereof. And, 
 in further deference to your Lordship, have placed another officer in the 
 room of that person who seemed under your Lordship’s displeasure, our 
 end not being so much to vindicate the behaviour of any particular 
 officer, whether discreet or not, as to obteyne those helps from your 
 Lordship and your agents, as may best conduce to the performance of 
 those instructions which are derived from an authority superiour to ours, 
 and pursuent to the laws of England, and highly necessary for the 
 security of the revenue of customs. We were in hopes your Lordship 
 would have approved our proceedings in this matter, and complied with 
 their Majesties’ desire, signified in the late letter from the Lords of the 
 Council. But, forasmuch as your Lordship seems resolved not to admit of 
 any commission or instructions from us, to be obeyed in the Isle of Man, 
 there remains nothing further for us to doe, but to report the whole 
 matter to our superiors, as your Lordship is pleased to state it.” 
 
 Thomas Kenyon to Roger Kenyon. 
 
 792. 1692, May 19. Chester. — It is probable you have had an account 
 of the death of Mr. Bennett, late parson of Winwicke. The Dean, finding 
 an inclination in himself to serve the house of Derby, and believing such 
 a post not inconsistent with his deanery, begs you will be his assistant, 
 by recommending him to my Lord. How far your interest might 
 prevail with my I^ord, I could not tell, since it is probable my Lord 
 might expect other returns for such extraordinary favours than barely 
 thanks. “ He presently smelt out what it was I meant, and told me that, 
 though it was contrary to his oath, and consequently to his conscience, 
 to drive bargains beforehand, yet withall I might assure you in his 
 name, and you his Lordship, that he never was ungrateful where he 
 received kindness, nor would he carry himself in this, as unbecoming a 
 gentleman or undeserving your friendship. I have sent two hundred 
 and a half of asparagus for a taste.” 
 
266 
 
 Robert Roper to Roger Kenyon. 
 
 793. 1692, May 20. — “ My Lord [of Derby] being now in his bath, 
 hath commanded mee to acquaint you that, this day, his Lordshipp hath 
 receaved a letter from my Lord Rochester intimateing that, to prevent 
 the report which Mr. Attorney -Generali must make to the Oouncell 
 Board, touching the Isle of Man, it is necessary that my Lord doe, forth- 
 with, signifie his mind to his agent in London, that hee doth comply 
 with what is desired, touching those officers of the Customs sent thither 
 by his Majestie’s Commissioners ; and his Lordshipp not knowing how 
 far re you have proceeded heerin, doth therefore desire you to satisfy e 
 his Lordshipp in this point, by the bearer.” Seal. 
 
 Charles Hilton to Roger Kenton. 
 
 794. 1692, May 21. Gray’s Inn.-— By an expres this morning, we 
 have an account that on Thursday last, the two fleets engaged and fought 
 for 12 hours incessantly, in which action the French lost 18 of their 
 capitall shipps. And about noone this day, by another expresse, Tve heare 
 they renewed the fight on Friday morning, and the French have since lost 
 two of the Admirall’s seconds. Severall of the French shipps were seen 
 on fire, and for two leagues together, tlie sea was full of wrecks of 
 shipps, and that, if the wind continued, it was not dough ted but we shod 
 make an intire defeate of their whole fleete.” Seal of arms. 
 
 Thomas Taubman to Roger Kenyon. 
 
 795. 1692, May 24. London . — The French fleet are reduced to forty - 
 two, the rest being sunk, burnt, and disabled, and the abovesaid remainder, 
 divided east and west, are so closely pursued, that the Admiral is sure 
 no one of them can escape. We have only disabled (not one lost) come 
 in, the Windsor^ Hampton Court., Barwick, Sandwich^ and Montague ; 
 and killed. Carter, Hushings (?), Wheler, and Gray don, 
 
 “ A full Account of the late dreadfull Earthquake at Port Royall in 
 Jamica, written in two letters from the minister of that place, 
 from a board the Granada in Port Royall Harbour.” 
 
 796. 1692, June 22. — ‘'‘I doubt not but you will, both from 
 gazetts and letters, hear of the great calamity that hath befallen 
 this island, by a terrible earthquake, on the 7th inst., which has 
 thrown down allmost all the houses, churches, sugar-works, mills, 
 anc] bridges, through the whole country. It tore the rocks and 
 mountains, and destroyed some whole plantations and threw them 
 into the sea ; but Port Royal had much the greatest share in this 
 terrible judgment of God. I will, therefore, be more particular in giving 
 you account of its proceedings in that place, that you may know wffiat 
 my danger was, and how unexpected my preservation. 
 
 “ On Wednesday, the 4th (?) of June, I had been at church, read- 
 ing prayers, which I did every day, since I was Rector of Port 
 Royall, to keep up some shew of religion amongst a most ungodly 
 and debauched people, and was gone to a place hard by the church, 
 where the merchants used to meet, and there the President of the 
 
267 
 
 Councell was, who acts in chief, till we have a new Governour, who 
 came into my company and engaged me to take a glass of worm- 
 wood wine with him, as a whet before dinner. He being my very 
 great friend, I stayed with him, upon which he lighted a pipe of tobacco, 
 which he was very long a-taking, and not being willing to leave him 
 before it was out, this detained me from going to dinner to one Captain 
 Rudens, where I was to dine, whose house upon the first concussion sunk 
 first into 1,he earth, and then into the sea, with his wife and family and 
 some that were come to dine with him. Had I been there, I had been 
 lost. But to return to the President and his pipe of tobacco. Before 
 that was out, I found the ground rowling and moving under my feet, 
 upon which I said to him — Lord, sir, what is this ? He reply ed very 
 composedly, being a veiy grave man — It is an earthquake ; be not 
 afraid, it will soon be over. But it increased, and we heard the church 
 and tower fall, upon which we ran to save ourselves. I quickly lost 
 him, and made towards Morgan’s Fort, which being a wide open place, I 
 thought to be there securest from the falling houses ; but, as I made to- 
 wards it, I saw the earth open and swallow up a multitude of people, and 
 the sea mounting in over the fortification. I then laid aside all thoughts 
 of escaping, and resolved to make towards my own lodging and there to 
 meet death in as good a posture as 1 could. From the place where I 
 was, I was forced to cross and run through two or three very narrow 
 streets ; the houses and walls fell on each side of me, some bricks came 
 rolling over my shoes, but none hurt me. When I came to my lodging, 
 I found there all things in the same order I left them ; not a picture- — 
 of which there were severall fair ones in my chamber — being out of its 
 place. I went to my balconey to view the street in which our house 
 stood, and saw never a house down there, nor the ground so much as 
 cracked. The people seing me there, cryed out to me to come and pray 
 with them. When I came into the street, everyone laid hold on my 
 clothes and embraced me, that, with their fear and kindness, I was 
 almost stified. I perswaded them at last to kneel down and make a large 
 ring, which they did. I prayed with them near an hour, when I was 
 allmost spent with the heat of the sun and the exercise. They then 
 brought me a chair, the earth working all the while with new motions 
 and tremblings, like the rollings of the sea, insomuch that when I was at 
 prayer I could hardly keep myself upon my knees. By that time, I had 
 been halfe an hour longer with them. In setting before them their sins 
 and hainous provocations, and in seriously exhorting them to repentance, 
 there came some merchants to me in the place, who desired me to ’go 
 aboard some ship in the harbour and refresh myselfe, telling me they 
 had gotten a boat to carry me ofiT. So, coming to the sea, which had 
 entirely swallowed up the wharf, with all these goodly brick houses upon 
 it — most of them as fine as those in Cheapside — and two entire streets 
 beyond that, I, upon the tops of some houses which were levelled with 
 the surface of the water, got first into a carol, then into a long boat, 
 which put me aboard a ship called the Siam Merchant^ where I found 
 the President safe, who was overjoyed to see me. There I continued 
 that night, but could not sleep for the returns of the earthquake, allmost 
 every hour, which made all the guns in the ship to jarre and rattle. 
 
 “ The next day, I went from ship to ship, to visit those that were bruised 
 and adying, and to pray with them, and likewise to doe the last office at 
 the sinking severall corps’ that came floating from the Point ; which, 
 indeed, hath been my sorrowfull employment ever since I came aboard 
 this ship, with design to come for England. We having nothing but 
 shakings of the earth and thunder and lightening and foul weather, ever 
 since, and the people being so desperately wicked, makes me afraid to 
 
268 
 
 stay in the place ; for that very day the terrible earthquake was, as 
 soon as night came on, a company of lewd rogues, whom they call 
 privateers, fell on breaking open warehouses and houses deserted, to rob 
 and rifle their neighbours, whilest the earth trembled under them, and 
 some of the houses fell on them in the act, and those audacious whores 
 that remain still in the place, are as impudent and drunken as ever. I 
 have been twice on shore to pray with the bruised and dying people, and 
 to christen children, where I found too many drunk [and] aswearing. 
 I did not spare them, nor the magistrates neither, who have suffered 
 wickednes to grow to so great a hight. I have, I bless Grod, to the 
 best of my skill and power, discharged my duety in this place, which you 
 will hear from most persons that came from hence. I have preached so 
 seasonably to them in the church ; I set before them what would be the 
 issue of their impenitence and wickednes, that they have since confessed 
 that it was more like a prophecy than a sermon. I had, I confesse, an 
 impulse upon me to do it, and many times I have preached in this pulpit, 
 things that I never premeditated at home, and could not, methought, do 
 otherwise. 
 
 “ The day when all this befell, it was very clear, afforded not the 
 suspition of the least evill, but in the space of three minutes, about 
 half-an-hour after eleven in the morning. Port Roy all, the fairest town 
 of all the English Plantations, [and] best emporium and mart of that 
 part of the world, exceeding in its riches, plentifull in all good things, 
 was shaken and shattered to pieces, sunk into and covered, for the 
 greatest part, by the sea, and will, in a short time, be wholly eaten up by 
 it, for few of these houses that yet stand, are left whole, and every day 
 we hear them fall, and the sea daily incroaches upon it. We guess that 
 by the falling of the houses and opening of the earth, there are lost 
 fifteen hundred persons, and many of good note. I came, I told you, 
 on board this ship, in order to come home, but the people are so impor^ 
 tunate with me to stay, I know not what to say to them. I must under- 
 go great hai'dship if I continue here — the country being all broken to 
 pieces and dissetled. 
 
 “Ever since that fatall day, the most terrible that ever I saw 
 in my life, I have lived on board aship, for the shakings of the 
 earth return every now and then. Yesterday, we had a very great 
 one, but it seems lesse terrible on ship-board then on shore, yet I have 
 ventured to Port Royall no lesse than three times, since its desolation, 
 among the shattered houses, to bury the dead and pray with the sick and 
 christen the children. Sunday last, I preached to them in a hut, the 
 houses that remain being so shaken that I durst not venture to preach in 
 them. dRe people are (werjoyed to see me among them, and wept 
 bitterly when I preached unto them. I hope by this terrible judgment, 
 Grod will make them reform their lives, for there was not a more ungodly 
 people upon the face of the whole earth. It is a sad sight to see all 
 this harbour, one of the fairest and goodlyest I ever saw, covered with 
 dead bodys of people of all conditions, floating up and down without 
 buriall, for our great buriall place, called the Palasidoes, was destroyed by 
 the earthquake, and the sea washed the carcases of those that were 
 buiycd, out of their graves; their tombs were dashed in pieces by the 
 earthquake, of which there were hundreds in that place. Wee have had 
 accounts from several! parts of these Islands of the mischief done by the 
 earthijuake. Prom St. Ann’s we . . .of above 1,000 acres of wood- 
 land changed into the sea, and carry ed with it whole plantations, but no 
 place suff ered like .... so [me] were swallowed up to the neck 
 and the earth shut upon them and squeezed them to death, and in that 
 manner severall are found buryed, with their heads above ground ; only, 
 
269 
 
 some heads the dogs have eaten, others are covered with the dust, by the 
 people that live, to avoid the stench. Thus I have told you a long and 
 sad story, and God knows what worse may happen. Yet the people tell 
 me they hear noises and bellowings on mountains, and some think it is 
 by tire. If so, I fear it will be more distructive then the earthquake. I 
 am afraid to stay, and yet 1 know not how, in such a case as this, to quit 
 my station.” 
 
 The Earl of Derby to Roger Kenyon. 
 
 797. 1692, October 6. Lathom. — The day resolved upon for Bury, 
 happens to be the very day of the month my poor grandfather was 
 murdered, which I do not think proper at all to travel on, especially in 
 those parts, for I suppose too, I roust go through Bolton. Another day, 
 the following week, must be taken. 
 
 R. Stevenson to Roger Kenyon. 
 
 798. 1692, November 18. Balladoule. — Thinks it would be better to 
 have only one Deputy-Go rernonr of the Isle of Man; if not, he prays 
 someone else may be joined with Mr. Rowe, as their tempers do not 
 agree. Thinks they should have free intercourse with the English 
 markets. Seal of arms, 
 
 0. Greenfield to Roger Kenyon. 
 
 799. 1692, November 19. Gray’s Inn. — This day came on the man- 
 damus about St. Ellen’s Chapel. Nobody spoke in it but Mr. Finch and 
 myself. All the Court declared their opinion, seriatim, that the return 
 was a good return, that the justices may refuse certificates where church 
 and property is concerned. Portio'u of seal of arms. 
 
 Peter Shakerley to Roger Kenyon. 
 
 800. 1692, December 31. Westminster. — There is like to be some 
 difference concerning Lord Nottingham and Admiral Russell, the two 
 Houses useeming to assist each their member. Yesterday, the Lords sent a 
 message to desire a free conference, which is this day, at 11 o’clock, but 
 the Admiral’s friends, here were not willing to come to that “touch,” 
 and so ceased to agree to the conference. The debate was taken up late ; 
 the Hearse had sat till so dark, we could not see each other ; few 
 stayed in. 
 
 The Heads of certain Acts as to Linen Manufacture in the 
 
 Isle of Man. 
 
 801. [1692 ?] “1. That every farmoiir that holds a quarter of land, 
 
 is to plant halfe an acre thereof either with flax or hemp, and see pro- 
 portionable to greater and lesser holdings. 
 
 “ 2. That every woeman native, or maryed to a native of this isle, is to 
 spin as much yarn as will make 12 yards of linen cloath, and to produce 
 the same in yarn or cloth, at the Sheading courts, holden after May in 
 every year, which is to be valued by 2 weavers; one chosen by the 
 Governor and Officers for the Lord, and the other by the Deemsters and 
 the great enqnest for the countrey ; and whosoever doth produce the 
 finest yarn or cloath in a Sheading, is to have 20.*?. as a reward, besides 
 the price of her yarn or cloath ; and she that produces the finest in the 
 
270 
 
 whole island is to have 5/. (which is to be produced at the Tynwal), and 
 if she be a maid or servant, she is to be freed from yarding or serveing, 
 by a jury, while she lives. 
 
 ‘‘3. That a workhouse be erected where all such flax and hemp as the 
 country can spare (besides what is for their own use) is to be brought 
 in, and a matron to be placed there, to teach all young girls, and a 
 weaver to learn weaving, and other persons [to] dress flax and hemp ; 
 to which workhouse, all vicious and debaucht persons, all loyterers, and 
 vagabonds, are to be condempned ; and that all tenants are to give their 
 assistance, by labour and carriages, to the erecting of the said house. 
 
 ‘‘The penalty for not planting flax and hemp -according to the first 
 parte of the Acte, is 3^. 4cZ. for every offence, and upon the seacond, fur 
 not spinning the quantit}' of yarn or cloath (after the firste admonition) 
 to be fined and punished &c.” 
 
 “ For advancing value of money. 
 
 “ 1. That all crown peeces are to passe at 6s. 4d. apeece. 
 
 “ 2. That all half crown peeces at 2s. Sd. per peece, soe that they be 
 of the new coyne called milned money.” 
 
 “ For non-residence. 
 
 “ That all persons that have any promotions, places, offices or other 
 liveings in this parte, to the value of 10/. per annum, or upwards, shall 
 be obliged, after the 29th of September next, to reside in this Isle ; and 
 live upon their promotions, and not otherwise, and in default thereof, they 
 [are] to forfeit the 4th part of the proffitts of their liveings, which is to 
 goe to the use of the workhouse aforesaid.” 
 
 [Roger Kenyon to the Bishop of Chester.] 
 
 802 . 1692[-3], January 6. Peel. — There is not any place for dis- 
 senters to meet at, in Hindley, nor was any ever asked to be recorded, by the 
 Justices ; neither was the Chapel ever asked of the Justices, by any man, 
 but John Green, who lives three miles from the Chapel. In Wigan, 
 where they have two meeting places for dissenters, he and “ his 
 Mr. Whalley,” who would be preacher at Hindley, have one, and there is 
 another for dissenters, who do furiously dissent from each other. Mr. 
 Green, I hear, talks very loud of his powerful friends in London, and 
 mentions several I shame to name. “ God grant King William may 
 truly know who are his truest friends ; things would not be ordered in 
 this country as they are.” Mr. Green is very gracious with the Roman- 
 ists about him ; he, indeed, has taken the oath to their Majesties, but 
 for all the noise and clamour the dissenters make, very few of them have 
 hitherto taken the oath. 
 
 C. Greenfield to [Roger Kenyon ?]. 
 
 803 . 1692[-3], February 16. — As to the Manchester petition about 
 the linen manufactory, I have taken all pains possible in it. I find, by Mr. 
 Mercer’s letter, that their desire is to lay such an imposition upon 
 French linen as may amount to an exclusion of it, viz. : 30//. per cent. 
 Now, I have looked into the Bill, and find that the French goods are to 
 1)C charged at 25//. per cent, (which is as near their desire as possible), 
 and 1 liave advised with the ancient members, upon the petition, and 
 all tell me (indeed common reason tells us) that if we lay such a rate as 
 will exclude them wholly, then the million given, by this Act, is so 
 impaired, that the Act will not be worth a groat to the King. But this 
 25//. per cent, will set the English and the French upon an “ even 
 
271 
 
 balance and foot of selling ” ; nay, it will be much better on the English 
 side, and hurt no trade in England, that is sufficiently wretched 
 already. 
 
 John Wood to Roger Kenyon. 
 
 804. 1692-3, March 3. Castletown.— Haveing this optunatie of 
 The Wheele of Fortune — David Christian maister and owner, now bound 
 for Liverpoole, and Mr. Lesque, passenger, goeing to see you — I thought fit 
 to aquaint you that all things here of yours are in good order ; onely the 
 old oats consumed by rats and myse, but [I] preserves them as well as 
 I can. The 2 hodggsheads of beere and one of ale, that was brewed 
 Christmas was twelvemonth, must bee made use of now this springe, or els 
 the heat of this next summer will turn them sower. I har e 12 boules 
 of new malt, against your comeing, and will make more. I desire to 
 know how many feathers for beding you will have bought ; I have layd 
 out 3/. in feathers att 2>d.per pound ; and what more I shall lay out, pray 
 lett mee knowe. You have 4 bullocks, kept with best hay, and tended 
 day and night, well, will bee good beefe. Make use of them when you 
 please, besides the stoale-fed oxe, and 6 more, which will bee beefe soone, att 
 grasse. Worthy sir, old Captain Robert Collcott is dead, commander of 
 Darby Fort. Mr. Lesque, wFo has 2 souldiers places and the falkners 
 place, and now [d]esignes to gett the command of Derby Fort and 
 severall others, both to you and Governor Secheverell has write, as 
 I am informed, but my dependance being wholy on your worship 
 for some place here, desires if it lyes in your power, which I know it 
 
 does, to procure mee a warrant either your 
 
 Worshipp or my Lord. The sallary is 8/. per ann[uni\F Seal with 
 device. 
 
 Nicholas [Stratford], Bishop of Chester, to Roger Kenyon. 
 
 805 . 1692[-3], March 16. — “ A was sent, the last weeke, 
 
 to Doctor Pope, to register Hindley Chappell. Mr. Greene’s frendes here 
 threaten him with such formidable eviles, in case he refuses, that the 
 Doctor seemed to be in some fear ; but I thinke 1 have eased him of his 
 feares, and fully satisfied him that he is in no danger. I intend to bring 
 the mandamus down with me, and to have an answer drawn to it in the 
 country, and returne it to London before the next terme. I wish the 
 Comission for pious uses might be speedily prosecuted ; w'ere the decree 
 of the Comissioners once confirmed by the Chancellor of the Duchy, I 
 hope that would put an end to all our troubles about Hindley Chappell.” 
 
 Francis Bayly to Roger Kenyon, one of the Pears of the 
 Parliment House in London.” 
 
 806. 1693, March 26. — I presume the bouldness to write to your 
 worship oust againe ; the ocesion of my writing is that the gelor hath 
 hared that I have written to your worship, and he is mad at me ; wherein 
 he hath poot a pere of irns on me, and locked me to a post, from morfiing 
 to night, wherein he would not let nobody come to me, neither with meat 
 nor drink ; and when he had done soe, he put me in the dungin all night. 
 I continew there, and must be there, without your worship tack some 
 ceare of me. And he hath torn my coat all to peses and hath abused 
 me, that I am werey of my life. If I had born with him and not dis- 
 covered his rogrey, I should aben beter used. His draure, that fills the 
 drink, tould me that he would have me to say nothing of his master, and 
 it woulde be beter with me. Here is the tinker of Stretford has fallen 
 
272 
 
 to work again, for there is one of the prisoners did see him clip, in the 
 pasag going in to the Chancery roome. There he sat, and his wife 
 lieled hur apron to kach the cli pings as they fell from the shears. . . 
 
 . . I thought it fit to tell you that there is one Isrell Smith, who 
 
 was in hear for clipping, [and] he sent to all the Justices fare and nere, 
 and none of them would teak beall for this Isrell Smith, and Elison [the 
 
 gaoler?] took 4/. of him and let him goe I humbly beg 
 
 that your worship would tak some cear of me to get the irns off me and 
 [get me] out of the dungin, or els it will spojle me, for I am very nesh 
 (sic) and tender, for I shek and trimble every night when I goe to bed. 
 I could wish meney a time that I wear dead. He tells some of the 
 prisnors that I most not pech no mor.” Seal. 
 
 Peter Collier to Mrs. Kenyon, at Peel. 
 
 807. 1693, April 12. Warrington. — Understands that “the school 
 at Clethero ” is vacant by the death of the master, that it is worth 40/. a 
 year, and that Mr. Kenyon has an interest there. Begs, therefore, that 
 Mr. Kenyon’s interest may be used on his behalf. Is curate at War- 
 rington. His allowance is but small, “ and the people none of the easiest 
 to please,” which makes him “ inclineable ” to “ take a school,” that he 
 might preach “ seldomer.” Would have applied in person, “but that 
 we have two sacrament days, Good-Friday and Easter- Sunday, very 
 near, besides praiers every day, till Thursday in Easter-weeke.” 
 
 [The Earl of Derby] to Roger Kenyon. 
 
 808. 1693, May 13. — “ My Lord Willoughby’s locking up a chappie, 
 I think, is very extraordinary ; if you desire any assistance from hence, 
 put it into forme, and I dare assure you I am able to do the Church some 
 service, and to humble these uppish sparks.” Seal of arms. 
 
 Thomas Wilson to Roger Kenyon. 
 
 809. 1693, June 2. Knowsley. — “My Lord Strange had a letter 
 from Mr. Archdeacon, who tells him that, the day he writes, he saw a 
 lamb taken from the dam, with a head exactly made like a raven.” 
 
 Guicciardini Wentworth to Roger Kenyon. 
 
 810. 1693, June 6. — Begging Kenyon to use his influence on behalf 
 of Mr. Bertie, for the Clitheroe election. Seal of arms. 
 
 “ The account of RogeiT Kenyon, Esquire, of what hath been done by 
 him, pursuant to his deputation from the Warden of the Mint, 
 bearing date 23 June 1693.” 
 
 811. 1693, July 8 to August 24. — An account of 30 persons in 
 Lancashire and Cheshire taken up, or against whom warrants were 
 issued, for clipping coins or issuing bad money. 
 
 John Lomax to Roger Kenyon. 
 
 812. 1693, July 8. Kirk Andrew [Isle of Man.]- — Ko sonner was I 
 landed on this dull solitary place, than several of your faithful servants and 
 well wishers did passionately enquire after your health and return to the 
 Island. When I assured them of your intention to visit them before the 
 
Tinwell, they were transported with joy; but when Mr. Sacheveril 
 arrived, and was sworn Governour, then I perceived their bright coun- 
 tenances were eclipsed by an “ earthisli dullness.” Sea/ of arms. 
 
 Eoger Kenyon to Guicciardini Wentworth, Secretary to Lord 
 Willoughby, Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster. 
 
 813 . 1693, July 22. Manchester. — ‘‘ My last to j'^ou promised to be 
 followed with a representation of the management of matters here, and 
 of the parties managing ; but though I have many things which I could 
 freely and justifiably say to our w[ort]hy Chancellor, yet is my pen re- 
 strained by second thoughts, as convinced that such things are better 
 said than writ. 
 
 ‘‘Things very imusuall are done, but who knows the intregues of 
 State ; for so it seems, when such things are acted, by such who are set 
 to governe us. Could I, as secretly as the things are carry ed, ask what 
 can be the meaning of gathering armes, some thousands more then our 
 militia ever uses ? What can be the meaneing, if there be an order of 
 councell in other countyes to disarme papists and nonjurors, that instead 
 of that, protections are given here to such, that none shall molest them? 
 When packs of swords, sent from London, and seized, are committed to 
 the custody of the most violent and active dissenter in our country time 
 after time ? How comes our commission of the peace to be filled with 
 justices of so many minds, that those whose office it is to preserve the 
 peace are too often divided upon the Bench ? So in separation that the 
 solicitor knows his opportunity who will befriend his motion ; and thus 
 things are done and undone by divided parties. Why should there be 
 206 places for the dissenters and religiouse meetings — as they call them — 
 and not but barely one hundred persons of all sorts of dis- 
 
 senters that have so qualifyed themselves as to be exempt from the 
 penalties of the former laws, by doing what the late Act for such exemp- 
 tions requires ? Sure it is demonstration that either the dissenters do 
 not give that satisfaction to the Government which the law requires, or 
 that their party is not so numerous as they would be esteemed. It is 
 obvious that our Magistraticall {sic) Dissenters bear themselves exceed- 
 ing high as if it were meritoruouse, and the way to advancement to act 
 so. We have had twenty-five Justices give an opinion one way, and but 
 one dissenting Justice oppose them, and yet glory in the opposition. It 
 is notoriously obvious, to want observation, that the Dissenters’ chiefe 
 favourers are, some of them., the same persons that, in the late raigne, 
 were as active in asserteing the dispenseing power, as forward to take 
 away the penall laws and tests, and as busy in the then regulation — as 
 they call it — of our Corporations, as they now are contenders for tender 
 consciences. I give you these whispering hints, to be told to none but 
 the Chancellor, but this is but that any reservednes may not be censured 
 by his Lordshipp, when I say what perhaps I am full enough of, yet 
 may be better said than writ. I have severall times sent to Clitherow, 
 and have had two gentlemen of the Corporation with me, who tell me 
 the warmest applications are on behalf of Mr. Fitton Gerrard and Mr. 
 Weddall. For the assurance I have by your letter that the Honorable 
 Philip Bertie, Esquire, whom I have heartily proposed, will go the same 
 way my Lord Willoughby did, full willingly should he have all the votes 
 I could make him, would those avayle him ; but without some probable 
 prospect of that, I thinke our noble Chancellor will give me leave, if not 
 command mee, rather than lose both that are good by divideing ... to 
 push on his brother’s appearance too far for it, without some seemeing 
 
 73480. S 
 
274 
 
 assurance. I speake not this as an apology for my desertion of the 
 worthy Mr. Bertie, nor without a beleef that it would bee much my own, 
 as well as the kingdome’s interest, and particulerly our burrough’s, were 
 I confident that it were in my power to do so acceptable a thing to him 
 and the great personages his honor relates to. But considering how 
 far Mr. Weddall got the start, and that his uncle, Mr. Wilkinson, who 
 lives within halfe a mib of Olitherow, who is constantly intent and 
 daily solicitous for him, and on the other hand, our potent Lord Lief- 
 tenent hath honored our little town with his great presence, two or three 
 days together, and hath planted one of his gentlemen, some considerable 
 time, caresseing the mobile, yea, more kind then were any of bis prede- 
 cessors, hath sent a regiment of the militia to exercise there four days, to 
 the honour of the towne and advantage of the alehouses.” Drajt. 
 
 Roger Kenyon to Benjamin Overton, Warden of the Mint. 
 
 814. 1693, July 28. Peel, near Manchester. — ^Griving an account of 
 his proceedings for the apprehension and commitment of coiners and 
 clippers. Draft. 
 
 Guicciardini Wentworth to Roger Kenton, at Peel. 
 
 815. 1693, July 29. [London.] — Encloses a warrant for a buck out of 
 
 “ Mierscoe.” Is not certain how they should be directed, having sent no 
 warrants thither, since the Revolution. The Lord Warington is, in 
 his patent, called master forester and keeper of the game, and, I am told. 
 Sir Thomas Stanley is bow bearer, and you know there is no very good 
 understanding between my Lord and T. P. {sic), who will perhaps lay 
 hold of a wrong direction, to excuse the not serving it ; therefore, I have 
 left the direction to you. My Lord and his brother are bent on this 
 affaire, and desire you will carry it on as far as you may. The account 
 of the last fight in Flanders is a very bad one, and seems not to mend, 
 but the truth of all relations ridds on a lame post, which will bring more 
 certainty of the affair then is at present known, or willingly believed. 
 It is said there has been some action on the .... Seal of arms. 
 
 Enclosure. — 1693, July 17. — Warrant by the Chancellor of the Duchy 
 of Lancaster for the delivery of a Buck. — ‘‘ These are to require you 
 forthwith to deliver, or cause to be delivered, to the bearer hereof, one 
 fatt buck of this season, fairly killed, due to me as Chancellor of their 
 Majesties’ Dutchy and County Pallatine of Lancaster.” (Signed) 
 
 Willughby.” 
 
 Ann Holland to Roger Kenyon. 
 
 816. 1693, August 14. Manchester. — Asking for a protection from 
 quartering soldiers. Seal, 
 
 Nicholas, Bishop of Chester, to Roger Kenyon. 
 
 817. 1693, August 23. Chester. — “ I again most heartily thank you 
 for your constant paines and diligence in asserting and defending the just 
 rights of our Church ; and I hope that I may, some time or other, be in 
 a condition to return you more than bare thanks, though I cannot hope 
 that I shall ever be able to make you a requital. 
 
 “Upon the receipt of your letter, I presently sent for Mr. Prescott, 
 who told me that he had made a thorough search in the Registry, and 
 could find nothing more than what he had already communicated to you, 
 
275 
 
 and I have no reason to question the truth of what he says, because I 
 have ever found him faithful and diligent in his place. However, since 
 the Lord Willoughby will not proceed to a tryall at the next Assises (as 
 I find by your letter, you before suspected), I will myself make search 
 in the Registry, and if I can find anything before the wares, which may 
 be of advantage to our cause, I will not fail, in due time, to acquaint you 
 with it. In particular, Mr. Prescott tells me that he can find nothing, 
 either in the visitation books, or in the Acts of the Court relating to 
 Mr. Johnson. 
 
 “ I shall say nothing to that part of your letter in which Mr. Chancellor 
 and Mr. Prescott are concerned, because the Chancellor tells me that he 
 will return an answer to it under his own hand. 
 
 am told that my Lord Willoughby regrets that ever he set on foot 
 this controversy, and that he would gladly retreat, if he could see how 
 he might do so, with safty to his honour. 
 
 “ P.S. — Since I wrote my letter, a paper of yours was brought to me, 
 directed to hlr. Bridges or Mr. Prescott ; in which you desire that 
 several enquiries may be made relating to Ellenborough Chappel. I 
 will therefore see that the Registry be again searched, and that 
 thoroughly, and if anything can be there found concerning any of the 
 persons or willes you mention, notice shall be given you thereof.” Seal 
 of arms. 
 
 Guicciardini Wentworth to Roger Kenyon, at Peel. 
 
 818. 1693, August 28. [London.] — Is sorry Mr. Kenyon has had 
 so much trouble in Mr. Bertie’s affairs. ‘‘ Your endeavours have made 
 two Parliament men att Clitherow; and it seemed to me probable you 
 might have sett faire for a third, but it may be tempora mutantur. 
 There can be no room to question your friendship and justice to Mr. 
 Bertie and mee ; but I think there may be to yourselfe, to spend your 
 pretious tyme and mony for another ; the 5/. being only designed to 
 bea[r]e that weeke’s charge, to try whether there would have been room 
 for the expence of 200/. or 300/. which I had order to employ for that 
 service.” Seal of arms. 
 
 The Charge of the Civil List. 
 
 819. 1693, Michaelmas, to 1694, Michaelmas. — Customs : — The 
 duties by the Act of Parliament determined at Christmas last past, 
 were divided in three fourth parts, and one fourth part. The three 
 fourth parts were constantly paid into the Receipt of the Exchequer, 
 and applied towards the payment of the principal moneys borrowed, 
 with the interest thereon. And out of the one fourth part, the 
 Receiver-General paid so much of the charge of managing the cus- 
 toms as was payable by his hand, and the residue was applicable to 
 the uses of the Civil List. The receipt for the year ending Michaelmas, 
 1694, over and above the debentures, discounts, and the charges of 
 management, amounted to 406,987//. 165. 7fc/., besides 24,282//. 75. 7^(7., 
 which was not the real product of the Revenue, but money within the 
 said year, advanced by the Receiver of the said fourth part. 
 
 Coffee and Tea : — These new duties were applicable to the Civil List, 
 The net receipts thereof were 2,153//. 95., but these expired at Christmas 
 last, and were not regranted by the Act newly passed. 
 
 Excise : — The rates of excise granted in fee, and those now enjoyed 
 during his Majesty’s life (which are called the hereditary or tem- 
 porary excise), did produce (over and above the charges of manage- 
 ment) 413,053//. 145. 0|c/. Money borrowed by tallies amounted to 
 
 s 2 
 
276 
 
 260,748/e. Il5. 3c?., besides which, it was charged with an old debt of 
 l,333,873/^^ 14s. T^c?. due to several bankers and others or their assigns, 
 for which Charles II. granted to them and their heirs, several sums 
 amounting to 80,032?^. 8s. Ic?. per annum in the nature of perpetual 
 interest, until they should be respectively satisfied. The principal and 
 interest is in arrear for eleven years and three quarters, amounting to 
 940,380/^. 14s. 11c?. or thereabouts. 
 
 Low Wines: — The duties thereon amounted to 13,698/^^ 15s. 8jc?., 
 and have no debt thereupon. 
 
 Letter Money : — The revenue from the Post Office, over and above 
 the charges for management, amounted to 59,972?^. 14s. 9c?. There was 
 a charge thereupon to the Civil List, of 21,200/^. per annum. 
 
 Small Branches and Casualties : — Excluding the coinage, which 
 was appropriated to the Mint, this branch of revenue amounted to 
 77,435?^. 1 Is. ^\d. 
 
 Charged, by Letters Patent or other special grants, on the Customs : — 
 The Consul at Algiers, 600?2. ; the Consul at Tripoli, 380/^. ; the Con- 
 troller of the Treasurer of the Chamber Office, 150/^. ; the two Secretaries 
 of State, each l,850?i. ; the Lord Privy Seal, 365?^. ; Amiasand Juliana 
 Hext, 200?^. ; Samuel Clerke, 300?^^ ; Ceorge Tuthiil, 100?z. ; Corpora- 
 tion of Lyme, J 00?^. ; Chancellor of the Garter, 570?z. 5s. ; Thomas 
 Hyde, 50/^. ; Corporation of Berwick, 100?^. ; Corporation of Dart- 
 mouth, 40?^. ; Charles Fairfax, 100/^. ; the master of the otter hounds, 
 28?^. Os. 11^^. 
 
 Charged, by Letters Patent or other special grants, on the hereditary 
 and temporary excise : — The Queen Dowager, 12,209?^. 15s. 2d. ; the 
 Prince and Princess of Denmark, 50,000/^. ; the Duchess of Buccleuch 
 {sic) 4,000/i ; the Duchess of Richmond, l,000/^. ; the Duke of Grafton, 
 4,000/^. ; Duchess Dowager of Grafton, l,000?z. ; the Duke of South- 
 ampton, 3,000/?^; the Duke of E’orthumberland, 300?z. ; Sir William 
 Killegrew, 500?z. ; Samuel Morland, esquire, 200?z. ; the Fishermen 
 and Adventurers of Great Yarmouth, 160/^. 
 
 Charged on the Post Office Revenue : — The Earl of Rochester, 
 4,000?^. ; the Duchess of Cleveland, 4,700/^. ; the Duke of Leeds, 3,500?z. ; 
 the Duke of Schombourgh, 4,000/^. ; the Earl of Bath, 2,500?i. ; the Lord 
 Keeper, 2,000?i. ; William Dockra, to the end of midsummer, 1697, 500?2. 
 
 Charged on the 12c?. per chalder on Sea Coals : — Sir Thomas Clarges, 
 500/^. 
 
 Charged on the Alienation Office : — The Countess of Plymouth, part 
 of her jointure, 1,000?2. ; Sir William Morris, 300?2. ; the Duke of 
 St. Albans, part of 2,000?^., 500/^. 
 
 Charged on the Duchy of Cornwall : — The Earl of Bath, 3,000?i. ; 
 the Lord Keeper, 2,000?^. ; Sir Peter Killegrew, 300?^.; the minister of 
 Lostwithiel, 30?^. 
 
 Charged on the Revenue of Wales : — Henry D’Auverquerc, 2,000/e. ; 
 the Duke of St. Albans, part of 2,000/^., 500/^. 
 
 Charged on the First Fruits and Tenths : — The Earl of Oxford, 
 2,000?^. ; the Countess of Plymouth, part of her jointure, 2,000?2. ; the 
 Countess of Bristol, 2,000?^'. ; the Earl of Bath, 2,500/^. ; the Duke of 
 St. Albans, part of 2,000?e., J,000?^. ; Sir {sic) Samuel Morland, 600?^. ; 
 Elizabeth Hamilton, bOQili. ; James and William Hamilton, 850?i. i 
 
 Charged on the Letter Rent : — Solomon Foubert, 500/e. ; Philip 
 Howard, 400/e. ; James Grey, 400/e. ; Sir Gabriel Selvins, 300/e.; Lady 
 Armstrong’s daughters, 200/e. ; Charles Killegrew, 200/e. ; Susanna 
 Leighton, 100/e.; Jane Berkley, 200/e. ; Elinor Needham, 300/e.; Mary 
 Fanshaw, 200/e. ; Captain .John Richards, 200/e. ; Sir Charles Slingsby, 
 40/e. ; Mallet SlingsVjy, 20/e. ; Elizabeth Slingsby, 45/e. 12^. 6e/. ; Colonel 
 
277 
 
 Henry Ubank, 45/«. 125. 6J. ; Richard Sydenham, and Grace his wife, 
 40/^^ ; Ann Duke, 45/^. 125. Qd. ; Captain John Baker, 36//. IO5. ; Captain 
 Hetleby’s grandchildren, 36//. IO5. ; Captain John Watkinson, 18//. 55. ; 
 Ann Ashbary, 20//. ; Widdow Collins, 20//.; Mr. Rosse’s three daugh- 
 ters, 60//. ; Mr. Bass, 20//. ; Edward Duke, 24//. ; Colonel Vaughan, 
 300//. ; Dame Martha Cary, 20//. ; Dame Petronella Cary, 20//. ; Captain 
 James Vosper, 20//. ; Captain Griffith Standon, 20//. ; Ann Acton, 
 20//. ; Anny Goldsbrough, 20//. ; Elizabeth Hall, Jane Bell, and Margaret 
 Pretty, each 20//. ; Victoria Slingsby, 20//. 
 
 Charged on the Exchequer in general : — The Duke of Norfolk, 
 3,000//. ; the Duke of Ormond, 2,500//. ; the Duchess of Buckingham, 
 1,200//.; Ann Golding, 120//.; Nicholas Needam, 120//.; Catherine 
 Gunter, 200//. ; the Earl of Derby, and others, for poor ministers in the 
 Isle of Man, 100//. ; Rachell and Francis Wyndham, 400//. ; Ann Law- 
 ton, 250//. ; William Levett, 200//.; Dr. Nicholas Gibbon, 100//.; Robert 
 Berty, 40//. ; Lodowick BrayJ 40//. ; James Browning 60//. ; Charles 
 Dormer, 120//. ; the Earl of [Kinnoull?] 120//.; Christ’s Hospital, 
 370//. IO5. ;. the poor of St. Martin’s, 100//. ; the poor of V^estminster, 
 and King Charles I.’s Hospital there, 100//. ; the poor of St. James’, 
 50//.; the poor of St. Michael’s, Cornhill, a perpetuity, 12//. 45.; the 
 poor of St. Magnus’ parish, London, 21//. 45. 8t/. ; the poor of St. Bo- 
 tolph’s, 7//. ; the poor of Walbrook, 7//. 135. 4c?. ; the master of South- 
 well School, 10//. ; Eton College, 42//. ; Emanuel [College] in Cam- 
 bridge, 16//. 135. 4(i. ; Reader of Civil law, 40//.; Reader of Physic 
 there, 40//. ; University of Cambridge, 10//. ; Lady Margaret’s profes- 
 sion at Oxford, 13//. 65. 8c/. ; Reader of Civil Law there, 40//. ; Reader 
 of Physic there, 40//. ; the Dean and Chapter of Lichfield, 10//. ; the 
 Vicar of Lichfield, 15//. ; the Dean and Chapter of Westminster, for 
 French ministers in the Savoy, 60//. ; the Master of the Temple, 
 37//. 65. 8c/. ; the Vicar of the Tower, 6//. 135. 4c/. ; Sir John Cotton, a 
 perpetuity, 5//. 6s. 8c/. ; the poor of the town of Hampton, 50//. ; Thomas 
 Lane, esquire, 500//. ; John Rogers, and Ann his wife, 100//. ; Rachell 
 and Francis Wyndham, 400//. ; Sir Thomas Wyndham, 600//. ; Colonel 
 Gifford, 3o0//. ; Th'omas Whitgrave, 200//. ; Nicholas Yeates, 200//. ; the 
 four King’s preachers in Lancashire, out of the rent of the dissolved 
 monastery of Furness, 200//. 
 
 Various sums to officers of the household, and also payments for secret 
 service, as follows: — Per Flenry Guy, Esquire, 37,106//. 7s. 8 Jc/. ; per 
 the Earl of Nottingham, late Secretary of State, 3,000//. ; per Sir John 
 Trenchard, Secretary of State, 2,500//. ; per the Duke of Shrewsbury, 
 Secretary of State, 1,000//. 
 
 Roger Kenyon to • 
 
 820. 1693, October 25. Chester. — It is now impertinent to attempt 
 the discription of the partiality, precipitency, and fury, of the fanatick 
 party, and particulerly of Sir William Williams, who presided as a judge, 
 the Mayor being a party at the election. The votes on the one side were 
 indeed made with as much courage, and the aldermen behaved themselves 
 with as good resolution and constancy, as men in the right ought to doe. 
 The Lord Warrington was there, on the other side ; but scarce gave 
 a word, save his vote as alderman, or looke, on behalfe of it. It was 
 Williams his impetuosity, and the Mayor’s partiality to himself, that 
 carryed the matter violently against Alderman Allen, when it came to 
 the last question about Mr. Hand’s incapacity ; and if, in this time, my 
 Lord Derby’s presence and personall authority had interposed (having 
 so great a majority of the Bench with him) it is beleeved it would have 
 
278 
 
 awed the unfaithfull and furiouse Recorder into regularity, justice, and 
 manners. Mr. Shakerley’s presence was of that satisfaction and service 
 to the honest side, and they attribute that advantage very much to my 
 Lord’s letter to him ; and now Mr. Shakerley is statu quo prius in 
 their esteem, and by vertue of the majority by his vote, they succeeding 
 in the election of a very honest man, for the first Sheritfe who is alwayes 
 chosen by the Bench, for herein the 1 1 votes were admitted, though not 
 in that of the Mayor. They hope for some redresse for a right so 
 violated and abused. Sir Thomas Grosvenor and Mr. Shakerley seem 
 now very sensible of the mistaken measures in the last business ; for the 
 mandamus taken out of the King’s Bench, stopt that proceeding in 
 Councell. As greater affaires stand for examination, I fear litle wilbe 
 done in this, and that, at last, will almost mine them in Westminster 
 Hall to be rectifyed.” Draft, 
 
 Christopher Wilkinson, Jo : Lister, H. Pudsay, Thomas Lister, 
 Edward Parker, Henry Maksden, and Robert Sclater to 
 Roger Kenyon, at Peel. 
 
 821. 1693, Kovember 25. Clitheroe. — ‘‘This day, Mr. Manwaring, 
 with Mr. Gerrard and the greatest part of Mr. Gerrard’s friends in town, 
 finding the Moothall dore open for some workmen imployed there for 
 some repairs, took possession thereof, and as it is reported, swore 
 Mr. Manwaring bayliffe, who, with the High Sherrifie of the County, 
 and the rest of the company, made proclamation for an election of a 
 member to serve in Parliament, to be made on Thursday next. We 
 therefore desire that you, with your son, would please to let us have your 
 company here as soon as possible on Tuesday next, to meet us and 
 other your brother burgesses, to consider what may be most expedient 
 to be done for the Corporation’s safety. 
 
 “ P.S. — If possible bring Sir Richard Standish, Bart., along with you, 
 to whom our service.” Seal, 
 
 Proposal for Raising Money. 
 
 822. 1693, December 3. — “ A Profitable Adventure to the Fortunate, 
 and can be unfortunate to none ; being a proposal for raising one million 
 of money, by setling a fund of one hundred and forty thousand pounds 
 per annum for fifteen years only, for it.” London^ “ printed by 
 F. Collins in the Old Bailey.” 
 
 Richard Edge to Roger Kenyon, M.P. 
 
 823. 1693, December 22. Peel. — “ My mistress has tould me that 
 you say I must be one to attend the Committee, about Cliderow election, on 
 the 12th of the next month, which (though it be Preston Sessions) if I 
 be alive and well, will certainly attend. . . = Mr. Warren has 
 offered himself at Wygan, to stand for their representative, and has 
 offered to build them a conduit in the market place and bring water to 
 it, to supply it at his own charge. Mr. Richard Lightbourne went 
 yesterday to Wygan, by my Lord Colchester’s order, to offer and recom- 
 mend to them Colonel Mathews as a fit person for the said service. 
 Mr. Byrom stands very fair in the generallity of the townesmen.” Seal^ 
 broken . 
 
 Richard Edge to Roger Kenyon, M.P. 
 
 824. 1693, December 28. Waddow. — “ I came this day to Cliderowe, 
 where I find great preparations are making on both sides. I am told 
 
279 
 
 that Mr. Edmund Robinson his son John, the late Baylift'e Stockes, 
 Tom Dugdale, Coleborne, the quaker, George Langford, and Madam 
 Parker, sett out for London on Saturday next, on Mr. Gerrard’s party. 
 That Colonel Pudsay, Mr. Lister of Westby, Mr. Edward Parker, Mr. 
 Robert Sclater, Mr. Oddy, the town clerke. Dr. Whittacre, and two or 
 three more that can speake about bribes, will certainly sett out, about 
 Tuesday next, on Mr. Weddall’s party. But I am afraid we cannot get 
 Bayliffe Lister up to London. I spoke to Mr. Oddy and Mr. Sclater, 
 and they tell me they have informed themselves of every thing, as well 
 as they can.” Seal of arms. 
 
 Thomas Maksden to Roger Kenyon. 
 
 825. 1693, December 28. — It is a pity that a strong hand should 
 prevail against justice, which I hope it will not do in the case of Clithe- 
 roe, you being upon the spot to manage the matter. Honest Mr. Preston 
 will stick close to you, and toil for the public interest. Mr. Bootle is gone 
 into the other world, and was, sometime before he fell sick, stripped of 
 all relation to Mr. Mol[yneux]’s concerns. He was not, indeed, a good 
 man, but had been good to the interests of Croxteth, without reaping 
 any advantage from its service ; but so the devil uses to reward his 
 drudges. “ O ! what a loss have we of Sir Richard Standish ; I never 
 heard that the dragooner who is recommended to succeed him was a 
 man either for Christianity or Monarchy ; but, be he what he will, 1 
 hope he will not obtain at Wigan.” 
 
 Richard Richmond to Roger Kenton. 
 
 826. 1693, December 29. Walton.— I shall add a request that is, 
 indeed, made to you by many others of your true friends, besides myself, 
 viz., that when the time comes for nominating commissioners to act in the 
 several subsidies and taxes, to be collected for the ensuing year, yourself, 
 Mr. Preston (and such other Lancashire members as you confide in), 
 would please to take care that we be not plagued at Liverpool with such 
 fellows as Clayton, and a number of fanatics, from whom a churchman 
 can expect little justice in his appeals. Mr. Byrom stands fairest to 
 succeed poor Sir Richard Standish. 
 
 Major Richard Stevenson to Roger Kenyon. 
 
 827. 1693, .... [Isle of Man.]~“ I have received your orders 
 
 by Parson Lomax to send you over 4 or 5 of the oxen ; I had rather, for 
 severe!! reasons, you would bring your family, and eate them here ; 
 besides, I must acquent you that my Lord’s orders to Governour Rowe 
 is (as he sayes) that his honour is to have, this year, the full number of 
 cattle (that is allowed) for his owne use ; so that if there be any above 
 that, they will be seized on. . . . We have lately buried honest 
 ould Deemster Christian, and, that which adds to the whole country’s 
 great greeffe, have no man therein that is fitt or capable to supplye his 
 plase, unless it be given to his brother, who, with much perswasion, I 
 and many more of his friends, have prevailed with to write to you to gett 
 him that place, who will be boath lawgiver and speaker.” Seal of arms. 
 
 Dispute as to a Monument to Colonel Birch. 
 
 828. 1693. — An account of a dispute between the Bishop of Here- 
 ford and John Birch, Esquire, concerning the erection of a monument, 
 in the chancel of Weobly Parish Church, to the memory of Colonel 
 Birch, and an inscription reflecting upon King Charles I. o. 
 
280 
 
 [Richard Edge] to Roger Kenyon, M.P., at Westminster. 
 
 829. 1693[-4], January 2. Peel. — ‘‘ Here has been a great failing out 
 betwixt Lord and Lady W[illoughby] . . . the Yfarden of Man- 
 chester can give you the best account. It is reported . . . down 
 the country, that the Warden has done some ill thing against . . 
 
 which he has since owned himselfe in fault, and begged pardon . . . 
 
 say it is not true. I allsoe hear that my Lady had gott away a . . . 
 
 deedes and writings, by getting a counterfeit key of my Lord’s . . . 
 
 his Lordshipp has since got them againe. They are all going into 
 mourneing at Manchester for L . . . .” 
 
 Major Richard Stevenson to Roger Kenyon, at Peel. 
 
 830. 1693-4, January 4. Balladoule, [isle of Man.] — Has previously 
 sent him a letter by David Christian. It is reported here we are to have 
 a new controwler, at which the people are reddy, with one hart and voice, 
 to sing te Deum. And as, in truth, it would be the blessing of peace to 
 this people, so it would be the satisffaction of interest to our honourable 
 Lord ; for this accumulation of offices upon him, by his honour, hath put 
 him past all equality with his fellow officers, so that he now despises, 
 scornes, and quarrels, with all ; and I humbly leave it to your judgement 
 how it is possible his Lordshipp’s concernes can be well managed whilst 
 such hart burnings and differences remain e amongst his servants, and 
 how the people can ever be thought to comply, in any reasonable termes, 
 with his honour, whilst theire supposed (if not avowed) enemie is con- 
 cerned ! If you consider him in his naturall endowments, you will find 
 him made of a complication of ill quallities ; of a moroseness towards 
 inferiors ; of a disegreeable temper towards his equalls (if he hath the 
 modesty to acknowledge any as such); and of pretending forwardness 
 towards his superiors ; dogmatically dictating where he ought to be but 
 a pupil, mightily magnifying himself, in all company, of his great know™ 
 ledge, both in the theorike and practicall parts of the lawes of England 
 
 . much mistaken, in the metall, if, like gold, he refine upon the 
 tryall, in his pretended ... as a great statesman to serve his 
 Majesty, he minds other people’s business (beyond the duty of a 
 Christian) more than his owne, and measures their steps by the rules of 
 his new geometry ; prys like a pimp into all theire actions, with a 
 malicious design to pick up some matter of complaint, which, whether he 
 observes any outstepings or no, he wants not invention to feign he did ; 
 and, rather than be baflied in the fruit of his expectation, he will im- 
 prove a mole into a beam, a mole-hill into a mountain, by his magnify- 
 ing art of representation, &c. But now, upon consideration, I am a foole 
 to give you a discription of the monster, who knows him much better 
 than tis possible for me to describe him . . . Deempster Norris is dead ; 
 you would do well to remember your ould friend, Charles Christian.” 
 Seal of arms. 
 
 Abraham Allred to Roger Kenyon, M=P., at Westminster. 
 
 831. 1693[-4], January 6. — “My brother James Allred’s wife is dead, 
 and the toune hath met about some concerns, and, amongst other things, 
 the question was put whether he would continue to keepe ale, or to 
 teache schoole ; and, after some deliberation of the matter, he gave 
 them his possiiive answer, that he would leave off keepinge ale and con- 
 tinue teaching schoole, and designs to brew noe more.” The writer, 
 therefore, begs to be admitted tenant. 
 
281 
 
 William Shuttleworth to Roger Kenton, M.P., 
 at Westminster. 
 
 832. 1693[-4], January 9. Preston. — Finds himself daily less able to 
 support his charges, and without prospect of receiving his just demands, 
 “ either of the King of Sweden ” or of his father-in-law, Holt. Begs, 
 therefore, that some “ beneficiall place ” may be bestowed upon him. 
 Seal of arms. 
 
 GtEORge Macy to Roger Kenyon, at the “ Blue Boar ” in Holborn. 
 
 833. 1693[-4], January 10. Tower [of London]. — Arranging an 
 appointment with Mr. Overton, Warden of the Mint. Seal, hrohen, 
 
 Alice Kenyon to her husband, Roger Kenyon, M.P., 
 at Westminster. 
 
 834. 1693[-4], January 12. — Fears he will sulFer much in London 
 from the cold weather ; ‘‘pray thee, keep warm as thou can, and take some- 
 thing in thy pocket to the House, to supp olf ; thy age and weakness 
 requires it.” Hears that Mr. Kathaniel Hilton is dead, and that his body 
 “ comes along ” with Lord Warrington’s. . . . Lord Willo[ughby] 
 and his Lady are fallen out extreamly ; they are the talk .of the toune 
 and country.” 
 
 Postscript. — “ Cosin Hilton was telling me he heard you are doeing 
 something about clippers ; hee says bee thinks the best way to lessen 
 the number of them, would be to abate of the value of dipt moneys. He 
 remembers it was so when he was a boy ; a shilling went but for 9<i., 
 and halfe-a-crown for 18 g^.” 
 
 Thomas Willson to Roger Kenyon, M.P., in London. 
 
 835. 1693 [-4], January 12. Knowsley — Knows how zealous Mr. 
 Kenyon has always been in serving the family [Lord Derby’s] in which he 
 “ has the honour to live.” The lieutenancy of Cheshire is vacant by the 
 death of Lord Warrington, and Lord Derby is ‘‘ pressed to think of regain- 
 ing that place which he and his ancestors have so honourably managed for 
 many generations ” ; thinks it right, therefore, to inform Mr. Kenyon 
 of the fact, in order that he may take the necessary steps to promote 
 Lord Derby’s interest, his Lordship being no longer unwilling to accept 
 a lieutenancy. ‘‘ This is an opportunity, which will scarce ever be mett 
 with againe,” for Lord Derby to possess himself of both Lancashire and 
 Cheshire, since my Lord Brandon has often protested that he would 
 resigne that of Lancashire, whenever my Lord [Derby] would accept of 
 it.” Orujinal and copy. 
 
 Richard RicmioND and Thomas Marsden to Roger 
 Kenyon, M.P. 
 
 836. 1693 [-4], January 12. Walton. — They send a list of persons 
 well qualified to act as commissioners “ for the ensuing taxes ” : — 
 
 For Liverpool. — Jasper Maudit, Mayor ; Captain James Prescot ; 
 Alderman Richard Houghton ; Alderman Thomas Tyrer ; Alderman 
 Thomas Johnson; Mr. John Barker; Mr. Thomas Johnson, junior; 
 Mr. Alexander Korres ; and Alderman Joshua Fisher. 
 
 For the neighbourhood. — Mr. Robert Roper ; Mr. John Case ; 
 Mr. Jonathan Case ; Mr. John Wright ; Mr. James Ashton ; Mr. John 
 Layton of Whiston ; and Mr. Thomas Cooke. 
 
282 
 
 These persons the writers recommend to “the Honourable Master 
 Stanley ; Sir Edward Chisenhall ; Sir Christopher Greenfield ; Mr. 
 Preston ; Mr. Shakeiiey ; and yourself .... May God’s good 
 providence croAvn all your endeavours for this church and state.” 
 
 Richard Wroe, Warden of Manchester, to Roger Kenyon, M.P., 
 
 at Westminster. 
 
 837. 1693[-4], January 15 [date of receipt]. — “ I am glad that Sir 
 Ralph Assheton designes to stand for Knight, which I think will do, not 
 onely himself, but the county, a kindness, and hope he will find friends 
 enow to make an unanimous vote, which I am confident he will have, in 
 these parts of our countrey. Things look very well, too, at Wigan, whence 
 I had an account yesterday, that Mr. Byrom’s interest keeps firm and gets 
 strength daily. It is said Collonel Matthews came as far as Warrington, 
 but found no encouragement to goe nearer Wigan from his friends 
 there, nor at Knowsly, whither I hear he went. If my wishes may 
 contribute any thing to the success at Clithero, I am sure you have 
 them ; and if it go well there, I hope the county will not change for the 
 worse. My Lord Warrington’s corps will be brought to Bowdon 
 tomorrow, in the night, and a friend of his is to say something of him 
 there on Sunday, wliich you may imagine I am at present very busy 
 with, having an hard task, both through short warning and a very 
 critical subject. I have writ, this post, both to our Bishop of Chester 
 and Mr. Shakerley, about the Rectory of Aldingham in Fourness, 
 now vacant by the death of Mr. Thompon, prebend of Chester. 
 Mr. Shakerley, 1 suppose, will shew you his letter, w^here you will see 
 my designe in writing to him, wherein I heartily beg your assistance.” 
 
 Thomas Kenyon, to his father Roger Kenyon, M.P., “att the doore 
 of the House, these.” 
 
 838. [1693-4, January 20.] — About the death of Mr. Wilkinson. 
 “ On Tuesday, the writt for election att Wigan was delivered to Mr. 
 Mayor, and on Wednesday, the day of election was proclaimed to be 
 Wednesday next, when I designe to wait on Mr. Byrom ; his intrest, 
 I beleeve, may be but inaffectually opposed. The Scowes men are his 
 with a nemine contradicente, and of the out burgesses, except three, all 
 have promised him their votes. He has anequallity, if not a superiority, 
 in all other streets, and from 5 to 10 guineas to one are offered on his 
 side. Mr. Justice Warren importunes first him and then Bertie to 
 decline it ; each puts him upon getting first the other’s consent, and then 
 bid him hope the best. In the meenetime, Mr. Byrome takes him along 
 with him, and so, att halfe charges, makes merry with his friends, whilst 
 he, poore gentleman, sees not what any tinker sees and laughs at.” 
 Fragment of seal. 
 
 Joseph Ya[tes] to Roger Kenyon, M.P. 
 
 839. 1693 [-4], January 20. Manchester. — Hopes for a reconcilia- 
 tion between Kenyon and himselE. “ It is a generall rejoycing to hear 
 that Sir Ralph Asheton will stand for Knight of the Shire, and not doubted 
 but he will be elected unanimously ... I was desired by letter from 
 Lancaster, on Francis Bailey’s account, to acquaint you that he brought 
 his action against Elletson [Elliotson], the gaoler, for 20 ounces of silver, 
 videlicet, a new cast-silver hilt and some bullion ; and when the action was 
 
283 
 
 to be tried, Elletson affirmed that he took them by order from the Warden 
 of the Mint, and upon this pretence Mr. Mayor of Lancaster ordered the 
 money (the goods being sold, as I understand) to be brought into Court 
 till such time as he be satisfied of the truth of the matter ; and, therefore, 
 it is requested that you would satisfie Mr. Mayor, by letter, of the 
 truth thereof, which I hope you will doe, for there is a generall complaint 
 of his abuseing the prisoners, and suppose it will be as much as formerly 
 to the full ; for I understand that this year he gives 80/. for the place, 
 and he will make it up if possible ; and, indeed, I doe not see how any 
 person can seaze a silver hilt or bullion in any person’s custody, unless 
 the bullion was known and proved to be clippings melted down by 
 the same person. Your son Tom and I, drank your health yesternight, 
 and was observing that you are not soe kind as formerly, in affording 
 your acquaintance and friends your letters. He was very hearty, and 
 very ready in his business in the Sessions, but unless you give me faire 
 words, you may perhaps loose Manchester, for we are seldom above 2 on 
 the bench, and I am one of them. For Bolton division, noe body appears, 
 and our neighbour great ones are not well enough to sitt in the cold, 
 and, alsoe, it is too far for them to come, and thus the country is served. 
 But, indeed, the Friday and Saturday, we have constantly Cozin Horton’s 
 good company and assistance.” Seal of arms. 
 
 Alice Kenyon to her husband, Eogek Kenyon, M.P., in London. 
 
 840. 1693 [-4], January 26. — “ 1 fear thou art not kind to thy selfe 
 
 in staying so long in the House everye day, without some refresh- 
 ment. I pray thee, do not still neglect thy health so much 
 
 Yesterday, the Warden’s lady was buried Cousin Byram 
 
 hath carried it at Wigan. Judge Warren had but one vote; Cousin 
 Byram had more, by halfe, in Entwistle, and a great many more than he 
 made use of.” 
 
 John Byrom to Boger Kenyon, M.P., in London. 
 
 841. 1693-4, January 28. Wigan. — Was last Wednesday elected 
 member for the borough of Wigan. Begs that his attendance in the 
 House may be dispensed with for “ some reasonable time,” as his 
 private affairs will take “ some settling.” Seal of arms. 
 
 Jo : Elletson [ Elliotson] to Eoger Kenyon, M.P. 
 
 842. 1693[-4], January 29. Lancaster. — Is much troubled with the 
 insolence of Bayly and his wife [prisoners at Lancaster ?], who threaten 
 him with “ commenation ” at the next assizes, for clipping and coining, 
 crimes of which he is perfectly innocent. “ Bayly hath a mind to 
 begone, soe that I am obliged to sett a watch att his window every night, 
 he having pickt out the morter and lessened some stones.” Wishes 
 they might be in custody, as here they are encouraged, by bad people, to 
 be of bad behaviour to their keepers. Seal of arms. 
 
 Bichard Eowe to Roger Kenyon, M.P., in London. 
 
 843. 1693-4, January 30. — “ I wish you better success about Clitheroe, 
 in the House, than you had at the Committee ; and now that is partly 
 over, I suppose this may come more safe to your hands then one, at least, 
 of myne did formerly, which you told me you never received, but some 
 body else did, for you, and sent down a copy of it into the count ly — not 
 
284 
 
 out of kindness, you may imagine, but to pick quarrels, if it would bear 
 it ; so that it was not without reason that I examined the post house 
 here, and hinted to you to take care lest somebody was too quick for you, 
 and got your letters before you, tho this of mine was said to be dropt in 
 Westminster Hall, but I rather think was found before it was lost, and 
 so dropt short of you. ... I wish the heats that seem to be in 
 the house may be well layd,” 
 
 J. Hartley to Roger Kenyon, M.P., in London. 
 
 844 . 1693-4, January 30. — Believes the election at Clitheroe has 
 given him much trouble. Wishes his endeavours had been more successful. 
 It is seldom the House differs from what the Committee have agreed to, 
 as to elections. “We are, hereabouts, very unanimous as to the choosing 
 of Sir R. Assheton, for the Knight of this county.” It is reported that 
 Sir Thomas Stanley designs to oppose him, and that “ severall 1,000/.” 
 will be spent on his behalf. The election is fixed for next week. Seal 
 of arms, 
 
 Thomas Marsden to Roger Kenyon, M.P., in London. 
 
 845 . 1693[-4], February 4. — Mr. Richmond went yesterday to 
 Knowsley, but the Earl [of Derby], Lord Strange, and Mr. Wilson, had 
 gone to Lathom. Mr. Richmond wrote to the Earl, begging him to accept 
 “ the thing, if offered.” He described how far the honour of his lord- 
 ship’s house, and how far the welfare of the country was concerned 
 “ in having the government of these countys turned into its old channel.” 
 He will meet Lord Derby on the next Tuesday and take his “ final 
 resolution.” Thinks his lordship should “ hearken with both ears ” to the 
 advice given him ; if he refuses, the writer is “ bold to conclude him 
 felo de se. . . . What say you, but this post brings me Sir Cleave 
 More’s desire to succeed the Lord Colchester at Liverpool, when the old 
 Earl turns off. His father, Mr. Edmunds, has also ticketed me, in order 
 to the same end. But I should hate myself if the notion of a landlord 
 should rob me of a principle of honesty. I shall not desert worthy 
 Mr. Bretherton for such an usless spark.” 
 
 William Oddy to Roger Kenyon, M.P. 
 
 846 . 1693[-4], February 5. Clitheroe. — “ Mr. Lister, of Thornton, 
 is coming up to London, and will give you an account of a letter, writt to 
 this town, to Mr. Bayliffe Lister, Irom a member of your country, which 
 tells us there is a bill preparing to disfranchise our corporation, and 
 make it fare no better than Stockbridge has done, and this occasioned by 
 the ryotts committed, or reported to be committed, since the first election, 
 which seems to be all false, no ryotts being committed. Mr. Lister has 
 entertained his friends nobly, both at Cliderow and elsewhere, and is 
 resolved, to the uttermost of his endeavour, to serve this corporation.” 
 Fragment of seal. 
 
 Dr. Thomas Wilson to Roger Kenyon, M.P. 
 
 847 . 1693[-4], February 6. — “My Lord is, I think, at last well 
 satisfied that you are still truly his friend ; and, if you think fit, I could 
 wish witli all my soul you would write to his Lordship, for, as I have all 
 the obligations imaginable of duty and gratitude to this family, so I 
 would not have it deprived of the service of one who, though now out of 
 favour, has the opportunity, as well as good will, of being yet more 
 serviceable.” SeaL^ broken. 
 
285 
 
 Alice Kenyon to Roger Kenyon, M.P., at Westminster. 
 
 848 . [1693-4,] February 7. — I am much pleased with your good news 
 about the agreement between the King and Parliament, which I beseech 
 God continue. ... I hear Sir John Bland hath left you, and is come 
 down ; I would not have thee one of those runaways, but so soon as 
 the great business of raising moneys is over, I wish thou would then get 
 leave to come home, and, in the meantime, not sitt thy usuall long 
 sittings in the House, but goe out and refresh thyself, as others do.” 
 
 Thomas Marsden to Roger Kenyon, M.P., in London. 
 
 849 . 1693 [-4], February 7. — Mr, Richmond went to Knowsley and 
 “ pressed the Earl to come up to you, notwithstanding the discourage- 
 ment mentioned in yours. His Lorriship determined to set out this 
 week, and promised to assist you to his power, in the matter of 
 Clitheroe. 8ir, I remember you formerly told me all your letter saide 
 of the armes, as related to you by Sir Richard Standish. One Woods, 
 of Halsall, is the gun-smith, a tenant of the Lord Maxfield’s, and, there- 
 fore, it will be more difficult to deal with him. That Lord ownes the 
 having an armory in Leverpool Castle, and makes a shew of watching 
 them there by an officer (a fh’ench-man), now and then resident in 
 town, which will serve for a colour to blunt the edge of an informa- 
 tion against him, on the score of arms-having. But how few of those many 
 arms he hath somewhere, are there, we yet know not, but will enquire 
 about it as well as we can. Sir Richard Standish being gone, I know not 
 what gentleman in our county had head and heart enough, and will take 
 pains enough, to hand about, and sollicit for subscriptions to, a petition. 
 It is pity the Stanley family has not been careful to preserve a stock of 
 such friends. For promoting such a thing amongst the clergy, in con- 
 junction with the other, I know some that would attempt it. But this 
 work must be done in season and, I conceive, not till the next campaign 
 is over. . . . Clitheroe hath, I doubt, taken an imprudent course, as 
 to the election on Friday last. By consenting they should sit in the 
 Moot-hall, and take votes there for Mr. Gerrard, they seem to me to 
 have spread a covering over all their irregularities and violences, and to 
 keep the sneaking sheriff’s neck out of a halter. Would they had took 
 no notice of them, but as of paltry rioters, etc., so would they have been 
 more liable to you.” Portion of seal. 
 
 Richard Richmond to Roger Kenyon, M.P., at Westminster. 
 
 850 . 1693-4, February 9. Walton. — ‘‘ On Tuesday I waited upon 
 my Lord of Derby with your letter, which he read, a[nd] afterwards I had 
 some hours’ free conference with him upon that subject. I omitted no 
 argument that either my reason, or affection, could suggest, both with 
 regard to the public good and the particular interest of my Lord and 
 his family. I had a very kind audience, and could not perceive that 
 anything 1 offer. . . . was ungrateful to his Lordship. On the con- 
 trary, I found him very inclinable to accept his old station, and desirous 
 that his friends above should so represent it to his Majesty. But 
 withal, his Lordship does not think it consistent with his honour to 
 accept Cheshire alone, having before refused Lancashire, the place of 
 bis habitation. He told me (with some complaints of his friends) that 
 he received no early notice of the Lord Warrington’s death, and, there- 
 fore, inferred that they were not over-sollicitous for his restoration. 
 
286 
 
 Particularly, that Master Stanley well knows what solemn engagements 
 and protestations of honour the present Lord Maxfield lies under, to 
 resign Lancashire when my Lord of Derby (to use his own words) was 
 disposed to resume it, upon his Majestie’s pleasure. And, that there being 
 a present vacancy in Cheshire, as well as a prospect of advancing the 
 Lord Maxfield to a considerable military employment, my Lord 
 imagines this to be the critical time to address the King for both coun- 
 ties, as a motive to which, my Lord thinks his brother should signify 
 to his Majesty the Lord Maxfield’s promise. I dare say, sir, that my 
 Lord of Derby is very hearty in what I have mentioned, and will 
 warmly embrace the interest of their Majesties, both in Church and 
 State. I would presume that when you communicate this to the Duke 
 of Ormond, the Ladye Derby, Lady Dowager, and Colonel Stanley, 
 they will unanimously address the King for both counties. I am told, 
 my Lord Nottingham will do his utmost herein. And it is the opinion of 
 more than myself, that if such Lancashire members as you know have a 
 respect for my Lord, would jointly desire my Lord President’s assist- 
 ance, it would not be denied. To add weight to this, I am to assure 
 you that my Lord himself moved this expedient, and will be ready to 
 acknowledge my Lord President’s kindness. And considering how 
 great a point it would be to remove the Lord Maxfield, I cannot 
 believe that great stateman will refuse this opportunity to support the 
 Church of England’s interest, so much discouraged in these counties by 
 the new Lieftenancies, &c. Thus, sir, have I thus faithfully trans- 
 mitted to you what was freely debated and concluded by my Lord, who 
 presents you with his kind respects.” 
 
 Joseph Yates to Eogep Kenyon, M.P. 
 
 851. 1693-4, February 11. Manchester. — By this post, the writ and 
 return “ for Knight of our county ” comes. No doubt ‘‘ you will have a 
 good assistant and partner of honest and worthy Sir Ealf Asheton, who 
 was chose without any opposition.” It was thought that old Mr. Warren 
 would put in,” but he was discouraged when he came to Preston. 
 Thinks that the “ quarterly poll was soe very (uneasy to the meaner sort 
 of people, and looked upon soe unequall, that the renewing of it might 
 be of ill consequence. What think [you] of a duty upon proceedings 
 at law, for some few years, as was in King Charles the Second’s time ? 
 And what think you of an imposition upon candles ? for they that use 
 most must pay most, as in the case of salt. These tAvo ways, in my 
 thoughts, would be the most easy to the subject.” Seal of arms. 
 
 Thomas Marsden to Eoger Kenyon. 
 
 852. 1693[-4], February 11. — I made bold, by letter, to petition the 
 Earl of Derby to write to his friends, in favour of Mr, Weddall’s ensuing 
 election. I understand my Lord will now come out of his retirement, 
 and show himself zealous both for Church and vState, against dissenters 
 and republicans, and ‘^particularly against the claim.” 
 
 The Earl op Derby to Eoger Kenyon, M.P. 
 
 853. 1693-4, February 16. Knowsley. — Will not say much of his 
 
 proceeding, since the Earl of Warrington’s death, but is not disappointed 
 in his expectation how little he is considered by his nearest relations, 
 and how little he must depend on them. Eesolves to hasten to London. 
 Seal of arms. 
 
287 
 
 Alice Kenyon to Kooer Kenyon, M.P., at Westminster. 
 
 854. 1693 [-4], February 17. — “ Today Dick Edge was at Manchester; 
 hee tells mee that the Justices’ darks have bin withmy Lord W[illoughby] 
 to desire him to stop thy fees for lycences; and that he says it hath 
 never bin paid where hee had to do, and, therefore, his clarke shall take 
 it. I think it might do well if thou would write to the Justices, if any- 
 thing can bee done in Parliament to secure it. I suppose thou mayst 
 make friends there. Dick says they are now settling the fees in other 
 counties, which, when the bills are brought into the House, thou mayst 
 easily get the same done for thy office. It would make you not so much 
 
 slaves of the justices Dick tells mee hee heard today 
 
 that my Lord Derby is melancholy. I heard something of it three 
 weekes agoe, but durst not mention it, lest it should come to my Lord’s 
 ear, and I know not what truth there is in it.” Cypher, 
 
 Alice Kenyon to Roger Kenyon, M.P., at Westminster. 
 
 855. [1693-4], February 20. — 1 like not the news by this post. I 
 fear the House of Commons will sett us all together be the eares, and make 
 the King di[s]olve them. I heartily wish thou could bee instrumental! 
 in restoring my Lord Derby whilst thou stays.” Cypher. 
 
 Thomas Marsden to Roger Kenyon, M.P., in London. 
 
 856. 1693[-4], February 22. — ‘‘ Several gentlemen were assembled at 
 Clitherow (Mr. Pudsey, Mr. Lister, Mr. Marsden, &c.) when the letters 
 1 procured from the Earle of Derby, came thither, who, by letter, 
 returned his Lordship’s thanks for them, which his Lordship took very 
 kindly. The same day (viz. the 14th instant) Mr. Gerrard’s party 
 broke open the Moot -hall door, and George Stocks, the two Robinsons, 
 and others, went in and swore Mr. Man waring bailiff e, Mr. Gerrard 
 having arrested the inn-bailiff for refusing to do it. Afterwards, the 
 keys of the church-door being denied them, they broke that too, and 
 rung the bells for their new officer. I acquainted the Earl of Derby 
 with this, who thinks it ought to be represented in Parliament, and 
 promises to give you what assistance he can, in order to the redress 
 of such grievances. I only mention the history of their foul deeds, lest 
 your letters from Clitherow may have been intercepted by your adver- 
 saries ; for what will they stick at, that have ventured on such black 
 work ? The Earle sets out for London next week. God grant he may 
 be well received there ! ” 
 
 A. PuDSAY and Jo : Lister to Roger Kenyon, M.P., at 
 Westminster. 
 
 857. 1693-4, February 23. Clitheroe. — We suppose you have heard 
 the irregularities acted here by Mr. Manwaring, who caused the Moot-hall 
 door to be broken open, and himselfe to be sworne bayliffe, by private 
 persons not quallifyed to administer an oath. And, at the same time, 
 that Mr. Lister, the then bayliffe, was under arreast at Mr. Gerrard’s 
 suit. Notwithstanding which, on Monday last, we proceeded to an 
 election of a new bayliffe in Mr. Wilkinson’s stead, pursuant to a 
 proclamation by Mr. Lister and severall burgesses made some dayes 
 before, and the election fell upon Mr. Pudsay, the one of us who was 
 presently sworne in Court. The same day Mr. Manwaring read the 
 pi ecept, by particular order from the high Sheriffe, which we both, 
 
288 
 
 in person, demanded from him, and he refused to deliver, as in the 
 former election, but went into the hall, with severall of their party, and 
 then appointed, and afterwards made proclamation, that this day at 
 12 o’clock they would go to an election of a member of Parliament, 
 pursuant to the precept. Hereupon, we both joyned in a letter to 
 Mr. High Sheriffe, to acquaint him of the strange proceedings above 
 mentioned, and the several reasons why Mr. Manwaring was not 
 quail ifyed to be a bayliffe, to witt, his minority, and that he was never 
 elected ; and, therefore, to desire him to supersede the precept so 
 delivered, and to make us a new one. Upon this, Mr. Shaw, who acts 
 for the high Sheriff, came to this town and demanded the precept back 
 from Mr. Manwaring, and Mr. Manwaring persisted in refusing to 
 deliver it. This was all Mr. Shaw would doe, because, as he said, 
 he thought it not justifyable, after a precept was delivered, either to 
 supersede it or grant a new one. 
 
 “We therefore took this method, as most adviseable, to wit, to make 
 a proclamation, in our names, to go to an election, and we appointed 
 the same day and hour they had done before, and at the hour 
 appointed, Mr. Manwaring went into the town-hall, a little before 
 us. So soon as he was past, we followed in our formalityes ; and 
 then, that no disturbances might be made to the election, Mr. Lister, 
 the one of us, called the hall, and Mr. Shaw, as a person in- 
 different, read the precept, and the town clerk made the pro- 
 clamation. The town clerk was ordered to deliver a true copy of 
 the call book to Mr. Shaw, and Mr. Shaw to call the voters. Mi\ 
 Morrice also gave him a list of voters, such as they had contrived; 
 all persons in our call book, and in their list, were called without 
 any disturbances. When any persons were excepted against, on either 
 side, they were marked ‘ excepted against by those that tooke the polk’ 
 The poll stands thus : for Mr. Gerrard, 46, 40 whereof were excepted 
 against in open Court; for Mr. Lister, 43, 3 whereof only were excepted 
 against. We, therefore, knowing the disquallilications of the voters 
 excepted against, declared Mr. Lister duly elected, though, at the same 
 time, Mr. Manwaring declared for Mr. Gerrard. We presently afterwards, 
 with 24 burgesses, signed and executed an indenture in Mr. Shawe’s, the 
 Sheriff’s agent’s presence ; we fixed it to the precept, it being endorsed 
 by us two, and delivered it to Mr. Shaw, whom we hear has since 
 allso accepted a return from the other party, and fixed it likewise to the 
 precept, allthough theirs neither had the burrough scale nor a bayliffe’s 
 hand. We will take what care we can in the Chancellor’s office, that this 
 returne, which is now like to be a double one, shall come safe to 
 the Clerk of the Crown, without any trick or miscarriage. This is 
 a true relation of the matter of fact, and we hope that you and the rest 
 of our friends will take care that Mr. Gerrard slip not into the House, 
 by surprize, and doubt not but to justifye the fairness of our election, in 
 case Mr. Lister, by the advantages of the returne, may not be admitted 
 into the House without any further dispute.” 
 
 Kichaed Edge to Roger Kenyon, M.P., at Westminster. 
 
 858 . 1093-4, March 2. — “ Mr. Moody has not yett gott a coppy of 
 Sir Richard Standish’s commission for being Colonel or Lieutenant 
 Colonel to the Lord Brandon, in the Militia, but has writ for it. I 
 have searched our bookes carefully throughout this King’s reigne, but 
 doe not find Sir Richard ever tooke the oaths at the quarter Sessions. I 
 rather think he took them at London, only I find he took them at the Bank, 
 October ’92, for his being Mayor of Wygan. I find the rest of the 
 
289 
 
 militia officers under his Lordship tooke the oathes in July ’89, viz. : 
 Ralph Longworth, Thomas Patten, Thomas Bradshaw, Henry Mallam 
 James Starkie, Peter Rawstorne, Nicholas Rishton, James Holt, John 
 Worthington, Sir Ralph Asheton, Richard Asheton, Laurence Raw- 
 storne, William Worthington, &c. This July Sessions was the first 
 Sessions kept in Lancashire, in this King’s reigne. I was pressed for 
 their Majesties’ service att the door of our lodgeings, viz., Mr. Key’s 
 howse, and carryed to ‘ the Robin Hood ’ over the way, by one Lieutenant 
 Francklin, in Feb. 1691-2, though, at the same time, I told him I was a 
 meniall servant to a member of Parliament who lay sick over the way, 
 and 3 or 4 substantial! householders came to the officer and justified it; 
 yet he would not release me before my mistress came herself, and begged 
 pardon for me, for he told her 1 had talked saucily.” 
 
 J. Weddell to Roger Kenton, M.P. 
 
 859. 1693 [-4], March 8. Waddow. — ‘‘I cannot furnish you with 
 much news since the several (as I was told) accounts sent you from 
 Clitherow ; only this may be materiall, that the noe Bailiffe, Mr. Man- 
 waring, gave orders for the fixing of papers, to notifie the election of a 
 member, on Monday only, immediately before Friday 23rd of February, 
 which was the day of election, whereas notice ought to be given on the 
 market day, and more warning than 3 or 4 days in our burrough, because 
 
 of its out-burgesses My opinion is that Oddy (the town 
 
 clerk) and Mr. Farrer are witnesses enough to journey it up, who are 
 ready to attend a summons when a day is appointed. We are very cheer- 
 full in the burrough, and intend to keep a court tomorrow, in order to 
 settle some matters.” Seal of arms, 
 
 Richard Hutton to Roger Kenyon, M.P. 
 
 860. 1693 [-4], March 9. Dean. — Is informed that Lord Willoughby 
 intends, at the next assizes, to try the cause concerning Ellenborough 
 chapel. Thinks this is probable, on account of the advantage he may 
 promise himself in respect of the judges, the sheriffs, if not, the jury. 
 Lord Willoughby will probably be at the assizes, and Kenyon should 
 be there also. 
 
 Sir John Bland to Roger Kenyon, M.P., at Westminster. 
 
 861. 1693[-4], March 9. — Complains of gout. I'he country have 
 made their assessments in most places. The Commissioners, in this 
 county, act quite differently to what we do in our county ; for they do 
 not assess the tenants of papists, double. “ And, for Mr. Trafford’s 
 estate, it is all assesst single, they pretending the estate is not in him, 
 because of the Statute of Bankruptcy. These long sessions, I fancy, 
 will incline a greate many to be for the frequent calling of Parliaments, 
 that were against it formerly.” Seal. 
 
 A. Pudsey and Jo : Lister, Bailiffs of Clitheroe, to Roger Kenyon, 
 
 M.P. 
 
 862. 1693 [-4], March 9. Clitheroe. — “ On Saturday last, wemadepro- 
 clamation for our Burrowe Courte, and, according to custom, summoned 
 an inquiry jury of burgesses and freemen, and none of Mr. Gerrard’s 
 freinds appeared. Wee have kept our Burrowe Courte, impanelled and 
 
 73480 . 
 
 T 
 
290 
 
 sworne an inquiry jury, and, as usually, they have proceeded [and] 
 made some orders for the present affaires of the Corporation. Wee 
 expected, as reported, to have had Mr. Manwaring here this day to have 
 acted as Bayliffe, with some interruption, but mett with none. And this 
 being the day appointed by severall Commissioners in the hundred for 
 the constables of this towne to bring in assessors here for the four shilling 
 in the pound aid, the time would have been elapsed and the burrow at 
 a losse (Mr. Manwaringe, the pretended Bayliffe, not appearing), had not 
 Mr. Pudsay been then present to joyne with his brother Lyster and 
 Mr. Parker, the onely Commissioner there, and by that meanes the King’s 
 duty not timely paid. Wee hope you will be soe kind (as other members 
 are) to comunicate the votes of the House to us, with your conveniency.” 
 Seal, 
 
 Richard Edge to Roger Kenyon, M.P., at Westminster. 
 
 863. 1693[-4], March 9. Peel. — Lord Willoughby has been at the 
 chapel, and he and his servants looked at the' bell to find its age; and 
 is, every day, tormenting and distraining upon the poor tenants, and 
 felling timber. “ Perhaps if you told my Lord Bridgewater of the Lord 
 Willoughby’s designing to make Ellinbrough Chapel into a barn, to con- 
 venticle itt, [it] might do goo service.” 
 
 William Hulme to Roger Kenton. 
 
 864. 1693-4, March 14. Hulme.— “Sum weekes since, T writt to 
 you, and gave you an account of an impudent conventikel, held just 
 by mee, having noe licence. I requested to know, whether, on the 
 conviction, I may by warrant break the doors and enter and soe 
 discover,” and whether the bodies of those discovered, “for want of 
 distress, may be teaken and imprisoned. I have certified to a Justice in 
 Cheshire, Mr. Bradshaw of Marple, and sent my cleark ; but he refused 
 to sign the warrant ... If I misteak not, it is a hundred pound 
 penalty of such justices as neglects.” Seal of arms, broken. 
 
 Clitheroe Election. 
 
 865. 1693[-4], March 21. — The case of Christopher Lister, Esquire, 
 as to his election and return for the Borough of Clitheroe. 
 
 Alice Kenton to her husband, Roger Kenton, M.P., 
 at Westminster. 
 
 866 . 1694, March 29. — “ I fancy my Lord Derby is, as report says, 
 not right in his mind; I wish he would so consider his actions as to 
 become better. Thy carriage towards him must needs make him 
 recollect his unjust usuage of thee, and perhaps ashamed, as he may 
 well be. I hear there is likely to be a marriage betwixt Mr. Stanley 
 and Mrs. K. Preston.” Cypher. Seal of arms. 
 
 J. Hartley to Roger Kenton. 
 
 867. 1694, March 30. — I am well pleased to see my name ranked 
 among so many worthy gentlemen as are put out of the Commission of 
 the Peace. I am sure I cannot make the complaint your old friend 
 J udge Wilde is said to have made, when he was turned out from being 
 Judge of the King’s Bench, viz., that he was turned out with bad 
 company. 
 
291 
 
 J. Weddell and A. Pudsay to Roger Kenton, M.P., 
 at Westminster. 
 
 86 8 . 1694, March 30. Lancaster. — “We find as little favour here, 
 as we did above at the Committee ; for the High Sherifi*, contrary to 
 our expectation, returned Mr. Manwaring and Mr. Lister, Bayliffes of 
 Clidderoe, upon which, I told the Judge that the Sheriff was mistaken 
 in his return, and that I came there to appear as Bayliffe of Clidderoe, 
 being legally elected and sworne, which Mr. Manwaring was not. The 
 Judge told me he was to take the Sheriff'e’s return, and not there to 
 decide titles, which was proper to be done in another court. Then I 
 desired my appearance might be recorded. He said by that he under- 
 stood that I only meant to enter my claime, and it was a good one. It 
 is impossible for us to do any good, these Assizes, in the matter of the 
 riot, the Grand Jury being absolutely their friends; Mr. Bradshaw 
 kept Crook, and two of the Mandamus men being part of them.” Seal 
 of arms. 
 
 Richard Rowe to Roger Kenyon, M.P., at Westminster. 
 
 869. 1694, March 30. — “ Your concluding the money point with 
 
 a poll-bill, were it much mmre, far less troubles mee than the account 
 in yours to Mr. Hartley, this post, about our new justices; most of 
 which are of such a kidney as it is easy to smell the designe of putting 
 them in, and to foresee what kindness the poor Church of England 
 may expect from such Magistrates. But, as I dare say, somebody had 
 no hand in putting them in, so I am sure somebody as heartily wishes 
 them out. If a friend of myne waite on you with a small present 
 . . . a sermon on the Lord Warrington, I hope you will accept it, 
 
 though not for the worth . . . Mr. Bradshaw, of Bradshaw^ is 
 
 buried this day.” 
 
 Thomas Marsden to Roger Kenyon, M.P. 
 
 870. 1694, April 2. — “ I have your description of some of our 
 new justices, and it is well our Lord-Lieutenant so frankly exhibites 
 his inclinations to undo, at least, our Church government. To place 
 such in power as are professed enemies to it, will justify the inference 
 I have made. We will keep our selves within the pales of the law, 
 and laugh at his new officers, till the Divine providence allow us a better 
 method for dealing with them. All our countrymen of quality, wisdom, 
 or virtue, will resent his management of things; and, at last, both 
 clergy and laity will unanimously petition to have a new governour, 
 which, whether it prove succesful or no, will get a brand upon his 
 honour. Oh ! that Clitherow may prove victorious ! That town, con- 
 sidering its cause and the managery of it, whilst Mr. Weddall stood 
 candidate, rather deserves additional honours, than to be disfranchised. 
 And it meant as well in the last choice ; but, I know not, whether 
 things were ordered so wisely at that time, nor how they will be cooked 
 next week. An attempt now for the transport money, may smooth the 
 way against another session ; but I hardly think it can, at present, be 
 accomplished. Sir, my last to you must look rough, till its meaning 
 was considered, which was to tell you what was talked aloud, with a 
 mixture of grumble and discontent. Give me leave to say once again, 
 the pole must be let to farm, or nought is done. Whalley, Mitton, and 
 Colcotes had not a child to he paid for, the last pole, and James Catteral 
 was neither atturney nor papist ; and the like was seen in other places, and 
 will be again, unless that course be took. Why may not you be a doer 
 for Lancashire, to the publick good and your great advantage ? ” 
 
 T 2 
 
292 
 
 Eoger Kenyon to his mother, Mrs. Kenyon, at Stockport. 
 
 871. 1694, April 5. — ^Being by this new act taxed, God knows what 
 for, for my fellowship, and not designing, as you know, any betterment 
 to this government, by any good-will of mine, I am forced to flee for 
 the same, and leave them to make it out as they can ; for, by no consent 
 of mine, shall they have one farthing. This is the true reason why 
 this comes not dated from Cambridge, but from an honest, industrious 
 farmer’s, some distance from it, where 1 am very well employed in 
 learning the art of husbandry, and courting my landlord’s daughter, 
 against the days prohibiting matrimony be over. 
 
 Lady Standish to Roger Kenyon, at Peel. 
 
 872. 1694, May 24. Duxbury. — I have sent you my case, drawn 
 by Mr. Bagshaw^, of Derbyshire, and Sir Cres[well] Levinz’ opinion 
 on it. “ 1 have no great heart of this business coming to Manchester 
 Sessions ; I feare there is too meny of my Lord Willowby’s faction 
 there, and I have no reason to expect eny justice of that gang. 
 We have a cersorary (sic) ready allowed by two justices, so that we can 
 remove it; but in this I will be advised by you.” Seal. 
 
 The Information of John Lunt, gentleman. ^ 
 
 873. 1694, June 27. — “This informant, upon his oath saith, that 
 when King James left the kingdom, upon the arrival of the Prince of 
 Orange, in the year one thousand six hundred eighty eight, he, this 
 informant, then went immediately after him into France, and, upon his 
 arrival at St. Germans, was introduced to kiss his (the said King 
 James’) hand, in his closet, by the Lords Thomas and George Howard; 
 that from thence he was, about the beginning of March then next 
 following, ordered with the rest of his guards to go for Dublin ; that 
 immediately upon his arrival there, about the latter end of May, one 
 thousand six hundred eighty nine, one Doctor Bromtield came there 
 from England, expecting to meet his Majestic, and brought over with 
 him an account of the condition and readiness of his friends, the Papists 
 and Jacobites there, but more particularly in London, Sussex, and 
 Kent, and in Staffordshire, Lancashire, Cheshire, and Yorkshire, and 
 from them all desired of his JMajestie commissions for the several 
 persons of quality hereafter named, with blanks for their inferior 
 officers, which accordingly his Majestic caused forthwith to be issued 
 forth, both for England and Scotland. And because Bromfield was 
 so well known, and it might be dangerous for him to come back 
 himself, he desired the King to advise of a proper person, or persons, 
 whom he might trust to bring them over, and distribute them here in 
 England, according to his Majestie’s orders. 
 
 “ Amongst others, he, this informant, was recommended to him by 
 my Lord Thomas Howard, who told him (the said King James) 
 he would engage life for life for him, this informant, that he would 
 not betray him in the service, and that if he were taken, would 
 rather die upon the spot, etc. Upon which, this informant was sent 
 for to my Lord Millford’s office, where he found my Lord Thomas 
 
 ^ Printed, but with very material differences, in “ The Trials at Manchester in 
 MDCXCIV.” Chetham Society, Vol. 28, p. 12. 
 
298 
 
 Howard, Doctor Bromfield, and my Lord together in his closet, 
 whither he was carried to them, and then and there they asked this 
 informant whether he would venture to undertake to carry declara- 
 tions, papers, and commissions, and other things, for his Majestie’s 
 service to England. They told him it was a hazardous thing, that he 
 should think well of it, for if he should happen to be taken, his life was 
 certainly gone, but if he would, and did escape, he would be sure of (and 
 they promised him in the King’s name) very great preferment and rewards 
 when the King should come into England ; upon which he, this infor- 
 mant, undertook it, and my Lord Milford gave his Majestic an account 
 of it; whereupon, to blind the business, and to take off any thought of 
 his, this informant, being imploj ed or sent anywhere, my Lord Milford 
 told him the King had thought fit to order this officer of the guards 
 (who was a Frenchman) to cashiere him, and that he might say to any 
 one that asked him the reason, that he knew none, but was resolved to 
 get his pass as soon as he could, and go for England, etc. About a 
 week after this, all things were got ready both for England and Scotland, 
 and one Mr. Threllfall, of the Ashes, in Groosner, in Lancashire, gentle- 
 man, and this informant, were dispatched for England, and one 
 Mr. Gourden (that was this informant’s comrade, and cashiered as he 
 was) went for Scotland. This informant and Mr. Threllfell brought 
 with them declarations, commissions, and other papers, and landed at 
 Cockram, within four miles of Lancaster, in or about the month of 
 June or beginning of July, one thousand six hundred eighty nine. 
 
 “ Upon our landing, we had like to have been wholly surprised by some 
 custom house officers, but we escaped, and brought off the most material 
 of our business, only lost some blankets and one of the King’s declara- 
 tions, four cases of pistols of this informant, that the King gave him, 
 and some clothes of this informant’s, etc. The commissions and most 
 of the blankets and several bundles were saved, and this informant 
 delivered them as fast as he could, one after another, as followeth, viz. : 
 in Lancashire, to my Lord Molineux’s son, William, a Colonel’s com- 
 mission for a regiment of horse, with blanks for all his inferior officers, 
 to be filled up as he should think fit; to Thomas Tildesley, esquire, 
 
 the like for a regiment of Dragoons ; to Dalton, of Thurnham, 
 
 esquire, the like of Dragoons ; to Sherburne of Stonyhurst, esquire, 
 
 the like for horse ; to Townley of Townley, esquire, the like for ^ 
 
 horse ; to — Girlington ^ of Girlington, esquire, a Colonel’s com- 
 mission; to Westby of Mobrick, esquire, the like for Dragoons. 
 
 This informant further saith that he delivered Lord Molineux himself 
 a paper of instructions, where, amongst other things, he was to be 
 governor of Liverpool. And this informant took notice of it because 
 my Lord Molineux and Doctor Bromfield both told him, this informant, 
 so, and shewed it him in the paper, before they sealed it. Cheshire : — 
 
 To Lee of Lyme,i esquire, a Colonel’s commission with blanks for 
 
 his inferior officers ; to Sir Thomas Stanley ^ of Aldersay, the like for 
 
 horse; to Shumley^ [Cholmondeley] of Yale Royal, the like for 
 
 horse ; to Sir Rowland Stanley, the like for horse ; to my Lord Brudnall 
 a Colonel’s commission for horse, with blanks for his inferior officers ; to 
 
 Sir Throgmorton (?), the like for hoj’se. This informant further saith 
 
 that to these two gentlemen last above written, he delivered four other 
 Colonels’ com.missions, for four gentlemen whose names he was not 
 to know, because, as he did then conceive, they were protestants, for 
 they told him, this informant, they were honest gentlemen, and pro- 
 testants. 
 
 ^ Opposite these names, in the margin, is “ protestant.” 
 
294 
 
 ‘‘ Besides all these before mentioned, this informant delivered to 
 one Mr. eTackson, in Castle Street, near the Meuse, two bundles of 
 commissions, with a King’s declaration, and two other papers sealed 
 up with each, with orders to him to deliver one of them with a declara- 
 tion and sealed paper, immediately, to my Lord Griffin, and the other 
 to Sir William Penn, the quaker, which this informant supposeth he 
 did, for in his sight he took coach and sayd he would. 
 
 “And besides all these which he, this informant, so as aforesaid 
 delivered, Mr. Threlfall undertook to deliver several bundles of the 
 same to several gentlemen in Yorkshire, viz. To my Lord Dunbarr, 
 
 one; to my Lord Preston, one; to my Lord Fairfax, one; to 
 
 Strickland of one; to Sir Thomas Gascone, one ; to Sir 
 
 Stapleton, one; to Tempest, esquire, one; to Vavasor, one; 
 
 to Harrington, one. All these he, the said Mr. Threlfall, told this 
 
 informant he delivered commissions to their own hands, and a great 
 many more whose names this informant doth not at present remember, 
 but has since been in the company of several of them and others (viz.), 
 
 Lord Fairfax, Sir Strickland, Sir Stapleton, Sir Thomas Gas- 
 
 cone, Harrington, esquire, Clayton, esquire, ~ Ryder, esquire, 
 
 Trappes, esquire. Sir Lawson, Major Morre, who, when they 
 
 knew he, this informant, was concerned with Mr. Threlfall, owned they 
 all had the commissions that he, the said Threlfall, brought over. This 
 informant further saith that every Colonel with his commisson, had 
 blanks for double his inferior officers, and that all the Colonels had the 
 liberty to raise horse, foot, or dragoons, but horse were more especially 
 recommended. 
 
 ■ “ This informant furthur saith that after the dispatch of these com- 
 missions, and other business, he had the ill luck to be made a prisoner 
 for a considerable time, upon the accusation of the captain that brought 
 him over out of Ireland. This informant further saith that during the 
 time he was a prisoner under bayle, that is to say, about the beginning 
 of the year one thousand six hundred ninety one, he, this informant, by 
 the order of Colonel Tildesley, Colonel Townley, Colonel William 
 Mollineux, Mr. Gerrard, Colonel Dalton, and others, listed here, in 
 London, several men for soldieres, to serve as horse or dragoons, to be 
 under the command of the said Colonels, or any other, as they should dis- 
 pose of them. The names of several of the said soldiers so listed, and the 
 money he, this informant, paid them, by the order of the Colonels afore- 
 said, to carry them to their officers, is as followeih.” [Here follow the 
 names of 75 men, with the amount of their conduct money.] 
 
 “ This informant further saith that he listed for them, as by their 
 order, before and since the said year one thousand x hundred ninety 
 one, to the number of at least five hundred men. 
 
 “This informant further saith that, being discharged of his imprisonment 
 in the month of November 1691, he, this informant, was desired by several 
 of the gentlemen that he had delivered some of the commissions aforesaid 
 to, viz. Lord Molineux, Colonel Molineux, his son. Sir William 
 Gerrard and his son, Mr. Dickenson of Whrightington, John Harrington 
 of Haytonhay, esquire. Colonel Townley, Colonel Tildesley, Colonel 
 Dalton, and others, to go into France, to give King James an account in 
 what condition they were, and to bring his Majestie’s commands how 
 they might be serviceable to him, which this informant did, and gave 
 him (his Majestie) the said account. He, the said King James, com- 
 manded him to return for England, and then (amongsi other things) 
 that he, this informant, should tell them from him, that he did not doubt 
 but, the spring following, to be in a condition to come for England; and at 
 this informant coming away, he was ordered by my Lord Milford himself, 
 
295 
 
 to go to Captain Griffith, in the Meuse, as soon as he, this informant, 
 should come to London, and deliver him, the said Griffith, a paper from 
 his Lordship — it was sealed [so this] informant did not know what it 
 was — and to advise and receive orders from him, the said Griffith. 
 
 ‘‘ This informant saith that he arrived in London, about the latter end 
 of December, 1691, and that he went imediately to Captain Griffith and 
 delivered him the said paper; and the said Griffith read the same and 
 told him, this informant, he did not question but this business (meaning 
 that in the paper mentioned, as this informant then supposed) will be 
 accomplished in a little time, and then he disclosed to this informant 
 what it was he meant, which was the cutting off the Prince of Orange 
 at some proper time when he should be a hunting, and then he put it 
 to this informant whether he was willing to make one, and be concerned 
 in it. This informant first desired to know the persons engaged in it ; 
 he, the said Griffith, then told him he was not to tell him their names, 
 but he would at any time bring this informant into the company of 
 several of them that were engaged in it. And about two days after, 
 this informant came to him again, and went with him into the company 
 of several gentlemen, at ‘ the Queen’s Head,’ in White Hart Yard, in the 
 Strand, where and with whom the said Captain Griffith and this in- 
 formant discoursed the method of doing it, and all agreed that it was 
 to be the easiest done when he should be a hunting, or some time late 
 when he went to or came from Kensington. This informant saith there 
 was in company, at that time, about nine or ten; three or four or more of 
 them this informant knew^, three of which are now since dead. Captain 
 Griffith then told this informant and the company, he had about sixty 
 brave fellows engaged in the business, who he did not at all doubt but 
 would one way or other effect it. Several of the princi])al of them, as 
 Whitney, the highwayman, and severaf others, happaned to be, some 
 time after, taken and secured, which was the only reason that this in- 
 formant knows of that it was not attempted. 
 
 “ This informant further saith, that about the same time abovesaid, that 
 he, this informant, came last out of France, viz., about the latter end of 
 December, 1691, there came several English gentlemen of quality, viz. : — 
 Lord Stafford, Mr. StafPord, Colonel Parker, Colonel Bartholomew 
 Walmesley, a French Lieutenant-General (whose name this informant 
 doth not remember), and others, with commissions, declarations, grants, 
 and patents, for themselves and others, and for their inferior officers, from 
 King James. And this informant saith that a general meeting of 
 several of the said gentlemen and others, to the number of about thirty 
 or forty, in the month of February, 1691, viz; — Colonel Townley, 
 Colonel Tildesley, Colonel Dalton, Colonel Molineux, Mr. Dickenson, 
 Sir William Gerrard, Mr. Gerrard, Mr. Stanley, Mr. Shultesworth, 
 Mr. Tildeslsy of Stansacre, Mr. Langton, Mr. Chanerell, and others, at 
 the house of Colonel Walmesley, called Dungenhall, in the county of 
 Lancaster, where the said colonel then lay private, being lately come from 
 St. German, as aforesaid. The said Colonel W almesley produced to the 
 aforesaid company, several of the said grants or patents, in the presence 
 of this informant, of several gentlemen’s esstates in that country, to and 
 for several of the gentlemen that were then in the company, and others, 
 
 viz. — To Colonel Tildesley, one for the estate of Patten of Preston, 
 
 esquire ; to Stanley of Eccleston, to Tildesley of Stansacre, and 
 
 Major Shuttleworth, one for the estate of Major Longwood ; to Colonel 
 William Molineux, one for the estate of Sir Thomas Stanley, that 
 married Mr. Patten’s daughter ; to my Lord Molineux, a grant of part 
 
 to my Lord Dallamere’s estate; to Colonel Townley, one for . 
 
 a Yorkshire gentleman’s estate, of the value of l,iOO/i. per annum, and 
 
296 
 
 severall others, etc. At the same time, he brought others for the estates 
 of several gentlemen of Yorkshire, to several of King James’ friends 
 there, and also for several imployrnents and places for several gentle- 
 men, both in Lancashire, Yorkshire, and other adjacent countries (sic), 
 
 “ This informant further saith that, in the latter end of the said month of 
 
 February, or the beginning of March, he was at the house of Draycot, 
 
 esquire, of Painsley Hall, in the county of Stafford, where there was 
 the like meeting of about the same number of gentlemen of that country, 
 
 and others, viz. : — Sir Richard Fleetwood, Mr. Rowland Fleetwood, 
 
 Whitall, esquire, Cuny of Cuny, esquire, Mr. Cuny, Massey 
 
 of Puddington, esquire. Sir James Simmons, Bazil Brooks, esquire, and 
 others. There was produced several of the like grants or patents then 
 lately brought over by my Lord Stafford (who they said was in the com- 
 pany, but this informant did not see him so as to know him), for 
 several gentlemen, viz. : — To Sir James Simmons, one ; to Bazil Brooks, 
 
 esquire, one ; to Cuny of Cuny, esquire, one ; to Whitall, 
 
 esquire, one ; to Mr. Cuny of , one; to Sir Richard Fleetwood, 
 
 one; to Mr. Rowland Fleetwood, one; to Mr. Massey of Puddington, one; 
 and to several others that were there, whose names this informant (until 
 he shall come at some papers that he yet has not) cannot yet mention. 
 All or most of these grants or patents he, this informant, saw, and 
 heard several of them read there, and then delivered to the persons to 
 whom they were intended, by Colonel Walmesley, at his house, and at 
 Hraycott’s by Mr. Stafford, my Lord Stafford’s brother. This in- 
 formant himself was also promised, by Colonel Walmesley, a grant of 
 Justice Yates his estate at Chippin, in Lancashire. 
 
 ‘‘ This informant further saith that amongst other resolutions that were 
 then brought over by those gentlemen and then communicated at those two 
 meetings aforesaid, for the encouragement of them and their friends that 
 were and would engage, it was there publickly declared that the King did 
 resolve, as soon as he should be restored to the throne again, that he 
 would, besides the tray tors’ estates, which he would dispose of amongst 
 his friends, he would also take care and seize their children all under 
 ten years of age, and have them brought up in the Catholic religion, and 
 dispose of the fathers that lived to the Islands or Plantations. 
 
 ‘‘ This informant further saith, That in the months of March and April, 
 1692, he, this informant, was imployed by, and was assisting, to one Mr. 
 Whitfield, a cardmaker, to buy six or seven horses, arms, and saddles, 
 which were presented to Captain Griffith and Captain Goodman from 
 himself and his two sons-in-law, that is, Mr. Bassett, a goldsmith, at ‘ the 
 
 Seven Stars,’ in the Strand, and Mr. , the cutler, at Charing 
 
 Cross, and one to this informant, with arms and saddles for two men 
 
 and horses. And this informant further saith that Mr. , at ‘ the 
 
 Red Lion ’ inn, by Charing Cross, did also furnish and provide four 
 horses, arms, and saddles, and helped to buy horses himself; and that 
 
 Mr. , at ‘ the George ’ inn, at the upper end of the Hay market, did 
 
 also furnish and provide four horses, arms, and saddles ; and that the 
 
 said did buy for several gentlemen horses for the same service ; 
 
 and that Mr. , at ‘ the Cheshire Cheese,’ by Charing Cross, did 
 
 furnish and provide three horses, arms, and saddles ; and that Mr. 
 Pollards, at ‘ the Blew Posts,’ in the Hay Market, did furnish five horses, 
 
 arms, and saddles ; and that Mr. , at the ‘ Figure of Three,’ over 
 
 against the Tennis Court, in the Hay Market, was furnished with a 
 
 horse and arms for himself and for two men, which he, the said 
 
 told this informant were provided by Mr. , a goldsmith, in 
 
 Panton Street ; and that Mr. , at the Great Tavern, in Blooms- 
 
 bary, did buy, provide, and furnish, six horses, arms, and saddles ; and 
 
297 
 
 that Mr. Toogood, at ‘ the Grriffin,’ in Bloomsbury, did provide four 
 horses, as aforesaid ; and that Mr. Clarkson, at Hhe Lancaster Castle/ in 
 Bed Lion Square, did provide for himself and one man, horses, arms, 
 
 and saddles ; and that Mr. , at ‘ the Hole in the Wall,’ in Bald wens 
 
 Hardens, where a club is kept, did provide and furnish three horses, as 
 aforesaid, etc. ; and that Mr. Vaughan, at ‘ the White Horse ’ inn, in 
 Purple Lane, did provide and furnish three horses, as aforesaid, etc. ; 
 and that Mr. Eason, at ‘ the George ’ inn, by Hoi born Bridge, did 
 provide two horses, as aforesaid, etc. ; and this informant saith 
 that he, the said Eason, does usually buy horses for King James his 
 service ; and this informant saith that Mr. , at ‘ the Crown,’ ale- 
 
 house, in King’s Street, in Bloomsbury, did provide and furnish one 
 horse, and arms, as aforesaid, for himself to serve him ; and that Mr. 
 Cane, at ‘ the Boyal Oak,’ in Drury Lane, did provide and furnish three 
 horses, and arms, etc., for himself and two men, he, the said Cane, to be 
 a quartermaster; and that Mr. - — — , at ‘the Dog’ tavern, in Drury 
 Lane, did provide and furnish five horses, and arms, as aforesaid, and 
 
 that he, this informant, did help him, the said , to buy part of 
 
 them ; and that Mr. Jolly, at ‘the Black Posts’ in Drury Lane, did pro- 
 vide and furnish three horses, and arms, etc., and that the said Mr. 
 Jolly did present them to priests, to be disposed as they pleased ; and 
 that Mr. John Sharpies, in the Hay Market, did provide and furnish 
 three horses, as aforesaid, and that he, this informant, did help him, 
 the said Sharpies, to buy them ; and that Mr. Bigby, in Covent Harden, 
 and his son, did provide and furnish sevaen men, horses, arms, and 
 saddles. 
 
 “And this informant saith that the said men, horses, and arms, as 
 aforesaid, were provided and furnished, as aforesaid, for and towards 
 the raising of the army that was then intended to be raised for the 
 service of King James. And this informant saith that he, this in- 
 formant, did either assist in the buying and furnishing of all the horses 
 and arms, as aforesaid, or else that he heard the said partys, upon 
 several occasions, at several meetings, own the same. And this informant 
 further saith he, this informant, was told by the said persons that all 
 the men, horses, and arms aforesaid were to be distributed under the 
 command, or to be at the disposal, of the Lord Arundel, Lord Baltimore, 
 Lord Hriffin, Sir William Horeing, Colonel Tufton, Colonel Holman, 
 Colonel Bernard Howard, Lieutenant Colonel Bancks, Colonel Porter, 
 Lieutenant Colonel Grifiith, Captain Hoodman, Captain Kelson, Captain 
 Tozer, Captain Spencer. And this informant saith that there were a 
 great many more horses and arms so furnished and provided, as aforesaid, 
 in and about Loudon and Westminster, which he, this informant, believes, 
 upon a little recollection, when he shall come at his papers, he shall be 
 able to name and set forth. 
 
 “ And this informant further saith that by the defeat of the French 
 fleet, their designs of rising being wholly disappointed, they fell upon 
 other measures. And this informant remained in several j)arts of this 
 kingdom, and was at several of the like meetings, as aforesaid, until the 
 last summer, and then about July, 1693, was desired, with some others, 
 to go for France again. Several of the gentlemen that this informant 
 has before mentioned to have delivered commissions to (that it is to 
 say) in Lancashire, by my Lord Molineux, Colonel Molineux, Sir 
 William Herrard, Mr. Herrard, Mr. Standis, Mr. Dickon son. Colonel 
 Townley, and several others of that country, to give the King an account 
 of the condition they were in, and to bring them back an account of what 
 hopes, and when he thought he should be in a condition to come for 
 England, and this informant went accordingly to St. Hermans and 
 
2D8 
 
 spake’with the King, and delivered him what he had in charge, from the 
 gentlemen in England. 
 
 ‘‘And my Lord Milford being at that time with the King in his 
 closet, bid him, this informant, go to Captain Griffith, who was then 
 at St. Germans. The captain ordered him, this informant, to 
 speak with Dr. Bromfield, who told him, this informant, when he 
 came to him, that if he would undertake to carry a signet with him 
 into England, and show it to such persons as he would direct him, this 
 informant, to those that were concerned in a design, and would engage 
 to make one with them in the same, he, this informant, should receive 
 the same reward that was intended for them; which design he then told 
 him, this informant, was to cutt off the Prince of Orange by any such 
 way or means that the undertakers, amongst themselves, when they 
 came together, should agree upon. 
 
 “ Whereupon he, this informant, promised and engaged to them, the 
 said Bromfield and Griffith, to make one in the business, and was then 
 forthwith dispatched, with the signet and other matters, for England, 
 where he arrived and landed at Dover in December last, and there he, 
 this informant, mett with those that the said Dr. Bromfield and Captain 
 Griffith had directed him to, which were. Captain Noeil, Captain Walton, 
 Mr. Pepper, Mr. Preston, and Captain Boberts, who were in the design 
 of cutting off the Prince of Orange, as this informant was told And 
 that there were, in all, sixteen persons concerned, but there he, this 
 informant, mett four of them only, who were ^as folio weth : — Captain 
 Noell, Sergeant of the Admiralty and one of the principall gunners, as 
 this informant was told, who told him, this informant, hee had his son 
 and two more ready for the occasion; Captain Walton of Eoulston, a 
 Custome-house officer there, who told him, this informant, hee had six 
 more engaged in the business, who with us together hee, the said 
 Walton, was very confident, might, in a month or two’s time, doe 
 the business effectually with little hazard. Mr. Pepper of Dover, a 
 Custome-house officer, as this informant w^as told, or some place there 
 worth about three hundred pounds per annum^ and Mr. Preston of 
 Feversham, one of the militia officers, were the other two of the foure 
 before mencioned. 
 
 “ This informant further saith that the said Dr. Bromfield and Captain 
 Griffith did order this informant to assure the said Koell, Walton, Pepper, 
 and Preston, from them, and in the King’s name, that every one con- 
 cerned in the action should have the reward of five hundred pounds per 
 annum each, which was the same made to him, this informant, at 
 St. Germans, by the said Dr. Bromfield and Captain Griffith. And my 
 Lord Milford told him, this informant, after hee had kissed the King’s 
 hand and was coming down stayres, that if that design, that Griffith and 
 Bromfield had engaged him, this informant, in, tooke effect, the King 
 would soon be in England ; upon this hee, this informant, came for 
 England, and in travelling, being somewhat troubled in his thoughts with 
 what he had undertaken, hee called upon severall priests that were his 
 friends, acquaintance, and relations, in France, as hee came along, and 
 did (though not in plain termes) acquaint them with what he, this in- 
 formant, was engaged in ; some were possitively against it, as damnable, 
 and others for it, as merritorious, which difference amognst themselves, 
 gave him, this informant, more distorbance, so that, as soon as hee 
 came into England, he resolved not to bee one in it, and to prevent it, 
 if he could. But this informant did not then resolve to discover it, 
 until he was persuaded tliereunto by a friend, by whom, after he had 
 oftentimes discoursed the matter with him, he, this informant, was 
 at length prevailed with to discover it. 
 
299 
 
 ‘‘ This informant further saith that, being at St. Germans in the 
 months of October and November, 1693, the Lord Milford, Captain 
 Griffith, and some others, then told him, this informant, that there 
 was a designe layd by their friends, the Protestants, engaged with 
 the Eoman Oatholicks there, for the seizing the Tower of London, 
 Tilbury Fort, Sherness, the ports and coasts, etc. That some of 
 the officers within the Tower, who were sure and lirme to King 
 James’s interest (whose names this informant knoweth not, they being 
 kept as a secret to the chiefes only), were to be ready to receive 
 several gentlemen and others, who were to pass in as private persons, 
 some in the babbitt of private gentlemen, with good private arms, others 
 with the same babbitt as the horse-guards doe wear, and others in 
 the habitt of foot soldiers, all armes accordingly, and some like plain 
 countrymen, until there was a sufficient number, with the help of those 
 within, to have secured the gate and bridge ; when, on a signal given, 
 those without, who were in great numbers to have been lodged about 
 the Tower Hill, St. Katherine’s, East Smithfield, Thomas Street, and 
 places adjacent, besides a great many that were to have been walking 
 carelesly about the gates, upon the wharfe provided for that purpose, 
 who were to have made to the gates, secured the gujins, and all within, 
 by cutting tliem off and making them prisoners. And for Tilbury Fort, 
 by the help of some within, much after the same manner. And that for 
 Sherness, they did not doubt but to have secured by some officers of the 
 Fleet ; and for the ports of Dover and Foulston {sic), and the coasts upon 
 Kumney Marsh, those, they said, were undertaken to be made theirs by 
 those officers of King William’s that this informant hath above named, 
 viz.: — Captain Noell and the rest, with the correspondents they pre- 
 tended to have in those parts, and that Hull also, and all those parts in 
 the North, were at the same time provided for in the like manner. 
 
 “ This informant further saith that some time after his arrivall at 
 London, which was in December one thousand six hundred ninet}^ 
 three, he was at a meeting at ^ the Queen’s Head,’ in White Hart Yard, 
 in tlie Strand, where was the Lord Griffin, the Lord Baltimore, and the 
 Lord Feversham (but the Lord Feversham was gone before this in- 
 formant came there), and Captain Tozier, Mr. Whitfield, Mr. Tas- 
 brough, Mr. Kingsley, and some other gentlemen, told this informant 
 they had consulted and agreed of the method abovesaid, with those 
 lords, for the securing the Tower and the other places, and that there 
 would bee noe doubt of accomplishing it, etc., with a great deale of ease. 
 But still that they, the said lords and gentlemen, had a great dependance 
 and assurance from those gentlemen and others in comision as aforesaid, 
 for that they were well assured that they had an army listed, and 
 officers, and ready, well armed and accoutred at all points, at twenty- 
 four hours warning, to the number of at least thirty thousand horse, 
 foot, and dragoons, in the North parts, besides those here in and about 
 London and parts adjacent, which were under the command, care, and 
 conduct, of Lord Feversham, Lord Griffin, Coloneil Griffin, his son, 
 Colonell Porter, Coloneil Holeman, Coloneil Sir William Goreing, 
 Coloneil Bernard Howard, Colonell Tufton, Lieutenant Colonell Bankes, 
 and some others. 
 
 “ This informant further saith that in March last, about the 
 middle or latter end of that month, hee, this informant, was at a 
 meeting at Lord Strangforde’s, of about twelve or sixteen Protes- 
 tants and Popish gentlemen, some of whom this informant knew, as 
 Mr. Basteeue of Dover, Captain Roberts, Dr. Clarke, Mr. Lee, 
 
 Captain , that lives two miles from Sir Bazill Dixwell’s. The 
 
 meeting was to consider and agree to bee all ready for securing that 
 
300 
 
 countrey, and the ports and coasts there, upon any occasion, for the 
 King’s landing or otherwise, and to compute what their strength they 
 might depend upon, might amount to ; and then it was agreed amongst 
 themselves that they had between five and six thousand men, well 
 armed and disciplined, besides what they might reasonably expect would 
 come in upon their riseing, whose numbers they did not doubt but 
 would bee very considerable, etc. 
 
 ‘‘ This informant further saith that in his frequent passing too and again 
 from the ports, to and from London, at his inn in Eochester, kept by one 
 Hederman Cross, of that city, hee was well known to him, the said Crosse, 
 who several times and nights that hee has layne in his house, did introduce 
 him, this informant, into the company of several commanders of the 
 King’s men of warr, who being by him, the said Crosse, satisfyed what this 
 informant was, were extreamly civill and kind to this informant, enter- 
 taining him and inviting him on board their ships, and otherwise, and 
 have been soe free in declareing themselves, that they have often, in the 
 presence of this informant, pulledout King William’s comissions, thrown 
 them under their feet, trod upon them, and dranke King James’ 
 health, swearing they would venture all for his service, and they had 
 sent to him, and would do, upon all occasions, to know how they might 
 bee most serviceable to him, and to that purpose alwayes took as much 
 care as possible to have Jacobites on board them, etc. And this in- 
 formant saith that, in December last, hee did bring from my Lord Milford 
 a paper, sealed, to that innkeeper ; this informant did not see what was 
 in it, but hee, the said Crosse, told this informant that it was for some 
 honest gentlemen that did belong to the sea. This informant further 
 saith that hee hath been told, both here and at St. Germans, by Captain 
 Griffith (who was always in their secret counsells) and some others, the 
 names of several persons of great quality, both Protestants and Papists, 
 viz. : — Lord Feversham, Lord Arundell, Lord Carrington, Lord Salisbury, 
 Lord Griffin, Lord Molineux, Lord Dunbarr, Lord Fairfax, Lord 
 Huntington, Sir William Goreing, Sir Henry Tichbourne, Sir John 
 Frend, Sir Thomas Stanley. Sir James Simmons and some others, that 
 supplyed King James from time to time with money, and that have always 
 a great banke here, and that they were those that made upp that summe, 
 which was thirty thousand pounds, as this informant has been told both 
 here and at St. Germans, and that my Lord Middleton carryed with him, 
 and that they are the men that privately order money for payment of 
 men. 
 
 This informant further saith tbat,about sixweeks since, Captain Tozier 
 and Mr. Kingsley (a gentleman that the>i lately came from St. Germans) 
 told him, this informant, Mr. Whitfield, and another, Mr. Kingsley 
 being present, that since there was an account given there that the late 
 Kentish designe upon the life of King William, was by some traytor or 
 other, prevented, it was there resolved to try another way upon him, in 
 Flanders, which was by causing several resolved gentlemen and others, 
 of the English, Scotts, and Irish nations, and some French, of seeming 
 (piality, to desert from the French army in Flanders, as early this cam- 
 paigne as tiiey could, that would undertake to watch and take all and 
 the first oporiunity they could, in their severall posts, to attempt upon 
 his life. This informant further saith that he is very sure that hee, 
 this informant, can point to and carry anybody to the very places (some, 
 he believes, in or neer this town, but more particularly in several parts 
 of Yorkshire, Lancashire, Staffordshire, and Cheshire, and other ad- 
 jacent countreys) where theie were and, this informant is very confi- 
 dent, yet are lodged, secured, and kept, great quantity es of armes and 
 warlike equipage of all sorts, with great numbers of horses fit for 
 
301 
 
 service. And this informant saith that if hee were authorized and 
 impowered thereunto, he, this informant, would undertake to seize and 
 secure them, etc. And this informant further saith, that in the year 
 one thousand six hundred eighty nine, when hee, this informant, 
 brought over the comissions aforesaid from King James, out of Ireland, 
 which this informant delivered to the gentlemen in Lancashire, as 
 aforesaid, this informant saith, by mistake, he hath, in the foregoing 
 narrative, omitted one gentleman to whom he did at that time deliver a 
 Colonell’s comission for a regiment of horse, which was Sir Henry 
 Titchbourne, a Hampshire gentleman, as this informant believes, but 
 hee, the said Sir Henry Titchbourne, was then at my Lord Molineux’ 
 house in Lancashire, where he, this informant, delivered him the said 
 comission. 
 
 “ Juratus 27® die Junii, 1694, coram me, J. Trenchard. 
 
 John Lunt.” 
 
 Copy. 
 
 The Information of George Wilson to the Secretary of State. 
 
 874. 1694, June 27. — “This informant, upon his oath, saith that in 
 or about the monthes of April or May, 1689, one Dr. Bromfield came 
 to William Fitzherbert, esquire, of Wapra(?), near West Chester, in 
 Flintshire, where he, the said Bromfield, ley concealed for some time, 
 for a passage into Ireland, from whence he was recommended to this 
 informant to assist him, who then lived near the sea-side, at a place 
 called Bedland, where, after the said Bromfield had stayed about a 
 week, this informant did assist him in the buying of a boat of about 
 25 tunn, which said boat, being vitualled and ready to sail, was seized 
 by Mr. Morston [Mostyn ?], and Bromfield escaped to Mr. Crosbye’s in 
 Lancashire, from whence, by the assistance of Mr. Perce Morston 
 [Piers Mostyn?], Mr. Wynne of Gop (?), Mr. Loyde of Greith, 
 Mr. Bobert Briarwood of West Chester, Mr. George Pennant, Mr. Pue 
 of Pendrell, and this informant, afterwards gott over in a open boat. 
 
 “ This informant further saith that being searched for by troopers 
 from West Chester and other souldiers, and by the civil officers of the 
 country, was forced to leave his house and family, and hide himself in 
 the woods for many days, and could nevei’ returne to his house again, 
 but gett into Lancashire, whither his wife and family followed him, 
 where hee, this informant, was received and entertained by Lord 
 Mollineux, Collonel Tildesley, Mr. Staudish of Standish, Sir Howland 
 Stanley, Sir Thomas Poole, Sir William Gerrard, Collonel Townley, 
 and others, sometimes in the house of one gentleman, and for some time 
 at another. 
 
 “ This informant saith, about Midsummer, 3 689, he, this informant, and 
 others, were ordered and directed by the gentlemen aforesaid, and others, 
 to look out about the sea coast thereaboates, for any gentlemen that 
 should come from Ireland, for at that time he, this informant, was told 
 they expected some friends and news from Ireland, which hee, this 
 informant, did. And about the beginning of July, 1689, Mr. Edmund 
 Threlfall of the Ashes, in Goosener, and one Mr. Lunt, arrived at 
 Cockram, and came imediately to Colonel Tilsdley, with several bundles 
 of papers and other things in several cloackbaggs, where this informant 
 then was attending their comeinge. This informant saith that upon 
 their coming to the said Colonel Tilsdley, the said Mr. Threlfall and 
 Mr. Lunt imediately opened their cloackbaggs and look out several 
 commissions, declarations, blanks, and sealed papers, from King James 
 to several persons and gentlemen of quality in that countrey, and 
 
302 
 
 divided them; and those for Yorkshire Mr. Threlfall put up and 
 undertook to deliver, and had a guide imediately provided. The others 
 for Lancashire and Cheshire, Staffordshire and partes thereaboutes, 
 Mr. Lunt tooke to himself to deliver, and had this informant with him, 
 from place to place, to guide and assist him in the delivery of them, and 
 after they had left, and delivered to Colonel Tilsdesley his, for being 
 a Colonel (which hee, the said Colonel, recieved upon his knees and 
 kissed it), with the blankes for his inferiour officers they proceeded 
 and went to the Lord Mollineux his house, and delivered one Colonell’s 
 commission to Mr. Mollineux his son, for a regiment of horse, with 
 blankes for his inferior officers, hee, the said Collonell Mollineux, 
 immediately filling that blanke for the Lieuetenant Colonell, delivered 
 it in the presence of this informant, to Mr. William Gerrard, who was 
 with the said Colonell Mollineux when hee, this informant, and Mr. Lunt 
 came in. 
 
 ‘‘ This informant further saith hee, this informant, was present and 
 
 did see Mr. Lunt deliver to Sherburne of Stonyhurst, esquire, 
 
 a Colonell’s comission, with blankes, as aforesaid, for a regiment of 
 horse; to Townley of Townley, esquire, the like for horse; to 
 Girlington of Girlington, esquire, a Colonell’s comission ; to Westby 
 of Mobricke, esquire, the like for dragoones ; to Lee of Lyme, a 
 Colonel’s comission, with blanks as aforesaid; to Sir Thomas Stanley 
 of Aldersay, the like for horses ; to Chumley of Vale Royall, the like 
 for horses ; to Sir Roland Stanley, the like for horse, etc. ; to Sir Robert 
 Throgmorton, the like for horse, etc. ; to Sir Henery Tichbourn (hee 
 
 being then at the Lord Mollineux’), the like for horse ; to Sir Giferd 
 
 of Chillington, the like for horse; to Sir James Simmons of Ashton in 
 Staffordshire, the like for horse. This informant saith that he alsoe 
 saw Sir Robert Throgmorton fill up a Lieuetenant Colonel’s comission 
 to his own regiment, and deliver it to one Sir Charles Weale, who 
 accepted the same, and kissed it on his knees. And that hee, this 
 informant, also was present and saw Sir James Simmons deliver a 
 Captain’s commission to Mr. William Fowler of St. Thomas, near 
 Stafford, and alsoe when Sir Thomas Gifford delivered a Captain’s 
 commission to Mr. Augustin Gifford, and also to Captain Gowre, the like 
 Captain’s commission, and to Bazill Brookes, esquire, the like Captain’s 
 commission, and to Mr. John Pursell a Cornett’s commission, and to 
 Thomas Pursell, a warrant for quarter-master, and to several other 
 inferiour officers, under the several Colonells aforesaid. 
 
 “ This informant saith that all those Collonel’s commissions, with the 
 blankes as aforesaid, were delivered by Mr. Lunt in the presence of this 
 informant; and this informant saith he knows they were such com- 
 missions, because he saw them, and heard most of them read at the end 
 of the delivery of them. And for the Lieutenant Collonel’s and other 
 inferior officers’ commissions hee, this informant, saw most of them filled 
 up by the superiours, and delivered to the inferiour officers, as aforesaid. 
 And this informant further saith that at the same time aforesaid hee, 
 this informant, saw the aforesaid Mr. Lunt deliver to my Lord Mollineux 
 a sealed paper which hee, this informant, saw him, the Lord Mollineux, 
 open and read, which, to the best of this informant’s memory, was pur- 
 porting a conjmission and instructions for the care and government of 
 Liverpoole. This informant also saith that hee was at a meeting at 
 Sir John Lawson’s, in Yorkshire, about the month of March, then next 
 following, with Mr. Lunt, where were the gentlemen Mr. Lunt names 
 in his information (page the 6th), where hee, this informant, then heard 
 most of them publickly own that they had received comissions, by 
 Mr. Thriefall, some time before, from King James, and would there 
 
303 
 
 have oblieged this informant and Mr. Lnnt to have engaged with them 
 the gentlemen of that country, etc. 
 
 “This informant further saith that about the beginning of the year 
 1691, hee, this informant, heard that Mr. Lunt was imployed in and 
 about London to list men. And this informant saith that some short 
 time after, several men came into Lancashire, as from London, and said 
 they were listed by the said Mr. Lunt, and sent down to serve under 
 the command of some of the officers aforesaid. And hee, this informant, 
 saith that as fast as they came down, he was ordered by my Lord 
 Mollineux, Sir Thomas Cliffton, Colonell Mollineux, Colonel Tildesley, 
 Colonel Townley, Sir William Cerrard and his son, and severall others, 
 the officers aforesaid, to take care of them and provide quarters or 
 lodgings for them, which the informant did accordingly ; and that at 
 several times he, this informant, had and did receive money from my 
 Lord Mollineux and Colonell Tildesley, Colonell Townley, Sir William 
 Gferrard, and some others, to pay the said souldiers for their subsistance. 
 And this informant saith hee did pay and distribute the money he soe 
 received, amongst them, which this informant saith, in the whole, did 
 
 amount to (to the best of his memory) about 3 or 400// 
 
 And this informant saith that hee is very well assured that the said 
 Mr. Lunt did, at several other times, before and after, list a great many 
 moore than these aforemencioned. 
 
 “This informant further saith that, about the month of February 
 1691, hee, this informant, was at a general meeting of several gentlemen 
 att Collonel Walmesley’s at Dungenhall, in Lancashire, many of whom 
 he yet remembers, namely, Collonel Townley, Collonel Tildesley, 
 Collonel Mollineux, Collonel Dalton, Sir William Gerrard, Mr. Gerrard, 
 Mr. Dicconson, Mr. Stanley, Mr. Shuttle worth, Mr. Tilsdesley of 
 S4ansacre, Mr. Macy of Puddington, Mr. Langton of the Low, Mr. 
 Gerrard of Ince, Sir Thomas Cliffton, Mr. Blundell of Crosby, Collonel 
 Westby of Mabrick, Collonel Parker, and others. The said Collonel 
 Walmesley being then lately came out of France, hee, the said Collonel, 
 then produced publickly, in the said meeting, several comissions, declara- 
 tions, grants, or patents, that hee had then lately brought from King 
 James, of several gentlemen’s esstates of that country, to other gentle- 
 men there, that were King James’ friends, as to Collonel Treldesley (sic), 
 Lord Mollineux, Colonel Westby of Mobricke, Collonel Townley of 
 Townley, Sir Thomas Cliffton, Sir William Gerrard, Collonel Mollineux, 
 Mr. Gerrard of Ince, Mr. Langton of Low, and some others. This 
 informant further saith that about a fortnight after, hee, this informant, 
 was at the like meeting att Phillip Draycott’s of Painsley Hall, in the 
 county of Stafford, esquire, of most of the aforesaid gentlemen and 
 others, as Mr. Bazill Brookes, Sir James Simons, Sir Richard Fleet- 
 
 wood and his sons, William and Rowland, Cuny of Cuny, 
 
 esquire, and others, where were produced several of the like grants 
 and patents, as aforesaid, brought over by the Lord Stafford, and there 
 alsoe given out to those they did belong to. 
 
 “ This informant saith that, at this meeting aforesaid, Collonel Parker 
 being also there, and was then alsoe lately come out of France, hee, the 
 said Collonel, did then publickly produce and deliver to one Captain 
 George Penny (then in the company) a comission from King James for 
 the said Penny to bee a Major of horse, wliich hee, the said Captain 
 Penny, accepted of, with many thankes and premisses to doe the King 
 the best service with it hee could. 
 
 “ And this informant further saith that at another time, being at a 
 meeting with the said Collonel Parker, at thesigne of ‘ the Starr,’ an inn 
 m Holywell, in Flintshire, and about twenty gentlemen, where hee, this 
 
304 
 
 informant, there saw the said Parker deliver one other comission from 
 King James to one Mr. Pue of Pendrell, to bee a Captain of horse, and 
 at the same time hee, the said Parker, delivered another comission, in 
 the presence of this informant, to one Mr. George Davis of Trelough- 
 nell, and to several others, and that the said Parker did there, and at 
 several others, as well as at the aforementioned meetings, order, direct, 
 and desire, all the officers to take care to have their men ready at an 
 hour’s warning, with a pound of powder and ball, preportionable to 
 each man, for that hee expected newes of the King’s landing every 
 day. 
 
 “ This informant saith that about the beginning of the year 1689, hee, 
 this informant, was ordered and imployed by Mr. Massey, Sir James 
 Simmons, Sir Thomas Gifford, and Captain Fowler, to list as many men 
 as hee could, in Staffordshire and North Wales, for King James and his 
 service, under their command; and that hee.Jhis informant, had money 
 of the aforesaid gentlemen for that purpose. And this informant saith 
 that hee did at that time (that is to say) within the space of three 
 weekes, list about sixty men, whose names this informant has by him, 
 ready to produce, as hee then tooke them. 
 
 ‘‘ This informant alsoe saith that hee hath been since imployed to list 
 men, several times, in the latter end of the year 1691, and in the 
 beginning of the year 1692, by severall other gentlemen, as Collonel 
 Walmesley, Captain Penny, Mr. Standish of Standish, Mr. Morston 
 [Mostyn ?] of Delalery, and Captain Pennant of Baggall [Baghilt?]. 
 
 “ And this informant saith hee did at those times, by the order and 
 directions of those gentlemen last above mentioned, list about the 
 number of six score, and had money of the said gentlemen, by the 
 hands of Captain Pennent, for that purpose. 
 
 “ And this informant further saith that hee did, severall times, after 
 hee had soe listed the said souldiers, pay them subsistance money, Cy 
 the order of Penny and Pennant, from whom hee had the same. 
 
 “ And this informant further saith that hee has severall times seen 
 great quantity of armes, in the houses of the gentlemen hereafter 
 mentioned, in North Wales, Cheshire, Staffordshire, and Lancashire, 
 viz. : — in the house of Mr. Massy of Paddington, Captain Penny, 
 Captain Pennant, Sir James Simmons, Sir Thomas Giffard, Mr. Fowler, 
 Mr. Draycott, Sir William Garrard, Mr, Walmesley, Mr. Standish of 
 Standish Hall, and in some other houses that hee cannot att present 
 remember. 
 
 “ In the whole, this informant verily believes that there were in the 
 several houses abovesaid, that hee, this informant, saw armes for att 
 least a thousand men, and that it is not above two years, at the most, 
 since hee, this informant, saw them there.” 
 
 Rev. Thomas Wilson to Roger Kenyon, at Peel. 
 
 875 . 1694, July 7. Lathom. — ‘‘ I cannot yet give you any certain 
 account of my Lord’s voyage. The yatch is come, a week since, to 
 Liverpool ; but we do not seem more in hast to be gone then we were 
 when you were here. Colonel Vaughan is here too, and goes over 
 Governor. My Lord Dunmore is come, with his family, to Ormeskirk, 
 and designes for the Island, with my Lord Derby, if he goes this 
 summer. As little time and room as I have, I must not forget to beg 
 your pardon for a rudeness I committed, at your leaving of Knowsley ; 
 for, while you were at the bowling-green, I was suddenly sent for, and 
 bad neither time to leave word whither I went, nor to come back before 
 you left Knowsley.” Fragment of seal. 
 
305 
 
 Robbery with Violence. 
 
 876. 1694, July 14. — The information by John Burch, of Man- 
 chester, linen draper, setting forth how he was attacked by four 
 horsemen and robbed of \20li. in his money bags, and had a part of his 
 tongue cut out. 
 
 Gteorge Macy to Roger Kenyon, at Lancaster. 
 
 877. 1694, August 21. The Tower of London. — “ I came, acciden- 
 tally, to my house in the Tower, this day, from my country house near 
 London, where my wife lies dangerously ill of the small pox, and found 
 your letter here, directed to Mr. Overton, who is also in the country 
 (whether at the Bath or at Tunbridge, I know not), having not seen him 
 since 3rd of August, when we were together at Kingston Assize. I 
 have not left him nor my place here, but we are both cautious of laying 
 out money, expecting satisfaction from the Sheriffs of London of what 
 we are in disburse ; mine is many hundreds of pounds, haveing not 
 received a penny for my last tedious and chargeable journey into your 
 parts though I paid Mr. Hall, the apothecary of Manchester, his 
 charges there, and have also taken Mr. Booth, of the Castle, in Chester, 
 his account of charges being 30/. for carrying witnesses from place to 
 place ad testificandum. My expectation is to be reimbursed from [the] 
 said Sheriffs, against whom the King’s tryall will go on, next terme, for 
 what they have in their hands of clippers’ forfeitures, to the value of 
 1,200/. or more. You are upon the same termes as myself, and I hope, 
 in time, to receive mine as you will yours. So that I have thought it 
 very necessary to answer your letter, in Mr. Overton’s absence (who 
 leaves all these affairs to me) concerning John Hartley, the old hardned, 
 impenitent coyner, as you describe him. If he inclines to make a candid 
 and ingenious, as well as thorough, discovery of all his accomplices, you 
 may take it, and be expeditious in apprehending them ; but this fellow 
 shall not play such tricks as Tom Bailey did ; let him rather receive his 
 trial with utmost severity and proof you can make against him, and 
 truly my opinion is that you hang them as you catch them, and not 
 trust to their false discoveries.” Seal of arms. 
 
 Lady Standish to George Kenyon, at Peel. 
 
 878. 1694, September 11. Huxbury. — “Pray, sir, if you see your 
 father, let him know that I have made some inquiry of the man called 
 Lunt, but cannot yet here that he had a wife in our neighbourhood^ nor 
 that [his ?] family does not own that they know him ; but I will enquire 
 farther after him, although I hope there will be no occation to fear 
 him.” Seal. 
 
 [Mrs.] E. Leigh to Mr. Kenyon. 
 
 879. [1694,] September 14. — “I doe beg the favor that you will 
 make what inquiry you can of Brown. I thank God my son is in good 
 halth, but so close confined that his wife and sisters was at the Tower 
 to have sen him, and thay would not so much as permet him to loock 
 out of the window to speke to them, nor his footman to tell them he 
 was well, and he is put in the worst lodging in all the Tower, and in a 
 rome but four yards square, and a warder leys by him ; but the pore 
 warder is so sory for him that he cannot speke of him without tears in his 
 eyes. We are petitioning the Queen that his wife may goe to him, but 
 Lord Lucous {sic) benders it all he can, to see if, by that mens, he can get 
 
 73480 , 
 
 U 
 
306 
 
 his fees out of them. I think the prayers of our freinds were never more 
 necessary then now to preserfe the inosent from falls wetneses, and 
 shuer, the Parliment will thinke it hard to gife monny to mantane such 
 a pack of hel-hounds that honts after the lifes and estats of inosent men. 
 I pray God open the eyes of the King and Quene that they may deserne 
 there frends from there foes.’’ Seal. 
 
 Thomas Hodokinson to [Koger Kenyon]. 
 
 880 . 1694, September 29. Preston. — About ten daies agone I 
 received a letter from my worthy friend, Mr. Pigot, to enquire after the 
 character of one Warring, who is supposed to be a witnes in the new 
 plott, and saw your letter to Mr. Brooke, upon Wednesday last, touching 
 the same matter. Since which time, I have made all the enquiries 
 imaginable ; and, although there be severall Warrings in Goosemargh 
 and Whittingham, yet I cannot heare of any that can be imagined to 
 bee a witnes in this prosecution ; there being none (that I can hear of) 
 that can speake to any point, save that of a spade, or a plow ; and, there- 
 fore, cannot think there is any such witnes, in these parts, of that 
 name.” 
 
 George Macy to Koger Kenyon. 
 
 881 . 1694, October 11. The Tower of London. — “I sent you, in a 
 letter, last Saturday, the confession of Hartley and Hulme, and now I 
 have received yours of the 7th instant, which doth confirm what I 
 before imagined, that Elliotson came up on the business of Hartley, and 
 that guineas are not spared to be disposed of, if they could accomplish 
 their ends. I could do no less then send you those papers, because my 
 Lord Chief Justice Treby desired it ; though I believe it will come to 
 nothing. I perceive that Elliotson did not only compliment you, but 
 your son too, with the offer of guineas ; he hath often muttered to me in 
 the same manner (after that he found I guesst right the cause of his 
 comeing up) how well I should be rewarded if I would not hinder the 
 proceedings, but he found me very cool to accept of any such proposals, 
 haveing experienced, when I was last at Lancaster, that no bribe would 
 take with me. Caveats have been entered in both the secretaries’ offices 
 here, to prevent any pardon for Hartley, which he hath found to be so ; 
 and, therefore, came to me yesterday, declaring his dispair in the matter, 
 and of his resolution of going this day out of town, and at last spoke 
 out that he had 20 guineas to present some person, for his favor and 
 assistance. I askt him why he did not do it to Mr. Pierce, my Lord 
 Treby’s gentleman ; he answered that was done already, and was very 
 sorry he had spent so much of the poor fellow’s money, with so little 
 success. If you desire it, I doubt not but a warrant may be had from 
 the Queen, both for Hartley’s and Hulrne’s executions, though, perhaps, 
 it would nettle my Lord Chief Justice Treby. T know that your cheif 
 design is that they should both discover all their confederates, without 
 reserve, and if you will put me in way how to frighten them into it, you 
 shall speedily have it, but as I wrote you formerly, that their bounceing, 
 at Lancaster, how easily and speedily they could get a pardon because 
 that gold was plentiful, was no more than common breath. It would 
 have been more prudent for them to engage those on their side that 
 could hinder their proceedings, than barely to make friends towards 
 the procuring a pardon. Pray give my humble service to Mr. Justice 
 Yeates. I thank him for his kind lines, and when he sees this, will find 
 that no care is wanting here lo prevent clandestine contrivances to the 
 
307 
 
 King and country’s damage, and I hope, when he comes to London, that 
 he will honour me with his company at my house in the Tower, and I 
 can expect no less from yourself, because you have often promised me so 
 to do. My opinion is that Hartley’s estate, both real and personal, ought 
 to be enquired after, lookt into, and secured for their Majesties’ use, 
 persuant to the authority you have, by virtue of the privy seal, even to 
 the very guineas that have been given Elliottson to dispose of. In order 
 to which, do send me the names of such persons that you can learne have 
 any effects of the said Hartley’s in their possession or disposal, and I will 
 send you down suhpcenas out of the Exchequer, to be speedily served 
 upon them, returnable the first of next term, which proceeding will abate 
 the courage of Hrrtley and bring him to a thorough confession, or that he 
 do prepare himself for the gallows. The rogues have got a new way 
 here in London to acquit themselves, when charged with clipping or 
 coyneing; at the time when they are brought before a judge or justice, 
 to swear that such persons who came to apprehend them and search 
 their houses or lodgings (not spareing the constables and the warden’s 
 officers) to have robbed them of moneys, plate, &c., thereby not only to 
 lessen the evidences, but put them on tryals for their lives. Thus, I 
 have written you a large letter in testimony of my zeal in promoteing 
 good and public services.” 
 
 Eleanor Bunbury to Koger Kenyon, ‘‘ by the Church Gate,” 
 
 Manchester. 
 
 882. [1694,] October 12. — “ Let me know when these great trials 
 against our co untrey gentlemen begins at Manchester. I hope God will 
 preserve them, for I hear they have a company of sad witnesses against 
 them. It will be an act of merit to protect them against false swearing. 
 Pray God, make you and other good men useful to them as you have 
 been to me.” Seal of arms^ broken. 
 
 Indictment of Sir Kowland Stanley and others. 
 
 883. 1694, October 17.--Indictment against Sir Rowland Stanley, 
 Sir Thomas Clifton, William Dicconson, Philip Langton, and William 
 Blundell, for treason and rebellion in receiving commissions from 
 James II. to levy soldiers, and treating with Louis, King of France, 
 for the invasion of England. 
 
 R. B[rook] to Roger Kenyon. 
 
 884. 1694, October 18. — Is glad Lord Strange “layes hold of so 
 considerable an opportunity of reading men ; a very useful part of 
 learning at this time a day. And you will joyne with me in opinion 
 that his Lordship is as capable to make observations as most gentlemen 
 of his yeares.” 
 
 Speech of the Judges to the Jury at the Trial of Lord 
 Mollyneux and others for High Treason, at the Manchester 
 Assizes. 
 
 885. [1694, October 20.] — “ Gentlemen, we must acquaint you 
 
 that these five prisoners at the barr stand indicted for high treason, 
 imagining and designing our most gracious King and Queen’s death ; 
 also that they accepted comissions from King James, for levying a warr 
 here against us. ^ g 
 
 u 2 
 
308 
 
 The next thing is that they did adhere to their Majesties’ enemies 
 without this Kingdome, being an open and notorious act of rebellion. 
 That they held correspondance with the French King, adhereing to that 
 party. 
 
 One part of their indictment is that they imagined and designed 
 to depose their Majesties, King William and Queen Mary, from their 
 regall Crown and Government, and to bring them to death and other 
 destruction. 
 
 “ Another part of their indictment relates that they imployed one 
 Mr. John Lunt as their agent into France, which said Lunt, being dis- 
 carded by King James in Ireland, came over into England, and that he 
 then knew none of these gentlemen, but was conducted to their houses. 
 He tells you that these gentlemen sent him as their messenger into 
 France, and haveing received commissions from thence, delivered them 
 to these gentlemen prisoners, who, upon their receiveing of them, kissed 
 them, and drunk King James’ and his Queen’s and the Prince of 
 Wales’ health upon their knees ; that they gave him about five pounds 
 apiece. Afterwards he went to London, and listed about 60 men for 
 soldiers, and provided a great quantity of armes, amounting to the value 
 of 50/i. or thereabouts, and that these armes were sent into the countrey, 
 in severall boxes, and they were allowed of by these fi^e gentlemen. 
 He tells you that these armes were sent to Standish Hall ; he also saith 
 that he Avas directed by these gentlemen to goe for France, to acquaint 
 King James of their proceedings in England, and that the said King 
 James bade him tell his friends in England, that he would be ready for 
 them the Spring following, viz., 1690, and this he did positively 
 swear. 
 
 “ One George Wilson evidenceth that he was to goe to the waterside, 
 to wait for some friends that were to come over sea, with commissions 
 from France. 
 
 “ Colonel Bruerton, he onely relates that he had some moneyes given 
 him, to bee assisting to these five prisoners for preparing an army. 
 You have also heard what the rest of the witnesses have said, to witt, 
 Mr. Baker, &c. But now on the other side. That, that is most 
 materiall against the aforesaid witnesses for the King, is that of one 
 Parsons, who tells you that one of them offered to tempt him with the 
 reward of 150/z. if he would assest him against some of these gentlemen 
 prisoners. You have heard it sufficiently proved that they have indea- 
 voured, at severall times and places, to tempt men with large rewards 
 to assist them in their treatrous designes against their Majesties of this 
 Kingdome. And Avdien that would not take effect, they turned enemies 
 to these prisoners, and tempted several men to assist them against 
 these prisoners, witness Mr. Parsons aforesaid. Also for Colonel 
 Bruerton, there are witnesses enough who doe confirm that this 
 Bruerton, being in a poor condition, complained much against Mr. 
 Liegh of Lyme, and Sir Rowland Stanley, who, because they would 
 give him little or nothing, swore he would be revenged on them, if ever 
 time served. 
 
 “ Soe that if you doe believe that this is a perfect contrivance of Lunt, 
 Wilson, Wombell, Bruerton, Baker, and the rest, whereby to discredit! 
 these gentlemen at the barr, and to inhance themselves by their estates, 
 hopeing to compass a third part of them at the least, as these witnesses 
 have proved it against them, then these prisoners are more innocent, 
 and the fault will lye more upon their accusers, soe that this is a great 
 mystery of iniquity contrived by one of the two partyes. We give you 
 Avhat time you ))lease to bring in your verdict.” 
 
 The prisoners were brought in not guilty. 
 
309 
 
 Account, in the handwriting of Roger Kenyon, of the Trial of 
 Sir Rowland Stanley and others, at Manchester. 
 
 886 . [1694, October 20.] — “ The two Lancasliire Justices writ to 
 by the Secretary to assist Captain Baker in takeing up the prisoners, 
 were the Lord Willoughby and Mr. Norres, the first made, by the Com- 
 mission of Oyer and Terminer, one of their Judges, the latter reserved 
 for foreman of the Grand Inquest. The persons joyned with the 
 Judges in that Commission were, three of them, viz., the Earl of 
 M[acclesfield?],the Lord W[illoughby ?], and Sir E[dward] M[oseley], 
 strenuous asserters of the late King’s dispenseing power, each of them 
 subscribeiug or declareing their consents to take away the penall lawes, 
 [and] tests, and none greater with the Lancashire prisoners then they 
 were. Sir William Gerrard, who was first arraigned, prayed hee might 
 have a copy of the indictment ; the Judge, Sir Gyles Eyres, told him that 
 was not allowable by law. The rest of the prisoners, in their turn, 
 prayed the like, which in like manner were denyed. Captain Baker, a 
 captain in Munmouth’s insurrection, now commanded a Dutch troop to 
 guard him, with his prisoners, to London, to make them a spectacle in 
 all county es and townes thorow which they were carry ed. Mr. Aaron 
 Smith, the furious phanatick, so styled in the raigne of Charles the 
 Second, sent down, in great pomp, to manage these tryalls. The Lord 
 Molineux, upon his arraignment, presented a petition to the Judges that, 
 in regard of his deafnes and of the defects of his memory, hee might 
 have councell or a solicitor to assist him at his tryall. Sir Gyles Eyres 
 said it could not be allowed. Sir Rowland Stanley, Sir Thomas Clif- 
 ton, William Diccon (sic), esquire, Philip Lawton (sic), esquire, and Mr. 
 Blundell, were all indicted in one bill, and the first tryed, and the Court 
 proposeing to try them together, if they, in all, would but challenge 
 35 peremptorily. They did accordingly consent, and being bid to 
 prepare for their tryalls the next morneing, they were took from the 
 barr, and so soon as they were gone, it was ordered, upon Mr. Aron 
 Smith’s motion, that the Sheriffe was ordered forthwith to summon at 
 least 40 ireeholders more, to attend these tryalls the next day, though 
 hee had then allready reiorned a pannell of 76 summoned for that 
 service, besides the 24 retorned upon the Grnnd Jury. The reason 
 of this was apparent the next day, for the King’s Councell, with [out] 
 shewing any cause, challenged 20 of the cheefe gentlemen reteyned. 
 Query — how this sudden short summons accorded with the Act of 4th 
 and 5th of this King and Queen, that jurors for tryalls of issues 
 should have six days’ notice, &c. Before any evidence was given, the 
 prisoners petitioned that the witnesses against them might be examined 
 apart, but that was not thought fit by Sir Gyles Eyres. John Lunt, the 
 first witnesse, being bid by the King’s Councell to look upon the five 
 prisoners, and asked if he knew them all, hee answered hee did know 
 them all ; and Sir Rowland Stanley desireing Lunt to shew which was 
 Sir Rowland Stanley, Lunt pauseing upon it. Sir William Williams 
 said, Why do not you shew which is Sir Rowland? Lunt thereupon 
 pointed at Sir Thomas Clifton, saying that was Sir Rowland, which 
 mistake causing a lafter and a noyse, the Judge, Sir Giles Eyres, bid 
 Lunt take one of the officer’s white staves and lay it upon Sir Row- 
 land’s head. Lunt, taking the staff, layd it upon the head of Sir 
 Thomas Clifton, and poynted after at Sir Rowland, and said that was 
 Sir I’homas Clifton. After this. Sir Gyles Eyres, the Judge, asked 
 Lunt if ever, before the time of giving them those commissions, hee had 
 seen those two gentlemen ; hee replyed hee had not. Upon which, the 
 judge said there was no such mighty matter in the mistake, for being 
 
310 
 
 told that those were the two gentlemerij in diversifying their names, 
 takeing the one for the other ; and though Lunt after this, swore that 
 Sir Rowland Stanley gave him 5Z., viz., two guineas, and the rest in 
 silver, and that about February, 1690, Sir Thomas Clifton at his house, 
 Lithom, had given him ten poundes to buy armes for him, and that 
 before that time Lunt had been with Sir Rowland Stanley, who had 
 given Lunt 4Z. to buy armes with ; that about July or August 1691, 
 Lunt was at Standish with Sir Rowland Stanlow (sic), Mr. Dicconson, 
 Mr. Blundell, Mr. Lameton (sic), et aliis, and by them sent into France 
 to acquaint King James with their forwardnes ; that at his retorne 
 hee acquainted Sir Thomas Clifton, Mr. Legh, and the rest, that King 
 James would be in readiness the Spring follovkdng. By all which, 
 besides Lunt’s positive affirmance what sort of moneys Sir Rowland had 
 given him, hee the said Lunt tells, two severall times and different 
 places, that hee had seen Sir Thomas and Sir Rowland severally and 
 not together before their being at the tryall, yet the Judge did not 
 think fit to correct the excuse hee had made for the mistake. When 
 Colonel Brereton gave his evidence that hee had received of Sir Row- 
 land Stanley moneys for the service of King James, but for his own 
 use, it was asked him what summes. Hee replyed small summes, five or 
 ten or twenty shillings at a time, but not ready at telling what it was ; 
 for the Judge helped him with an answer, saying it might be for subsis- 
 tence money.” 
 
 Mrs. E. Leigh to Roger Kenyon. 
 
 887. [1694,] October 25. — Thanks Kenyon for clearing the inno- 
 cent. Lady Mollyneux said she never expected him to be a friend 
 to the Roman Catholics. Despairs of anything being done for the 
 Church party, because the Commonwealth party fills the Council Board 
 and all the great places. She prays the King’s eyes may be opened, 
 and that he may not be ruined, as Father Peters ruined King James. 
 Seal. 
 
 “ The following Account of Lunt is what hath been attested by particu- 
 lar witnesses, not otherwise worth the reading, but as an index, if 
 turned to, to show from the circumstances of times and places, what 
 construction may be made as to the truth or improbability of his 
 evidence, with some deviations observable to the same purpose.” 
 
 888 . [1694, October .] — Anno 1666, the year when London was 
 burned, Lunt, who sets the crountryes where he comes, in combustion, 
 was borne at a place called Crooked Yard, on the edge of Maclesfield 
 Forest, two myles from Maclesfield town, in Cheshire, and christened at 
 a little ale-house near Hassop, in Derbyshire, son to a bungling book- 
 binder, who ther pedled with pamphlets and ballads, and now keeps 
 a common ale-house in Nottingham. His father is a protestant, his 
 mother was a papist, who, in the sickness whereof she died, recommended 
 her son’s education to the piouse care of a popeish priest, to be brought 
 up i)i her religion. The holy father (so soon as the youth was grown 
 old enough to go on errands) got him into the service of Mr. Smith of 
 Qiiiny burrow, in Leicestershire, where, after some years’ stay, the strip- 
 ling (grown so sawcie as to pretend love to his master’s doughter), hee 
 was presently packt from that place. 
 
 “ Anno 1680, Lunt’s next service was with Captain Walter Hastings, 
 at Plumptree, three myles from Nottingham, who kept him as footboy 
 and waiter. 
 
311 
 
 “ Anno 1682, Lunt went to serve the Lord Oswaldston as postilion and 
 under-groom. When his Lord or Lady went abroad with their coach 
 and six, hee was postilion, and when in town, but with two horses, hee 
 sometimes drove the coach. In that service, after some weeks’ stay, hee 
 cut out and sold the rich lineing of his Lady’s coach, for which hee was 
 stripped of his livery and sent to Bridewell, in Westminster, and there lay 
 very poor and almost naked, for a considerable time, without any releefe 
 but what Bridewell afforded, except what he found from an old laundresse, 
 one Bety Langley, who said shee was his wife. 
 
 “ Lunt, after he came from Bridewell, for some short time served a 
 shoemaker, and, about Whitsunday, 1684, hee went to live Avith Collonell 
 Staples at his house, ‘ the Iron Balcony’ in St. Alban’s Street, St. James’s, 
 and there, till August following, served him as footman and groom. 
 
 ‘‘In August, 1684, Lunt went to live as under-groom and postilion to 
 Sutton Lodge, the Lord Carrington’s house in Warwickshire ; hee some- 
 times there (tho’ not good at it) drove the coach, and stayed in that 
 service about nine months. 
 
 “ In June, 1685, Lunt retorned to the service of Collonell Staples, in 
 St. Alban Street, whence, after about two months’ stay, he was turned 
 out againe. 
 
 “ In or about October, 1685, Lunt went to live with Captain Talbot, 
 and abode with him about a quarter of a year. 
 
 “In or about January, 1685[-6], Lunt went to serve Captain 
 Ucworth (.^>), son-in-law to Collonell Staples, who then lived with the 
 Collonell at his said house in St. Alban’s Street, and in that service, on 
 Thursday, June 3rd, 1686, John Lunt, in Knightsbridge Church, by 
 the minister of the place, was marryed to Ann Tatham, widow, 
 Collonell Staples his kinswoman and servant, and thence they retorned 
 to their respective services, where, for a considerable time, though 
 marryed, they continued as servants. 
 
 “ On or about the 10th of June, 1688, John Lunt, Avith his said wife, 
 kept a publique house, at the signe of ‘the Golden Square,’ near 
 Golden Square, in St. James’s, and Lunt, whilst hee there lived, was a 
 frequent companyon of Pour, Neland, and Fetherston, the three 
 notoriouse theeves of that time for breaking and robbing of houses. The 
 same year Lunt got himself listed a horse granadeir in the late King’s 
 guards under Captaine Guy, and in that post went that year in the 
 expedition to Salisbury, to oppose the Prince of Orange after his 
 landing. 
 
 “At Christmas, 1688, Lunt crowded in amongst the Lord George 
 Howard’s retinue, and so came to King James’ forces in France, 
 England being scarce safe for him, considering the company hee had 
 kept, and about the 12th of March, 1688, Lunt, in King James’ army, 
 landed in Ireland. 
 
 “In Aprill, 1689, Lunt, who never wanted confidence, claymed a right 
 to ryde in King James’ lifeguard in Ireland, boldly affirming to the King 
 himself that hee had been of the lifeguard in England, but upon search 
 of the muster-roll, it appearing that Lunt in England Avas no more but a 
 horse granadeer, hee being detected of telling the King a lye, was 
 casheered and sent away, not in pretended, but in reall disgrace. 
 
 “On or about the day of , 1689, Dr. Bromfield, as they 
 
 call him, being sometimes an apothecary in Warrington in Lancashire, 
 and there turned quaker, and sometimes since goes by the name of 
 Berkley, a broad, fat, well-complexioned man, of a midle stature, aged 
 about 50 years, in a blacke or sad-colored suite, came to one James 
 Williamson’s, an alehouse in Great Crosby ; his man’s name, as he 
 called himselfe, was Morgan, a slender man in plaine habit. At that 
 
312 
 
 alehouse they left their horses, and there hyred an open boat to carry 
 them, as they gave it out, into IreJand, but as is supposed, it carryed 
 them along the sea-coast till they came unto Mr. Edmund ThrelfalU who 
 had a small ship ready for them in the rever of Lune. 
 
 “ On Tewsday, May 14th, 1689, the Lyon of Lancaster, a small brigue, 
 Charles Cawsoii, master, sayled out of the river Lune about two in the 
 morning. Shee had then in her the master and five marriners, a boy, with 
 Mr. Edmund Threlfall and two other passengers unknown. JShee went 
 without cocket or certificate, and without fraight at her going off, 
 pretending to stand for the Isle of Man, but when at sea, made straight 
 for Dublin, and on Saturday, May 18th, 1689, that ship came to anchor 
 in Dublin Bay, and there continued till the lOth of June following, 
 waiting Mr. Threlfall’s retorne, who had hyred her thither and back. 
 
 “ On Sunday, June 9th, 1689, Oollonel Mathews his regiment of 
 dragoons began to take up the cheef of the papists in Lancashire, and 
 that day. Bichard Townley of Towidey, Esquire, and his brother, 
 Mr. Charles Townley, were taken at Townley and brought prisoners to 
 Preston. 
 
 “ Munday night, June 10th, 1689, there was brought on board the 
 vessell that waited for Mr. Threlfall, one tun and an halfe of iron pots, 
 halfe a tun of iron barrs, and nine barrells of beef, the same master and 
 ship’s crew, the same Mr. Threlfall, after his stay of three weeks and two 
 days in Dublin, and with him onely one other passenger, called Mr. Lunt, 
 who pretended he was going to an uncle of his in England. How Lunt 
 (whose wits had been at worke how to get a passage to England) became 
 acquainted with Mr. Threlfall, doth not appear ; hee, at his comeing on 
 board, was an absolute stranger to all the ship’s crew, and perhaps not 
 till then acquainted with Mr. Threlfall. The vessell set saile that night. 
 Whether Lunt, in their passage, might pump from Mr. Threlfall, by his 
 insinuations, a discoverie of Mr. Threlfall’s errand, or how hee knew, it 
 is uncertaine. 
 
 ‘‘ On Thursday morning, June 13th, 1689, Mr. Threlfall and Lunt with 
 him were set on shore near Cockeram, about a league from Lancaster, at 
 a place called the Crooke, on the south side the river by the Cock Boat, 
 and as the boatmen were rowing back towards the vessell, Mr. Lunt 
 called after them (perhaps by Mr. Threlfall’s bidding) and said hee liad 
 left his two lethern bags in the hold of the vessell, and desired them to 
 bring them to him to Cockeram. It was observed by the seamen that 
 these passengers had twm case of pistolls and one sword, a hair port- 
 mantle trunk, and two lethern bags. The trunk, being heavie, was hid 
 so soon as might bee, after they came on shore, and so continued, till, by 
 a dog’s scratching to it, where it was covered with earth, and gnawing 
 the skin that covered it, it was found, and when opened, there were found 
 in it six case of large pistolls, marked J. R., an old campaign wig, two 
 pair of old stockens, some sully linnen, which was all — no papers ; but in 
 the bags left in the ship were all their papers — King James’ declarations 
 and commissions, and many papers printed and written. They had no 
 j)a(iuets to divide on shore, nor commissions to carry to Croxteth ; but 
 that morneing, so soon as those papers which they brought over were, by 
 the custom-house officers, seised in the ship, Mr. Threlfall, observeing the 
 boat coming towards the shore, hee and Lunt with him fled, and at a 
 place called Thurnham Mosse, betwixt 'rhnrnham Hall and Cockersand 
 Abby, they lay hid under a hedge till night came, and then going some 
 myles together, Mr. Threlfall, who well knew the country, got Lunt 
 a guide to bring him to Mr. Tildsley’s house-lodge, and so Threlfall and 
 Lunt ))arted. What Lunt’s pretence to go thither was, being an 
 absolute stranger, wee know not, but Mrs. Tildsley, who is since dead, 
 
313 
 
 her Imsband beiug then from home, sent, as is said, one John Nickson 
 forthwith to bring Lunt the sand-way to Ince, where the Lady Tildsley, 
 who is since also dead, then lived. Nickson took with him a horse, on 
 which both Lunt and hee rid over the sand, and Friday, June 14th, 
 1689, at 2 afternoon, N"ickson brought Lunt to Ince from Cockeram. 
 Where Threlfall and Lunt landed is nine myles to Lodge, and from 
 Lodge to Ince 22 myhis. In going that way, no such person as George 
 Wilson was with them, nor did any person, either at Lodge or Ince, ever 
 see Wilson, as they say. Lunt stayed at Ince two nights. 
 
 “Saturday, 15 June, 1689, at night. Captain Brereton, with a party 
 of dragoones, took the Lord Molineux a prisoner, at Croxteth, and set 
 soldiers to guard him whilst they searched the house; at which time, his 
 Lordship being very ill of the gowt, prevayled with the Captain that the 
 Lord Brandon might be acquaynted, who was then at Preston, that the 
 Lord Molineux was not then able to remove, and upon his honor pro- 
 mised, if able, hee would come wdien required. The Captain thereupon, 
 for that time, let his Lordship remaine. 
 
 “ On Sunday morning, June 16th, 1689, the same party of dragoons 
 which had been at Croxteth, came to Garstwood, Sir William Gerard’s 
 house, and there took up Sir William, and that day brought him prisoner 
 to Preston. 
 
 “ The same 16th of June, 1689, another party of Collonel Mathews' 
 dragoons went to Lithom, Sir Thomas Clifton’s house, above 30 myles 
 from Croxteth, and there took up Sir Thomas Clifton and brought him 
 prisoner to Preston. 
 
 “ The same Sunday, June 16th, 1689, Lunt haveing stayed two nights 
 at Ince, and haveing by some meanes got a bay nag, supposed to be one 
 of the horses left by Dr. Bromfield with James Williamson of Great 
 Crosby, hee was guided from Ince by Edward Parker, the Lady 
 Tildsley’s servant, to Runcorn boat, and so passed, without calling 
 at Croxteth, or anywhere else, into Cheshire, on his way to London. 
 
 “On Monday, June 17th, 1689, one Lieftenant Isherwood, with 
 another party of dragoones, took up Mr. Dalton and carryed him from his 
 house, Thurnham, to Gars tang, and the next day prisoner to Preston, 
 and at the same time were taken up, many more of the popeish gentry, 
 and brought prisoners to Preston, 
 
 “The same 17th of June, 1689, the Lancashire Militia were raised, 
 and came to their Lord Lieftenant, Brandon, at Preston. 
 
 “On Tewsday, J une 18, 1694,^ an account of what papers, commissions, 
 
 declarations, &c., that were seised in the ship were, by Mr. W. K 
 
 certifyed to the Commissioners of tlie Custom-House, London, and 
 shortly after, they were all sent up to the Principall Secretary of State, 
 by a special mes singer. 
 
 “ On Thursday, 20 of June, 1689, Lunt lodged, by the name of Benet, 
 up two pair of staires over the gatehouse at the ‘ Cock and Dolphin ’ Inn 
 in Gray’s Inn Lane. Hee there stole a case of pistolls belonging to a 
 gentleman that then lay at that Inn, and William Hopkins, the then 
 chamberlain there, for not paying the value of the pistolls, lost his 
 place. The said Hopkins saith Lunt came thither on a bay nag. 
 
 “ The popeish gentleman brought prisoners to Preston were af terwards 
 thought tit to be removed, and June 24th, 1689, the order following was 
 made, directed to the Constables of Manchester : — These are to will and 
 require you to receive and take into your custody all such persons as 
 shtill be brought to you by Captain Stanley, Captain Penington, and 
 Captain Nones, or any under their command, and that you place such 
 
 1 Sic. In another copy 1689. 
 
314 
 
 persons in such protestant houses, that they may not conferre or discorse 
 together, and that you see that guards of the militia be set upon their 
 severall and respective lodgings, the better to secure them. Given under 
 our hands and seales the 24th of June, 1689. C. Brandon, L. Rawstorne, 
 R. Longworth, T. Patten. 
 
 “ June 25th, 1689, the aforenamed prisoners, with many more, were, by 
 a part of the militia soldiers appointed thereunto, carry ed to Manchester, 
 where two of them dyed. The rest, all save Sir Thomas Clifton, who 
 was left at Preston, were kept in custody at Manchester, till January 
 following, save that two or three had leave to go to their houses, 
 on extraordinary occasions, for a day or two, but went with a guard of 
 soldiers to bring them back. They were lodged as followeth : — At ‘ the 
 Bull’s Head ’ : — Mr. Sherburne of Stonyhurst (he dyed at Manchester), 
 Mr. Dicconson of Wrightington, Mr. Stanley of Preston, Mr. Barlow of 
 Barlow. At Peter Tickles’ : — Christopher Cams of Halton, Esquire, 
 William Anderton of Euxton, Esquire, Mr. Robert Bryers [and] 
 Mr. Roger Bryers of Walton. At Mr. Swartbreck’s : — Sir William 
 Gerrard, Richard Townley of Townley, Esquire, Mr. Charles Townley, 
 his brother, Robert Dalton of Thurnham, Esquire, William Blundell of 
 Crosby, Esquire. At the ‘Rose and Crown’: — Doctor Thomas 
 Worthington, Mr. Thomas Lancaster, Mr. Christopher Anderton, At 
 ‘the Wheatsheaf ’ : — Thomas Worthington of Blanisco, Esquire^ Mr. 
 Richard Worthington, his son, Richard Chorley of Chorley, Esquire, 
 Mr. William Clifton, brother to Sir Thomas, Mr. James Clifton, another 
 brother, Mr. John Blundell. 
 
 “ The Lord Molineux, after some days that Captain Brereton had left 
 him at Croxteth, too unfit to be removed, was a second time sent to, to 
 be brought by Sir Thomas Stanley, a militia captain of horse, but being 
 then also unable to bee removed, hee was, after a litle longer stay 
 at Croxteth, a third time, by Sir William Pennington, another captain of 
 horse of the militia, sent for, with positive orders to bring him, and then, 
 his Lordship being utterly unable to ride on horseback, and haveiug no 
 coach at home. Major Generali Kirk, who then lay at Leverpool, lent his 
 coach, and therein, on Sunday, 30th June, 1689, the Lord Molineux 
 came to Manchester, in Major Generali Kirk’s coach, and was there made 
 a prisoner with the rest; but two days before that time, viz., June 28, 
 1689, the order following was made at Manchester : — ‘ Whereas there are 
 severall pi*isoners in custody at Manchester, this is to authorize you to 
 deliver them into the custody of Captaine Dicconson, them to keep untill 
 hee shall receive further order from me. (Signed) C. Brandon. To 
 the Constables of Manchester.’ 
 
 “The forenamed gentlemen were not discharged till January following. 
 In January, 1689, they were all set at liberty without any impeachment, 
 either for the crimes, whatever they were, which they were taken up for, 
 or for whatever could be charged upon any of them by what was found 
 of Threlfall or Lunt’s bringing over, and even the absconders which 
 could not be taken when the rest were, did then shortly after appeare to 
 vot(; at the election of Members of Parliament as the great man would 
 have them. 
 
 “ Digression : — Wilson swears Threlfall and Lunt landed at Cockeram 
 in the beginning of July, and that hee, after Lunt’s coming to Mr. 
 Tildsley’s house, called the Lodge, went thence with him to Croxteth, 
 and there saw him deliver commissions from King James. It is there- 
 fore observed that none of those gentlemen could then be found at 
 Croxteth, and if Lunt had come to Croxteth after his landing, as it 
 is plain he difl not, how fit a man was the Lord Molineux to be then 
 drinking healths on his knees. 
 
315 . 
 
 ‘‘But to retorn to Mr. Lniit, whom wee brouglit, 20 June, to ‘the 
 Cock and Dolphin ’ inn, in Grray’s Inn Lane. Whilst hee stayed at that 
 time in town, hee continued at that inn, and on or about Saturday, 
 29th of June, 1689, Mr. Lunt, in a hackney coach, called at his wife’s 
 dore, who then lived at the sign of the Golden Square, near Golden 
 Square, in St. James’s. Shee saith that, at her first comeing to him, 
 shee did scarce know him ; hee had so blacked his eyebrows to disguise 
 himselfe. That he then took her in the coach to the ‘ Cock and Dolphin ’ 
 inn, in Gray’s Inn Lane. That at night shee returned to her house, and 
 that the next day shee and her brother Burges came againe to the said 
 Inn to see and take leave with Mr. Lunt, who was then, as hee said, to 
 go a jorney northwards. 
 
 “ Whilst Lunt lay at that inn, one Mr. Thomas Stafford, a famed 
 highwayman and an old companyon of Lunt’s, being newly come out of 
 [the] New Prison, became Lunt’s bedfellow at that inn, about two nights 
 before Lunt and Stafford went thence northwards. On 5 July, 1689, 
 Lunt and Stafford were committed to gaol at Coventry, on suspicion of 
 being persons disaffected to the Government. In August, Lunt was, by 
 order of the Council, committed to Newgate, but in November he was 
 released on bail. 
 
 “ In December, 1689, Lunt went down to Mr. Threlfall’s house in 
 Goosenargh, in Lancashire, and stayed there, by the name of Jackson, 
 until towards the end of January following. 
 
 “ In Hillary term, 1689, Lunt, appearing at the Court of King’s Bench, 
 was thence, at the instance of Mr. Aaron Smith, bound over to the then 
 next Assizes at Lancaster, but whatever Mr. Smith meant by it, there 
 was no prosecution. 
 
 “March 31st, 1690. Upon Lunt’s appearance in court, he was com- 
 mitted, and though there was no prosecution, he was continued in prison 
 there, until the August Assizes following. 
 
 “24 August, 1690. Mr. Edmund Threlfall (with whom Lunt came 
 out of Ireland) was buryed. 
 
 “At Lancaster Assizes, in August, 1690, Lunt, though there was no 
 prosecution, was but discharged upon bail, himself bound, by the name 
 and addition of John Lunt, of the parish of St. James, Westminster, 
 in 500/^., Peter Bradshaw of Scale, in the county of Lancaster, in 250//., 
 Mercer of Lancaster, in the counW of Lancaster, in 250/., on con- 
 dition that John Lunt appear at the then next Assize, and, in the mean- 
 time, be of good behaviour. 
 
 “ On or about the 6th of September, 1690, Lunt came from Lancaster. 
 His friend, Mr. Threlfall, was dead. He had then no gentleman of his 
 acquaintance to go to. His sureties were the common bail for many 
 popish recusants that then were bound over, so he then came againe to 
 John Wilson’s house, a linnen weaver, and then was called Mr. Lunt. 
 
 “At Lent Assizes at Lancaster, 1690-1, Lunt appeared, and was 
 discharged, and thence came and stayed at Isabel Burton’s house in 
 Chippie, and sometimes at John Sharpies his house in Lagrum, and 
 continued in that part of the cun try till May following. Lunt, in this 
 mouth of May, before hee left Chippin, being in an house with 
 Cuthbert Wilson, desired Wilson to walk with him into a field, and 
 there moved Wilson, saying he was a strong man, to go with him to rob 
 upon the highway, telling Wilson it was a very merry way of living. 
 
 “August, 1691. In Bartholomew Fair time, Lunt came to his wife at 
 ‘ the White Hart,’ in St. James’s parish, and stayed with her somewhat 
 more then a mouth, save that two or three nights in that September he 
 lay at Mr. Whitfield’s house in Bear Street, in Leicester Fields, at which 
 time Lunt told Mr. Whitfield that hee had that summer lived near Hull, 
 
316 
 
 in Yorkshire, and that whilst hee was in that cuntry, a French man-6f- 
 warr had taken some ships that belonged to Hull. Though he told them 
 not, at Chippin, whither hee was to go, yet he then told Mr. Whitfield 
 where he had been. 
 
 “ October, 1691, Lunt being about to leave London, hee told his friend, 
 Mr. Whitfield, hee had then to pay for his mare’s keeping for a month 
 and nine nights, in Bloomsbury. 
 
 ‘‘In October, 1691, Lunt came again to Chippin, in Lancashire, and 
 ther stayed, till about Christmas following. Where Lunt was, from 
 Christmas till 29 January following, appears not; but what hee had 
 been doing, the next paragraph but two sheweth. 
 
 “ Friday, 29 January, 1691 [-2], Lunt was at Robert Clerkson’s house 
 in Chippin. 
 
 “ Wednesday, 3rd of February, 1691 [-2], Lunt lay at ‘ the White Bull ’ 
 in Bilsburrow^, and stayed two nights. 
 
 “ Friday, 5 February, 1691 [-2], Lunt lay at Thomas Plant’s house in 
 Myerscough, Lancashire, and there stayed ten days, at which place, 
 
 “ Friday, B'ebuary 12, Cuthbert Wilson being in Lunt’s company, Lunt 
 took him to the 'stable to shew him two horses, and asked Wilson what 
 he thought of them, who answering one seemed a broken bellyed horse 
 fit for the cart, Lunt thereupon replyed that that horse, about a fort- 
 night agone, had carryed him off 200/. upon the pad, and brought him 
 with it, 50 myles in one day. After such an exploit, Lunt could scarce 
 have come to so safe a retirement as Chippin, it being in an obscure 
 part of the cuntry, scituate betwixt the great forrests of Rowland and 
 Wyersdale, in a boggie, mossie, neighborhood. And Lunt, who had no 
 estate, no trade, nor other way of getting money, being out of service, 
 but this, save selling a horse which, perhaps, hee never bought ; though 
 hee came often, after he had found it, to that retirement, yet hee never 
 stayed long at any one house there. 
 
 “ Wensday, 17 February, 1691, Lunt lay at John Anderton’s house, an 
 inn in Walton, where hee was so sick as hee sent for a ghostly father. 
 
 “ On Thursday, 19th, being better, he took horse to go, as he said, 
 towards London, but went to Mr. Richard Wood’s house in Ormskirke, 
 and there lodged three or four days, till he got Mrs. Ann Wrennall, in 
 mind to go to London with him, as his wife. 
 
 “The next account we have of Mr. Lunt is that, in the beginning of 
 March, 1691-2 Lunt lodged three or four nights at Mr. Whitfield’s 
 house in Bear Street, in Leicester Fields, and told Mr. Whitfield hee had 
 brought a gentlewoman out of Lancashire, whom hee had promised to 
 marry, that hee had laine with her all the way up. At this time of 
 Lunt’s lodgeing there, one night after Mr. Whitfield was gone to bed, 
 Lunt, sitting by the fyer with Peter Rogers and Mathew Turner, two 
 of Mr. Whitfield’s servants, who had then ended their day’s work, said 
 to them, he wondred that they, being strong men, would so toyle and 
 drudge for a livelybood, as they dayly did, since much more might be 
 easier got another way ; as for him, hee would rather adventure to be 
 shot, padding upon the highway, then take such paines. And haveing 
 so said, hee took out of his pocket and shewed them the instruments 
 which hee said hee used in his way of getting money, which were a dark 
 lanthorn, a wax caudle, gags and cords to bind and gag the persons 
 robbed ; but they telling him they contented themselves in their own 
 way of liveing, after that Lunt urged them no further, but put up his 
 tackle, saying no more upon that subject. 
 
 “ 28 March, 1692, being Easter Munday, Lunt was marryed by Mr. 
 Lacy, the Spanish Embassador’s priest, to Ann, relict of Richard 
 Reynolds, who had been an Ireish exciseman, and dyeing so, had owing 
 
to him from King James’ Exchequer in Ireland, two or three hundred 
 pounds. She it was which Lunt brouglit from Lancashire. The bride, 
 on the wedding night (they haveing before had their fills of love) went 
 to lodge with her sister, Taafe, at Mr. Taafe’s house in St. James’ 
 Street, in the parish of St. James’, Westminster, and after some days, 
 Lunt, the bridegroom (who had another forsaken wife and three children, 
 then liveing in that parish), came to Mr. Taaf’s said house, calling 
 himself Captain Widrington, and told Mr. Taaf he was marryed to his 
 wife’s sister. Lunt lay with this woman after they came to town, but 
 before the wedding, at a little alley near Long Acre, and after that, 
 removed to Jin alehouse in the Savoy, and Mr. Widrington, when he 
 came to St. James’ Parish, to which his first wife and children were 
 then a charge, hee was there known to bee Lunt, and his lodging in the 
 Savoy being found, 4 May, 1692, Lunt was taken before William 
 Bridgman, Esquire, Justice of the Peace, charged, ut per warrant, with 
 suspicion of going away and leaveing his wife and children to the charge 
 of the parish ; and for want of suerties for his personall appearance at 
 the next Sessions, and to answer the same, hee was committed to the 
 Gatehouse prison, Westminster, where hee lay untill 20 December, 
 1692. Lunt was discharged by the same Justice and Justice Tully. 
 Whilst Lunt lay in prison in the Gatehouse, there were brought in 
 thither, his three theeving companyons — Pour, Keland, and Fetherston ; 
 and Pour, foreseeing his doom (for they all three, after the then next 
 Sessions, dyed at Tyburn e), gave Lunt a blew cloke by which hee was 
 known a great while, and likewise left him halfe a crowne. 
 
 In December, 1692, Lunt being got out of the Gatehouse, came not 
 to his true wife and children, but having taken up above 30/. in hand 
 off Mr. Whitfield, secured by the assignement of a collusive, fraudulent 
 bond, under which cheating security Lunt was also to receive from 
 Whitfield ten shillings a week for some time. Lunt, thus furnished, 
 took his new wife, who was then with child, to lodge at one Mrs. 
 Cooke’s house in King’s Street, in Southampton Square, calling himself 
 then, Mr. Jackson, and hee had from Mr. Whitfield his lOs. a week 
 untill May 15, 1693 ; Mr. Whitfield being then informed that the bond 
 assigned to him, which was from Lunt’s brother-in-law, a supposed 
 preist, was a meer contrivance for a fund of ci*edit, and released at the 
 same time it was made ; and the cheat being discovered, Lunt’s weekly 
 allowance ceased. Then Lunt lived by running on the score, where hee 
 could, and selling his wife’s apparell, and at last, put beyond all his 
 shifts, in the midle of July, 1693, Lunt went to Highgate, and was there 
 employed as a day laborer by one Mr. Bridges, from that time till the 
 midle of September, 1693, to wheel gravell and sand to make ponds to 
 hold water for a constant supply of the water conveyed by pipes to 
 London. In this month, Lunt informs the Secretary hee was sent by 
 the Lancaster gentleman to King James, to let him know their readines 
 to serve him, and to know when they might expect his landing. 
 
 “ Lunt’s true wife hearing of his being at Highgate, went thither, with 
 a warrant from a justice of the peace, but he got away, and coming to 
 his other wife, hee had a project to black her and there child, and to go 
 as gipsies, and tell fortunes, but that wife being faire, or conceited, would 
 not be blacked. 
 
 “ Lunt, after this, compelled by necessity, adventured to go again to 
 Mr. Whitfield, and with too many asseverations that Woodward, the 
 priest’s, bond was a good bond, and not released nor assigned to any 
 but himself, and telling Mr. Whitfield of a new way by which hee had 
 hopes to g(it 700//., as he called it, owing to his new wife’s former 
 husband, by King James, which, when got, should pay all that Lunt 
 
318 
 
 owed to Mr. Whitfield. This so took with Whitfield that hee, like him 
 that shootes a second arrow to find a first that was lost, was prevayled 
 with, and, 17 September, 1693, Mr. Whitfield let Lunt have the further 
 sum of three pounds six shillings, and with that supply, 19 September, 
 1693, Lunt went with his new wife and child from London towards 
 Flanders, his said wife haveing a sister at St. Clare’s nunnery, in the 
 town of Ayre (?), and thither comme, Lunt left his wife and child for some 
 time to be provided by her sister there, and went, as hee said, into France 
 begging or gipsying to St. Germain, to try if hee could get from King 
 James any of the money due to Kichard Keynolds, his said wife’s former 
 husband, and at his retorne to Flanders, hee told that he had got 
 30 pounds, but said he was robbed of it coming back, and that helped 
 his pretence to beg by ; but wherever hee had been, or however hee had 
 sped, hee came back to St. Clare’s nunnery as pore as hee went. 
 
 ‘‘In the midle of December, [16]93 Lunt, with his wife and child, 
 comeing back, landed at Dover. 
 
 “ The 21st of that December, having stayed some days at Dover, they 
 thence came towards London, and Mr. Lunt, having forgot to pay his 
 reckoning at Dover, was overtaken and arrested at Canterbur}'. The debt 
 and charges being under 20^., some gentlemen drinking in the Inn where 
 Lunt was arrested, did contribute three or four shillings apiece to dis- 
 charge the traveller, which Lunt afterwards ill requited, as hee also did 
 his old friend Mr. Whitfield, putting their names amongst those hee 
 informed against as plotters. 
 
 “In the beginning of Christmas, 1693, Lunt came to London and went 
 to Mr. Whitfield. 
 
 “January 6th, Lunt’s said wife and child lay at Mr. Taaf’s house in 
 Bury Street, St. James’, unto which place, near a fortnight after, Lunt 
 also came. 
 
 “ In the third week of that January, Lunt, by the name of Johnson, 
 lived chamberlain at ‘the George’ inn, in Holburne. Hee stayed not 
 there full three weekes, for whilst there, hee several! times borrowed a 
 sword and a peruke, and went out in the nights, which his master, not 
 endureing, turned him away. 
 
 “ In the midle of February, 1693 [-4], Lunt lodged at a little court in 
 Exeter Street, and there, by the name of Smith, lay about three weeks. 
 At the first week’s end, in March, 1693- [4], Lunt removed into Duck 
 Lane, in the Savoy, and there stayed till the latter end of that month, 
 in which time, being at ‘ the Boyal Oak ’ in Drury Lane, and told 
 Mr. Whitfield was there, Mr. Lunt sent to speak with him. Mr. 
 Whitfield, asking who was with Lunt, was told Lunt was drinking in 
 the kitchen witli Gray and Woodman, two reputed highwaymen. Mr. 
 Whitfield hearing that, went not, but Mr. Lunt went up to him, asking 
 why he would not come down, who answered, because your companyons 
 are no company for mee. Lunt huffingly told him that though hee did, 
 indeed, then owe him money, hee was now in a way to be able to pay 
 him. The plot was then ahatching, and Mr. Whitfield was one that 
 was after informed against. 
 
 “ In April, May, and June, 1694, Lunt lodged in Greyhound Court, in 
 Milford Lane, near the Temple, in which time, viz., April 6th, 1694, 
 Lunt was sworn to his examination before Mr. Baron Powell, in the 
 cause concerning lands given to superstitious uses. 
 
 “ 22 June, 1694, publication passed in the cause about lands given to 
 superstitious uses. 
 
 “Wednesday, 27th of June, 1694, Lunt gave his information upon 
 oath to Sir John Trenchard, then one of the Principall Secretarys of 
 State, concerning his plot. 
 
319 
 
 Munday, July 9th, 1694, Lunt, with Captain Baker and the rest of 
 the informers and witnesses, lay at Dunstable. 
 
 “On Thursday, July 12, 1694, that company lay at Manchester at 
 severall inns, and severall of them by borrowed names. Captain Baker 
 by the name of Harris, Mr. Taaf by the name of Johnson, Lunt by the 
 name of Captain Smith, Greorge Wilson by the name of Mr. Brown, 
 and there stayed till Munday following. 
 
 “Munday, 16 July, Lunt went with Captain Baker, etc., to Worsley 
 Hall, the Lord Willoughby’s house in Lancashire, to meet the four 
 messengers that were sent down, Morisco, Clerk, Sutton, and Heaward, 
 to be ordered how to divide and proceed the next day, with severall 
 parties of Dutch troopers, to the severall gentlemen’s houses, that were 
 to be taken up. And it was thought fit and necessary that the in- 
 formers should be sent with the messingers and their guards, whereby 
 the informers might see and learn to know those against whom they 
 had informed, and to enable them to give an account of their seats, as 
 well as of their persons, when they should be called to give their 
 evidence against them. 
 
 “Tewsday, July 17th, 1694, Lunt went with Clerk, the messinger, and 
 14 Duch troopers, to Mr. Legh’s house [at] Lyme, to which place they 
 came betwixt six and seven in the morning ; the messinger, with three 
 or four Dnch troopers, apprehended and carryed Mr. Legh, in his 
 morneing gown, from his dressing room to his closset, where Mr. Lunt 
 stood with three or four more Duchmen, and Lunt searched amongst 
 Mr. Legh’s papers, from 7 till 12, and put up what he pleased. Mr. Legh 
 afterwards was taken to a parlor, and there a guard set upon him, 
 whilst Lunt and the rest searched every room and place where they 
 pleased, in that great house, for armes, which gave Mr. Lunt opportunity 
 sufiicient to know both Mr. Lee and his house. The armes they found 
 were a case of pistolls and a carbine, which were in Mr. Legh’s closset. 
 Mr. Legh had a fine horse, and the more by him vallued being the 
 legacy of a dying kinsman, which Mr. Lunt seised, and set his own 
 Sadie upon him, and thus (leaving Mr. Legh to be brought by forraigners 
 to the common gaole of the county, Chester Castle), hee, better mounted 
 then hee came thither, retorned into Lancashire, a thoroughly instructed 
 informer against Mr. Legh. 
 
 “Friday, July 20, 1694, Lunt, at Wigan, in Lancashire, seeing Symon 
 Arrowsmith, who theretofore, when under gaoler at Lancaster, had had 
 Lunt in custody, he then invyted Symon to drinke ; Symon replyed, 
 
 ‘ How come you to know mee here, who would not know mee the last 
 week at Manchester when I saluted you by your name, Mr. Lunt ? you 
 then turned away from mee saying I was mistaken, your name was 
 Smith.’ To which Lunt replyed, ‘ Your calling me Lunt there might 
 have spoyled the project I was then upon, being the King’s informer.’ 
 
 “ From Wigan, Lunt went into Blackburn Hundred, and at one Peele’s 
 house, two myles from Blackburn, hee endeavoured, by large promises, 
 to inveigle Mr. James Parkinson to turne informer and to swear, as Lunt 
 should instruct him, against the prisoner. Thence Lunt, for a week or 
 more, went up and down the cuntry seiseing horses ; in the Hundred of 
 Blackburne, at Mr. Catterall’s and other houses ; in Amoundernes 
 Hundred, at Mr. Tilsley’s and other houses ; in the Hundred of Loyns- 
 dale, at Mr. Dalton’s and other houses. 
 
 “Munday, July 30th, 1694, Lunt, with Wombwell, Ellis, and three 
 messengers, were at the hall of Crosby, in Derby Hundred, seiseing of 
 horses and searching the house for armes. There Wombwell, instead 
 of armes, picked up money, the sinues of warr, which some of the 
 company were ashamed of, and for which Mr. Marisco made amends. 
 
320 
 
 “ Munday, 27th August, 1694, John Lunt, at the generall Sessions of 
 the peace held at Hicks Hall, in St. John’s Street, in the County of 
 Middlesex, was indicted for marrying Ann I’atham at St. Martin’s in 
 the Fields, in the County of Middlesex, widow, on the 3rd of June, 
 1692, and afterwards, that the said John Lunt did, on the 30th day of 
 Aprill, 1694, anno 4 William & Marie, at the parish of St. Gyles in the 
 Fields, in the County of Middlesex, marry Anne Reynolds, widow, the 
 afforesaid Ann Tatham, otherwise Lunt, being then living, against 
 the forme of the statute, &c. 
 
 “ The — day of September, 1694, John Lunt, by a warrant pur- 
 
 suant to that process upon that indictment, was taken up by the 
 
 Constable of and carryed before , and bayled by 
 
 Mr. Aaron Smith.” 
 
 Instructions for the Examination of Lunt and others. 
 
 889. [1694, October.] — Instructions to counsel as to the examination 
 of Lunt, W ilson, and others. 
 
 Rev. Thomas Wilson to Roger Kenyon, at Manchester. 
 
 890. 1694, November 11. Knowsley. — Desires Lord Derby should 
 “ goe to Parliament,” since ‘‘ his duty, honour, and interest oblige him 
 to it.” As to the progress of the “ Leverpooll affair,” Lord Derby is 
 “hearty” for Mr. Brotherton, which gives great satisfaction to the 
 Liverpool aldermen, who, on learning it, “ swore ” the writer “ free of 
 the town.” Mr. Arthur Bold will vote as Mr. Byrome directs him. 
 Seal^ broken. 
 
 Thomas Marsden to Roger Kenyon. 
 
 891. 1694, November 18. — “You have already heard how zealous 
 the Earle of Derby was for our friend, against Mr. Maudit, and how 
 zealously the body of the dissenters acted for the contrary interest, 
 together with a deal of inconsiderate churchmen, draun in by crafty 
 insinuations and confirmed in their opposition by a letter from the 
 Lords Rivers and Macclesfield. It is most evident it was not the 
 single concern of Mr. Maudit, as a private person, that was transacted, 
 but that of the mis-called good old cause. After Mr. Mayor had 
 demanded the freeman to say who they were that stood candidates 
 for the vacant burgesship, and it was answered Mr. Maudit and 
 Mr. Brotherton, and no other, he ordered the oaths of the Mayor 
 and freemen to be publickly read by the town clerk, and added that 
 he could not admit a poll for Mr. Maudit, who, as coroner, could not 
 appoint a deputy, nor could be sent away from the town without the 
 violation of its priviledges, or words to that effect. And to convince us 
 that the matter, indeed, so stood, he caused also to be read Sir Francis 
 Pemberton’s opinion to that purpose. This done, the Mayor also told 
 our people, if they would name any qualified person against Mr. 
 Br[otherton], he would willingly admit them to a poll. But nothing 
 Avould serve our opposites but a poll for Mr. Maudit ; iheir cry and 
 clamours being thick and loud for that end. After the aldermen and 
 gentlemen upon the Bench had declared for Mr. Brotherton, the Mayor 
 pronounced him to be elected, dissolved the court, and went away. 1 
 leave it to them that were then personally present, to acquaint you with 
 the mobbish rudenesses our opposites were guilty of, in court. This I 
 will only mention, that Mr. William Norres of Speak, and apothecary 
 Moliueux of Leverpool {fanaticorum caput), enraged the people against 
 
321 
 
 us by their own very unmannerly example, and the Recorder vaunted a 
 flood of canker upon Mr. Brotherton, which he overcame by a generous 
 silence. We want the utmost of your interest and industry to enable 
 us to keep our ground, and I am sure we shall not misse of it.” Seal 
 ivith crest. 
 
 La-DY H. Willoughby to Mr. Kenyon, Burgess of Clitheroe, at 
 the House of Commons. 
 
 892, [1694,] November 23. — “I thank you for your civility in 
 calling, and those other kindneses you offer my most unhappy condition, 
 to which it is the highest agrivation to find myself disapointed where 
 I might have had the greatest hopes of a friend to do me that justice 
 my sad case requires, and which he solomley ingaged to per forme, before 
 our marriage, which infidelity wold have an ill reflection on the wholl 
 sex, but that it is to be hoped some are better then others, as farr as wit 
 and good parts excell those that want them, of which you have a 
 competent share, which makes me hope that good Judge Powell and 
 you may find oat some way, seiice itt is such a piiblick grevance to the 
 common people that they have given that villan Blacksmith’s house 
 towards Islington, the name of the English Inquisition, and to my 
 knowledge there was a discours of the mob rising and pulling itt downe, 
 and there being noe less than aleaven aflidavides taken by Justice Grorge 
 Evens of Surry, some of which contains murders dun in that house. 
 I remember one old gentlewoman, Mrs. Rackliff, that was beat to death 
 there, which Parker, a manservant to Newton, swears, and was privatly 
 buryed, it is sayed, in his garden at Clerkenwell, where was a heap of 
 earth att one end, like such a place. As for myself, I can easely prove 
 that he was to have had two hundred powud to dispatch me in eight 
 months’ time, besides five pownd a weeke for my diet and lodging, and 
 that I had poysonous powders given me, unknowne to me, in my spoone 
 meat, to make me mad, but that 1 timely discovered itt, as Hod wold 
 have itt, that sent me a friend, good Lady Littleton, Sir Thomases 
 mother, of the House of Commons, to healpe me to the benifitt of the lawe, 
 which so frighted my enemeys, that they, rather then there villany shuld 
 be discovered in Westminster Hall, imediately drew up private articles 
 with an Ant of mine, to bring me out, otherways I had bin in my grave 
 before this, and my son also, that they might have the estate which 
 Massey told me they sent to inquire of him the value of, soon after Sir 
 William Egerton’s death, which showes what there hearts were sett on. 
 And now, if yet liveing, there is three young heirs in Sir Thomas Willis, 
 Barronett, Sir Richard Eanshaw, and one Mr. Collett, not mad, but to 
 be destroyed for the same cause, 
 
 “Now, sence these horriable oppressions are a publick grevance, 
 and made knowne to the Government, I suppose they ought to be 
 redrest, upon a publick account. For my part, since I am deneyed 
 it other ways, by this ungratefull, falce, and covitious person, who is 
 now my husband, I must demand that justice of the Government 
 which belonges to me as a subject of England and the Perrage, and 
 desire you, as a Christian and gentleman, to assist me what you 
 can in the obtaining of it, which will be in ittselfe so merritorious 
 an act as will engage the prayers and highest esteeme of all, perticulerly 
 those that shall be delivered out of that lyon’s den of distraction.” 
 
 [P.S.] — “I have written the judge, on the same account, and desire 
 your good assistance when you writ, direct to the Wardens to Mrs. Heap, 
 but put not my name on itt. Praye let me heare if there Ijc any hope.” 
 ^eal of arms. 
 
 73480. 
 
 X 
 
322 
 
 Examinations taken before the House of Commons in connection 
 with the Lancashire Trials. 
 
 893. 1694, November 23, to 1694-5, February 5. 
 
 23 November, 1694. 
 
 ‘‘ stake you I thinke you say you J une 
 
 or July last? 
 
 Mr. [Aaron] Smyth. — In July. 
 
 Mr. Speaker. — You say you were sent for to the secretary’s, and he 
 delivered you some bookes ? 
 
 Mr. Sm. — 3 books of Examinations. 
 
 Mr. Sp.^ — And directed you to abridge them ? 
 
 Mr. Sm. — Yes, and I have the abridgement here. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — Then you had these men under your own examination ? 
 
 Mr. Sm. — Yes, but that was not till after the gentlemen were seized. 
 I think it was about 3 weekes before the tryall. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — When were they first seized ? 
 
 Mr. Sm. — I cannot tell, but I suppose they might bee seized the 
 latter end of July or beginning of August. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — And then after they were seized, were the witnesses brought 
 to you, in order to take their evidence and prepare for their tryall ? 
 
 Mr. Sm. — Yes, to distinguish their evidence as to the severall persons. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — Have you any other papers to deliver to the House but 
 those papers the secretary delivered to you ? 
 
 Mr. Sm. — None but those and the examinations of Kelley, which 
 was in confirmation of their evidence as to some parts of the fact they 
 had given evidence of. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — I apprehend that you make use of the discovery in Flint- 
 shire, and Bromfield’s going into the hireing the boat by Muwson, and 
 the examinations in Worcestershire, and of the other examinations to 
 induce the discovery of the gentlemen in Lancashire. Have you a list 
 
 of them ? 
 
 [Mr. Sm.] — They are all marked of them Dowds- 
 
 worthy 
 
 [Mr. Sp.] — Have you anything to say these gentle- 
 
 men in their bringing up, or carrying down, or the proceeding at their 
 tryall ? 
 
 Mr. Sm. — I was not present at their tryall, for I was taken very sick, 
 in Court, and was forced to withdraw. I heard noe part of this tryall. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — Can you say anything relating to the proceedings to the 
 tryall ? 
 
 Mr. Sm. — Noe, otherwise than the takeing their informations from 
 their mouths and giving them to the King’s Councell, and their con- 
 sulting about them ; and then a comission was taken out, upon which 
 they were tryed afterwards. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — How many papers in number have you ? 
 
 Mr. Sm. — Here are 31 papers in number, that I have here. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — Besides the 3 bookes ^ 
 
 Mr. Sm. — With the 3 bookes. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — Have you the Examinations you tooke yourselfe ? 
 
 Mr. vSm. — I luive the Examinations I tooke myselfe here. The 
 3 bookes are as J had them from the Secretary, save that I have made 
 a figures of tlie outside of them. 
 
Mr. Smith withdraws. Mr. Leigh Bankes brought in. 
 
 Mr. Ba. — Supposing that Taffe and Lunt had been people to trapan 
 me, on Monday I went and tendred it to my Lord Chiefe Justice. I 
 told him I had conversed with a villan. Hee said he did not think 
 it propper to take it then, but would take time to consider of it till 
 4 a’clocke and (sic) the aforenoon. Hee then told me it would not bee 
 proper then, but he thought it would bee serviceable to the gentlemen, 
 in case they should be tryed. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — This was before the tryall ? 
 
 Mr. B. — This was the 28th. The 27th I was with TafFe ; the 1st of 
 October I tendered the Afidavid to my Lord Chiefe [Justice], and I 
 think the gentlemen went down on the 9th or 10th. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — Have you a coppye of the Affidavit you tendered to my 
 Lord Chiefe Justice? 
 
 Mr. B. — I left it in the coimtrey. There was one of Mr. Beresford’s, 
 a second of Mr. Bagshaw’s, my own was the third. 
 
 Mr„ Sp. — Did you give this information upon the tryall of the gen- 
 tlemen, in Lancashire ? 
 
 Mr. B.— I gave very little but my own there. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — Was you examined as a witness there ? 
 
 Mr. B. — Yes, and I gave the evidence there that I have given here. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — Did you tell any other circu[mstance] . . . you doe 
 
 now here ? 
 
 Mr. B. — I doe not remember any now. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — You say the coppeys of those affidavits that you offered to 
 my Lord Chiefe Justice, are in the countrey ? 
 
 Mr. B. — Yes, I left them with Mr. Pigott, a lawyer in Lancashire. 
 Hee hath mine and the declaration I made, after I had been conversing 
 with Taffe. 
 
 Mr. Sp.— Did Mr. Berresford goe with you to my Lord Chiefe 
 Justice ? 
 
 Mr. B. — Mr. Beresford and Mr. Bagshaw went both with me to my 
 Lord Chief Justice. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — You. say you heard from severall persons that Mr. Taffe 
 could discover the villiany ? 
 
 Mr. B. — Mr. Beresford lay at my chamber and sayd it would be 
 dangerous for us to goe about to detect, etc. Mr. Taffe’s wife went to 
 Mrs. Dickonson ; she related it to one of the gentlemen in the countrey ; 
 she sayd she never saw Mr. Taffe himself, but his wife had come crying, 
 several times, and said she was sorry for her landlord. Mr. Dickonson, 
 says she, my husband can descover a great part of the villiany if any 
 gentleman — 
 
 Mr. Sp. — Did you hear it from any other person ? 
 
 Mr. B. — Mrs. Dickonson told me to the same effect, for Mr. Beresford 
 had it from her. 
 
 Mr. Bankes withdraws. Mr. Bankes brought in again. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — I am commanded by the House to ask you severall ques- 
 tions. First, how long have you been acquainted with Mr. Taffe ? 
 
 Mr. B. — I had noe acquaintance with Mr. Taffe before the tyme I 
 met him about this buisness. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — When was the first time ? 
 
 Mr. B. — The 27th Sep., when the prisoners came to Coventry. I 
 went down to meet them to pay my respects to Mr. Lee, and I dined at the 
 same house the witnesses did, and I knew him when I saw him again. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — This discourse you speake was after they were brought to 
 town ? 
 
324 
 
 Mr. B. — Yes, within 9 or 10 days of their going down. I knew him, 
 and he knew mee again, and he asked me if I did not come as a spy at 
 Coventry. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — What did you answer ? 
 
 Mr. B. — We heard there was a parcel of King’s evidence at Coventry, 
 soe I and some gentlemen went to dine with them out of curiosity. I 
 did not see him afterwards till September. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — Had you any discourse with Mr. Taffe at Coventry ? 
 
 Mr. B. — Noe, only there was a merrey gentleman with me, and he 
 asked him a great, many of questions. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — Who was that gentleman ? 
 
 Mr. B. — His name was Mr. Milward, clarke to my Lord Lovelace’s 
 troop. I went down from hence to Coventry. I came on Sonday, and 
 went away again on Monday morning. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — Did hee come backe with you on Monday ? 
 
 Mr. Ba. — No, I left him there ; he was about his concerns there, pay- 
 ing of quarters. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — You say you heard some of the King’s evidence were in a 
 house and you went to see them ? 
 
 Mr. Ba. — ?>Ir. Milward knew the house. I designed to dine with 
 Mr. Lee and the rest of the prisoners, but at night, we asked what a 
 number of people was there. They sayd there was a parcell of Captain 
 Baker’s servants, soe wee supposed they must be good men, and wee 
 went among them to dine with them. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — Who did you meet at dinner ? 
 
 Mr. Ba. — There was Mr. Milward, the only man I knew, the landlord 
 of the house, Mr. Taffe, and 4 or 5 scoundrel! fellows. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — Did you or Mr. Milward ask any questions relating to the 
 evidence against the gentlemen ? 
 
 Mr. Ba. — Yes, Mr. Milward did, but Mr. Taffe, taking us to be 
 strangers, was very shy iii answering of them. I sayd very little to 
 them, but laughed at them. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — Why did you looke upon Mr. Taffe as a dangerous man ? 
 
 Mr. Ba. — I saw his name in a certain pamphlet directed to my Lord 
 Chiefe Justice Holt. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — Was that lettei* printed before 27th ? 
 
 Mr. Ba. — Yes, a considerable while before. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — What evidence did you give at the tryali, concerning 
 Lunt’s having told you that, as soon as these gentlemen were taken off, 
 there would be a further prosecution against severall other gentlemen ? 
 
 Mr. Ba. — I forgot to tell you that upon Lunt’s reading his narrative, 
 that a vast number were concerned. I asked him how it came to pass 
 that soe few were taken up Says hee, it is noe matter, for that, for after 
 ^voe have cut off 3 or 4 of these, we shall run through the body of 
 England ; there is not a county of England shall escape us. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — But was this all you said upon this head when you gave 
 your evidence at Manchester ? 
 
 Mr. Ba. — Yes ; I do not remember anything more that I said. I 
 remember one thing more, but I do not know that I did say it at 
 Manchester. Hee said he delivered a commission to one Lee, of Lime, 
 and one Shalcross, and Beresford. 1 asked him what Beresford sayes. 
 Is he not a tall black man ? He said he was a tall black man, and knew 
 him very well, and Mr. Beresford is a middle sized man and weares a 
 flaxen wigg. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — Had you any coppye of the narrative ? 
 
 Mr. Ba. — Hee said, at our next meeting, I should have a coj^pye of the 
 narrative, and sonuHbrged commissions from King James. 1 asked him 
 
3*25 
 
 liow hee would have King James’ hand, and I understood he had King 
 James’ hand. 
 
 Mr. 8p. — Did he read over all the narrative ? 
 
 Mr. Ba. — I was then under an apprehension of their being all roo-ues, 
 and did not take much notice of it. Mr. Taffe read it. I know not 
 whether Lunt can read or noe. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — Did Taffe tell you ? 
 
 Mr. Ba. — Mr. Taffe said Lunt would have brought- him to be 
 witness, but Mr. Taffe told him he did not care to swear himself, but 
 he would bring him some other persons. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — I am to aske you what you know concerning some warrants 
 issued out against any persons for suborning witnesses against the 
 King’s evidence. 
 
 Mr. Ba. — I know nothing of that, only the common report that there 
 were warrants against some, for suborning persons to descredit the King’s 
 witnesses. I had a caution given me by some of my friends. I heard 
 they were against me and Mr. Beresford. I heard it from a woman, 
 but it might bee only her feares. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — You say you looked upon Mr. Taffe to bee a dangerous 
 man, and the reason was because you found his name in a libell; had 
 you noe other reason ? 
 
 Mr. Ba. — That made me the more to enquire what he was, and 1 heard 
 hee was a runagate priest. I heard hee was a chiefe evidence in this plott, 
 but I fond him very just, after he did pretend to discover this matter. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — When you mett Lunt and Taffe, who shewed it you ? 
 
 Mr. Ba. — Mr. Lunt pulled it out of tiis 2 ^ocquett and he gave it to 
 Mr. Taffe. Wee stood in a cluster, and I looked upon it and said it was 
 a good handwriting. Mr. Taffe read it. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — How much did he read of it ? 
 
 Mr. Ba. — I think he did not read it all. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — How much ? 
 
 Mr. Ba. — 1 cannot bee positive. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — What was the subject matter of the narrative ; can you re- 
 member the names of the persons mentioned in it ? 
 
 Mr. Ba. — Noe ; but it named the [jersons in cuslody and some others. 
 I found very few ca^otains, but there was a jjretty many colonels and 
 lei u ten a t-colou els . 
 
 Mr. Sp. — In the narrative Mr. Taffe read, there were severall persons 
 named to bee in the conspiracy, besides those gentlemen that were tryed. 
 I aske you now to declare as many of those persons’ names as you can. 
 
 Mr. Ba. — Really, at that time, I thought only of Mr. Lee, he being 
 a near relation ; not thinking but I should have another opportunity, 
 I tooke notice of very little but that. 
 
 Mr, Sp. — Cannot you remember none of the names ? 
 
 Mr. Ba. — Noe, indeed, sir, 1 cannot. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — You were speaking of Lievetenant-colonels ? 
 
 Mr. Ba. — He named Mr. Lee as Colonel of Horse, and Mr. Shacroft 
 as Lievetenant-colonel, and Mr. Beresford as Captain. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — You said there was Commissions to bee writt over, &c. 
 How was it that you came to understand that Lunt had something 
 under King James’ hand ? 
 
 Mr. Ba. — I asked him how he would get King James’ hand, and how 
 he would counterfeit it, unless he had some of King James’ handwriting, 
 and I understood him that he had a commission of King James in his 
 pocket, for he said he would doe it effectually. Mr. Taffe and he 
 afterwards went to the window, and he pulled out an old ^wchment ; 
 what it was I cannot tell. 
 
326 
 
 Mr. Sp. — You said Mr. Taffe asked you whether you were not a spy, 
 when you were at Coventry ; where was that question asked you ? 
 
 Mr. Ba. — When I met him, the 27th September, at one Barns his 
 house in Brownlow Street, in Drury Lane ; that was the day I mett 
 Mr. Taffe. 
 
 Mr. Leigh Bankes withdraws. Called in again. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — I am commanded to ask you, when he went to my Lord 
 Chiefe Justice and tendered him those affidavits, what reason did he 
 give why he would not take them ? 
 
 Mr. Ba. — My Lord said it was not proper at that time, and lie 
 thought he would not take them, and he would take it into considera- 
 tion, and he desired me to come again at 4 in the afternoon, and 
 accordingly I did come, and then he said it was discursing the King’s 
 evidence, and it was not proper, but in case the gentlemen should be 
 tryed, it would bee of service to the gentlemen. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — Did my Lord Chiefe Justice direct you to goe to any other 
 person ? 
 
 Mr. Ba. — Noe. I prayed my Lord Chiefe Justice to advise me 
 whether I might proceed with safety any further with these fellows, 
 and hee told me I knew my own business best, he could not advise me. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — You were pleased to say, when you mett Taffe and Lunt 
 there was an appointment to meet him on the Saturday after, and that 
 you and Mr. Beresford did advise about going to meet him, and that 
 you did not thinke fitt to meet him any more. The House hath com- 
 manded mee to aske you who you advised with ? 
 
 Mr. Ba. — If I must give answer to it, it was Sir Bartholomew 
 Shower. 
 
 [Mr. Sp.] — made a proposall to you of swearing 
 
 [to] some things, as he should direct you, wer you to swear the whole 
 narrative, or some particular point ? He made a proposition to you of 
 swearing a falsity ; what proposall did hee make you of a rewarde 
 for it? 
 
 Mr. Ba. — All he said was that if I did him service, I should be 
 plentifully provided for. I told him it was a shrewd temptation, and 
 I should doe him what service lay in my power. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — Did you ask him how much ? 
 
 Mr. Ba. — Wee were not come to bargain, for on Saturday after, 1 was 
 to have received further instructions. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — Well, hee did not propose to you any particular sume, or 
 any estate ? 
 
 Mr. Ba. — Noe, sir, hee said I should bee plentifully provided for, and 
 I seemed satisfied with it. 
 
 Mr. Leigh Bankes withdraws. Called in again. 
 
 [Mr. Sp.] — 1 am commanded questions. 
 
 When again on Saturday yo 
 
 was to goe to the Secretary’s . . . you had had it under his hand to 
 
 goe to tlie Secretary, and clear these gentlemen. Why did you not meet 
 Lunt on Saturday, according to appointment ? 
 
 Mr. Ba. — I and Mr. Beresford advised about it, and we thought it 
 might be dangerous to the gentlemen. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — Why did not you goe to the Secretary’s and discover what 
 you had already found out, for you had sufficiently found out that this 
 was a conspiracy and design against the gentlemen, by what discourse 
 you had with Lunt and Taffe ? 
 
 Mr. Ba. — I acquainted my Lord Chiefe Justice with it, and 1 thought 
 he was fitter to represent to the Secretary than I was. 
 
327 
 
 Mr. Sp.' — How lon^ was it after the Saturday ? 
 
 Mr. Ba. — On Monday morning after, about 10 o’clock . . . . , 
 
 24th November, [16] 94. 
 
 [Mr. Taffe brought in.] 
 
 Mr. Sp. — Pray, Mr. Talfe, where is your house ; where do you live ? 
 
 Mr. Taffe. — I live in Berry St., by St. James’. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — When was it that Lunt came to you first ? 
 
 Mr. Ta. — A little after Christmas, I tooke noe note of it. it is 
 easily known, because he hath given an information, to the Secretary of 
 State, of the very time. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — What doe you mean by a little after Christmas ? 
 
 Mr. Ta.^ — believe it might be a month or 6 weeks. 
 
 Mr. Taffe withdraws. Brought in again. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — I am commanded by the House to ask you severall ques- 
 tions, which most part of them do arise from the narrative that you 
 have made to the House, and they expect you should explain it. You 
 say your house is in Berry Street. How long have you lived there ? 
 
 Mr. Ta. — I have lived there a year and halfe at Christmas. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — But where did you live before ? 
 
 Mr. Ta.“ In St. James’ St., next street to it. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — How long there ? 
 
 Mr. Ta. — Since the Revolution. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — What do you mean by since ? 
 
 Mr. Ta. — From the begining. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — Did you know a gentleman called Count Taffe ? 
 
 Mr. Ta. — I never saw him. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — What Count Taffe is it you know ? 
 
 Mr. Ta. — I know him that was killed at the Boyne. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — Where did he lodge when he was here in town ? 
 
 Mr. Ta. — He lived in Wild House, and was sent Embassador into 
 Germany, and then he went to France and thence to Ireland, [to] the Earl 
 of Carlingford. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — Did any person under the name of Count Taffe lye at your 
 house ? 
 
 Mr. Ta. — Noe, sir, never. 
 
 Mr. Sp - Did .my Lord Car[lingford] lye at your house 
 
 Mr. Ta. — Noe. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — Did any letter come to your house directed to Count Taffe ? 
 
 Mr. Ta. — Not as 1 know of. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — Did any letter come enclosed to you directed to any person 
 called Count Taffe ? 
 
 Mr. Ta. — That could not be, for Count Taffe, in Germany, is a man 
 I never had corrospondance with, and as for the Earl of Carlingford, 
 I never saw him since he went into Germany ; the reason was, I was of 
 the Church of Rome, and changed my religion ; the Bishopps were sent 
 to the Tower, and I have had noe correspondence with them since. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — Did ever any letter that was directed to you, either by 
 mistake of direction or any other wayes, come to the hands of Count 
 Taffe ? 
 
 Mr. Ta. — Noe, not as I know of ; but there was a yonge man, some 
 tyme last yeare, that received a letter, directed to me by the penny post ; 
 the penny post that brought my letter asked for one Taffe, and they 
 directed him to the King’s Head, and he opened it, and came and 
 beged my pardon, and sayd there was a letter soe directed, but it was not 
 to him ; but it was a letter of no consequence. 
 
328 
 
 Mr. Sp. — What was in that letter ? 
 
 Mr. Ta. — I cannot tell, but it was a letter of no consequence. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — Did you inquire who the yonge man was ; did you know 
 him ? 
 
 Mr. Ta. — Noe, truly, J do not thinke I do. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — Have you the letter ? 
 
 Mr. Ta. — I threw it upon the table, I know not what is become 
 of it. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — Did Lunt goe down in a borrowed name ? 
 
 Mr. Ta. — Yes, by the name of one Smith. I asked Captain Baker 
 why he would bring the witnesses down ; he sayd he had a particular 
 reason, but would not tell it. Then I asked Mr. Lunt, Sayes he, you 
 must know I do not know these houses, and soe I goe to them, that 
 I may know the place and people, and, sayes he, I have fixed upon 
 a matted roome or matted gallery. And ; sayes he, I will sweare to that 
 place, for, in my narrative, I have not put it down the particular place, 
 but I will put it into my information, when I come to London. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — When was this discourse ? 
 
 Mr. Ta. — It was at W^igan. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — Who v/as present when yon discoursed this with Lunt ? 
 
 Mr. Ta. — Noebody, for I called him aside to discourse witli him. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — Had you noe time to aske Lunt this question, till you came 
 to Wigan ? 
 
 Mr. Ta. — It never came into my mind till then. The countrey 
 people said, that those people that were come to take them up are to be 
 witnesses. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — What do you know of any articles for dureing of the 
 gentlemen’s estates, that were thus prosecuted ? 
 
 Mr. Ta. — There are a great many articles. I know not the contents 
 of them. There were articles made i)etween Mr. Wybraham and 
 others. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — How many articles doe you mean ? 
 
 Mr. I’a. — There were several gentlemen that made articles with the 
 undertakers, about begging their estates of the King. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — When were those articles made ? 
 
 Mr. Ta. — There have been severall, since these 4 yeares. Some 
 articles were between the Marquis of Winchester and Mr. Samd(?) 
 and Mr. Wybraham, and between Sir Scroope How and Sir J. Guise. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — When were these articles made ? 
 
 Mr. Ta. — Some tyme the last yeare. The articles are in being, if this 
 House desire them to be produced. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — You speake of ai ticles. Doe you know of any articles that 
 you are a witness to ? 
 
 Mr. Ta. — Noe. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — How do you know that there were articles ? 
 
 Mr. Ta. — I know notliing but what they told me. There were 
 articles between Mr. Wybraljam, Goddard, and Hall. I saw them in 
 Wybraham’s hand and Captain Baker’s band. They were left at my 
 house once. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — Did you read them ? 
 
 Mr. Ta. — Yes, sir. 
 
 Mr. vSj). — Why were they left at your house? 
 
 Mr. Ta. — Mr. Wybraham went out of town, and he left all his 
 writings, to keep for him in iny scrutore. There was a noise they 
 were in trust for the witnesses. Says I, I will have nothing to do with 
 them. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — Why did you looke into them ? 
 
329 
 
 Mr. Tn. — He ^ave me leave, and we read them together. 
 
 Mr. 8p. — Why did you deliver them to Mr. Baker, without 
 Wybraham’s leave? 
 
 Mr. Ta. — There was a report that these articles were in trust for me, 
 because in my custody, and to shew they were not, I delivered them to 
 Captain Baker, for he was undertaker of the whole matter. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — Were you to have noe share ? 
 
 Mr. Ta. — Not as I know of. They told me when the business was 
 done, they would reward me very well. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — What doe you know of articles about their estates in 
 Lancashire ? 
 
 Mr. Ta. — I know of noe other. It was the estates of 2 or 3 gentle- 
 men at Manchester, for setting their estates to superstitious uses. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — Pray tell mee what was your share ? 
 
 Mr. Ta. — -I do not know. They never specified to me anything in 
 pariicular, but said I should be well rewarded. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — Who is your trustee among all these men ? 
 
 Mr. Ta. — Truly 1 have none at all. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — What were you to doe ? 
 
 Mr. Ta. — I was to be rewarded for making a discovery. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — Were you examined as a witness ? 
 
 Mr. Ta. — Yes, in the Exchequer, upon the Commissions of Inquiry, 
 in the countrey. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — When you were here last, you acquainted the House that 
 Captain Baker tooke you along with him, to assist him to take the 
 gentlemen in the countrey ; I ask you whether you did see the list of 
 the gentlemen that were to be taken up ? 
 
 Mr. Ta. — Yes, I saw the list in Lunt’s narrative, and warrants 
 against them. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — I ask you if you saw any list in Captain Baker’s hands, or 
 any other person’s hands, of the persons to bee taken up ? 
 
 Mr. Ta. — I did not see it at that tyme, but I saw it before, when 
 they were writeing, when Lunt brought the narrative to Mr. Leigh 
 Bankes. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — When ; who was writeing of them ? 
 
 Mr. Ta. — When ? Captain Baker’s clarke and he himself. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — Had you ever any coppy of them ? 
 
 Mr. Ta. — Noe, sir; I had a list of them, but I cannot tell what has 
 become of it. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — Can you remember any of their names ? 
 
 Mr. Ta. — There was my Lord Molineux, Garrard, Stanley, Clifton, 
 Dickinson, Standish, Girlington, Blundell, Langton, Jackson, Wood, 
 Wilson, Lee, Townley, Gerrard, and Esquire Molineux. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — Did you see any of the warrants ? 
 
 Mr. Ta. — Yes. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — Were there warrants against all those ? 
 
 Mr. Ta. — Yes. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — Were they all taken up ? 
 
 Mr. Ta. — Noe, a great many got away ; Standish and Esquire 
 Molineux made his (sic) escape. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — You saw Lunt’s narrative. Did you read it over ? 
 
 Mr. Ta. — Yes. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — Can you remember the names that were in that narrative ? 
 
 Mr. Ta. — I can remember some of them. Most of the gentlemen 
 that I have named were in. In the fii st narrative, there was the Marquis 
 of Carmarthen, Lord Hallifax, Sir John Manwaring, Ashby, Lord 
 Nottingham, but they broke the list, for they asked mee my opinion of 
 
330 
 
 it, and I told them if they accused those gentlemen, they were soe much 
 for the government, they would not be believed. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — Who shewed you this narrati've ? 
 
 Mr. Ta. — ^Lunt was the chiefe. There was Captain Baker. I thought 
 it to be a reall thing then. Says I, I know not hut they may be guilty, 
 but you will not be believed. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — Where was it ? 
 
 Mr. Ta. — In Captain Baker’s office. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — Now I ask you, was the narrative that Lunt produced when 
 Mr. Leigh Bankes and you and Lunt were together, was that the same 
 narrative ? 
 
 Mr. Ta. — Noe, that narrative was the narrative when the plott was 
 perfect ; upon that they grounded it. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — Did they make any more narratives but one, before they 
 made that ? 
 
 Mr. Ta. — They have made severall broken papers — rough draughts — 
 but I never saw any other in forme, that was approved. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — You read over the nari’ative, did not you ? Pray give an 
 account to the House, of the names of the persons that were named and 
 mentioned in the narrative. 
 
 Mr. Ta. — As far as I can remember, there was my Lord Mollineux, 
 Sir William Gerrard, and all that were taken up, and one Symonds. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — Was there any there in any other county es than Lancashire 
 and Cheshire? 
 
 Mr. Ta. — Yes, there was one ; I thinke Wilson named Symonds. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — I ask you whether there were any other gentlemen that you 
 know of, of any other countyes, named in that narrative ; not what 
 Wilson told you ? 
 
 Mr. Ta. — Truly, to the best of my remembrance, I thinke there were 
 some Yorkshire gentlemen. I think my Lord Dunbarr was there. Sir 
 John Lawson, but I am not positive, because I am not acquainted with 
 those gentlemen ; and severall of the men taken up in Kent, that were 
 to murder the King, I think were in it. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — Doe you know any particular county in England, one more 
 tlian the other ? 
 
 Mr. Ta. — Lancashire. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — Was there any more you have not named in Lancashire ? 
 
 Mr. Ta. — >Not that I remember at present. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — You were speaking of Roger Dickonson, and sayd that 
 when you and Lunt and he were together, you sayd Lunt turned you 
 out of the room ? 
 
 Mr. Ta. — They desired mee to goe out of the room, soe I went down 
 stay res. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — What did they say to you when you came up ? 
 
 Mr. Ta. — That they had agreed an appointment to meet in the after- 
 noon. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — Doe you know Mr. Dickinson ? 
 
 Mr. Ta. — Hee said he was a Roman Catholic, but was brought up in 
 the Church of England. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — When was the first time that you and Mr. Bankes met 
 together ? 
 
 Mr. Ta. — Sir, I cannot call to mind at present, but it was about a 
 month or 3 weeks before the tryall. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — When did you meet the first time ? 
 
 Mr. Ta. — It was in Russell Street, at one Mr. Banister’s house, where 
 Mr. Dickinson appointed mee to meet him. I am not positive it is Russell 
 Street. I was never there before ; it is in Bloomsbury. 
 
331 
 
 Mr. Sp. — Who was with you besides Mr. Bankes ? 
 
 Mr. Ta. — There was noebody but hee and I. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — Who was it told you he was to meet you there ? 
 
 Mr. Ta. — Mr. Dickinson. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — Were you there first, or Mr. Bankes ? 
 
 Mr. Ta. — I thinke I was there first. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — Who brought Mr. Bankes into the room to you ? 
 
 Mr. Ta.—The woman of the house ; shee knew we were to meet 
 there. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — What was the next time ? 
 
 Mr. Ta. — The next morning. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — Where was that ? 
 
 Mr. Ta. -- Att his chamber in Gr.ay’s Inn. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — Who was with him there ? 
 
 Mr. Ta. — Mr. Beresford and another gentleman. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — Was there any more in the company but you and Mr. 
 Leigh Bankes and Mr. Beresford and the other gentleman ? 
 
 Mr. Ta.—Noe, sir. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — When was the next time you and Mr. Banks mett ? 
 
 Mr. Ta. — That very afternoon. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — Where was that ? 
 
 Mr. Ta. — At the ‘ Ship ’ alehouse, in the Butcher Row, without 
 Temple Barr. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — Who mett you there ? 
 
 Mr. Ta. — Mr. Lunt and I came there first, and when wee had been 
 there a little while, Mr. Leigh Banks and Mr. Beresford came in and 
 took a room and sent for mee. They were loth to speake with Mr. 
 Lunt, but I perswaded them to speake with him. Mr. Beresford went 
 away, and I brought Mr. Lunt to Mr. Banks, and wee were all three 
 together. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — Was there any other persons at that meeting but Mr. Lunt 
 and you and Mr. Leigh Banks and Mr. Beresfoi'd ? 
 
 Mr. Ta. — Noe, but Mr. Beresford did not speak to Mr. Lunt. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — When was the next time you mett with Mr. Leigh Banks? 
 
 Mr. Ta. — I saw him very often, almost every day. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — When was the next time you a,nd Mr. Leigh Banks mett ? 
 
 Mr. Ta.— I came to his chamber next morning again, and then found 
 him shy of mee, because they had had some lawyer’s advise, and I went 
 to see if he had got another man to goe with him, and then J went to 
 Mrs. Dickinson, and then I found Mr. Roger Dickinson. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — After the meeting you had in the Butcher Row', was there 
 any other appointment between you and Mr. Leigh Banks and Mr. 
 Beresford to meet ? 
 
 Mr. Ta. — There was noe meeting betwmen Mr. Lunt and Leigh Banks 
 and mee, afterwards, but wee appointed, that night, to meet next morning, 
 but Mr. Leigh Banks would not come. 
 
 Mr. Sp.— Where ? 
 
 Mr. Ta. — Wee did not fix on any particular place then, but I was to 
 give Mr. Lunt notice of it. 
 
 Mr. Sp.~ What was the meeting you talked of ? 
 
 Mr. Ta. — We were to meet somewhere thereabouts, and then to goe 
 into the Savoy and counterfeit comissions. The reason wee were to 
 goe into the Savoy was because Mr. Lunt would goe to noe place but 
 some priviledged place, for he was afraid to bee taken up. 
 
 IMr. Sp. — When did you come to Lunt to tell him of this meeting in 
 the Savoy ? 
 
 Mr. Ta.—I was to come to him the next morning. 
 
332 
 
 Mr. Sp. — Did you goe to Lunt first, or Mr. Leigh Banks ? 
 
 Mr. Ta. — I was to goe to Mr. Leigh Banks first, and accordingly did 
 goe to him first, but Mr. Banks was shy, and instead of bringing Mr. 
 Leigh Banks, I brought Mr. Roger Dickinson. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — VVhat house were you in at the Savoy ? 
 
 Mr. Ta. — Wee never were there. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — Where was it that Lunt was taken by the constable ? 
 
 Mr. Ta.- — Att a little cofi’ee house in Fetter Lane. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — Who was there at the time when he was taken ? 
 
 Mr. Ta. — None but he and I. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — Where was it that Mr. Banks went away ? 
 
 Mr. Ta. — It was at that coffee house. He came with Mr. Dickonson 
 and Mr. Beresford, but hearing of a constable, they went of. . Mr. Banks 
 did not see Lunt there. 
 
 , Mr. Sp. — You say Capt. Baker writt a letter to you into Lancashire, 
 and that you answered that letter again ? 
 
 Mr. Ta. — Yes, sir. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — Have you that letter that Capt. Baker writt to you ? 
 
 Mr. Ta. — Yes, I have it in my pocket. It is directed to an attorney 
 that it might the better come to mee. [He read the letter at Barr.] 
 Mr. Barrow was the attorney that was employed for the Comission 
 below, and he had layd out some money, and I wrote to Capt. Baker to 
 get him paid. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — You say you had several! discourses with Mr. Smith and 
 Capt. Baker. Pray how many meetings had you with Mr. Smith? 
 
 Mr. Ta. — I had noe meeting ever with Mr. Smith, but by chances ; 
 when Mr. Lunt was taken up by a constable, he then came to goe with 
 him before my Lord Mayor. That was the time I had most discourse 
 with him. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — How long since is it that you knew Mr. A[aron] Smith ? 
 
 Mr. Ta. — I never had familiarity with that man, but he used to come 
 often to Capt. Baker’s office. But when I came out of the countrey, I 
 went to him about an horse I had hired. Mr. Baker directed me to 
 Mr. Smith, and he sayd he had noe order to doe any such thing. That 
 was the first time I spoke to him and had any conversation with him. 
 The second time bee came to baile Mr. Lunt, and then hee called me aside, 
 and said it was a sad thing, he was an ill man ; and he desired me to 
 goe to my Lord Mayor’s, and because I told him Lunt had twowifes, he 
 turned me off. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — Y^ou sayd you had some offers of money by Mrs. Dickinson ? 
 
 Mr. Ta. — They did not offer mee money, but they asked me wliat 
 summe I would have and name my summe, and I should have wffiat I 
 pleased, for they had resolved, if I had named any summe, they would 
 not have taken any notice of me, and when I told them I did not do it 
 for reward, they thought I was reall. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — But how did you know this before ? 
 
 Mr. Ta. — I knew it but since; they told mee soe. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — Have you had any money since ? 
 
 Mr. Ta. — I have had money to bear my charges up and down. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — Have you had money from those gentlemen ? 
 
 Mr. Ta. — Yes, 1 had 6L to bear my charges down, and post. And 
 when the tryalls were over in Chester, Mr. Beresford, that payd the 
 charge of the witnesses, asked me if I wanted money for my charges, soe 
 he gave me 20/. I told him I had been there a fortnight. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — Who paid you the 61. ? 
 
 Mr. Ta. — It was sent to mee by Mr. Leigh Banks. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — Have you had any more money ? 
 
333 
 
 Mr. Ta. — Noe, sir. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — You say you went down with Lunt and Capt. Baker into 
 those conntreys. How instrumental were you now to Capt. Baker or 
 Mr. Lunt ? What hand had you in seizing of horses ? 
 
 Mr. Ta. — I had noe hand in it ; there were 4 messengers and they 
 toke 4 parts, and I went with one when hee tooke up Sir William 
 Gerrard, and was at Standish Hall when that was searched, and was 
 then about seizing of horses and seaching for armes. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — What other service did you doe ? 
 
 Mr. Ta. — That is all. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — But it is pretty strange that Capt. Baker and Lunt should 
 carrey you into the countrey and you should not bee more servicable than 
 this ? 
 
 Mr. Ta. — The reason was, Capt. Baker did not care to trust him soe 
 far with these men, and he was willing to have my advice. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — And you did advise from time to time ? 
 
 Mr. Ta. — Yes, I gave him my advise as well as I could. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — What way of living have you in this town ? 
 
 Mr. Ta. — I have an house and let lodgings. I have a pension from the 
 King ; the King allowed me 100/. a yeare. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — How long have you had it ? 
 
 Mr. Ta. — About 3 or 4 yeares. 
 
 .Mr. Sp. — Upon what account had you that pension ? 
 
 Mr Ta. — My Lord Bellamont introduced me to the King, and spake 
 for me, as I had been a sufferer in King James’ time and had noe estate 
 to live upon. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — What sufferer were you in King James’ time ? 
 
 Mr. Ta. — When the seven Bishops were sent to the Tower, I changed 
 my religion. I was a clergyman of the Church of Boome, and asked 
 to say mass at the Pope’s Nuncio’s, and after, came into England and 
 had a designe to change my religion, and thought I could not have a 
 better time for it than when popery was in its height, to shew the world 
 1 did not doe for interest, and soe the day the Bishopps were sent to the 
 Tower, I recanted before Mr. Tenison, and afterwards I was tra- 
 panned and put into prison, and lay there 28 days. I had a knife to cut 
 my victualls, and with that cut through the bricks and got out and 
 leaped into the garden, and then put on my clothes and got a ladder 
 and got atop of the wall, and leaped into the street and bi’oke my leg, 
 and lay there a good while. There was an acquaintance of mine, a 
 Roman Catholic; I thought if I could get to his house, he would save 
 mee, so I went as well as I could to his house, and he received mee, 
 and keept me till I was pretty well, and lent me his horse and clothes 
 and sent me to Dunkirke, and came over at that time King James went 
 to Salisbury Place, and my bookes, my writings, and clothes, were all 
 taken from my lodgings. I cannot say the pension was granted par- 
 ticularly for that, but Lord Bellamount had some business in the 
 countrey, and desired me to goe along with him, and when I came home, 
 he spake for mee to the King, and said I was very serviceable. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — What were you to doe for my Lord Bellamount ? 
 
 Mr. Ta. — This was one reason. Wee went into the country to 
 follow one Shynner that was gone into Ireland. My Lord Bellamount 
 was sent to examine him. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — How many pentions have you received ? 
 
 Mr. Ta. — It is about 3 or 4 yeares. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — When was the last payment paid you ? 
 
 Mr. Ta. — At our Lady day last. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — What, are you in arrear then ? 
 
334 
 
 Mr. Ta. — Noe more but from that time. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — Were you paid it yearly, half yearly, or quarterly ? 
 
 Mr. Ta. — Every halfe yeare. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — How much is due to you now ? 
 
 Mr. Ta. — 3 quarters at Christmas. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — Have you demanded what was due ? 
 
 Mr. Ta. — Yes, my wife has. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — From whom? 
 
 Mr. Ta. — From my Lord Portland’s secretary. The first time she 
 went, he told her it would come in two days, then she went and he put 
 her off till next Monday. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — You say you never saw Lunt till after Christmas ? 
 
 Mr. Ta. — Noe, I doe not say soe, but I say he came to rny house, at 
 that time, to acquaint me of the plott ; but I have known him 2 years 
 before that time. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — How come you to bee acquainted with Lunt, and how long 
 have you been acquainted with him before Christmas last, and upon what 
 occasion ? 
 
 Mr. Ta. — I cannot possitively, but the year is remarkable ; it was 
 when the French were beaten by Admiral Russell. The Easter Monday 
 before la Hogue buisness, he came to my house in St. James’, and told 
 me he was newly come from Lancashire, and that he had married my 
 wife’s sister. I asked him what name, and he said Capt. Witherington. 
 Says, I, what is your religion ? Says he, a Roman Catholicke, and I 
 would faigne goe to King James. Says I, if you would goe to King 
 James, I will have nothing to do with you. Hee delivered a letter of 
 recomendation to Mr. Walmsley, in France. Afterwards, he was taken 
 and comitted to the Gate House, and I never saw him afterwards, till 
 after last Christmas. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — When did you carry Mr. Lunt to my Lord Bellamount? 
 
 Mr. Ta. — It was a little after Christmas last. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — About what time, doe you thinke ? 
 
 Mr. Ta. — As I told you before, it may bee a month, or 6 weeks, or 
 3 weekes ; I cannot tell. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — Had hee been with the Secretary before you carryed him to 
 my Lord Bellamount ? 
 
 Mr. Ta. — It was after, for my Lord Bellamount spake for him to the 
 Secretary of State. 
 
 Mr. Sp.— Is there any relacion betwixt you and Mr. Lunt ? 
 
 Mr. Ta. — He told me he marryed my wife’s sister, but he had a wife 
 before, soe it was but a cheat upon her. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — Hid you see the passe that Mr. Lunt had from my Lord 
 Melford ? 
 
 Mr. Ta. — Yes, Mr. Lunt has it, I suppose. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — Hid you see it in Hunt’s hands ? 
 
 Mr. Ta. — Yes, I read it, and it is in French. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — When did you see that passe first ? 
 
 Mr. Ta. — The first day he came to mee. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — Hid you see it at any time afterwards P 
 
 Mr. Ta. — When I brought him to my Lord Bellamount, he shewed it 
 to him and several 1 people, to Capt. Baker. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — You mentioned some money that was given to witness. 
 Pray, by whom was that money given, and wh.at money ? 
 
 Mr. Ta. — I was never at the payment of any considerable summe, but 
 Capt. Baker payd them money, and Aaron Smith at other times, as they 
 told mee. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — Hid you see any money payd ? 
 
835 
 
 Mr. Ta. — I doe not remember I was present at any payment, but I 
 have seen them come with summes of money from Capt. Baker and 
 Mr. Smith, and shewed me they have had guinneas. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — Did Capt. Baker ever tell you that he had paid money ? 
 
 Mr. Ta. — Yes, he said there was 50 guinneas, and that Mr. Lunt and 
 he had divided it. Capt. Baker said he had only 10 of it. 
 
 Mr. Sp, — Did Aron Smith ever say that he gave any money ? 
 
 Mr. Ta. — hfoe, I do not remember he did. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — For what was this money ? 
 
 Mr. Ta. — It was to maintain the witnesses and encourage them, and 
 that Mr, Lunt might goe among his friends and see whether they would 
 come in with him and confirm e what he said. Wilson, that had not 
 bread to eat before, was tempted with soe many guineas. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — What doe you remember of the narrative that Mr. Lunt 
 drew out when Mr. Bankes was there ? What doe you remember, besides 
 the names of the persons ? 
 
 Mr. Ta.~I remember he declared he followed King James into 
 France, and from thence into Ireland, and that he was introduced to 
 King James by my Lord T. Howard and George Howard, and they told 
 him he was a very trusty man, and that he was sent with one Melford 
 to carry coniissions, and that they landed in Lancashire, and had delivered 
 comissions to the severall gentlemen in custody, and how they kissed the 
 comissions, and drunke King James’ health, and gave them money. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — Have you any coppye of the narrative ? 
 
 Mr. Ta. — I had a coppye of some of it, but I can’t tell what has 
 become of it. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — What is Capt. Baker’s office ? 
 
 Mr. Ta. — A place they call his office. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — Why doe you call it an office ? 
 
 Mr. Ta. — It is a name they gave it. It was appointed to examine 
 what money the dissenters had payd in King Charles’ time. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — Who was that divided among ? 
 
 Mr. Ta. — I cannot tell. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — You were saying Mrs. Dicconson was very much concerned 
 to know the witnesses’ names ? 
 
 Mr. Ta. — Yes, sir. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — Was that concern of Mrs. Dicconson and that discourse you 
 had with her, before you spake with Mr. Leigh Banks, or after ? 
 
 Mr. Ta. — Before, sir. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — How long before ? 
 
 Mr. Ta. — I thinke it was about a fortnight or 10 dayes. It was at 
 the beginning, when my wife spake to her. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — I need not ask you what religion you are of ? 
 
 Mr. Ta.--I am of the Church of England. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — You were giving an account to the House, of Mr. Leigh 
 Banks his going to my Lord Chief e Justice. Pray, who was in 
 company when he went to my Lord Chiefe Justice ? 
 
 Mr. Ta. — I doe not know, for I did not know of their goeing till 
 afterwards. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — Who told you of it afterwards ? 
 
 Mr. Ta. — Mrs. Dickinson told mee first, and afterwards I asked 
 Mr. Banks, and bee told mee he was there, and he told mee there was 
 Mr. Leigh Banks and Mr. Beresford ; I know not who else. 
 
 Mr. Ashton brought in. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — What countrey man are you ? 
 
 Mr Ashton. — Lancashire; I lived at the ‘‘Three Tunns,’ in Bread Street. 
 
336 
 
 Mr. Sp. — How long since ? 
 
 A. — A matter of 6 weekes. I came out of Lancashire, and lost my 
 place in going there. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — With whom did you live in Bread Street ? 
 
 A. — Mr. Wright, I thinke they called him. I lived with him a 
 month or 5 weeks. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — In what quality did you live with this gentleman ? 
 
 A. — 1 was under-chamberlain. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — What doe you know of the proceedings against severall 
 gentlemen that were indicted and tryed in the County of Lancaster and 
 Chester ? 
 
 A. — I doe not know that ever I knew any thing against them. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — What doe you know of the proceedings against them ? 
 
 A. — Why, there was one Wombell, a carrier, and I was a carrier. 
 I asked him how he lived, and he said he was the King’s messenger. I 
 asked him if he could doe me any kindness in that concerne, and he said 
 he did not know, but he might. He asked me to come to his lodgings, 
 and I came and lay with him, and he said he did not know but he might 
 helpe mee to a place, in a short time, and said if I could swear that I 
 bad carryed armes for such and such a gentleman, hee would helpe mee to 
 a place, or money to maintain me. He named Mr. Legh of Lyme, and 
 
 . Hee said he would help mee to 50/. a year or 27s. a weeke. 
 
 I told him I knew nothing of it. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — Was you at Manchester 
 
 A. — Yes. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — Were you examined as a witness there ? 
 
 A. — Yes, I gave that evidence there. 
 
 Mr. Ashton withdraws. 
 
 28 November, 1694. 
 
 Capt. Baker, after he was withdrawn, being called in again. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — I am commanded by the House to ask you severall questions 
 upon the narrative you have made to the House, that it may be the 
 better understood. You were pleased to say that you searched Mr. 
 Standish’s house yourself, and that you tooke some papers there ; have 
 you those papei’s about you ? 
 
 Capt. Ba. — Yes, sir. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — What papers are they ? 
 
 Capt. Bu.— There is a paper relateing to the tryall of some pyrates, the 
 other is called Rules for Exercise. I thinke the other is a paper that I 
 marked. I tooke it to be heads for a declaration upon the intended 
 insurrection. 
 
 (He delivered in the papers, and that importing heads of a declaration 
 was read by the Clarke.) 
 
 Mr. Sp. — You should acquaint the House with the matter of this 
 paper. Did you thinke tliis was a paper fitt to make a declaration out 
 of? It is fitt to be burned, and not produced to the House. Where did 
 you find these papers ? 
 
 Capt. Ba. — I found them at the house of one Mr. Standish called 
 Standish Hall. I found them above staires in a bed chamber. 
 
 ^r. Sp. — You say Lunt went down along with you into Cheshire; I 
 am commanded to ask you by what name did he goe down with you ? 
 
 Capt. Ba. — He went mostly by the name of Smith. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — By what other name ? 
 
 Capt. Ba. — By the name of Lunt, 
 
337 
 
 Mr. Sp. — Did he pretend to know any of the gentlemen that were to 
 he taken up ? 
 
 Capt. Ba. — Yes, sir, he pretended to know Mr. Leigh of Lyme. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — What house did Mr. Lunt go to, in Lancashire and Cheshire 
 for [which] you had the warrants ? 
 
 Capt. Ba. — Sir, I sent him to noe house in Lancashire or Cheshire, but 
 only to Mr. Legh of Lyme. 
 
 Mr. Sp.— Did he obey your commands in that, or goe to any other ? 
 
 Qapt. Ba. — I know not that he went to any other ; I gave noe warrants 
 to Mr. Lunt, or any other but the King’s messengers. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — You were speaking of Mr. Taffe, that when he returned from 
 Cheshire and Lancashire, that he came to you for a reward, to satis fye 
 him for his journey, and afterwards he desired you to goe along with him 
 to Mr. A. Smith ; that you did not goe with him that morning, but he 
 went afterwards by himself, and you said you were told Mr. Taffe was 
 angry, and threatened revenge ? 
 
 Capt. Ba. — I did soe. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — Who was that person ? 
 
 Capt. Ba. — There was one Dibidderon that told me he talked of 
 revenge, and there was one Wybraham that was one in the lobby, when 
 I came into the House. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — Where is the other ? 
 
 Capt. Ba. — I doe not know where he lodges, but I believe I can find 
 him, in a day or two. 
 
 Ml*. Sp. — By whose order did Mr. Lunt goe down ? 
 
 Capt. Ba. — By the Secretary. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — What Secretary ? 
 
 Capt. Ba. — Both of them. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — For what reason, to what purpose, did he goe down ? 
 
 Capt. Ba. — I doe not know the reason; I suppose there was cause and 
 reason in the information before them. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — In your information to the House, you made mention of one 
 Wilson, that I thinke you say you met at Manchester ? 
 
 Capt. Ba. — I mentioned one Wilson that was taken up for high treason, 
 among the rest ; he was carryed down to Manchester, among the rest. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — Why was not he made use of as a witness ? 
 
 Capt. Ba. — I cannot answer that reason, but he was upon the briefe, 
 and the councell pressed to call him. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — Which of the King’s councell did you speake to, to call 
 Wilson ? 
 
 Capt. Ba. — Sir, it was Mr. iS app that told mee hee had received hard 
 language for pressing him to be called. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — Who was the King’s councell ? 
 
 Capt. Ba.-— There was Sir William Williams, Serjeant Gould, and 
 Mr. Hawles. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — But you say you spake to some of the King’s coimcell, 
 yourselfe ? 
 
 Capt. Ba. — Yes, I did speake to Mr. Sergeant Gould and to Mr. Ball 
 and some of the managers. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — When you pressed that hee should bee called, what answer 
 was given to you ? 
 
 Capl, Ba. — None at all. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — Did you hear the King’s councell give a repremand to 
 Mr. Napp for pressing the calling him for a witness ? 
 
 Capt. Ba. — Noe, sir. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — When you were at Mr. Standish’s house, you came into the 
 lady’s chamber, and the lady told you you came too late, for that she 
 
 73480. Y 
 
338 
 
 had an information, some time before, of your coming into the countrey, 
 and since that time, you said you came to understand how the intelli- 
 gence came to be given ? 
 
 Capt. Ba. — I did say I thought there was some reason to believe how. 
 I believe it came from Mr. Taffe’s wife, who is godmother, &c. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — You say you had money for dischargeing your expenses ; 
 pray, what money, and from whom ? 
 
 Capt. Ba. — From the Secretary. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — From both or from whom ? 
 
 Capt. Ba. — From both. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — Was it one summe from both, or severall summes ? 
 
 Capt. Ba. — It was a summe from each, 100/. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — You were saying there was some discourse of Mr. Taffe’s, 
 that he should say he could serve Mr. Legh. Now, the House desires to 
 know who it was that told you soe. 
 
 Capt. Ba. — It was one Mr. Wybraham. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — What did he tell you ? 
 
 Capt. Ba. — He told me he was walking with Mr. Tatfe, and that he 
 told Mr. Taffe that such a one did wonder he would be concerned in the 
 matter. Why, says hee, why does he wonder I am noe evidence. But, 
 says he, there is evidence that will certainly goe to the lives of every 
 one of them, it is soe clear. But, says he, Legh of Lyme is Protestant ; 
 for the rest, he did not care if they were hanged. He asked if he knew 
 him, and sayd he wished he could come to some relation or friend of 
 his, for he could put him in a way to save his life, but there was noe 
 comeing to Lee of Lyme, for he was in the Tower. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — You say Mr. Lunt was examined; before whom was he 
 examined ? 
 
 Capt. Ba. — He was examined before the Secretary. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — Was he examined before any other person ? 
 
 Capt. Ba. — They were together. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — Was he examined before any other person ? 
 
 Capt. Ba. — I believe my Lord Keeper was at the Secretary’s at that 
 time ; they did all ask him questions. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — Was he examined by any other persons than them 3 ? 
 
 Capt. Ba. — Not that I know of. 
 
 Mr. Sp.— You were speaking of some warrants that were delivered 
 to you, when you went into the countrey ? 
 
 Capt. Ba. — Yes, they were soe. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — Were the warrants all filled up when they were delivered 
 to you ? 
 
 Capt. Ba. — Every one of them, all but the directions, all but the 
 messengei’s’ names ; the body of the warrants were all full. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — Were the persons’ names inserted in the warrants against 
 whom they were issued ? 
 
 Capt. Ba. — Yes, they were. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — Were there any blanks ? 
 
 Capt. Ba. — Perhaps for a Christian name, not otherwise. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — Had you any blank warrants ? 
 
 Capt. Ba. — Not one. They were directed to blank such a one, 
 messenger to their Majesties in ordinary. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — You did inform the House that about August was 12 months, 
 you were employed in the buisness concerning finding out lands given 
 to superstitious uses ? 
 
 Capt. Ba. — I was employed to execute a comission in the countrey. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — Doe you know of any articles for dureing those lands, in 
 case they should be discovered and found out ? 
 
339 
 
 Capt. Ba. — The lands were to be the King’s. I never was in any 
 articles. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — I aske you whether you know of any articles that were made, 
 concerning the devision of such forfeited lands ? 
 
 Capt. Ba. — Sir, I have heard of an order of the Lords of the Treasury, 
 for inquireing after such lands, and that, for recovery of such lands, 
 there should be a third parte for the undertakers, and did hear there 
 were some persons did enter into articles to bear the charge, and that 
 when they were recovered, they should have them amongst them, soe 
 and soe. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — Doe you know of the undertakers’ names ? 
 
 Capt. Ba. — I have heard there was one Goddard Stepkyn. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — Who employed you in the comission ? 
 
 Capt. Ba. — I was employed by one Docwra of London, and severall 
 other gentlemen. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — Please to name them. 
 
 Capt. Ba. — My Lord Monmouth was one, Sir Scroope How, Sir. J. 
 Guise. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — Any other person that you can remember ? 
 
 Capt. Ba.— Not that I remember. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — Is there any determination of the matter in the Exchequer ? 
 
 Capt. Ba. — Noe, sir ; there is an information, but the answers some 
 are in and others are out. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — It is still in procecution ? 
 
 Capt. Ba. — Yes, sir. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — What other comissions doe you know of ? 
 
 Capt. Ba.— I have heard of one in Lancashire. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — What proceedings upon that ? 
 
 Capt. Ba. — -There have been proceedings to the examininge of 
 witnessees. 
 
 Mr. Sp.— What witnesses were examined in the last comissions ? 
 
 Capt. Ba. — great many. I cannot remember all their names. 
 Mr. Taffe was examined, and one Nevill, and De la Gard, Barrow, and 
 some others. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — -Has Lunt been examined ? 
 
 Capt. Ba.— Yes. 
 
 Mr. Sp.— Has Wombell ? 
 
 Capt. Ba. — As to the credit of the witnesses, noe otherwise, that I 
 remember. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — -Was Wilson ever tryed ? 
 
 Capt. Ba. — Wilson was never tryed. 
 
 Mr. Sp.— Were you at the tryall at Manchester? Were you there 
 when the Grand Jury did appeare? 
 
 Capt. Ba. — -Yes, sir. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — What did you observe ? Did you observe there was any 
 alteration to the pannel of the Grand Jury? 
 
 Capt. Ba. — Noe, sir ; nor I believe there was none. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — There was noe names aded nor none struck out ? 
 
 Capt. Ba. — Noe, sir, that I know of. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — Was you there when the prisoners were arraigned ? 
 
 Capt. Ba. — I was soe, sir. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — Did you observe that the pannel of the Petit Jury was 
 either altered or any added to it ? 
 
 Capt. Ba. — The pannel of the Petit Jury there was an edition to 
 it, and the reason was because it was supposed to be too small, for there 
 was not above 65, soe there was an edition to 112, or 114, or 120 at 
 the most. 
 
 Y 2 
 
340 
 
 Mr. Sp. — Was there any Act of Parliament or Statute read con- 
 cerning pannells ? 
 
 Capt. Ba. — There was a Statute read, but I cannot charge myself 
 what Statute or to what purpose. It was something about Grand Jurys, 
 as I remember. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — What was done upon it ? 
 
 Capt. Ba. — I know nothing that was done upon it; the Grand Jury 
 was impannelled and sworne. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — What was the occasion of the reading of it ? 
 
 Capt. Ba. — Upon some speach the Judge made, they called for the 
 booke and ordered it to be read. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — What did he say upon the reading of it ? 
 
 Capt. Ba. — I cannot tell ; it did not concerne me. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — Was there any decla,ration made by the Judges, relateing to 
 the law upon the point whether a pannell might be altered ? 
 
 Capt. Ba. — I believe there was something said that the law was soe 
 and soe, but I cannot remember particularly what it was. The Statute 
 that was read was not relateing to the Petit Jury, but the Grand* Jury. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — The House have been informed of an office that you keep, 
 in the Temple ? 
 
 Capt. Ba. — I am ready to give an account of those chambers they 
 call an office. It was upon this occasion : about 2 or 3 yeares agoe, there 
 was an order issued to some gentlemen, who had made a proposal to 
 make a discovery of great summes levyed upon dissenters, and not paid 
 into the Exchequer. The people that undertooke that, made some 
 progress in it, and thought fitt to make choice of some chambers near 
 the Exchequer office, for the purpose. They discovered 3,000/. upon 
 Sir Thomas Jenner, and he pleaded it. Severall great summes were 
 discovered, to the value of 20,000/. I was not one of them, but a well 
 wisher to them, soe they called me to their assistance, I haveing laid in 
 goale almost 2 yeares for the service of my countrey and the Protestant 
 religion, as I tooke it, at that time. They tooke these chambers, and I 
 lodged in them ever since they have proceeded to tryall, and there are 
 severall summes of money paid into the King’s receiver. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — Who are the undertakers ? 
 
 Capt. Ba. — There was a brother of mine in it, Mr. Dockwra, and 
 one that belonged to Sir William Godolphin. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — You say there have been examinations of witnesses upon a 
 comission into Lancashire ; has there been any indictment against any 
 of those witnesses for perjury ? And what doe you know of any Cer- 
 tiorari ? 
 
 Capt. Ba, — Never that I heard. Mr. Lunt and Mr. Taffe were both 
 witnesses, but I know of noe Certiorari in that matter. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — When you went down into the countrey was there any 
 horses seized ? 
 
 Capt. Ba. — Yes, a great many. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — Of what value ? 
 
 Capt. Ba. — Some were worth 50/., 40/., 10/. 7/., but the lowest, I 
 believe, was worth 7/. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — From whom were they taken ? 
 
 Capt. Ba. — From a great many persons. I suppose Mr. Smith hath 
 given in a memorial whose horses they were. I seized none. I 
 believe a great many was returned. I believe 30 that I thought barely 
 within the Statute. They were seized by virtue of warrants. 
 
 Mr. Sj). — How could you direct the returning of them ? 
 
 Capt. Ba. — Advised it. 
 
 Mr. Sp.-— Were any taken, under the value of 5/. ? 
 
841 
 
 Capt. Ba. — None that I know of but was returned. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — Pray, how were they disposed of ? 
 
 Capt. Ba. — According to the orders I received. I believe there are 
 a matter of 30 at Coventrey. I thinke all the rest are at London. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — Who did you give an account of these matters to ? 
 
 Capt. Ba. — To the Secretary of State. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — I thought you sayd to Mr. Smith ? 
 
 Capt. Ba. — 1 suppose he communicated my letters. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — Doe you know of any warrants that were issued against 
 any persons to be used as witnesses for the prisoners ? 
 
 Capt. Ba.— Noe, sir; there were warrants, I believe, against Mr. 
 Taffe. I know none against any body else, nor heard any talk of it. 
 One thing I had forgot. When we were searching at Standish Hall, after 
 a great deale of searching, comeing into the lady’s chamber, putting by 
 the hanging by the chimney sidt?, says the lady — Why do you put it by ? 
 upon my honour there is nothinge there in the bricks. He put in his 
 hands, and pulled out a matter of 10 yellow swords blades and scabbords, 
 such as the soldiers wear now. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — I thinke when you were here before you mentioned a silver 
 chalice and a silver hilted sword that Mr. Taffe had ? 
 
 Capt. Ba.~There was soe at Standish Hall, and Mr. Taffe threw 
 by his own blacke hilted sword. I did not then contradict him, but 
 afterwards it was sent backe because it was sould away, and caused a 
 fowling peece to be returned, which she said was her son’s. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — If you found Mr. Taffe such a filching fellow as to rob 
 instead of searching, perhaps if you had not returned it, you might 
 have been in danger of robbery ? 
 
 Capt. Ba. — I did not take the sword to be robbery, because it looked 
 like armes ; it was seized as armes ; but I did take the chalice to be 
 robbery. I did injoyn them to goe into noe chappell. 
 
 Withdraws. Called in again. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — You have delivered a paper in here to the House, that was 
 found at Standish Hall, that was read while you were here. Have you 
 kept that paper ever since yourself ? 
 
 Capt. Ba. — Noe, sir. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — Who did you deliver it to ? 
 
 Capt. Ba. — To Mr. Aaron Smith. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — How long did he keepe it ? 
 
 Capt. Ba. — I believe he might have had it for 10 days or more. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — When did he deliver it to you again ? 
 
 Capt. Ba. — I believe a weeke or 10 days agoe. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — You cannot say whether he showed it to any person ? 
 
 Capt. Ba. — Noe. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — Why did not you carrey it to a Secretary of State? 
 
 Capt. Ba. — I believe Mr. Smith did. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — Was there any agreement of the prisoners that they should 
 take but one challenge for all, and tlmy all should be concluded by that 
 challenge ? 
 
 Capt. Ba. — I know not of such agreement. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — This was in open court ? 
 
 Capt. Ba. — Noe, sir, I doe not remember any such agreement ; but 
 they did talke to one another and mind one another. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — You were saying there was some adittion, upon the read- 
 ing of the vStatute, to the pannell, which was at first about 65. Had 
 the prisoners a coppye of the first pannell of the 65 ? 
 
 Capt. Ba. — I believe they had. 
 
342 
 
 Mr. Sp. — Was the addition made after the coppye of the panned 
 was delivered to the prisoners, or before ? 
 
 Capt. Ba. — I cannot tell that, for I had not the manageing of that 
 part, nor had nothing to doe with the pannell. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — I only asked you if you observed that matter. Can you 
 give an account to the House what the Judges said, upon the adding to 
 the pannell ? 
 
 Capt. Ba. — I cannot give you any other account than that the Judge 
 sayd he must make a full pannell, and that he would not make it less 
 than 120 : but I thinke they did not amount to soe many at last. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — You say that Mr. Lunt gave information that Walton was 
 a dangerous man. Why was not he seized ? 
 
 Capt. Ba. — I believe he was seized. I thinke 1 saw him once’ in New- 
 gate when I went to visit one of the prisoners. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — But why was not he seized immediately, as soon as he was 
 found out ? How long was it after that, that you saw him in Newgate ? 
 
 Capt. Ba. — I believe it was 2 months and more ; but I beared he was 
 seized that very day we went out of . 
 
 Mr. Sp. — Hov/ long was that, after you saw him in the Temple ? 
 
 Capt. Ba. — T believe a fortnight or 3 weekes. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — Doe you remember the time when the pannell of the Petit 
 Jury was altered ? Was it when the prisoners were present ? 
 
 Capt. Ba. — I believe they were present. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — You were speaking concerning one Wybrand ; was he a 
 party to the articles that were made for deviding the estates given to 
 superstitious uses ? 
 
 Capt, Ba. — I believe not. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — Was he to have any part ? 
 
 Capt. Ba. — Not that I know of. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — Doe you know of any affidavits offered and tendered to my 
 Lord Chiefe Justice ? 
 
 Capt. Ba. — In what matter ? 
 
 Mr. Sp. — Concerning the information here, and the conspiracy ? 
 
 Capt. Ba. — Noe, sir ; I never heard of any affidavits that were offered 
 to him. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — Did Mr. Aaron Smith ever tell you of any affidavits that 
 were tendered to my Lord Chiefe Justice ? 
 
 Capt. Ba. — Not that I know of. I believe he did say that Mr. Taffe 
 or some body had offered affidavits in the countrey, or just going out of 
 town. I believe he or Mr. Ball told me soe. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — Has Mr. Taffe and you held any correspondence by letters ? 
 
 Capt. Ba. — Sir, I have told you how, and how long the acquaintance, 
 and upon what occasion I sent him 2 or 3 letters, upon executeing the 
 comission he went down about. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — Give an account of persons meeting you at Dunstapie. 
 
 Capt. Ba. — Mr. Parsons is brother-in-law to Mr. Taffe, and lives 
 within a (piarter of a mile of Standish Hall. I thought it an odd thing 
 that Mr. Taffe should meet him at such a time. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — You were speaking of the money exacted upon dissenters, 
 and that tlie money was paid to the receiver. Did he account to the 
 Exchequer, or any other person ? 
 
 Capt Ba. — He had an express Privy Seale to receive the money and 
 give discharges. 
 
 Mr. S]). — To whom was he accountable ? 
 
 Capt. Ba. — To the Exchequer, I believe. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — You said you were ill-used in the late reignes, and was a 
 prisoner for the Protestant religion. What was you a prisoner for? 
 
343 
 
 Capt. Ba. — I was first taken up for treasonable practice. Atterbury 
 tooke me up, and I lay all that while upon the King’s account. I was 
 charged upon other accounts, but, as soon as I had a pardon for that, I 
 superseded the other, or else they withdrew, and I was discharged. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — You could not be charged while in Atterbury’s hands ? 
 
 Capt. Ba.' — I was, by judgment of the Court, commited to the King’s 
 Bench for a fine. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — Did you observe the prisoners desired that the witnesses 
 might be examined apart ? 
 
 Capt. Ba. — I cannot tell ; I doe not remember any such thing was 
 insisted on. 
 
 Captain Baker withdraws. Mr. Wybrand called in. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — Doe you know one Mr. TafFe ? 
 
 Mr. Wybrand. — Yes. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — How long have you known him ? 
 
 Mr. Wy. — Three or four yeares. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — Have you had any discourse with Mr. Tafie concerning 
 Mr. Legh of Lyme ? 
 
 Mr. Wy. — Yes, I had some in the Temple, a little before the prisoners 
 went into the countrey. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — What discourse ? 
 
 Mr. Wy. — He pressed me severall times, whether I knew any one 
 that was a particular friend of Mr. Lee’s of Lyme, for that he could 
 put him in a way to save his life, and he was sure, if he did, he should 
 make his fortune by it. I asked him, how can you save his life when 
 you said the evidence against him was enough to hang him ? Ay, says 
 he, but I have a way to doe it, for all that. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — -Upon what occasion was this discourse? 
 
 Mr. Wy. — Why, sir, being acquainted with Mr. Tafie, a gentleman 
 that was an acquaintance of mine said he heard such a one was an 
 evidence against Mr. Legh of Lyme, and, says he, I wish he was not, 
 because there is one Legh of Lyme, a Protestant and an honest gentle- 
 man. I went to him, and he sayd he was not a witness. I pressed him 
 again as to Mr. Legh, and upon that occasion he told me there was 
 evidence enough to hang them all, but there was some disgust ; he sayd 
 they did not use him as kindly as he ought to be, and upon that 
 occasion he sayd he would put them in a way to save Mr. Legh of 
 Lyme’s life. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — Did he complain of ill usage ? 
 
 Mr. Wy. — He said he was not rewarded well enough for his journey. 
 They would not give him money enough. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — Did you see this matter any further, for it seems you were 
 spoken to by a friend of Mr. Legh of Lyme’s ? 
 
 Mr. Wy. — Noe, sir. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — That was pretty strange, when he told you he could doe 
 Mr. Legh any service. Did you acquaint him with what Mr. Tafie 
 tolcl you? 
 
 Mr. Wy. — Noe, I never saw the gentleman or him afterwards, till I 
 saw him in the lobby. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — Doe you know of any articles made by any persons con- 
 cerning the dividing the forfeited estates that were to be superstitious 
 uses ? 
 
 Mr. Wy. — Yes, I doe know of articles. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — Between whom ? Doe you know of one Stepkins ? Doe 
 you know of any articles with him ? 
 
844 
 
 Mr. Wy. — There are some articles I have with him myself, upon the 
 comission that was sent into Lancashire. He was to have such a 
 share for being at the charge of speeding the comission. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — Who was to have a share ? 
 
 Mr. Wy. — I was to have a share. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — What share ? 
 
 Mr. Wy. — I can’t particularly tell you the articles. I thinke 100/. 
 for every 1,000/. that came to their share. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — What power had Mr. Stepkin to make the agreement ? 
 
 Mr. Wy. — He said he had a power from the Treasury. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — Were you a trustee for any person, or concerned in your 
 own right ? 
 
 Mr. Wy. — Only for myself. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — You have those articles, have you not ? 
 
 Mr. Wy. — Noe, I have not, but I can have them. Really, I cannot 
 tell very well, for Mr. Taffe asked me one day for them, and I doe not 
 know whether I had them out of his hands since. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — Why did you deliver them to him ? How was he con- 
 cerned ? 
 
 Mr. Wy. — Hee and I was friends, and had been concerned in this 
 buisness, and I used to leave sever all of my writeings at his house. I 
 asked him severall times for them, and he would not give them me. 
 I suppose he hath them. 
 
 6 December, [16]94. 
 
 Lunt at the Barr ; after he had told his story. — 
 
 Mr. Sp. — Let me ask you 2 or 3 questions. You gave evidence at 
 Manchester against the prisoners ; you did observe there, I suppose, that 
 Mr. Legh Bankes gave evidence for the prisoners ? 
 
 Mr. Lunt. — Yes. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — You observed likewise that Mr. Dicconson was a witness 
 for the prisoners ? 
 
 L.— Yes. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — And that Mr Taffe was also examined there ? 
 
 L.— Yes. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — Well, you heard them tell a long story concerning you, of 
 procureing witnesses for the King against those gentlemen. Now, I 
 would ask you, why did not you clear yourself to the Judges and the 
 Jury, and answer those severall objections against you ? 
 
 L. — I was willing, but they stopped me and bid me hold my tongue. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — Who bid you hold your tongue ? 
 
 L. — The King’s councell, till they liad done, and after they had done 
 I was never asked. I had severall witnesses that were not examined ; I 
 know not the reason. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — Who interrupted you ? 
 
 L. — I doe not know them if I saw them again. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — Doe you not know the names of the King’s councell that 
 were there that examined the witnesses ? 
 
 L. — Sir William Williams, I thinke it was. 
 
 j\Ir. Sp. — Why did not you desire to be heard, after the evidence was 
 (lone, to clear yourself, for they gave very strange evidence against you, 
 as wee understand, for they say you went about London to get witnesses 
 to swear falsly against these gentlemen. 
 
 L. — 1 never did. 1 will tell you all that I know of Mr. Legh Bankes 
 and Mr. Dicconson. I will give you a just account, as I hope to be 
 saved. 
 
345 
 
 Mr. Sp. — You are now at full liberty to say what you please, as you 
 would have done at Manchester. 
 
 L. — If it pleases your honour, Mr. Taflfe came to me. Sayes he, did 
 not you know one Captain Howard. Noe, sayes I, I never had much 
 acquaintance with him ; there was one Howard in la Hogue buisness, 
 and should have been an officer, but I had noe acquaintance with him. 
 Sayes he, what will you say if he will come in, and evidence for the 
 King ; he hath a comission in his pocket. Says I, if he would, it would 
 do a good deal of service ; you know how to take him to the Secretary 
 as well as I. But, says he, he hath a great mind to see you. Sayes I, 
 with all my heart. Says he, I would have you tell Mr. Smith of it. 
 That there is such a person, says he, you may take my word, aud I 
 believe he knows a great deale, as much as you almost. Sayes I, it may 
 be he does. Sayes I, I will meet him at any time. This passed on for a 
 fortnight. Afterwards, Mr. Taffe comes one morning. Sayes he, you 
 must goe out to see the gentleman, and bring me to ‘ the Ship ’ ale house 
 in the Butcher’s Bow, where I sat, and he went out. I admired he left 
 me in that manner. At last he comes. Sayes he, he is come; let 
 you and I goe above. When I came in, there was a gentleman sat. 
 Sayes he, I beg your pardon, I am in drinke ; I am not fit now, but if 
 you will met four a’clocke, I shall bee glad to see you. Mr. Taffe 
 would have been faign putting on what I had to say to the gentleman, 
 in Lancashire. Sayes T, I know not the meaning. Sayes I, is this the 
 gentleman you pretended to have a comission ? Noe, sayes he. I told 
 him I had nothing to say to him, and never saw the man afterwards till 
 he came to be an evidence against me. Monday after this I was a little 
 angry with Mr. Taffe. Sayes I, what in the name of Jesuss is the 
 meaning of it, to bring me into such a man’s company to make a fool of 
 me ? Sayes he, he knew a great deale, but he had dranke soe much he 
 knew nothing of it. On Monday after, sayes he, we shall meet with 
 Mr. Howard as tomorrow. The morrow I came, according to my 
 promise, and saw noebody but Mr. Taffe. He sayd he was engaged with 
 a Jacobite club, but he would meet me next day. Sayes I, I doe not 
 desire to see any of them. On Monday he takes me to meet him, and 
 there I met a gentleman which, if it was Mr. Dicconson, my eyes were 
 not well my own. Mr. Taffe, when he came, he went to the staires. 
 Sayes he, it may be you may have some buisness. Well, sayes he, I 
 will but just goe to the wall ; calls in for a pint of mum. Sayes he, I 
 hear you are going to be evidence against some Lancashire gentlemen. 
 Sayes I, who told you ? Sayes he, Mr. Taffe. Sayes he, I believe I know 
 and can prove as much as most can, but would not willingly have my name 
 known. Sir, sayes I, if you please, I will send for a gentleman that will 
 take your information what you can say, and I believe it will be kept 
 private. But, sayes he, I can’t stay now, but I will meet you in the after- 
 noon. Sayes I, if you please, let it be between 2 or 3 a’clock, and then 
 the gentleman will be within, and 1 will send for him. I payd for the mum 
 and we parted, and that was all that was sayd upon it, one way or other, 
 in that gentleman’s company. lusted of meeting at 3, Mr. Taffe came 
 to my lodging and there dined with me. His wife, Taffe, and I, went to 
 meet him at 2 or 3 a’clock, and I never saw him afterwards. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — Mr. Lunt, you heard v/hat Mr. Taffe sayd against you at 
 Manchester, and the other gentleman. How long have you been 
 acquainted with Mr. Taffe ? 
 
 L. — This 2 yeares and upwards I have known him. 
 
 ]\Ir. Sp. — Did you never tell Mr. Legh Banks and Mr. Dicconson 
 they shoud have good rewards out of those gentlemen’s estates, if they 
 would swear against thena, and they were convicted ? 
 
346 
 
 L. — Never since I was born. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — Did you never tell Mr. Legh Bank and Mr. Dicconson that 
 you would make a plot of your own ? 
 
 L. — Noe, never in my days, as I hope to be saved. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — Did you never tell him you would carry the plott through all 
 the countys of England, if you could convict these men ? 
 
 L. — I never said any such thing in my dayes. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — What a company of people these are ; they have told this 
 House you did say soe. 
 
 L. — I cannot help it if they threw 1,000 aspersions upon me. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — Tou say you bought armes, severall times, for these gentle- 
 men in the country ; where did you buy them ? 
 
 L. — I bought some in Middle Row, in Holborne. I bespake above a 
 100 swords and sword hilts, for they had blades, in the country. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — Who paid for them ? 
 
 L.— Mr. Whitfield. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — You bought armes at other times ; where did you buy 
 them ? 
 
 L. — Some armes I bought at Chearing Cross. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — You were in Ireland and in France, and have been, after, in 
 prison ; you were a prisoner and gave bayle. Who were your bade ? 
 
 L. — Mr. Whitfield, Mr. Burgess, Mr. Rogers another. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — You have been employed by the late King in England, and 
 my Lord Melford employed you ; what money was given you ? who 
 maintained you ? 
 
 L. — The Lancashire gentlemen allowed me money in prison, and gave 
 me money when they received comissions of me, and tooke care to main- 
 tain me. And when I was at St. Germans, the King gave me money to 
 bring me backe. He gave me 100 livers and 15 pistolls, and another 
 time 200 livers. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — Was this all the reward you were to have ? 
 
 L. — As soon as I came into England, I was to have some forfeited 
 estates. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — You had great hopes of these forfeited estates in England ? 
 
 L. — If King James had come, I should have been sure of it. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — You have given your information before some magistrate ; 
 before whom was it ? 
 
 L. — Before the Duke of Shrewsbury and Secretary Trenchard. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — Were you sworn to that ? 
 
 L. — Yes, they Avere all true ; I am sure there is noe person can prove 
 anything false. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — What money have you had for bearing of your charges, 
 since those examinations, and for your going doAvn into Lancashire and 
 Cheshire ? 
 
 L. — I have had in all (but then Sir John Trenchard employed in 
 buisness, sending me down into Essex, that cost me a great deal of 
 money), I believe I have had three score pounds. I have not had 
 four score pounds in the whole world. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — But Mr. Taffe sayes you were to have a great share of the 
 estates of those gentlemen in Lancashire, if they were convicted. 
 
 L. — Noe, I did not doe it for that; I did it to serve the Govern- 
 ment. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — You say you have a paper, and you can produce severall 
 witnesses to prove a great many particulars, and to verifye the depo- 
 sitions and your information. What is your paper ? 
 
 L. — That is a paper of evidence ; names that can prove a great deal 
 of what I say, to be true. 
 
347 
 
 Mr. Sp. — Is there only their names ? 
 
 L. — Their names and Avhat they will speake to. 
 
 (Lunt delivered in the paper.) 
 
 L. — Here is my pass I had from my Lord Melford, at my coming 
 over last. 
 
 (Which he delivered in.) 
 
 Lunt withdraws. Called in again. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — In this paper you delivered in, it is that William Cooper 
 and Robert Dandy can prove Mr. Walmesley to be in Lancashire, about 
 the time you have mentioned in your information ; were these 2 persons 
 at the assizes at Manchester ? 
 
 L. — Yes, they were there. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — Were they examined in Court ? 
 
 L. — Noe. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — Were they in town then ? 
 
 L.~Yes. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — You say the King’s counsell omitted to call severall per- 
 sons that were in their breviates. Did you see their breviates ? 
 
 L. — These evidences were at Manchester, and waited to be [called, 
 but] they were not called. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — Who ordered them to attend there ? 
 
 L. — They were subpoenaed in. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — You are shure they were subpoenaed in ? 
 
 L. — I am sure they were ; 2 or 3 came in of themselves, and the rest 
 were subpoenaed. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — When these men were there, and your evidence soe con- 
 fronted by these evidences that appeared against you, why did not you 
 desire that these men should be called in, to justify e your credit ? 
 
 L. — I expected those that managed the King’s affairs would have 
 called them. 
 
 Mr. Sp.—When you came out of France, had you a signall or a 
 signet ? 
 
 L. — Noe, a seale. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — When you came over to Dover, you met 4 men there. At 
 what house ? 
 
 L. — Why, they tooke me to their own house. Captain Noell’s house. 
 Capt. Walton lives 7 miles off. Captain Walton came to me to his 
 house, and Preston came there and Captain Roberts. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — What house is Captain Noell’s ? 
 
 L. — It is a private house. I was there a weeke. He was Sergeant 
 of the Admiralty, under King William. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — What was the day you came over to Dover ? 
 
 L. — I cannot tell just the day. 
 
 Mr. Sp- — What time in the yeare ? 
 
 L. — In December last. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — Was it the beginning, or end, or middle of the month ? 
 
 L. — Towards the latter end, I thinke. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — What was the signet you brought over ? 
 
 L. — It was the Binkes (?) head. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — And what was writt upon the paper ? 
 
 L. — There was a seale upon the paper. I was to shew it Captain 
 Griffith’s lady, who then lodged at Pepper’s, in Newgate Street. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — You said you were advised by a particular person to 
 disclose this matter. Who was that person ? 
 
 L. — Mr. Taffe knew of my comeinge over out of France because of 
 his wife, and he introduced me to my Lord Bellamount. 
 
348 
 
 Mr. Sp. — Did Mr. Taff induce you to discover it ? 
 
 L. — My Lord Bellamount did. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — When you were examined at the tryall at Manchester 
 how many places there did you mention that you did buy armes at ? 
 
 L. — I mentioned Middle Row, Charing Cross, Drury Lane, and the 
 Citty. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — Where, at Charing Cross, did you buy the armes ? 
 
 L. — I am not certain of the place. I was taken down to Charing 
 Cross, and Mr. Whitfield brought me into his company, at the ‘ Cheshire 
 Cheese,’ soe that I was not at his shop. He said he would furnish me, 
 and he had furnished for the north parts. In London, he took me to 
 the ‘ Swan with Two Hecks,’ and there came a man that sayd he would 
 provide any armes whatsoever, as pistolls, &c., but I was at none of 
 their shopps but in Middle Row. In Drury Lane, he came to the 
 ‘ Royall Oake ’ to me ; where he did live, I know not. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — You delivered me a paper of the names of witnesses ; 
 were any of these examined at the tryall ? 
 
 L. — Hot in the Court. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — Were they examined by anybody else ? 
 
 L. — They said they were examined by somebody. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — You sayd, at the tryall, that you did deliver comissions to 
 Sir Rowland Stanley and Sir Thomas Cliffton. Were you ever at Sir 
 Rowland Stanley’s house ? 
 
 L. — I have seen his house ; was never at it to lye all night. I was 
 once at it, but I delivered his comissions at my Lord Mollineux’. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — Were you acquainted, before the tryall, with Sir Thomas 
 Cliffton ? 
 
 L. — I had seen him twice; once at his own house, then in his night 
 dress ; and at his own house it was, he desired me to buy some swords. 
 Another time I saw him at Standish Hall. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — How long before the tryall ? 
 
 L. — Two or three yeares. I see him once after, at Dungan Hall ; I 
 but just see him. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — Were you in Court when the gentlemen were arr[aigned] ? 
 Remember, you were asked the question which [was] Stanley and which 
 Sir Thomas Cliffton. 
 
 L. — Y^es ; they asked me a question very hastily. I tooke a stick 
 and mistooke, but I meant Sir Rowland. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — How came you to make that mistake ? 
 
 L. — As 'soot» as I tooke the sticke again, I layd it upon every one 
 there ; they never told me when they gave me time. I am a little 
 short-sighted. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — What religion were you of, when you discovered the 
 plot ? 
 
 L. — I was a Roman Catholicke. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — What religion are you of now ? 
 
 L. — I did not change my religion ; the King does not desire any 
 man to change his religion. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — You say you were to have noe reward for giving your 
 evidence against these gentlemen, at Manchester. What made you, 
 then, discover this matter, when you were to have noe reward for the 
 evidence that you gave agaijjst these gentlemen, when you were to have 
 soe great a reward if the plott went on ? 
 
 L. — I was satisfied, by severall priests of the Church of Rome, that 
 it would have been a notorious and bloody murder. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — When you came over from Ireland, where did you land ? 
 
 L.— Att Cockermouth (^/c), within 4 miles of Lancaster. 
 
849 
 
 Mr. Sp.— You speake of a trunke, wherein were papers and comis- 
 sions ? 
 
 L. — Wee tooke those out, and left the trunke in a ditch. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — Have you any of those comissions and papers by you, that 
 you did save at that time ? 
 
 L. — Noe, I have none by me now ; I had a comission that I had at 
 that time, but at my last comeing over from France, I was surprised by 
 
 some persons, and my wife had them and delivered them to 
 
 Taffe. 
 
 [Mr. Sp.J — When you spake of the 4 persons, I think you named 5, 
 you mett at Dover ; there was 16 in all. Can you name the names of 
 the rest ? 
 
 [L.] [No]e, I cannot. Capt. Floyd said he would engage his son, 
 and Capt. . . . Icot sayd he had 6 more. 
 
 [Mr. Sp.] — You have been at Dungan Hall, Mr. Wahnesly’s 
 house ? 
 
 L.-^Yes. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — You came there in February, [16]91 ? 
 
 L.— Yes. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — And brought comissions along with you ? 
 
 L.— I ? noe ; Mr. Walmesley. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — Did you observe Mr. Legh of Lyme to he there at that 
 time ? 
 
 L. — Yes; he was there at that time. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — Was you ever at Mr. Legh of Lyme’s house ? 
 
 L. — I was there in 1689. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — Was Mr. Legh of Lyme then at home ? 
 
 L.— Yes. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — Did you ever tell Mr. Taffe that you were not acquainted 
 with Mr. Legh of Lyme, or knew his house ? 
 
 L.— I never told him soe, nor he asked me such a question. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — What occasion brought you to Mr. Legh of Lyme’s in 
 [16]89? 
 
 L. — I was ordered by the King to deliver a comission for a collonel 
 of horse. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — And you did deliver it him ? 
 
 L.— Yes. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — Was anybody by? 
 
 L. — Yes, there was one Wilson by, that shewed me the way, and he 
 delivered a comission, forthwith, to another that was there. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — What time was it you were there ? 
 
 L. — About June it was. Upon my arrival, the gentlemen in Lanca- 
 shire, upon those blank comissions that were taken in the boat, were 
 taken up. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — What was the day you landed out of Ireland ? 
 
 L. — I cannot exactly tell the day. I thinke it was Thursday. I 
 beli[eve] the Mayor of Lancaster, that brought up the comissions, [can] 
 give an account of the day. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — You sayd you went to Croxteth ; how long did y[ou 
 stay] ? 
 
 L. — I came in the night and went before day. I cam[e] . . . . 
 
 to Tildsleye’s, and thence to Croxteth, and thence to Tow[nley’s]. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — That was 3 dayes ? 
 
 L. — Not in 3 dayes, I went as fast as I could. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — How long did you stay at every one of these places ? 
 
 L. — I went away the night, or next morning. I humbly beg of this 
 honorable House I have not had a bed these 3 dayes. 
 
350 
 
 Lunt withdraws. Called in again. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — Mr. Lunt, I am commanded by the House to ask you some 
 more questions ; if you can remember what day of the week you went 
 to Croxton [Oroxteth ?] 
 
 L. — I cannot tell truly. I did not keep an account of the day. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — Can you remember what day of the weeke you went to 
 Tov/nley ? 
 
 L. — Noe. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — Was Mr. Townley at home then ? 
 
 L. — Yes, I am sure he was at home ; he received a comission from 
 me. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — -Well, you were acquainted with Wilson ? 
 
 L.^Yes. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — How long have you been acquainted with him ; he that 
 mett you when you came out of Ireland ? 
 
 L. — I had been once at his house before that. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — What is his name ? 
 
 L. — George Wilson. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — What time did he come to you, at your landing ? 
 
 L. — He was at Esquire Tinsley’s [Tildesley’s], of the Lodge. Hee 
 was ordered to wait for our comeing. 
 
 [Mr. Sp.] — Where did you part with him ? 
 
 L. — He went away with me from the Lodge to my Lord Molineux’s 
 to shew me the countrey. 
 
 [Mr. Sp.] — Did he goe with you to all the places ? 
 
 [L.] — All, till I came to Sir Roland Throckmorton’s, and there I 
 [par] ted with him. 
 
 [Mr. Sp.] — [Yo]u say you delivered a comission to Mr. Lee of Lyme, 
 in 1689 ? 
 
 L.— Yes. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — In what part of the house did you deliver the comission to 
 him ? 
 
 L. — It was above staires. I did not take a particular account of the 
 roomes that I deliyered the comission in, but it was matted, a kind of 
 a gallery. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — Did you take notice of anything else, besides that it was 
 matted ? 
 
 L. — Noe, indeed, not I. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — Who was in the room when you delivered him the co- 
 mission ? 
 
 L. — There were severall. 
 
 Mr. Sp. —Can you name them ? 
 
 L. — There was Mr. Shallcross ; he delivered him a comission to be 
 lieutenant- colonel. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — Was there any other person there? 
 
 L. — Some gentlemen ; I doe not know their names. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — Did he open the comission ? 
 
 L. — Yes, he did, and delivered it to him. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — Was there any table in the roome ? 
 
 L. — I did not see any table; he signed it in the window. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — What, did he call for a pen and inke ? 
 
 L. — There was a pen and inke. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — Was Wilson there? 
 
 L. — Yes, Wilson was there at the same time. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — Was Wilson acquainted with Mr. Legh of Lyme ? 
 
 L. — I know not whether he was or noe. 
 
351 
 
 Mr. Sp. — It was a strange thing that you should carry comissions, 
 which was a secret thing, and carry a man, that was a stranger, from 
 house to house ; how came you to carry Wilson up staires to Mr. Lee of 
 Lyme ? 
 
 L. — Hee went with me everywhere I was 
 
 to give an account to the King recomended 
 
 Mr. Wilson to me might trust my life. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — What reward had you from Mr 
 
 L.—»I had 5 guineas. 
 
 Mr. Sp.— Had Wilson anything ? 
 
 L.— JSTot that I saw. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — Did he make you drinke ? 
 
 L. — Yes, he downed on his knees and drank King James’ health, and 
 kissed the comission. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — Did you deliver any more comissions there besides that ? 
 
 L.—Noe. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — -Did Mr. Lee deliver any other comissions ? 
 
 L.— I saw him deliver 2 or 3, but did not know their names ; they 
 were captains’ comissions. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — Were you not to give King James an account of the comis- 
 sions ? 
 
 L. — Yes, I delivered none but collonells’ comissions, and they were to 
 make their under officers. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — You were in Lancashire along with Capt. Baker; what 
 horses were taken by you or him, in the County of Lancaster ? 
 
 L. — I cannot give an account of them; the messengers can, I thinke, 
 they had the Secretary’s warrant. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — What became of them ? 
 
 L. — They are all in being, I suppose. 
 
 Mr. Sp.— How are they disposed of ? 
 
 L. — I know not, I have none of them. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — Of what value were the horses ? 
 
 L.— They were good horses and fit for service. 
 
 Mr. Sp.- — Were they all above 51. ? 
 
 L. — If I had had money, and occasion for horses, I would have given 
 51. for the worth [worst ?] of them. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — There was a mistake, it seemes, at your pointing out Sir 
 Thomas Cliffton and Sir Howland Stanley. Did you mistake any other 
 of the prisoners at the barr ? 
 
 L. — Koe, Sir. 
 
 Langton and Blundell ? 
 
 the one and the other ? 
 
 Langton for Blundell. 
 
 know Mr. Beresford ? 
 
 [L.] — I have noe acquaintance with Mr. Beresford ; I have heard of 
 such a man. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — Have you seen him ? 
 
 L. — I cannot tell, by his name, whether I ever saw him or noe. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — Where are Cooper and Dandy ? 
 
 L.' — They were in Lancashire. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — Are they there now ? 
 
 L. — Yes, and have estates there, indifferent good estates. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — Why were they not made use of at the tryall ? 
 
 L. — I doe not know. 
 
 Withdraws. 
 
352 
 
 5th Feb., [16]94[-5]. 
 
 Oliver Peirson at the Barr. 
 
 Mr. Speaker. — Oliver Peirson, I think your name is ? 
 
 O. P. — Yes, sir. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — Do you know Mr. Wombell ? 
 
 O. P.— Yes. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — How long have you known him ? 
 
 O. P. — I have known him 20 years. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — Were you at any time a servant to him ? 
 
 O. P.— Yes. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — How long agoe ? 
 
 O. P. — A matter of halfe a year ago I came from him. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — How long did you serve him ? 
 
 O. P. — A matter of 2 years and an halfe. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — Dureing that time of your being his servant did you goe 
 along with his horses into the countrey ? 
 
 O. P. — Noe, I went sometimes. I was his husband-man at home. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — Did you use to come up to London with his horses? 
 
 O. P. — Never, but 2 or 3 times. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — Where did he use to inn, in town ? 
 
 O. P. — At ‘ the Castle,’ in Wood Street. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — Doe you know of any armes that were brought to ‘ the 
 Castle,’ in Wood Street, to carry down into the countrey ? 
 
 O. P.' — Yes, I know of armes that were carried down into the 
 countrey. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — Do you know of any armes brought to ‘ the Castle,’ in 
 Wood Street? 
 
 O. P. — There was pistolls and kettle drumms; there might be other 
 armes, but I never saw none else. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — Did you open any of the packs that went into the countrey 
 at any time ? 
 
 O. P.— Yes; I will tell you our misfortune. As I went to meet my 
 master, there was the young lord of Standish and my old lord of Standish 
 a-drinking, and, in Wigan Boad, my master had a mare down and fell, 
 and with much adoe wee got her out, and as soon as we came home we 
 opened the pack to see if any damage. In the meantime came my 
 young lord of Standish, and asked for my master. He sayd he had 
 some goods directed to one Lightboune, and had such a marke, and 
 desired the goods home that night. My master broke open the goods, to 
 see what they were, and they proved to bee pistolls. On Saturday or 
 Sunday night, he and I saddled two horses, and put the kettle drums on 
 my head, and went to Standish, and delivered them to the steward, on 
 the bowling green. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — When was this? 
 
 O. P. — This is 2 years ago, as well as I can remember. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — Well, you packed up these armes again ? 
 
 O. P.— Yes. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — Did you carry a year together with your master ? 
 
 O. P. — I was his husband-man at home. He kept 2 men besides me. 
 I often went out wdth the goods when they came home. 
 
 Mr. Sp.— How many packs did you see ? 
 
 O. P. — I never saw any armes but those, but I went severall times 
 with goods to the same place, that were expected to bee armes. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — Well, you say you helped to open the armes at Standish 
 Hall? 
 
353 
 
 O. P. — I opened no armes at Standish Hall but wnat I brought 
 there. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — Did you help to open them there ? 
 
 O. P. — Yes, I delivered them to the steward. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — At the opening them there, who did you see ? Did you see 
 any but the steward ? 
 
 O. P. — I saw the steward and some of the servants ; most of them 
 were gone to bed. It was between 12 and 1 on Sunday night. 
 
 Mr. Sp. —What did the steward with them ? 
 
 O. P. — 1 did not see where he carried them. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — How many packs of goods can you remember that went 
 there ? 
 
 O. P. — T cannot tell you. Hardly ever came down but there went 
 less or more goods thither. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — Doe yon know Mr. Walmesley ? 
 
 O. P. — I was going by Lightbourne, and called to drink a pot of ale, 
 and there was some gentlemen drinking in another roome, and I inquired 
 who such a one was, and they told me, one Walmesley, and about 3 years 
 after, I met him about and some 3 men along with him. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — Did you know him before? 
 
 0. P. — ^loe. About 3 years after, I mett the same man, three 
 quarters a mile of Dungan, a place they called Chester parish; there 
 was two or three men along with him. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — What sort of a man was Mr. Walmesley ? 
 
 O. P. — He was a gentillman, a young man. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — What size ? 
 
 O, P. — A middle sized man. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — What complexcion ? 
 
 O. P. — A blacke complexcion, I think he was. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — Did he wear his own hair, or a peruque ? 
 
 O. P. — He had a peruque. 
 
 Mr. Sp — Did you see any man in his company that you knew ? 
 
 O. P.— Noe. 
 
 Mr. Sp.‘ — Who told you it was Mr. Walmesley ? 
 
 O. P. — Some woman in the house, when I went to drinke a pot of ale. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — What quantity of armes do you know Woombell carryed? 
 
 0. P. — There came, every time almost, goods directed to one place, 
 and went to another. 
 
 Mr. Sp — Name the places ? 
 
 O. P. — I cannot name the places, but 1 remember they were directed 
 to other places ; the reason was wee thought they were armes. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — 1'herefore, name the places. 
 
 0. P. — There was goods to Blackbonrne and to Standish Town, and 
 they went to the Hall and other places. I did not goe along with them. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — Did you see any other goods opened, besides the pistolls ? 
 
 O. P. — No, never none but those. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — Did Woombell tell you he had armes ? 
 
 O. P. — He told me he mistrusted such things were armes, though I 
 doe not know whether he saw them or noe. If it please this honorable 
 House, I will tell you somethinge more. One Thomas Clayton was a 
 currier at the same time, and he was gotten fuddled, and he said he 
 would hang my master for carrying of armes, and Thomas Smith, 
 belonging to the same inne, bid him hold his tongue, for he would undoe 
 himself, and others too, 
 
 Mr. Sp. — Where was this ? 
 
 O. P. — In Wigun Lane, at one Thomas Smyth’s. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — How long agoe ? 
 
 73480. Z 
 
354 
 
 O. P. — A matter of 2 years, or somewhat more, agoe. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — Can you inform this House of anything more ? 
 
 O. P. — Yes. My master used to bee often at Standish Town ; and 
 being there late, I used to watch him home, and coming along, he told 
 mee he had been with a deale of gentlemen, and how they had concluded 
 to give him something, and my Lord of Standish stepped up amongst 
 them, and said hee would not have them trouble themselves, for hee had 
 rewarded him himself. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — What did my Lord of Standish doe for him ? 
 
 0. P. — ISTothing at all. He was in a very good way of trading, and 
 well beloved among the gentlemen. His horses never stood nor prospered, 
 after he began to carry armes. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — Did he name the persons to you that were there ? 
 
 O. P.— I believe he named them all. - 
 
 Mr. Sp. — Can you remember their names ? 
 
 O. P. — There was Mr. Townley of Townley, and severall other 
 gentlemen. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — Did he use to be among these gentlemen ? 
 
 O. P. — Yes, no [it was ?] great day of bowling but he went up still. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — What reputation had he among them; you say he was very 
 well beloved of all the countrey ? 
 
 O. P. — Yes, he was. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — What occasion made him fail and breaks ? 
 
 O. P. — I cannot tell. He broke for a small matter, at first. He 
 broke, at first, for the summe of 20/., and th ey promised to raise him a 
 place to pay it. 
 
 Mr. Sp.— Who did ? 
 
 O. P. — The Lord of Standish. 
 
 Mr. Sp. — How much ? 
 
 O. P. — I cannot tell, Hee told me he was to have money of him, but 
 I doe not know that ever he had any. 
 
 The War on the Continent. 
 
 894 . 1694, November 26. — A document relating to “ the quotas, 
 which the confederates and allies do severally furnish.” 
 
 George Kenyon to his father, Koger Kenyon., M.P., 
 at Westminster. 
 
 895 . [ 1694,] December 1 . — “If I could have given you any satis- 
 factory account in the business of Lunt, I had done i( long agoe. 
 Mr. Threlfall’s widow cannot, or will not, take upon her to remember 
 the week, month, or year, her husband came from Ireland ; Mr. Winckley 
 continues to say it was the 13th of June. Mr. Patton, nor no others in 
 Preston, can give an account when the Papist gentlemen wei-e brought 
 prisoners, nor when discharged. But, as to the buisiness of Hartley, he 
 took time, as he said, to recollect himself, and now does offer, if I will 
 go over to Lancaster, that he will give me an information against a very 
 great number in Staffordshire, Shropshire, and Worcestershire, and Avill 
 undeitake, upon pain of his life, if I will follow his directions, to 
 instruct me how to take a very great many, actually at work. I have 
 appointed Wednesday next to take his information, and, if you think 
 fitt on it, and I can be empowered and incouraged from above in it, I 
 will take a journey on purpose into those counties, and doubt not to 
 secure them ” [the coiners ?]. Seal of arms. 
 
355 
 
 Charles Rigby to Roger Kenyon, M.P., in London: 
 
 896 . 1694, December 4. Lancaster. — Encloses Hartlej-’s informa- 
 tion, by which he will stand or fall. He always said that he and Richard 
 Allen of “ Wallesie ” could discover “ a vast number, in severall countys, 
 and thinks Allen would readilly joyne with him, if he was apprehended.” 
 Though pressed, he denies knowledge of the “ robbery.” Encloses a 
 certificate by James Ci osfield — one of the Custom House officers that 
 pursued Lunt, when he landed — which gives, from a memorandum in 
 his pocket-book, the time. Jaynson was witness of the chase. 
 
 J. Hartley to Roger Kenyon, M.P., in London. 
 
 897 . 1694, December 4. — “ I doubt not but a greate many honest 
 gentlemen are well pleased with what the King said, as to the witnesses 
 produced at the triads in Lancashire ; and whether Lunt, or who else 
 was concerned, ought not to give account who should have been tooke 
 up, had the business succeeded, by virtue of those blancke warrants, 
 after their names had been inserted.” Seal of arms. 
 
 Jane Howorth to Roger Kenyon, M.P., in London. 
 
 898 . [16]94, December 6. Parkhead. — Finds Mr. Brady 11 ‘‘eagerly 
 seeking for seats in Whaley church.” Entreats Kenyon’s assistance in 
 “ breaking with the Bushopp, and who ellse may be conserned therein,” 
 if he can do anything, on her daughter Oldfield’s behalf, either for the 
 two seats next the chancel “ which my father might, in his time, have- 
 had, or my mother’s own seat, with that next before it, in exchange for 
 part of two seats behind.” Seal of arms, broken. 
 
 Dr. Richard Rowe to Roger Kenyon, M.P., in London. 
 
 899 . [16194, December 7. — The account of the election at Liver- 
 pool is dull. “If the Bill for a new Parliament goes on, perhaps both 
 [members ?] will wish they had spent less money ; and, if what some 
 very honest men say, be true, it is no great matter which of them carryes 
 it.” Finds Monday’s vote about Kitson and Coachman variously con- 
 strued ; hopes the whole mystery will be discovered, and looks for the 
 account of Wednesday’s examination. Wishes the Archbishop “ be no 
 worse disposed on that you mention, though he be young enough.” 
 
 William Hayhcrst to Roger Kenyon, M.P., in London. 
 
 900 . 1694, December 7. Preston. — “Wee have a report there are 
 Irish witnesses come over, to corroborate the testimony of Mr. Lunt ; 
 that place used to be very fruitfull of such creatures, which will seldom 
 fail to help a lame dog over stile. I pray God direct the councills of 
 the nation ; so that, hereafter, it may bee safe for an innocent man to 
 follow his own business with safetie.” The Lords of the Treasury have 
 appointed him (the writer) Receiver-General of Lancashire, Westmore- 
 land, and Cumberland; and he has given 1,000/. security for the due 
 execution of his office ; but the auditor, Mr. Marriott, “ makes my place 
 as uneasy and unprofitable as he can. He has sent a messenger, one of 
 the King’s messengers, [as] a spy, along with mee ; and, though the 
 Lords have appointed mee, hee has appointed this messenger, Mr. 
 Boddison, to receeve the best rents (pretending them to bee purchased 
 by the Duke of Leeds), and I am only to receive the small ones.” Begs 
 that Kenyon will speak on his behalf, to the Treasury. Seal of arms. 
 
 z 2 
 
356 
 
 The Earl of Derby to Koger Kenyon. 
 
 901. 1694, December 7. Knowsley. — The last year, Sir Christopher 
 
 [Greenfield] took, or rather bought, the office of Bailiff of this Hundred, 
 in my name. He has agreed with Ned Darbishire about it, and I am 
 to consign it over by a deed. “ Now, my objection is, that by my 
 doing so, it obliges me to take the oaths and test, for which I shall 
 hardly do, after refusing a more considerable thing. Pray let me have 
 your thoughts upon it, for your judgment, as it ever has been, must 
 be esteemed by your most afi’ection ate, faithful friend, — Derby.” Seal^ 
 
 broken. 
 
 Lady Standish to Kogf.r Kenyon. 
 
 902. 1694, December 14. Duxbury. — My adversaries, upon re- 
 ceiving the news, from London, that their indictment had not that 
 success which they designed, have set another inquisition, privately, at 
 Bolton, before lawyer Leaver and lawyer Starky, and yesternight, 
 when we least thought of it, they brought the under-sheriff, Valentine, 
 and a great deal of the mob, armed with “ pikforks ” and other offensive 
 weapons; they broke the doors and locks of the mines and have put in 
 their men, so that now they and the water are in possession of the 
 mines. I caused the wheel to be stopped, so that they will be drowned 
 out before to-morrow morning. 
 
 Thomas Pierce to Eoger Kenyon, at the ‘‘ Blue Boar,” 
 in Holborn. 
 
 903. 1694, December 15. — Mr. Hartley solemnly declares he can 
 make no further discovery. “ My Lord has signed a warrant for his 
 execution ; and, 1 think, it was delivered to Mr. Sergeant, who, T pre- 
 .sume, sent it down, last post, to the High Sheriffe of Lancashire.” 
 Seal^ broken. 
 
 William Haydock, ‘‘ the parson of Standish,” to Koger 
 Kenyon, M.P., in London. 
 
 904. 1694, December 16. [Standish.] — “My poor Lady Standish 
 
 has met with a great disturbance, notwithstanding my Lord Chief 
 Justice Treby’s order, &c. . . . pray use your interest (?) for her. 
 
 She designs honestly, and I hope that right will take place.” Seal 
 of arms. 
 
 Lady Standish to Koger Kenyon, M.P., in London. 
 
 905. 1694, December 16. Duxbury. — “I hope, by this time, you 
 have my other letter, with the account of Mr. Shaw’s proceedings about 
 the lead mines ; in short, the water has put both them and me out of 
 possession, for they are quite drowned up ... I hope you will not 
 blame me for letting you know who is Clerk of the Peace now, in 
 Lancashire ; it is Mr. Morton, an attorney in Bolton. I suppose he 
 expects thanks for easing your family of the trouble of that office, and 
 I hope you will not forget that he is rewarded. Sir, if this be mallice 
 in me to put you in mind that you are affronted, as well as myself 
 abused, I hope God will pardon it, for I think it is for the public good 
 that these people be made to know themselves ... I find there is 
 nothing but punishing their purses can procure my peace. Your son 
 advises me to pay them in their own coyn, and indite all but the Sheriff 
 himself.” Seal. 
 
357 
 
 Alice Kenyon to her husband, Roger Kenyon, M.P., at 
 Westminster. 
 
 906. 1694, December 18. — “ Thj friends begin now to wish for thy 
 return. I hope when you have finished the great business, that of the 
 moneys given to his Majesty, thou may then get leave to come home. 
 I am sure thine own family wants thee much. I pray thee, in what 
 part of the world is my Lord Derby, and what is he doing The drum 
 is beating here for soldiers for Col. Stanley, but he gets few. I pray 
 thee, Huy me ‘ The Art of Patience,’ written by the author of ‘ The 
 Whole Duty of Man,’ and when thou art alone, read it; thou wilt like 
 it Avell.” 8eal of arms. 
 
 William Dicconson to Roger Kenyon, M.P, 
 
 907. 1694, December 21. — “ Tou need not begg excuses for your 
 
 man bringing mee, or others, a draught of the tryalls, for it was my own 
 request to him soe to do . . . I hope, if it be proper, some of our 
 
 friends will move that the witnesses who have been examined, may be 
 discharged from any further attendance of the House, for the charge 
 will be very great as it is ; soe I hope they will not spitefully increase it. 
 Methinks the Court party itself cannot refuse the reasonableness of 
 this ; they should, indeed, rather, in honer, make us some amends for 
 our great charge, wrongfully sustained; and, usque wee have runn of 
 our lives, exempt us, who were tryed, from dubble taxes for 7 years ; 
 but I doubt they will scarce consider us soe farr.” 
 
 Edmund Hornby to Roger Kenyon, M.P. 
 
 908. [16]94, December 22. Poulton. — “ About ten this evening, 
 I received a warrant (but with some mistakes) from the Attorney- 
 General, to make copy of the indictments against Sir Rowland Stanley, 
 and the other 4 gentlemen tryed with him at Manchester, which my 
 inclinations, as well as profit, would readily have prompted me to, if my 
 (perhaps causeles) apprehentions that some trouble might ensue thereon, 
 had not discouraged me from. But, if that copy be designed to be read 
 in your house, it is naturall enough to believe that the opposing party 
 in that matter, will presently enquire how, or by whom, it was made. If 
 answered, by the Clerke of the Crowne, upon the Attorney-Generall’s 
 warrant, and by any considerable part of your great and honourable 
 body objected that that cause being taken notice of by, and now 
 depending before that great counsell, nothing on record relateing to it 
 ought to have beene copyed without their order, it is probable enough 
 that I may be put to the charge of a journey, to shew my warrant, and 
 answere that account, if noe further. To obviate which, and render me 
 easy and safe, I humbly beg your direction ; and that the House may 
 (if in your better judgment it be thought proper) be moved to make 
 their order that the Attorney-Generall may send his warrant to us, to 
 make a copy, and that we, thereon, may make one. I made my clerk 
 transcrible {sic) this, and have sent the same to Mr. Shakerley, this post. 
 I beg you will please to consider whether the warrant of the Attorney- 
 Generall for the kingdom or for the county, shall be more proper to be 
 sent to us.” Seal of arms. 
 
 Richard Towneley to “ Captain Berisford, at Mr. Legh’s, in 
 Legh Street, near Red Lion Square, in Holburn.” 
 
 909. 1694, December 23. Towneley. — In complyance with your 
 desire, I have here sent you what I have found was noted down by 
 
358 
 
 others, as well as myself, about the times you mention. And first, that 
 on the 9th of June, 1689, I was apprehended here, and, by a partie of 
 dragoons, that night carried prisoner to Preston. I was, by virtue of a 
 warrant Tif I remember right) from Col. E-octhern and Mr. Patten, 
 [at] once called before them and some other justices, else, for the most 
 part, confined to my chamber, under a guard, till the arrival of the then 
 Lord Brandon, who was, [on] the 14th, pleased to see me, and that 
 night tooke off the confinement to my chamber. On the 16th, I find it 
 noted down that Sir William Gerard and severall others were that day 
 brought in prisoners allso, to Preston, where wee remained till the 25th, 
 when wee were all, under a guard, carried to Manchester, where wee 
 continued prisoners till the 2nd of January following ; during which 
 time I was never at home but twice. The first time was on the 1st of 
 August, when I was allowed, with a guard, to go to Towneley, to assist 
 at the buriall of Mr. Kennett, who, not many months before, had 
 married a daughter of mine. The particular time of my being secured, 
 besides its being written down, was remarkable, and not to be forgot, 
 because on the 13th of the said June, my daughter Towneley was 
 brought to bed of her eldest sonne, and a servant was dispatcht to me 
 at Preston, with that pleasing news, and besides, my sonne then absented 
 himself from home, upon the score of his being on the same warrant 
 that I was apprehended by ; and by these circumstances, all the familie 
 remember that they tooke notice of everie person that came to the 
 house, and assure me that Lunt came not hither about that time, for 
 had he bene here, he would then have bene particularly remembered, 
 since he had before that, by lettres, made dame, and pretended to be 
 contracted, to a cookemaidof mine, and the yeare following, hereabouts, 
 made a great bustle about her, even after she was married; the dame 
 he made caused a servant of mine, the year, as I take it, before, to 
 enquire of him, meet him, and found he lived with another woman, 
 who was esteemed, and owned herself, his wife ; and upon this account, 
 when he afterwards came into these parts, and made these stirs, and 
 came hither, he was always looked upon as an idle and ill man ; inso- 
 much, that my sonne would not be seene by him. As for Sir Thomas 
 Clifton, I can give you no satisfactory account, for he was not a prisoner 
 with us at Manchester, nor, that I remember, in the same condition as 
 we were at Preston, if there ; but answered for, and under, Mr. Patten. 
 But particulars I cannot remember. However, I hope you will take 
 in good part what I have been able to recollect.” Seal of arms. 
 
 Charles Bigby to Eoger Kenyon, M.P. 
 
 910. 1694, December 25. Lancaster. — Sending a list of persons 
 against whom Hartley (who had been reprieved) had informed ; — 
 
 Christopher Cams, Esquire ; Taken prisoner in his own house, on 
 24 June, 1689, by three or four soldiers of Lieutenant Huddleston’s 
 (then Sir William Pennington’s) troop of militia. Was carried, 
 the same day, to Lancaster and Garstang ; next day to Preston — 
 there kept two days — and thence to Manchester, where he found 
 Mr. Dalton, Mr. Sherburne of Stonyhurst (who died there), and 
 several others. He continued a prisoner there till the latter end 
 of the January following, when he had leave to go home; he fell 
 sick, and did not return to prison, as soon after Candlemas, “ a 
 releasrnent came for them all.” 
 
 Mr. Dalton was apprehended at his own house, on 17 June, 1689, 
 by Lieutenant Usherwood and his men, and taken, about mid- 
 night, to Preston, where he found Sir William Gerrard, Mr. 
 
359 
 
 Dickinson, two Mr. Tounleys,” Mr. Chorley, Mr. Stanley, 
 Mr. Blundell of Crosby, Mr. Worthington of Bleciskow (?) and 
 his son, Mr. Andrew Mores, and some others. He was kept at 
 Preston 4 days, in the custody of Captain Etogh {sic), and thence 
 carried to Manchester, by Captain Ralph Egerton. There, 
 Mr. Dalton and Mr. Stanley were kept prisoners at Mr. 
 Newcome’s house, with two men to guard them, to whom they 
 were forced to pay 1/- a day each. Mr. Dalton continued a 
 prisoner at Manchester till the beginning of February following. 
 The other prisoners then at Manchester were : — 
 
 Lord Molyneux, “ who lay at Mrs. Byrom’s.” 
 
 Mr. Dickinson and Sir William Gerrard, at Captain Dickinson’s 
 house. 
 
 Mr. Townley, his brother Charles, and Mr. Blundell, “ at Newton’s, 
 the clerk.” 
 
 “Two Mr. Worthingtons” and Mr. William Clifton, “at a private 
 house in Millgate.” 
 
 Mr. Anderton, Mr. Robert Bryon and Roger, his son, at a house 
 near the bridge end. 
 
 Mr. Cams, at Lieutenant Ashton’s. 
 
 Richard Cher of Atherton, nailer. 
 
 Richard Houghton [Stoughton ?] of the same. 
 
 Thomas Allen of Smalibrooke, “ lives at a place called the Mault 
 House ” near Newcastle, Staffordshire. 
 
 William Lathom of Hartington, Derbyshire. 
 
 George Hulme of Languor, Staffordshire, drov[er]. 
 
 Francis Stealy of Yeograve, near Hartington. 
 
 John Sherbotham of Hulton Hey, near Norton, Staffordshire. 
 
 Samuel Nuttall of Yeograve. 
 
 Richard Foxley of Buxton, Derbyshire. 
 
 Richard Allen of Wallasey, Cheshire. 
 
 Ralph Crompton of Tongue-fold, near Bolton. 
 
 Ralph Brotherst of Megg Lane, near Maxfield, Cheshire. 
 
 Simon Hurst of Deanchnrch, Lancashire. 
 
 “ Two brothers, surnamed Sparrows,” betwixt Newcastle and 
 Nantwich. 
 
 Elizabeth Redfearne, near Langnor. 
 
 “ Thomas Allen lives at an house called Malt house, near Weston 
 Cony, near Newcastle, in Staffordshire; Randle Bagnell lives 
 near Allen. They work in Allen’s house, in a roome on the 
 second flore ; there being a ladder which goes up out of a ground 
 room, on the right hand of the first room [on] entering the house, 
 up into the working room, w[here] there is an hole in the wall of 
 the room where [they] hide their work. J'hey are weekly supplied 
 by Joseph Hoyle, near Uxeter [Uttoxeter ?], for keep, with 
 clippings; he hath a wodden legg.” Seal. 
 
 Sir William Gerard to Roger Diconson, at “the Barber’s Powle 
 in Fullwood Street, neare Gray’s Inn.” 
 
 911. 1694, December 28. — “ I finde that I was caried to Preston 
 prisoner, by the dragoons, the 16th of June, [16] 89, where I found 
 Mr. Towneley in custody. Wee staled there about 10 dales, and then I 
 and old Blundell went by Wigan, where we staled all night, to Man- 
 cliester, and wee kept there untill February after. Now, the Militia 
 had then been raised severall dales before, so that there was no likele- 
 wood of meeting at others houses. Robert Molineux is here now, and 
 
360 
 
 says that Lunt was with him at Mosbrough, about Midsummer in 1690, 
 niid then, told him, severall times, that he then never had seen my Lord 
 Molineux nor me, and desired him he would begg some relief of . . 
 
 for him, and that Lunt came hither once in hopes of meeting him, and 
 that he would get something for him ; but Lord Molineux not coming, 
 hee got nothing, nor did see me then, nor ever else, at any time that I 
 know of, for I never as yet spoke with him or saw him, that I know. 
 My coachman tells me that at Coventrie, in his journey home, he met 
 Bandy, who was well acquainted with Roger, Sir Thomas Clifton’s coach- 
 man, and there Bandy protested to them that he knew nothing against 
 any of the prisoners. I should think it would be much to clearing of 
 your (?) prisoners, and the lessening of the r[epu]tation of Baker, if 
 Woods of Wigan and W . . . Jackson did declare how often they 
 were tempted by Baker and others, to become evidence against us, and 
 doubtless, no man can thinke that there had been listed above 500, as 
 Lunt and Wilson sweares, but that' some of them made (sic) have 
 appeared. How should anyone think tliat so many regiments of horse 
 could have been raised here when, in King James’s raigne, all our in- 
 terest, backed by his authority, could not raise one regiment of foot ! 
 I doubt not but all reasonable men will be easily satisfied of the false 
 oathes of our adversaries, and all parties concerned will be ever obliged 
 to you for your great paines and labour you have undertaken for the 
 publick.” Seal. 
 
 Robert Dalton to Roger Diconson. 
 
 912. 1694, December 29. Thurnham (?). — In answear to yours, 
 John Carson’s ship came into our port the 13th of June 1689; and it 
 was sayd that Threlfall and Lunt arive[d] in that shipe. I was not 
 then a prisoner, but upon suspicion that they might bee att my hous, 
 which they were not. That night, about 10 of the clock. Sir John 
 Bloud, with a party of hors, came to search my hous and seas me, which 
 they did, and I being much out of order, lett me remayne all night att 
 my owne hous, upon my parole that I would go to them att Lancaster 
 the next day, which I did, and there was bound, in 500/^. to apeare 
 upon summons. Upon the 20th, Livetenant Ussherwood came allso, 
 about 10 o’clocke att night, and searched agayne, and tooke me away to 
 I^reston that night, whither we arive[d] next morning about 5 o’clocke. 
 There I was delivered to the Militia souldiers, and there kept untill the 
 26th of June, on which day I was conveyed, with severall other gentle- 
 men, to Manchester, by Captin Ralf Egerton, with a party of the Militia 
 hors. If you see my Cousin Kenion, you may give him this account, 
 for itt iss exactor than that I gave lawier Rigby, who came, with his 
 Secretarie, about itt.” 
 
 Charles Rigby to Roger Kenyon. 
 
 913. 1694, December 30. Lancaster. — Giving an account of the 
 confession of Hartley, the coiner, who had been condemned, and was 
 reprieved upon giving information against other coiners and clippers. 
 “ But the trouble, at this time, is to acquaint you with Hartley’s com- 
 plaints against Mr. Elletson, the goaler, since he hath relied on the dis- 
 covery he hath made for procureirig Ids pardon, and hath left of feed- 
 ing the gaoler with monye. He says the gaoler, soon after the Assizes, 
 had a considerable sum of money.of him, in order to procure his pardon. 
 
361 
 
 and, though he effected nothing, yet keept his moneye > Hartley allso 
 gave 12/. more, or upwards, to keep the yrons of him ; but this not- 
 withstanding, the gaoler now threatens him with grievous ill usage, 
 unless Hartley will weekely pay him his owne demands, which are very 
 large ; and not only so, but this day the goaler threatned that he 
 would, by this post, write some things of him that should do his worke, 
 which makes Hartley fear that because the goaler cannot have his end 
 of him, he will endeavour, by some false story, to incence you, or others, 
 against him. Hartley therefore desires that, since he is resolved to deal 
 ingeniously in his discovery, that he may not be discouraged in it by 
 the goaler, who hath no ends but his owne private gaine.” Seal, 
 broken. 
 
 Account of the Akrest and Imprisonment of Mr. Leigh, 
 of Lyme House. 
 
 914. 1694. — The 17th of July, 1694, “ Mr. Clark, the messenger, and 
 Mr. Lunt, together with 14 Dutch troopers, came to Lyme, between 6 and 7 
 of the clock in the morning. That the messenger, with one Oldham, 
 who was their guide, with two or three Dutch troopers, came up the 
 great stairs in Lyme House, and apprehended Mr. Leigh in his night- 
 gown ; and the messenger charged him with a warrant for high treason, 
 and carryed him, the said Mr. Leigh, out of his dressing roome to his 
 closett, where stood Mr. Lunt, with two or three Dutchmen, and then 
 all went into the closett. The messenger and Lunt searched through 
 Mr. Leigh’s papers from 7 till 12, and Lunt, when he mett with any 
 paper that pleased him, putt it in his pocket. And from thence they 
 carryed Mr. Leigh downstairs into the parlour, and there sett two 
 Dutchmen to guard him whilst they searched every roome and place for 
 armes, finding onely a case of pistolls and carrobin in Mr. Leigh’s 
 closett, which they carryed away. And that night, they took Mr. Leigh 
 from his house and carryed him to Knutsford, guarded by the messenger 
 and 12 Dutchmen. That Lunt seized one of the best horses Mr. Leigh 
 had, sett his owne saddle upon him, and carryed him quite away. That 
 they carryed Mr. Leigh to Chester Castle the next day, where he re- 
 mained till the last day of August, or the first day of September. Then 
 
 he lodged ther with were carryed from Chester to London 
 
 guarded by 4 messengers and 21 Dutch troopers, cornanded by 
 Captaine Baker in person, and at St. Griles Barr’s house, committed to 
 the hands of the messengers, and there kept three dayes, and then 
 brought down to the Secretary’s office, Duke of Shrewsbury, piuncipall 
 Secretary, who examined Mr. Leigh and remanded him back to the 
 messengers for three dayes more, and then committed to the Tower. 
 Whilst Mr. Leigh was in the Tower, and in the worste roome in all the 
 Tower, [he] had very hard usage ; that his lady, at the first, was denyed 
 either to see him or heare him speak. That old Madam Leigh came 
 under the window where Mr. Leigh lodged, and asked her sonn, 
 Mr. Leigh, how he did ; and [the] sentinel!, with his gun cockt,said, if she 
 spoke another word, he would shoot her. That he had notice to pre- 
 pare for bis try all at Chester Casthi in fourteen dayes, and within six 
 dayes after, was removed out of the Tower and carryed down to Chester, 
 guarded by a party of horse, the gentleman porter, and the gentleman 
 gaoler of the Tower, and each two warders, and committed to the 
 ConstaVfie of Chester Castle, after which, he was onely called to the barr, 
 and discharged without tryall.” 
 
362 
 
 Account of the Arrests of Philip Langton and Mr. Blundell. 
 
 915. [1694.] — 27 July, 1694. — ‘‘Philip Langton, when gone to Wapra, 
 in Flintshire, to the buriall of his sister-in-law, was there taken up by 
 Marisco, the messinger, alone, and the same day taken to Chester 
 Castle, and there kept till Thursday the 30th of August, and then 
 brought by Captain Baker and his Duch Guards to London, upon 
 Wensday, 5th of September. And there, at one Beak’s, a messinger’s 
 house in Warwick Street, near Golden Square, in St. James’s, was kept 
 with Sir Lowland Stanley, Sir Thomas Clifton, and Mr. Legh, till 
 Tuesday the 11th, and that day brought before the Duke of Shrews- 
 bury ; and the next day, September 12th, carryed to Xewgate, where he 
 remained prisoner with Mr. Blundell, but in different rooms, till 
 Wednesday the 10th of October, and there was then brought down to be 
 tryed with the rest of the gentlemen, at Manchester. 
 
 “ 30 July, 1694. — About half [an] hower past five in the morning, three 
 of the King’s messengers, Francis Clark, Richard Heward, and Peter 
 Moriscoe, together with John Lunt, John Wombell, and Christopher 
 Ellis, came to the hall of Crosby, to take up Mr. Blundell ; and young 
 Mr. Blundell, being the first person the messingers there met, which 
 Clark and Heward, with pistolls in their hand, asked if Esquire Blundell 
 was stirring, hee told them hee thought hee was not. They then 
 required him to bring them to Esquire Blundell’s chamber, which forth- 
 with he did, and called of his father, who arose and unlocked his door ; 
 then Haward, the messinger, went into the roome, desiring the other 
 messinger, Clarke, to go down the stairs to call up some more of their 
 company, who went accordingly, and young Mr. Blundell followed him 
 down and went away. The house was then very strictly searched, and 
 a case of pistolls, two swords, one birding piece, seaven horses, and two 
 hackney saddles were taken, and brought to Captain Baker at Wigan, 
 But the old gentleman, Esquire Blundell, who for more than thirty 
 years hath been very lame, when they saw what a man hee was, they did 
 not think fit to carry him with them. And at young Mr. Blundell’s 
 return, his horses, though of small value, being taken, he went (in hope of- 
 his aid to get his horses agane) to his neighbour Mr. Norris, who com- 
 mitted him to the care of Mr. Mawdit, then Mayor of Levepoole (now 
 Mr. Norriss’s brother-burgess in Parliament, for Leverpoole), with whom 
 Mr. Blundell must stay till Captain Baker’s comeing thither the next day, 
 and then hee, instead of his father (as the likelyer man of the two, though 
 he also is very lame), was then sent to Chester Castle a prisoner, and 
 thence, with the rest of the prisoners, taken to London.” 
 
 Note, in the handwriting of Roger Kenyon, of the arrest of 
 Sir William Gekrard. 
 
 916. 1694, . — “ Sir William Gerrard taken up on Tuesday 
 
 I7th of June, 1694, about 7 in the afternoon, at Garsewood, his own 
 house, by Marisco, the messenger, accompanyed by Mr. Taaf and John 
 Womwall (sic), and attended by eight Duch troopers. They suffered Sir 
 William to tarry at his own house that night, and the next day, the 
 messenger, with four Dutch troopers, carryed Sir William to Chester 
 Castle, where he was kept prisoner six weeks and one day, and, the 
 30th of August, taken with the rest, by 30 Dutch troopers or thereabouts, 
 towards London, whither they came the 5th of September, and then Sir 
 William, for a week, was kept at Morison’s house in Dartmouth Street, 
 Westminster. No other gentleman was there, except a Frenchman, 
 upon some other account. Six days after Sir William’s being first in 
 
368 
 
 that house, hee was taken before the Duke of Shrewsbury, and a few 
 questions asked. He was after that remanded to the messenger’s house, 
 and, the 12th of September, at night, brought to the Tower, and after a 
 month’s stay there, brought thence by Major Hawley and the gentleman 
 gaoler, sixteen of the Tower warders, and 32 of the Earl of Oxford’s 
 troop, to Coventree, and thence by a party of Dutch horse, commanded by 
 the Tower Major, Major Hawley, who brought them to Manchester, and 
 there delivered to the Sheriff of Lancashire on Teusday, 16 October, 
 1694.” 
 
 The Case of Peter Leigh of Lyme, in the County of Chester. 
 
 917. [1694 .] — “Peter Legh cf Lyme, in the County of Chester, 
 Esquire. Hee hath allways lived in the communion of the Church of 
 England, free from any factiouse hankering, either towards Rome or 
 Greneva. A gentleman of a plentiful estate, under no necessitouse 
 exigencies to induce him to a change for the bettering his conditions. 
 A man of great moderation and temper, both in his words and in his 
 actions ; so far from being a busie body, that hee never had nor sought 
 for any office. Hee was, in the reign of King [Charles] the Second, 
 a Member of Parliament, and on that occasion onely tooke the oaths of 
 allegiance and supremace, and never els, till of late, being subpoenad 
 a witness, on his now Majestie’s behalf, did he, in all his life, take 
 any oath. 
 
 “ His case and usage. On the l7th of July, 1694, betwixt 6 and 7 
 in the morning, in his morneing gown, just come from his bed, hee wa> 
 seised in his dressing room at Lyme, by Mr. Clerke, one of the King’s 
 messengerrs, accompanied by John Lunt, the informer, guarded by a party 
 of Duch troopers, charged with a warrant for High Treason ; his house 
 ransacked for armes and papers from 7 till 12 o’clock, but nothing to their 
 purpose found. Hee was, that day, by the messenger and 12 Duch 
 troops, taken to the market town of Knutsford, and thence, the next 
 day, to Chester Castle, the common gaol for that county, and there kept 
 prisoner 6 weeks and 2 days; and thence, by about 30 Duch troops, 
 commanded by Captain Baker, carryed to London, and for some time 
 kept a close prisoner at a messenger’s house in Barwick Street ; and, 
 after, by the Duke of Shrewsbury’s warrant, committed to the Tower 
 of London, and had there a bad room and ill usage. His wife was 
 denyed to see or speak to him, but she obtained the Queen’s order to be 
 kept with him. His mother, though under his window, was denyed the 
 satisfaction to hear him speak to her, and after one month’s endurance 
 there, hee was, with other prisoners, taken by the Tower officers and a 
 numerouse guard of troopers, exposed as a show, through the streets 
 of London and through the severall countys and townes in the road, 
 from thence to Chester. And when thither comme, kept in gaol there 
 till the comeing of the Judges, at whose sitting in Court, he, together 
 with Sir Thomas Stanley, being by the gaoler brought to the barr, they 
 were without any impeachment, arraignment, or anything layed to their 
 charge, discharged. But Mr. Legh, in fees and payments under his 
 several confinements, and in preparation for a tryall for his life, his 
 charge of witnesses and counsel, and in his expenses at those charge- 
 able places for himselfe, his wife, and their attendants, besides the hard 
 usages, the indignity and reproaches he sustained, at least the charge 
 of [ ]. Such as sit at the helme seem not yet at leisure to 
 
 think how disagreeable such usages are to our civil constitution; that 
 our English laws — leges Anglice quas nolumus mutare — should endure 
 such sufferings, remediless of relief. 
 
364 
 
 Do our English laws authorize a Minister of State, by his arbitrary 
 warrant, to empower any common person, that hee will style the King’s 
 messenger, to break and enter into any man’s house, all England over, 
 to search for and seize armes, commonly shewed at musters, or armes 
 usually worn by the maister and servants, park guns, or fowling or 
 birding pieces, or to break into and ransack and search every room, 
 cabinet, and drawer, chest, trunk or box ; break locks, bolts, and barrs, 
 to come to everything jewells, gold, silver, plate, evidences, bonds, 
 bills, bookes of accounts, letters of a man’s most important and secret 
 correspondencie, and to take away what he shall judge 6t to be seised, 
 and to seise and carry away with him the master of the house, from his 
 house and from his county, supposing him a criminall; may he be 
 carryed quite away from that county where the fact is supposed to be 
 done, and is onely tryable, and carryed into a far remote county, to the 
 great minister by whose warrant he is seised; and to be committed 
 close prisoner to no known prison, but to a messenger’s private house, 
 and there kept day by day, nor friend, nor servant suffered to see him ; 
 and, after that, sent to the Tower of London, to be there kept some 
 weekes, in order to be sent to his tryall at Chester, from which county 
 he was first sent for, and when thither brought, on pretence to 
 bee tryed, after ail, neither prosecutor noi‘ witnes appear there against 
 him ; nor more to be done, but pay the fees demanded and go 
 home ? 
 
 “ But the thing done — if pretending to be a legall prosecution — was 
 not more unusual than was the manner of doing it ; for the laws of 
 England establish to us known officers, judiciall and ministerial!, in the 
 Crown Office, or Court of Pleas ; wee know none by the name of 
 King’s Messenger. However, his coming might be more formidable by 
 being accompanyed by an armed power of aliens, never naturalised nor 
 made denizens, and by his associate Lunt, more dangerous and dreadfull 
 than them all. 
 
 “ It was, sure, an extravagant apprehension possessed the Minister of 
 State, that he durst not rely upon the Posse Comitatus, to bring 
 Mr. Legh, if a criminall, to the propper tribunall, to receive his doom. 
 It is, by our English laws, a part of the civil magistrate’s oath, when 
 he takes his office, not to send his warrant against any man to be taken 
 up and abridged of his liberty, directed to the party upon whose 
 information, or at whose instance, the man is to be apprehended, but to 
 direct it to such indifferent person as will do right. Now that 
 Mr. Lunt, upon whose information Mr. Legh was to be taken up, must 
 be one to take up Mr. Legh, and one to go through his house, which 
 he had never seen before, and have the perussall of his study and papers, 
 from 7 o’clock till 12, and make his observations upon the person of 
 Mr. Legh, whom, though he had sworn against, hee had never, till then, 
 seene. This, one would think, may pass at least for a peccadillo, when 
 our laws are consulted on the case. 
 
 “ And surpassing were the unparalleled preparationsforthe management 
 of the ensuing tryalls. Mr. Aaron Smith, solicitor of the Lords of the 
 Treasury, who, to the fame of their choyce, had in the late reign stood in 
 the pillory, in regard of his parts, was, with a good purse, sent in 
 state with his coach and six, first to Manchester, a trading town in 
 Lancashire, where never an assize had been before kept, to appear great 
 there, where the tryalls were to be begun, as principal solicitor against 
 the prisoners; who, after he had convicted there (for nothing less than 
 convictions were thought on) eight red-letter criminalls, he was to take 
 Chester in his way home, to do Sir Thomas Stanley and Mr. Legh’s 
 businesse there, both gentlemen of the Church of England. 
 
365 
 
 ‘‘ But some months before this, Captaine Baker, who, in the late raigne, 
 had received a harder sentance than the pillory, though he escaped the 
 execution, he was not so soon acquainted with Lunt, as Mr. Smith was; 
 but he, after he had licked into forme Lunt’s, Wilson’s, and Womb- 
 well’s infoi mations, and introduced those informers to a great Minister 
 of Shite, hee was thought fittest, before Mr. Smith, to be dispatched into 
 Lancashire and Cheshire, with a purse, to take down 4 messengers, and 
 more informers, with letters to 2 Justices of each County to assist him, 
 and a power to command a party of Duch troopers to take up and carry 
 the gentlemen, in the messenger’s warrants, first to Chester Castle, and 
 after, together, to London, which, when hee had performed, hee againe 
 came downe at their returne to be tryed, his chiefe charge being then 
 to take care of the witnesses, hee having most reason to know best how- 
 to manage his own creatures. 
 
 “The two entrusted Justices, writ to in Lancashire : — one was made 
 one of the commissioners of Oyer and Terminer, and sate as Judge; 
 the other, reserved for .... of finding the bills, to be foreman 
 of the Grand Jury. The bills, being long and of unusuall forme, they 
 were brought down ready drawn. And, least the Clerk of the Crown of 
 Lancashire, whose office it is, by the King’s letters patent, that hee, or 
 his sufiBcient deputy, sit under the Judges to dispatch the business of 
 ihe Crown iii that County Palatine, least they should not manage to 
 Mr. Aaron’s mind, hee brought down one Winter, from the King’s Bench, 
 who did officiate, and, which was more than usuall, went from the Court 
 to read the bills to the grand jury. Mr. Boyd, another King’s Bench 
 practiser, came down as a second-rate solicitor, with briefs to instruct 
 and inform the King’s counsell. No lesse than 5 lawyers were brought 
 down, to be of counsell for the King and Queen. 137 gentlemen, from 
 all parts of the County of Lancaster, were summoned for Jurors, and 
 with 4 of the Judges (duble the number of our circuiters) sate, and 4 
 other great persons joyned with tliem in the commission of Oyer and 
 Terminer. No person that could be any way usefull, was unbrought. 
 Nothing was omitted tc agrandize the solemnity of this session ! 
 
 “ The first try all was agamst 5 of the prisoners, indicted together In 
 one bill : — Sir Boland Stanley, Sir Thomas Clifton, Mr, Licconson, Mr. 
 Langton, and Mr. Blundell, against whom wmre produced 8 witnesses, 
 who severall of them gave a full evidence against the five. But, when all 
 that evidence was over, the prisoners called 34 witnesses, by whom the 
 said former witnesses were so disproved and detected, that the Judge 
 said it was a great mystery of iniquity on one side, saying to the Jury, 
 if the first witnesses be believed, there is a plaine proofe of a great 
 contrivance to bring in the French King, and raise a rebellion here ; but 
 if you believe that Lunt and the rest have contrived this way to ruin the 
 gentlenif n, and take away their lives and estates, in hope to enrich them- 
 selves, then the fait will lye more upon the accusers. Then the gentle- 
 men are innocent; you must acquit them. The Jury, without going 
 forth of Court, sayd they were agreed of their verdict. And being 
 called to give their verdict, and demanded to each of the prisoners wliether 
 guilty or not guilty, they gave their verdh^t to each apart, not guilty. 
 After which the Lord Molineux, Sir William Gerard, and Bartholomew 
 Walmsley, Esquire, the other prisoners there, being on Monday brought 
 to the barr, and the Jury to trye them, sworn and charged, and the 
 indictment opened to the Jury, no witness appeared against them, so 
 the Jury, to each of them apart, gave their verdict not guilty. Where- 
 upon, Mr. Justice Eyre said: ‘Gentlemen, you that are acquitted, you 
 have a very pregnant instance shown to you that the Court refuses 
 to give credit, or so much as an ear, to what the witnesses on Saturday 
 
866 
 
 have sworn to ; and since there are none to accuse you (for the witnesses 
 were sent away), I do not condemn you/ 
 
 “ The assizes, for the tryall of Sir Thomas Stanley and Mr. Legh, 
 being appointed to be two days following, at Chester, viz., on Wensday, 
 24 October, 1694, the Judges were thither comme, but Lunt, Wilson, 
 Wombel, and Bruerton, the four principle witnesses, being vanished, 
 there was none found to swear to the bills against Sir Thomas Stanley 
 or Mr. Legh ; and no bill being found against them, there was nothing 
 to try, nor to do, but dismisse them ; the cryer’s proclamation being far 
 from so loud as the acclamation of the people. 
 
 “Now, as to Mr. Legh, of whom particularly this paper is intended 
 to give an account, it may very truly be said hee is a gentleman well 
 known, and as well beloved, who never did a thing offensive to the 
 government hee lived under, and as seldom as any to anybody in it. A 
 gentleman who avoyds disputes, meddles not in the controversies of the 
 time, it may perhaps be hard to find one to whom this character is 
 so truly due ; and can this his case and usage, were the lawes of 
 England had in due execution, lye long unremembered, or, when 
 remembered, remaine unresented ? Would it not beget at least a hard 
 thought, if not a sensure, which should by no means be suffered towards 
 our government, which hath enemies too many, that would be too ready 
 to improve it, being that which cannot by reason be justified. It 
 is from no disafected wish to pray that justice and right may be done ; 
 for it is justice doth establish the throne ! ” 
 
 Depositions of Edward Beresford. 
 
 918 . [1694.] — “ Edward Beresford of London, gentleman, maketh 
 oath That Mrs. Dickenson, wife of Mr. Dickenson, now in custody, hav- 
 ing several tymes desyred this deponent to meet, or procure some one to 
 meet, one Mr. Taffe, who told her that he had some things to say of im- 
 portance, relating to the service of the Cheshire and Lancashire gentlemen 
 now in prison, and that he desyred very much to meet any one that he 
 might declare his mynd to. That this deponent, having noe inclynation to 
 meet or converse with him, had put it off for above a weeke, during which 
 tyme, as the said Mrs. Dickenson told this deponent, the said Mr. Taffe, 
 or his wife, had severall tymes presst to have some one to meet him. At 
 last one Mr. Bankes, of Cray’s Inn, did consent to meet the said Taffe, 
 saying he would hear what the gentlemen had to say, and thought there 
 could be noe danger in it, and accordingly did, as this deponent beleeves, 
 meet the said Mr. Taffe on the twenty seaventh day of September last 
 in the afternoone. That on the twenty eighth of the same month, in 
 the morning early, the said Mr. Taffe came to Mr. Banks at his 
 chambers in Gray’s Inn, where this deponent alsoe then was. That 
 after some complements past betwixt Mr. Banks and Mr. Taffe, the 
 said Mr. Taffe tooke occasion to say that he was very much concerned 
 for those gentlemen that were prisoners, meaning those of Cheshire and 
 Lancashire, as this deponent beleives. 
 
 “ That he was noe witnesse himselfe, nor any wayes concerned, 
 but that there was one Lunt, alias Smith, who, he said, was a wit- 
 nesse against them, in relation to a plot against the Government, 
 and that he reposed an intyre confidence in him, the said Taffe. 
 That he, the said Lunt, had often read to him his narrative of the 
 said plot; that he was a loose, extravagant talking fellow, and would 
 expose and reveal himselfe at first sight to any one or more that he, 
 the said Taffe, recommended, or to that effect. And farther said that 
 
367 
 
 Lunt was a great rogue ; and he, the said Taffe, proposed to recomend 
 someone to his acquaintance as a certayne means to detect him, or to 
 that efPect. That what he proposed was in respect to the Govern- 
 ment as well as truth. That he had great obligations, and was zealous 
 for the interest of the Government. That he began to have a dis- 
 trust of the plot, and in particular of Lunt’s testimony, upon the said 
 Lunt and a messenger going lately to seize young Mr. Blundell of 
 Crosby, now a prisoner, against whom Lunt was a witnesse, as the said 
 Taffe declared; that he, the said Lunt, met the prisoner, Mr. Blundell, 
 and askt for Esquire Blundell, and the prisoner showed them upp 
 to his father and then left them ; upon this accident the said Taffe 
 said he began to conceive a bad oppinion of him and his evidence 
 because he knew not the man against whom he had sworne, or to that 
 effect. 
 
 “That Lunt had often complayned to him that he wanted a man 
 or two — as this deponent supposed, to he evidence in his plot ; but he 
 desired one of credit, that was a protestant and lookt like a gentleman 
 or an officer, and had often prest the said Taffe to helpe him to some 
 such, according to his promise. That Mr. Taffe farther sayd that yf 
 some gentleman woud consent to see him upon his, the said Taffe’s, 
 recommendation, he questioned not but upon the first or second tyme 
 of seeing him, he, the said Lunt, would give the said gentleman what 
 he would have him to swear, in wryting, relating to his plot, as this 
 deponent beleeved. He, the said Taffe, prest his method very much, 
 and said he beleeved it the only way to discover the rouges, whereupon 
 Mr. Bagshawe of Gray’s Inn, who was then by, consented to meet him, 
 the said Taffe, at the ‘ Ship ’ alehouse, by Temple Barr, at three of the 
 clock in the same day, the said Taffe undertaking to bring the said Lunt 
 thither. 
 
 “ Thereupon, Mr. Taffe instructed Mr. Bagshawe what to say and 
 how to behave himselfe, and so Mr. Taffe went away. Mr. Bagshaw 
 afterwards, upon further thought and reflection, was unwilling to goe 
 till hec had further consulted what was adviseable and safe, and it was 
 agreed that Mr. Bankes and this deponent should go to the place named, 
 and disappoint the meeting by telling Mr. Taffe the reason of Mr. 
 Bagshawe’s not coming, which this deponent did, upon which Mr. Taffe 
 seemed very much concerned that he must disappoint Lunt, who was 
 very eager, he said, and would not stay to be sent for, as was agreed, 
 but would come along with him. And the said Taffe was particulerly 
 concerned that Mr. Bagshawe would not come, because, he said, he was 
 mightily taken with his countenance. Mr. Taffe was very urgent with 
 Mr. Bankes or this deponent to stay, though it were only to drinke a 
 glasse of ale with Lunt, and nothing of business should be talked of. 
 Thereupon, Mr. Bankes consented to stay, and this deponent imedeately 
 left him and Mr. Taffe together, and went to the ‘ Rainebow ’ coffee-house, 
 to Mr. Bagshaw. About an hour afterwards, or something more, 
 Mr. Bankes came to this deponent and Mr. Bagshaw, and all three 
 imediately went into Lincoln’s Inn walks, where Mr. Bankes gave a 
 relation to this deponent and Mr. Bagshaw of what passed at the ‘ Ship ’ 
 alehouse, betwixt him, Mr. Taffe, and Mr. Lunt.” 
 
 Lancashire Plot. — Depositions of Laurence Parsons and James 
 
 Parkinson. 
 
 919. [1694]. — Laurence Parsons, of Shavington, in the parish of 
 Standish, in the county of Lancaster, dyer, deposes that in May last, he 
 met Lunt in London, and that Lunt promised, if he would swear that 
 
368 
 
 they together did deliver commissions from King James to gentlemen in 
 Ormskirk and other places, that he should receive 150/2. and be 
 entered into Capt. Baker’s office and have the King’s pay of 205. a week. 
 And Lunt told him that he should soon have a commission from the 
 Secretary of State and Privy Council for seizing of horses and arms 
 in Lancashire, and requested deponent to join with him in the execution 
 thereof. Deponent afterwards travelled to Manchester with Lunt, 
 Taaffe, John Woombell, Captain Baker, Christopher Ellis, and' George 
 Wilson. 
 
 James Parkinson, of Carhall, in the county of Lancaster, gentleman, 
 deposes that one Ellis, servant to Captain Baker, and one of the King’s 
 messengers, had seized two of his horses, and deponent sent his wife to 
 try if she could prevail on Ellis and his company to restore his horses, 
 and his wife informed him that John Lunt, who was with Ellis, said he 
 had matters of consequence to impart to deponent. And deponent went 
 to Lunt, who asked his assistance in giving evidence against Lord 
 Molyneux and other gentlemen in the county ; to which deponent said, 
 “ I know nothing against them ” ; to which Lunt replied, ‘‘ You know 
 as much as I do” ; and added, We have taken Lord Molyneux and 
 Sir William Gerrard ; if we could but take Master Molyneux and 
 Esquire Gerrard we would let the Lord Molyneux and Sir William 
 Gerrard go.” 
 
 Depositions of William Whalley concerning the Lancashire Plot. 
 
 920. [1694.] — “ I doe remember that on Saturday, the 20th of 
 October, 1694, I was on the jury that tryed Sir Bowland Stanley, Sir 
 Thomas Clifton, William EHckonson, Esqre., Philip Langton, Esqre., 
 William Blundell, Esqre. Att which tryall John Lunt was produced as 
 an evidence for the Kinge and Queene, and swore that, att Dunkenhall 
 (which to the best of my remembrance as to the time) he affirmed to be 
 in the yeare 1691, in his presence, Mr. Walmsley did then and there 
 deliver to Mr. Dicconson, of Wrightington, a comission from Kinge 
 James to bee a Lieftannant Collonel of Horse, and that Mr. Dickonson 
 did then and there take and receive it att his hands. 
 
 ‘‘ I doe alsoe remember, at the same tryall, George Wilson was then and 
 there produced as an evidence for the Kinge and Queene, and swore 
 that hee was in the company of John Lunt att Croxtath, and there 
 found the Lord Mollineux, Sir Lowland Stanley, Sir William Gerrard, 
 and others, mett together, and lhat hee was present when John Jmnt 
 att Croxteth did, with his owne hands, deliver to the Lord Mollineux 
 a comission under or from Kinge James, that made him Governor of 
 Liverpoole. And that hee was present alsoe when John Lunt did 
 deliver, then and there, to Sir Bowland Stanley a comission, from or 
 under Kinge James, to make him a Collonel of Horse ; and alsoe when 
 John Lunt did then and there deliver to Sir William Gerrard a 
 comission under or from King James to make him a Collonel of Horse 
 (and this to the best of my remembrance as to the timej Wilson swore 
 to bee in the month of June or July, 1689. 
 
 “ I doe alsoe remember, att the same tryall, the said Wilson swore 
 that hee was present at Dunkenhall, and that Mr. Walmsley did then 
 and there, in person, with his ov/n hand, in the presence of him, the 
 said Wilson, deliver to Mr, Dickonson a comission in writinge, under 
 and from Kinge James, to make him, the said Mr. Dickonson, a Lief- 
 tennant Collonel of Horse, and that Mr. Dickonson did then and 
 there, in his presence, receive and accept the same att his hands, and 
 this, to the best of my knowledge (as to the time) Wilson affirmed to 
 bee in February, 1691. 
 
869 
 
 •; .~r :v.'rr.'r srT‘.'^ . 'S^'. J 
 
 ‘‘I do alsoe remember that John Wombell, at the same tryall, was 
 produced as an evidence for the Kinge and Queene, and swore that 
 hee came to Standish Hall with armes, and then and there found and 
 saw Mr. Dickonson, Mr. Blundell, and others, present and mett to- 
 gether, and that hee then and there saw great quantity of armes to be 
 divided, and that a certain part of the said armes to be shared and 
 distributed between Mr. Dickonson and Mr. Blundell, and that 
 Mr. Dickonson and Mr. Blundell did, in his sight, take their share of 
 the arms soe divided, and this to the best of my remembrance (as to 
 the time) Wombell swore to be about December, 1691. 
 
 “ I do alsoe remember the said Wombell, att the same tryall, being 
 asked by Mr. Blundell whether hee was not att Crosbie with the 
 Kinges messengers, att the search for arms. Hee answered, hee was 
 there. Mr. Blundell asked him whether he knew anything of any moneys 
 taken there by any of the company, and whether none was found 
 about him, being searched, who answered, no money was found about 
 him butt his owne, which as I remember hee said was about 12s. 
 Copy. 
 
 {^Depositions to same effect made hy Hugh Holme. ^ 
 
 Names of those appointed to make arrests, and of informers. 
 
 921. [1694] — “The names of the persons employed to take up 
 persons impeached, as also of the informers, u ith an account of who 
 and what they are or have been.” 
 
 The Names of the Gentlemen ‘informed against by Lunt. 
 
 922. [1694.] — In all, there are the names of 103 persons, viz : — 
 
 Lord Thomas Howard, Lord George Howard, Dr. Bromfield, the Earl 
 
 of Melfort, Mr. Edmund Threlfall (dead), Mr. Gourden, the Lord 
 Moiineux’s son, Thomas Tildesley, Esquire, Mr. Dalton of Thurnham, 
 Mr. Sherburn of Stonyhurst, Mr. Townley of Townley, Mr. Girlingtou, 
 Mr. Westby of Mowbreck, the Lord Molineux, Mr. Legh of Lyme, 
 Sir Thomas Stanley of Aldersley, Mr. Cholmondeley of Valeroyall, 
 Sir Bowland Stanley, Sir Thomas Clifton, my Lord Brudenall, Sir 
 
 Troogmorton (?), the Lord Dunbar, the Lord Preston, the Lord 
 
 Fairfax, Mr. Strickland, Sir Thomas Gascow, Sir Stapleton, 
 
 Mr. Tempest, Mr. Vavasour, Mr. Harrington, Mr. Clayton, Mr. Ryder, 
 Mr. Traps, Mr. Lawson, Major Moor, Sir William Gerard’s son, 
 Mr. Dicconson of Wrightington, Capt. Griffith, Whitney the highway- 
 man (dead), Mr. Stanley, Mr. Shuttleworth, Mr. Tildsley of Stonesacre, 
 Mr. Langton, Mr. Chantrell, Colonel Walmsley of Dunghall, Mr. Dracot 
 of Pansley, Staffordshire, Sir Richard Fleetwood, Mr. Roland Fleetwood, 
 Mr. Whital, Mr. Cuny of Cuny, Mr. Stacy of Reddington, Sir James 
 Simons, Mr. Bazil Brook, the Lord Stafford, Mr. Stafford, the Lord 
 Stafford’s brother, Mr. Whitfield, Mr. Basell, Capt. Goodman, Mr. Pollard 
 of ‘ the Blue Posts ’ in the Haymarket, Mr. Towgood at ‘ the Griffin ’ in 
 Bloomsbury, Mr. Clarkson at ‘ the Lancaster Castle ’ in Red Lyon Square, 
 Mr. Vaughan at the ‘ White Horse’ inn in .... , Mr. Eason at 
 
 ‘ the George ’ inn by Holborn Bridge, Mr. Carre at ‘the Roy all Oak ’ in 
 Drury Lane, Mr. Jolly of ‘ the Black Posts ’ in Drury Lane, Mr. John 
 Sharpies in the Haymarket, Mr. Rigby in Covent Garden, and his son, 
 the Lord Arundell, Lord Barimore (?), Lord Griffin, Sir William 
 Goreng, Colonel Tufton, Colonel Holeman, Colonel Bernard Howard, 
 Lieutenant - Colonel Bankes, Colonel Porter, Lieutenant - Colonel 
 Griffith, Captain Goodman, Capt. Nelson, Captain Tozar, Captain 
 73480. A A 
 
370 
 
 Spencer, Mr. Standish, Captain Noell, Captain Walton, Mr. Pepper, 
 Mr. Preston, Captain Roberts, the Lord Feversham, Mr. Tasbrough, 
 Mr. Kingsley, Colonel G-riffin, Colonel Tufton, Lord Strangfort, 
 Mr. Basteen, Mr. Clark, INIr. Loe, Alderman Crosse of Rochester, 
 Lcrd Carrington, Lord Salisbury, Lord Huntington, Sir Henry 
 Tichburn, Sir John Friend. In the hfindwriting of Roger Kenyon. 
 
 Draft Speech, probably to be delivered to the House of Commons 
 by Roger Kenyon. 
 
 923. [1694.] — “Wee are now to consider the present posture and 
 condition of the nation, and this our resolution being published, the 
 eyes of our countrey are upon us, and makes them hope for and expect 
 redress of those grievances under which they labour. You had some of 
 them hinted at the other day, under the heads of false evidence, forrainers 
 in our councells, and an unequall burthen of the warr upon us. But the 
 first of these is that which most sencibly affects mee and my countrey, 
 where the blackest of vilanyes has been most plainly detected, and the 
 thoughts of it strikes all men with horror and amazement. Gentlemen 
 of peaceable dispositions (but, indeed, they had good estates, and that 
 was their greatest crime) were under Dutch guards, to the great expence 
 of their fortunes and hazard of their lives, hurryed from their own 
 house to Chester Castle, thence to the Tower and Kewgate, thence down 
 again to the countrey, and there arraigned and tryed for high treason, 
 but, God bee thanked, acquitted. I happened to bee at the try all, and 
 shall, by your permission, give you a short account of some transactions 
 I there observed, the legality of which I shall not take on myself to 
 determine, but sure I am, most people thought they were very great 
 hardships. A power was avowed, in open court, that the judges might 
 put into, and put out of, the pannell of the Grand Jury what persons they 
 pleased, and that in cases of high treason. The Judge, in his charge, 
 passed his censure upon the gentlemen before any bill was preferred 
 against them, telling the jury that the occasion of their coming armed 
 with that commission was the treachery of their own countrymen ; but 
 this was also accompanyed with a side blow at the Church of England, 
 hee adding that those countrymen of theirs were Protestants and 
 Papists : ‘ Protestants,’ sayes hee, ‘ of the Church of England, as they 
 call themselves, who mingle with Papists, as the iron and the clay at 
 the feet of Nebuchednazer’s image.’ The Lord Mollineux, upon his 
 arraignment, put in a petition, that, by reason of his great age and 
 infirmityes, hee could neither see, hear, nor understand, soe prayed that 
 councell might bee assigned him, but this the Court very truly told him 
 could not be granted by law; yet Barron Powell, one of the judges, in 
 tender compassion and commiseration of his condition, said that if he 
 had a friend or two to stand by and assist him they would connive at it, 
 but this the judge who managed the Commission opposed, and sayd it 
 must neither be granted nor connived at. Five of the gentlemen being 
 put into one indictment, and a coppye of their pannell given them, the 
 Court terryfyed them, telling them that if they would not wave their 
 seperate challenges and consent that one of them should challenge for 
 the whole, the Court would proceed to try one of them presently. 
 Whereupon they waved their right, given them by law, and consented ; 
 which being done, and they withdrawn under their guards out of Court, 
 the judge ordered 40 more to bee added to that pannell, which was 
 accordingly done. Tenn gentlemen of quality, some of them members 
 of this House, some of them deputy lievetenants, but all of them justices 
 of the peace for that county, were all excepted against by the King’s 
 
371 
 
 councell, without cause shewn, by direction, as was reasonably supposed, 
 of* Aron Smith, and not one gentleman of note was allowed to serve on 
 that jury ; soe the foreman was an ordinary tradesman and the landlord 
 of the house where the judges lodged. The prisoners desired that the 
 evidence against them might be examined seperately and apart, but this 
 was denyed, the judge saying it would cast a reflection upon the King’s 
 evidence. Lunt, the first evidence, said he knew the prisoners very 
 well, that he had been often in their company es, done business for 
 them, and given commissions to them, but being demanded which was 
 Sir Rowland Stanley, he pointed to Sir Thomas Cliffton and called him 
 Sir Rowland Stanley, and pointing to Sir Rowland Stanley and called him 
 Sir Thomas Oliffton, which caused some just muttering against him by 
 the people in the Court. Therefore, to rectifye this his mistake, hee 
 -was bid to take the cryer’s staffe and lay it upon Sir Rowland Stanley. 
 Hee tooke the staffe and layd it upon Sir Thomas Oliffton, and again 
 called him Sir Rowland Stanley, and Sir Rowland Stanley he again 
 called Sir Thomas Cliflfton. Now, to help this lame evidence out of 
 this ditch, which the cryer’s staffe was not stronge enough to doe, the 
 judge asked him if those were the two knights for whom hee had done 
 bnsness and to whom hee had delivered commissions, to which leading 
 question the profligate wretch could easily make an affirmation, and soe 
 he said that they were. ‘Why then,’ sayes the Judge to the Jury, 
 ‘ gentlemen, you are not to lay any stress at all upon his mistaking of 
 one for the other, nor is it to weigh anything with you.’ 
 
 “ These, sir, are some of the hardships I observed at this tryall, but 
 how the evidences were confronted and their perjurys manifested, and 
 how it was made to appear that had those knights of the post succeeded 
 in this first essay of their plott, they would have caryed it on to the 
 gentlemen of the best estates in England, and where and by whom an 
 office is kept, where informers are listed into pay, I hope other gentlemen 
 who were there and have better memoryes than I have, will acquaint 
 you. And then I hope you will not only pass your sensure upon the 
 wrong-doores but that you will also by some good bill or bills ” [ends 
 abruptly^. 
 
 In the handwriting of Richard Edge. 
 
 Edward Finch to Roger Kenyon, at Manchester. 
 
 924 . 1694, “ Friday, 9th.” Winwick. — “ We expect my Lord Derby 
 here to day, whom I beleive I shall perswade to go up to parliament 
 earlier than he used to do. I shall meet the Chester coach at Whitchurch 
 next Monday night, and go up to London in that. I have so many 
 things to confer with you about, that it would be in vain to attempt it 
 by letters, in so short a time as I have to stay in the country. But thus 
 much I think I ought to hint to you, viz. that I heai' the wittnesses are 
 clapped up and ordered to be prosecuted for perjury. I hope your illness 
 will not hinder your early attendance in parliament, and the rather 
 because what you are able to make out concerning our sham plott’s 
 being built upon Dodsworth’s, will be so verry material that it may be a 
 means effectually to prevent the game which I apprehend they will 
 endeavour to play, because it was what they did do in Admirall Russell’s 
 business — voted him first the thanks of the House for his courage 
 and conduct in beating the French fleet, and thereby precluded them- 
 selves from examining into my brother Nottingham’s papers and orders, 
 which were sent down to our House from the House of Lords, and sent 
 back again, without examining or suffering them to be on the table, as 
 usual in such cases, whereby it wmuld plainly have appeared that had 
 
 A A 2 
 
372 
 
 it not been for Admiral Russell’s missmanagement and disobedience to 
 positive and repeated orders, he had wholly destroyd the French fleet. 
 Just so, I suppose, they will convict these people of perjury, to stop 
 higher inquiry; vote Trenchard, Shrewsbury, Willoughby, and Xorris 
 (and for ought I know Baker and »Tudge Eyre) the thanks of the House 
 for their watchful care of the Government, in his Majestie’s absence, so 
 that their scandalous grafting upon Dodsworth’s plott will be looked on 
 as a pardonable over-forward zeal. The wittnesses being pilloried, all is 
 done that can be ; f or shall the House find fault with the same people 
 they thank ? This they will urge as a ridiculous thing to appear in our 
 votes. By all means possible hasten your own journey to London, and 
 the rest of our Lancashire members, for I wonder to find that 
 severall of them that were present at the tryalls, intend to stay so long 
 in the country. If they cry ‘ whose first ’ (as the saying is), we come 
 upon a disadvantage, and a very great one.” Seal with crest. 
 
 CuTHBERT HeSKETH tO [RoGER KeNTON]. 
 
 925 . 1694[-5], January. — ‘‘I have seene John Wilson, who was a 
 prisoner at lardge, and accused for to bee guilty of the late plott, and 
 have discoursed him, and desyred him to lett me know how farre he was 
 moved to bee a witness against Mr. Walmesley of Dunkenhalgh; and 
 hee tells me that Aron Smith, Captayne Baker, and Lunt, did much 
 solicite him to sweare that Mr. Walmesleye was att Dunkenhalgh about 
 three years since, to which hee did say, and is ready to testify, that bee 
 never knew or saw the said Mr. Walmesley till hee saw him att 
 Manchester Sessions, in October last, nor was ever at Dunkenhalgh in 
 his lyfetyme. Upon which, Avon Smith, Captayne Baker, and Lunt, 
 did threaten him that, if hee would not testify the same, hee should bee 
 indicted and hanged for being guilty of the plott. Wilson says he was 
 never a prisoner in N’ewgate, but was still kept a prisoner with the 
 messenger that apprehended him. Hee was lykewyse moved by Aaron 
 Smith, Beaker, and Lunt, to bee a witness against severall other gentlemen 
 in this county, upon the same score, three of which were Mr. Towneley, 
 Mr. Warren, and Mr. Walmesley of the Hall, against whome, or any of 
 them, hee neither could at that time, nor now, say anything in that 
 business, being {sic) hee never had any acquaintance with any of them. 
 Hee further sayes that hee heard the said Aron Smith, Beaker, and Lunt 
 say at the Sessions att Manchester, that if the buisiness against the 
 gentlemen at that time did not take effect hee would have another way 
 for it.” 
 
 John Assheton to Roger Kenyon, M.P. 
 
 926 . 1694[-5], January 10. Clitheroe. — “The death of the Queen 
 was a great surprize to us, whose death is by all here very much 
 
 lamented The known experience of your readinesse to 
 
 assist us, and your repeated promises, incouraged us to crave your help 
 in relation to our burruogh and county in particular. The poore of 
 these parts mostly employ the winter in spinning flaxen yarne, and 
 formerly made advantage thereof’; which forreigners seeing, have under- 
 mined us, buying the best of flax and irnploying their owne poor to spin, 
 about Hamborow, etc., where tliey live cheap and send us the yarne, 
 which we must either take at their rates or bee content with the worst 
 sort of flax, litle else now comeing ; by which meanes, our poore 
 complaine they cannot get for their yarn what their flax cost, and must 
 either turne l»eggers, or worke to no purpose. And soe the poore are 
 ruined, and the better sort sore layne upon to relieve them, which might 
 
373 
 
 be remedied were a smart duty (the qua7ihim we dare not preseribe) 
 layd oil forreign yarne, and to promote that is our request, wherein 
 wee are seconded by many other burroughs, our neighbors, to their 
 representative. It meets here with soe general! approbation, that wee 
 cannot find any inconveniency, publicke or private, to object thereto, and 
 therefore hope you will find the lesse opposition, in soe generall a good 
 worke. The advantage will be farther in the advance of his Majesty’s 
 revenue, and, being in nature of a subsidy bill, it perhaps may bee season- 
 ably moved at this time when you are cons[idering] the poore, to whose 
 act this may bee added. Tour thought and advice herein, with your 
 assistance, is earnestly entreated.” 
 
 Joseph Yates to Roger Kenyon, M.P. 
 
 927 . 1694f-5], January 14. — Our great surmise in the country is, 
 (1) Will the King go into Flanders, or no ? (2) Why did Parliament desire, 
 “ with that strictness,” all members to attend, on Thursday last ? and 
 (3) “ What will be the event of the Parliament’s enquiry after the 
 Manchester trials ?.,... In my mind, an imposition upon 
 perri-wiggs and topp-knotts would be easier to the poor sort of people, 
 then that proposed of leather ; but doe begg your pardon in presuming 
 to mention any of these things, which chiefly concerne your honourable 
 assembly.” There is talk in this town of new county justices, “ not to 
 adorn (?) the church,” viz. : Mr. Worsley of Platt, Mr. Nathaniel Gaskell, 
 Mr. Joseph Hooper, Mr. Richard Percivall, and several others of this 
 town and near it. Other justices are to be “ put out,” because not 
 brisk enough against the prisoners.” Seal of ar'ms. 
 
 Thomas Wilson to Roger Kenyon. 
 
 928 . 1694[-5], January 18. Lathom.~On Wednesday last, my 
 Lord Derby went to Preston, in order to promote an address to his 
 Majesty upon the death of the Queen. His Lordship was met at the town 
 by the High Sheriff and a handsome appearance of gentry, and, in the 
 town, met with a very welcome reception, offered an address, which was 
 kindly and unanimously received and signed, and will be signed by most 
 of the gentry of this county in a few days. From all which, it is mani- 
 fest that the hearts of the people are yet very much towards his Lordship. 
 This address his Lordship designs to send up to Colonel Stanley, who 
 is the fittest person in the world to represent it fairly to the King. To 
 this purpose, his Lordship writes this post to his brother to know his 
 thoughts and resolutions. In the meantime, I desire this favour of 
 you, that you will take an occasion to discourse with Colonel Stanley 
 upon this subject. Seal of arms. 
 
 Charles Rigby to Roger Kenyon, M.P., in London. 
 
 9 29 . 1694[-5], January 18. Lancaster Upon the receipt of 
 yours of the 6th instant, I pressed Hartley to recollect with himselfe 
 for a further discovery, assureing him of the want of your friendship, 
 whilst there was reason to believe bee consailed any of his associates; 
 and for this purpose I gave him two days to consider in, but when I 
 came to him again, he still protested he had not missed one that he could 
 remember to be liveing, or that had not been tryecl. 1 then shewed him 
 your letter, and to the persons named therein he gives this answer : that 
 as to Murrean, the Scotch pedler, he was acquainted with him before his 
 owne goeing into Ireland, but since his comeing back, he heard that 
 about seven years agoe the pedler was tryed at Shrewesbury and 
 
374 
 
 acquitted, but was so frighted then, that he believes he never medled 
 since. And that himselfe had a young wife who used to come with him 
 to Hartley, but neither hath she medled since her husband’s tryal, that 
 he knows ot He averrs he never knew either Laith or Steward on any 
 account ; that Smith, alias Buffer, is the same in the last information named 
 alias Chamber ; that John G-oulton hath been dead above 15 years : that 
 it is 20 years since he had broad moneys from Samuel Bromley, but 
 believed him dead, not having dealt with him since ; that Leek never 
 clipped, that Hartley knowes of, nor he never worked at Leek’s house ; 
 that Wheck was hanged soon after Jo : Thomasson was robed ; [and] that 
 he hath sent to his brother, in order to make what discovery he can of 
 that robbery. Sir, what I wrote of Hartley being bailed till the Assizes, 
 though under sentence of death, is not without president, for Sir Walter 
 Rawleigh was (when under the sentence of high treason) let out of the 
 Tower, and entrusted with a commission beyond sea, in the King’s 
 service, and after that executed (ut vide Cros.jur. fob 495), and there 
 resolved the King might make use of the service of any subject in that 
 condition, and yet it should not be any dispensation of former crime. I 
 never meant that Hartley, whilst unpardoned, should be evidence against 
 any ; but might, with assistance, apprehend the persons accused, which 
 he still sais he can do, either at baile or under such circumstances as 
 will be strong proof es against them. Sir, if you please to signifie my 
 Lord Cheife Justice Treby’s sentiment of the last information, together 
 with your commands, 1 will, to my power, observe them. Hartley sais 
 Mr. Elleson, the gaoler, had ten pounds from him to keep the yrons of [f] 
 him, and eleven pounds to bear his charges up to London, which is all 
 the moneys he hath had of him, except for his dyet. But Hartley 
 lodged a greater sum, he sais, in a frind’s hands of Ellesson, which he 
 should have had, if he had proved his pardon. And Elleson, hearing 
 that Hartley had a watch in a watchmaker’s hand, in this towne, by 
 dilusion got it into his hands, after the warrant came down for Hartley’s 
 execution, and still keeps it. 
 
 Last Wednesday I was at Thurneham (?) with Mr. Dalton, he being 
 returned from Parke Hall. He shewed me his book, wherein he sets 
 down not only his travels, but the remarkeable passages of his life. He 
 there sais on the 13th of June, 1689, he was apprehended in his owne 
 house by Sir John Bland, then an officer quartered in Lancaster, and 
 he sais, he does remember they searched his house for Thelfall and 
 Lunt, and he believes they did land near Cockerham that morning, and 
 I am induced to believe they were that night entertained at Thurnham, 
 though he does not say so, and that the certificate I sent you mistakes 
 the day.” Seal of arms. 
 
 Alice Kenyon to her husband, Roger Kenyon. 
 
 930. 1694[-5], January 20. — Mrs. Marcer was here to-night, and tells 
 me there is to be many new justices such as never was made justices : — 
 Mr. Edward Boodle, Hilton of Willingrave, Jo: Diggle, ‘‘a calendar 
 man,” and young Gaskill ; she says it is thought Lord Willoughby is the 
 cause of their being put on. Seal. 
 
 The Earl of Derby to Roger Kenyon. 
 
 931, 932. 1694-5, January 22. Knowsley. — I cannot forbear 
 thinking of, and owning, how much I am beholden to your eldest son 
 and my seal-keeper, in following so well the steps of their father. I am 
 not able to imagine what should be the cause that my wife never wrote 
 
375 
 
 one word to me, nor James, since tlie Queen’s death ; though letters and 
 condoling, and inviting down here, have not been wanting. If you do, or 
 can, know anything what should be the matter, an account of as much 
 as is fit for a letter, will be very acceptable. Seal. 
 
 W. Dicconson to Eoger Kenyon, M.P. 
 
 933. 1694-5, January 25. Wrigh[tington]. — “ Pursuant to direc- 
 tions, 1 have this day sent for Jo ; Wilson; hee is very weak in health, 
 and 1 fear much whether hee will bee able to perform his journey, at least 
 it will be to morrow seavenight before he can reach the ‘ Blew Boar ’ in 
 Holborn, whither I have directed him. Hee has his brother with him, 
 who goes on fott, and is not willing to leave alone because of his illness. 
 If hee goes on to London with him, hee may perhaps bee of use too as a 
 wettness to testify Luntt’s acknowledging that hee had robbed on the 
 highway ; butt I know that is not needful now, soe I did not send him, 
 and if hee accompanys his brother quite thorough, it is on his owne 
 accord. For my part, I could not find Jo : Wilson’s testimoney very 
 materiall as to my judgment.” Seal of arms. 
 
 William Hayhurst to Eoger Kenyon, ‘‘a member of the 
 honourable House of Commons, at Westminster.” 
 
 934. 1694- 5, January 26. Preston.- — “ As for the precise day laid in 
 the indictment, we have not usually such a particular regard to it as to 
 observe to laye it the very daj, but suppose it good enough though laid 
 after the day ; and where it relates to seYerall facts, wee lay one day 
 with a diversis aliis diebus et vicihus tam antea quam jwstea. And so 
 for the place, wee doe not much regard it, if it bee in the same county. 
 The record against Darlington is at Lancaster, so I fear cannot come to 
 you in time. Mr. Walmsleye’s neighbours suppose that if he came to 
 Dunkenhalgh when Mr. Lunt swore hee did, that hee rid upon 
 Paccolett’s horse, or that hee came over in a flying coach, either of 
 which will as soon bee believed as that hee was there ; but when I 
 reflect of the certain reports of troopes of horse exercising underground, 
 wee may easily believe the former. I pray God direct you, that are the 
 protectors of the liberty of the people of England, so to determine 
 matters, that innocent men may not bee run down by false accusers, and 
 that it may not bee judgd a crime to have a good estate.” Seal of 
 arms. 
 
 T. Winckley to Eoger Kenyon, M.P. 
 
 935. J694[-5], January 27.— When Threlfal and Lunt left the 
 ship they forgot something like a saddle-bag, which fell into the 
 customs otficers’ hands at Lancaster. Seal of arms. 
 
 Lady Standish to Eoger Kenyon, M.P. 
 
 936. 1694[-5], January 28. Duxbury. — ‘H wish you all health, and 
 safe into Lancashire. If I consulted my own intrest, I should wish 
 to send my Lord Willoughby to the Parliament and fetch you home, 
 but for the publick it is beter ordered. He is almost as great a plauge 
 to me as he is to his wife and her maids, for my Lord, feighting with 
 my Lady’s woman, she has broak his shins with a brass candle stick, 
 and he is a criple.” Seal. 
 
376 
 
 Information by Sir Edward Ward, Attorney- General, 
 against John Lunt, for perjury. 
 
 937. [1695,] Hilary Term. — Reciting the indictment against Sir 
 Rowland Stanley, Sir Thomas Clifton, William Dicconson, E*hillip Lang- 
 ton, and William Blundell, and that, upon the case coming on for trial, 
 before Sir Giles Eyre, Sir John Turton, Sir John Powell, and Sir 
 Samuel Eyre, at Manchester, the said Sir Rowland Stanley, and the 
 others, pleaded not guilty. And at the trial, one John Lunt, late of the 
 parish of St. Martin’s in the Fields, in the county of Middlesex, labourer, 
 swore that in February,! 1691 [-2], he was present at “ Dunginhall,” the 
 dwelling house of Bartholomew Walmesley, Esquire, in the parish of 
 Whalley, with the said Walmesley, when he, the said Walmesley, delivered 
 to William Dicconson a commission from James the Second, late King 
 of England, as lieutenant-colonel of horse ; whereas the said Walmesley 
 was not at “ Dunginhall ” at any time within the month of February, 
 1691 [-2], nor did he deliver such a commission to the said Dicconson, 
 and thereby the said Lunt committed wilful perjury. Also a like in- 
 formation against George Wilson. 
 
 J. Hartley to Roger Kenton, M.P. 
 
 938. 1695[-5], February 1. — ‘‘Koe doubt there are pressing 
 reasons of state for these very great taxes ; and I doe not thinke any 
 Englishman but would willingly pay what he is asked, if that would 
 prevent it, rather then this nation should bee made the seate of war. 
 The inequality of the taxes is the greate thing complained of. For, 
 you will owne, it is very hard lor some to pay above halfe as much for 
 30/. per annum, singly taxed^ as others for 200/. per annum, in the 
 same parish.” Seal of arms. 
 
 Charles Rigby to Roger Kenton, M.P. 
 
 938a. 1694[-5], February 19. Lancaster. — As to proof that Captain 
 Clent supplied his soldiers and officers under him, with his own moneys, 
 and sold his plate and jewels for that purpose, we can produce the tes- 
 timony of persons that heard him on his death-bed say, and it was well 
 known to his relations, that he was, at his last going into Ireland, rich 
 both in that and clothes, and returned “ very ordinary,” and his colonel 
 knew him to be a civil and a frugal brave man.” Hartley is advised by 
 his friends in the castle to apply for a pardon, and, for that purpose, has 
 written to Mr. Pears, the Lord Chief Justice’s secretary, with whom he 
 has held a close correspondence all along. He expresses a true service 
 to the government, and promises, when at liberty, to discover all or most 
 of the clippers in Staffordshire. 
 
 And now, sir, as to the time of Lunt’s landing, though, in answering 
 yours in the order it is writt, I postponed this to other buisness, yet it 
 bath been the chiefe of my endeavours to learne the true time for your in- 
 formation. In the first place, yesterday morning I went to Mr. William 
 Kirkby (who is now in this towne, and presents you with his service). 
 I told him of the matter, and after a searche in his booke, wherein he 
 transcribes coppys of his letters and takes account of his travells, he 
 found that on Tuesday the IHtli of June, 1689, he came to Lancaster, 
 and the same day, being informed by Mr. Jo : Foster, then collector of 
 the Customs liere, that Carson’s vessel was come in from Ireland, he, 
 the same night, wrote up to the Commissioners of the Customs above, 
 and in his letter, finds that he tells them of Carson’s vessell coming in, 
 and for the rest referrs to the collector, Mr. Foster’s letter ; but whether 
 
377 
 
 Mr. Foster’s letter was wrote the post before, or no, he remembers not, 
 nor any more thereof ; but he thinks amongst the letters kept by the Com- 
 missioners above, of that month of June, 1689, Mr. Jo: Foster’s letter 
 may be found, which acquainted them of the landing. Wee after went 
 together to Mr. . , . . , now our Mayor, who, though not then con- 
 
 cerned in the Custom House, did business for Mr. Jo : Foster. He 
 remembers letters wrote to the Commissioners, but no particulars. We 
 then went to the Custom House, but can lind no letters or coppys of 
 letters about it. Charles Carson, the master of the vessell that brought 
 them over, as allso one Peter Gourden, who was then baililfe of this 
 towne, and was the man that was sent up with the informations (as I 
 have, or ought to have, wrote to you before), are both dead ; nor hath 
 Mr. Sherison, who was then Mayor, and tooke Carson’s information, any 
 coppyes or other papers relaiteing thereunto, in his hands, nor can he 
 remember anything of particulars ; but this afternoon he tells me old 
 Mr. Cole, who joyned with him in taking Carson’s information, did keep 
 coppyes of them, and believes his son may find them, and if so, be 
 assured you shall have them by the next post. I am sensibly troubled 
 that I have not yet been able to answer your expectation in this matter, 
 but to recount the contradictions I have mett with in my enquiry, 
 would almost breed distraction ; however, I will not desist till I can 
 send you such account as you may depend on.” 
 
 Information of Oliver Pierson, of Wigan Lane, in the Parish of 
 
 Standish, carrier. 
 
 939. 1694[— 5], February 23. — Concerning the bringing of pistols 
 and kettledrums to Mr. Standish, at Standish Hall. 
 
 John Heys (.?) to Roger Kenyon. 
 
 940. 1694[-5], February 26. — John Breers believes that Lunt was 
 at his house at Lathom in February, or at the beginning of March, 
 1691-2. The death and funeral of Sir Thomas Stanley’s lady, at 
 Preston, has so busied Die. Woods, of this town, and his wife, that I am 
 at want of an opportunity to discourse them upon tlie point. There is 
 a well-founded report that there will be a great alteration of Justices of 
 the Peace in tliis county. Those to be “ outed ” are Cornet (?) 
 Mawdesley, Mr. Farrington, Mr. Blackburn, Mr. Nicholas Starky, and 
 some others. Those to be put in “ are of meane qualitys, none being of 
 
 the degree of a gentlernan, save the two Pattens These 
 
 alterations make honest gentlemen’s hearts very heavy.” Seal of arms^ 
 broken. 
 
 Thomas Mercer to Roger Kenyon, M.P. 
 
 941. 1694[-5], March 12. — Sends him, from Colonel Stainbuck (?), 
 an account of what is due to the innkeepers, of Manchester and Salford, 
 from the “ Dutch troops, from 18(h August last, 778/. 65. 6c/.” Difficulty 
 experienced in obtaining payment of accounts, in the past. Seal, broken. 
 
 William Patten to Roger Kenyon, M.P., in London. 
 
 942, 1694[d], March 12. Preston. — My brother Patten readily 
 shewed me the information he took about Threfall and Lunt’s land- 
 ing. There were 3 of the ship’s crew gave informations, but Henry 
 Knowles gave the fullest. About 5 weeks before the taking of the 
 information, they sailed from the Lune for the Isle of Man ; but, before 
 
878 
 
 they came there, Threlfall desired ttiey might go for Dublin. They 
 sailed there and stayed 3 weeks, and then the master, and Threlfall, 
 and a stranger, whoe was called Mr. Lunt,” came to the ship, and they 
 sailed back to England and landed near Cockerham, on the Thursday 
 morning before the taking of the information. When they landed, the 
 crew gave Threlfall out of the ship “ his haire portmantu truncke,” and 
 afterwards, Lunt called to them that he had left his two leather bags, 
 but he would call for them afterwards. Immediately after this, the 
 Custom House boat came and seized Lunt’s two bags, wherein were 
 several printed and other papers. This information was taken 18 June, 
 1689. 
 
 Dr. Bichard Wroe to Roger Kenyon, M.P., at Westminster. 
 
 943. 1694-5, March 12. — The sudden death of Mrs. Noel has 
 carried away your good family to-day to the funeral. The talk of a new 
 set of justices revives again. A pleasant bench we are like to have ; but 
 probably “ the timing of the Assizes to begin on Good Friday portended 
 some unusual and strange alteration, since some here say that it never 
 happened so since Pontius Pilate sat judge.” 
 
 John Assheton, Bailiff of Clitheroe, to Roger Kenyon, M.P. 
 
 944. 1694-5, March 14. Clitheroe. — “Nothing could bee more 
 
 acceptable to this burrough then a duty uppon forrin (?) yarne, as 
 H ambro, &c. . . . The motion you have made has given no small 
 
 sort of satisfaction to the common sort of people, whose livelyhood much 
 consists in spinning ; and, indeed, is well taken by all.” Describes 
 the funeral of Mistress Townley, at Wh alley, who recently married 
 Mr. Nowell. Believes Kenyon’s letters are opened before they come to 
 “ our ” hands. “ The scale seemed to be a wax impression.” 
 
 Christopher (?) Norres, Mayor of Liverpool, to Roger 
 Kenyon, M.P. 
 
 945. 1694-5, March 16. Liverpool. — “ The two great heads (repre- 
 sentatives of our poor burrough) are laid so close togather that none 
 
 but P , and their party, must be obliged with the votes of the 
 
 House ; the Mayor and bretheren must depend on good Mr. Kenyon, or 
 some other worthy member, to make up that misfortune, and I am sure 
 the honest part of the towne will be very thankfull, if I may judge by 
 the last you sent me. The two parsons of Walton, all the aldermen, 
 and many more, desired me to give you their humble service.” • 
 
 Robert Whiteord to [Roger] Kenyon, at the “Blue Boar” Inn, 
 in Holborn, near Red Lion Square. 
 
 946. 1694-5, March 19. — Promising to bring “ Mrs. Lunt” for an 
 interview “one of these mornings.” She “goes from her kej)eing to 
 night, and then will be at libertie.” 
 
 Jo: Hkys to Roger Kenyon, M.P. 
 
 947. 1695, April 2. — “ I have made it my purpose to go unto and 
 send for Mr. Breers to this town, to examine him to the points you 
 desire. And all that I can gather from him is that about the middle of 
 February, [16]91-2, Lunt was at liis house, went to Ormskirke, and 
 Mr. Breers’ neice with him, to buy linnens, which they did. Mr. Breers 
 
379 
 
 does uot remember how long* before that tyme Luut was at his house, 
 but referred himself to a more particular accouut he says he has already 
 given to Mr. Dicconson, of Wrightington, a copy whereof, he says, you 
 may have at your command next week. Your son George and I have 
 agreed to discourse some things, in order to the tryalls of perjury, next 
 assizes, against Womball, and the rest of his gang. Mary, wife of Richard 
 Wood, of this town, says she dare depose that Lunt was at her house the 
 I7th, 18th, 19th and 20th [of] February, 1691-2.” Fragment of seal. 
 
 Thomas Fleetwood to Roger Kenyon, M.P., in London. 
 
 948 . [16]95, April 3. Nottingham. — I, this morning, went down to 
 old Lunt’s, but the old fellow was very ill in bed; his wife gave me this 
 account : — Lunt was born in Manfield [Mansfield]; his godfather’s name 
 is Blunt, a papist gentleman that lives 3 miles from here, worth about 
 200/. a year. “ She told me many of his rogerys, too long to writ, 
 whilst he was young. His first master was one Mr. Hastings, with 
 whom he stayed not long ; then went to the Mr. Smith you mention, 
 and he, beginning to beare up to his daughter, he turned him off. Hence 
 he went to London, and one of Smith’s servants, that was in love with 
 him, followed him to London and put him prentice to a shoemaker, 
 where he stayed 2 or 3 years, and then fell out with his master and 
 listed himself a soldier. His godfather being a papist, I presume he 
 was christened by a Romish priest, and then you will find no register ; 
 but, if any be to be found, it must be at Manfield [Mansfield]. This is 
 the best account I can get you. I return you thanks about my bill, and 
 
 desire you wfill see it pass when the King comes to the House 
 
 1 have bin in the fens in Lincolnshire, and have vewed all their works 
 and ingens, and have found out the ablest man in England for my 
 purposes, who is not only rich, but has the caracter of a very honest 
 man.” 
 
 Norres, Mayor of Liverpool, to Roger Kenyon. 
 
 949 . 1695, April 5. Liverpool. — As to the charter, by which now 
 we govern, it is that granted in King Charles II.’s time, >vhereof we 
 have an exemplification by King William and Queen Mary, at the charge 
 of my Lord Colchester (now Earl Rivers) ; for King Charles II.’s charter 
 was lost, by the negligence of Alderman Clayton, senior. There is no 
 endorsement on the exemplification, but the learned in the law tell us that 
 we are safe in acting by it, because a confirmation ; and all conclude the 
 Duchy seal is of validity sufficient, and that in that office a record may 
 be found. 
 
 Margaret, Lady Standish, to Roger Kenyon, M.P., “ to be left 
 at the loby door, Westminster.” 
 
 950 . [1695, April 10.] Manchester, “11 a’clock, Sunday night.” — 
 “ I received your letter this morning, and though it was Sabath day, I 
 went to the parsonage, having but few friends to advise with ; and 
 Mr. Hadock was so kind [as] to go along with me to Manchester. We 
 waited on my Lord Willowby ; he declared he had nothing to do with 
 the thing, further then as a trusty [trustee] .... He seemed to 
 be a little heated when he saw the petition, and said he would be ready 
 to answer it, so I have signed it and sent it up.” Mr. Cheetham advises 
 me to prevail with Lord Derby to do my son the honoui’ to be called his 
 guardian, and, in his name, to employ workmen, and to bring a petition 
 
380 
 
 in Lord Derby’s name, Mr. Cheetham thinks this might be a short 
 way to get into possession, and keep the works going. 
 
 Postscript. — ‘‘ I have sent up two letters, one from Sir Jolin Ardern 
 to my Lord Chnmley, another to my Lord Cornbury. Though these 
 Lords sit not in the House, they may influence those that do. . . . 
 
 My Lord Willowby passionately said, he was sure nobody durst present 
 this petition to the House of Lords.” 
 
 Petition of Margaret, Lady Standish, widow of Sir Richard 
 Standish, to the House op Lords. 
 
 951. [1695, April 11.] — Sets out that Peter Shaw and George Smith 
 were in possession, under a wrongful title, of a lead mine, lately open in 
 the manor of Aulezargh, in Lancashire, which was settled towards the 
 petitioner’s jointure. To recover possession, she caused an action of 
 trespass and ejectment, to be brought in the name of Thomas Morris, 
 upon several demises of the petitioner, and John Abbot, to whose father 
 the land, in which the mine lay, was anciently leased for a term of years, 
 yet enduring. Shaw and Smith were duly served with copies of the 
 declaration in that action, and they — “ to shelter and cover the possession, 
 by and under a mortgage made to one Thomas Wadington” by Sir 
 Richard Standish -agreed with the said Wadington to assign over the 
 mortgage, in trust for them, to Lord Willoughby of Parham. At the 
 time the said Shaw and Smith should have defended their title in the 
 said action, they offered a rule, in Lord Willoughby’s name, to make 
 him defendant ; but the plaintiffs’ attorney refused it, “ in respect of his 
 Lordship’s privillege of parliament.” At the last assizes at Lancaster, 
 the plaintiffs moved for judgment against “the casual ejector,” for want 
 of a proper defendant. The Judge — on hearing afterwards that Lord 
 Willoughby, after the action brought, disowned that he had any title, 
 and that if his name was made use of, it was only in trust — refused to 
 give judgment till the House of Peers determined how far Lord Wil- 
 loughby’s interest was really concerned. 
 
 Prays, therefore, that — as Lord Willoughby is no ways concerned 
 in this cause, but as trustee — privilege may not obstruct the petitioner 
 and the said Abbot, in prosecuting their rights. Draft. 
 
 Order on the above., referring it “ to the Lords Committees for prive- 
 ledges,” who were to meet in the House of Peers on the 22nd of April, 
 at 4 o’clok in the afternoon; Lord Willoughby to have a copy of the 
 petition, and to give or send his answer, at or before the above named 
 day and hour. Copy. 
 
 Thomas Kenyon to his father, Roger Kenyon, M.P., “att the 
 doore of the House of Commons att Westminster.” 
 
 952. 1695, April 12. Manchester. — “ I had like to have forgott to tell 
 yon, that Simon A.rrowsmith, and another bayliffe, haveing a warrant 
 from the vShcrriff, against James Rogers of this towne, upon an execution, 
 last night, about 10 a’elock, arrested him in the churchyard, neare his 
 ownc house there, and struggling together, Simon had him downe ; but 
 whilst he was so, Mr. Rogers drewe a bayonett from under his coat and 
 stabbed him in three severall places in the lower part of his belly ; one 
 of which wounds, being searched by the Coroner, was found to be two 
 inches deej) and very wide. Of these wounds, Syrnon, halfe-an-hour 
 after, dyed ; but the other bailiffe, and Mr. Betton(?), who came in a 
 while after, secured Mr. Rogers, and he is prisoner now, as well upon 
 that execution, as upon the Coroner’s warrant for murder. His bayoiiett 
 
381 
 
 is found all bloody, though he threw it away, and two pocket pistolls 
 taken from him, loaden. The like accident happened the other day at 
 Preston ; a gentleman, Mr. Walsmisly by name, borne at Bury, and then 
 a gager att Preston, was murdered basely, by a Dutchman at Preston, 
 who is committed to Lancaster.” Seal. 
 
 J. Leigh to Peter Leigh, “ at Lyme, by Poynton Lane end, 
 near Disley, Cheshire.” 
 
 953 . 1695, May 18. — “It is not easy to find what is pardoned but 
 by observing what is, or is not, excepted as to treasons ; there are 
 exceptions of all prisoners of warre, synce June, 1689; all prisoners 
 under bayle, synce 29 April, 1695; all persons in the French King’s 
 dominions, or employed in his service, or of King James ; all treasons 
 committed out of England, since 13 February, 1688 ; all treasons com- 
 mitted upon the high seas, and generally all treasons and offences, where- 
 by any indictment is depending, or was, att any time within two years next 
 before the assembling of this Parliament. I doe not see that you can be 
 brought within the exceptions, or any of them, and [you are] consequently 
 pardoned. There is a particular exception levelled against Mr. Standish, 
 thus ; — An exception of all persons against whom there was published 
 any proclamation, synce the 27th of April, 1694, and before the 29th 
 April, 1695. The miscreants who have beene the occasion of soe many 
 gentlemans’ trouble, are eccepted thus : — ‘ And alsoe excepted out of this 
 pardon, all offences of perjury and subornation of wittnesses, and en- 
 deavouring or conspireing to bribe or corrupt any person to give false 
 testimony,’ etc. Soe that as they are excepted and open to a procecu- 
 tion, it is surely safe to have them procecuted vigourously, and the 
 rather, synce other prosecutions against them for perjury of another 
 kind, have received interuption ; and it is to be feared this may be so 
 too, in case any occasion be given by a neglected procecution. They 
 have pleaded, and the records, if you will give order, shall be sent downe 
 by NisiPrius, to be tried next Lancaster assises, by which tyme (or the 
 sooner the better) it is safe and prudent to be provided of witnesses, to 
 make out the matters wherin the perjurys are assigned.” Portion of 
 seal. 
 
 Lady Standish to Roger Kenyon, 
 
 954 . 1695, May 23. Duxbury. — Is removing her family to Preston. 
 Will be glad to receive his commands to wait upon him, “ when your 
 business will permit you to loose halphe a day, in hearing an impertinent 
 woman talk.” Can never express her obligations to him. 
 
 Thomas Hodgkinson to Roger Kenyon. 
 
 955 . 1695, June 24. Preston. — Asking for his interest with Lady 
 Derby to procure a scholar’s place in the Charterhouse, for the son of 
 young Mr. Osbaldes^^on. 
 
 Leigh Bankes to Peter Leigh, at Lyme. 
 
 956 . 1695, June 27. Cray’s Inn. — “It is high time to think of 
 our late friends L[un]t, W[ilson], and Wombell ; for, Lancaster assizes 
 drawing near, it will be necessary to find out proper persons that can 
 remember what was given in evidence at Manchester. I trouble you of 
 this, because I do not find any one else takes either care of their persons 
 or the publick, and, though the storm is over at present, yet slothfullnesse 
 
382 
 
 in these cases may cause a relapse. I am apt to beleeve that these 
 villayns will never appear ; however, after they are once convicted, 
 the foundation of their contrivances is totally destroyed.” 
 
 Jo : Leigh, Junior, to [Mrs. Kenyon]. 
 
 957. 1695, June 27. [London.] — Does not know where certain 
 
 papers, required by Mr. Kenyon, are, but they are not material for the 
 trials at Lancaster. The assizes are on the 7th August. Cannot leave 
 “ the town ” so early, nor take a journey into Cheshire, till he has been 
 “ att the Bath or Tunbridge.” 
 
 J. Leigh to Eoger Kenyon, M.B., at Manchester. 
 
 958. 1695, July 4. [London.] — The Informations against Lunt, 
 
 &c., are brought on behalf of the King by the Attorney-General. The 
 venue is laid at Manchester, the perjury being committed there, and 
 the trials must be at Lancaster. “ As for your Attorney -Generali and 
 Clerke of the Croune, neither of them have anything to doe in this 
 businesse ; their power and jurisdiction is only of such matters as purely 
 arise, and are depending, in their oune county.” I never heard of an 
 Assignment of perjury in an Information, in English ; for, as it is laid 
 in Latin, it maj^ easily be proved, and doubt not but you will find apt 
 and proper witnesses who can doe itt.” Seal. 
 
 Robert Roper to Roger Kenyon. 
 
 959. 1695, July 5. — His Lordship commands me to acquaint you 
 that he brings on a trial the next assizes at Lancaster, for the manor of 
 Broughton-in-Furness, wherein, if his Lordship have good success, he 
 will bring ejectments for all the lands in Bury and Pilkington which 
 were sold by his father, because these lands and Broughton do depend 
 upon the same title. 
 
 Margaret, Lady Willoughby, to Mr. Kenyon. 
 
 960. 1695, July 10. — ‘‘ Being at present indisposed, I have sent you 
 the inclosed, which I suppose will, in most perticulars, raise your 
 admiration, as itt has dun mine, to see my cozens great partiallity to 
 others, in acquiting the guilty and accusing the innocent, so contrary 
 to truth, aud what I might expect from him ; but, as I have sayed, this 
 Whitchurch plan has made up all there mouths. I sopose you can very 
 well make out what you told me of the waste that has been made, not- 
 withstanding all is saye[d] in the inclosed to the conterary ; and for 
 his vindication of Masterson, you yourselfe are a witness how false that 
 is, being you heard him take the other side in all company is against me, 
 so not like to be my friend. Since things are thus, I have noe reason 
 to reliey on my coscn Bromley, noe more then his brother-in-law ; he 
 is not the man I have taken him for. There is a great league betweene 
 liim and my Lord, and he payes so great an obsequeousness to him, that 
 he sends him coppyes of what he writs to me. All the good he did me, 
 is that Jack will be sent into Warwickshire, and now I must, as advised, 
 get an address for myself to my Lord-keeper, in which I desire your 
 assistance, that we may part ; for I can safely sweare, that I goe in 
 danger of my life of him, since he once attempted to choack me with 
 both his hands att my throth (.9^c), and will not let me have one servant 
 I can trust, which shews some ill designe, and deneyes me that healpe 
 
383 
 
 and advise for ray health, which I so ranch neede for the rectifieing of 
 my blood, by those persons I can trust, and talks of goeing to London 
 this winter ; but I must be a prisoner in this countrey, out of which I 
 must not stir by his good will, and he not affording me better usage, 
 nor being willing to a faire parting, plainly shewes he has some wicked 
 desine, and my death ; clearing all his accounts for w^ast. And the hopes 
 of a fortune in the City with money, and one he may have children by, 
 makes him in hast to be a widower, to which his haveing the advantages 
 of haveing married one of quality and estate, will the more recommend 
 him. For God’s sake, give me your advice which way I may get well rid 
 of him. For my case is as desperate as his wicked desines, in the opinion 
 of the best judges as . . . owne that know more of him then the world 
 will beleeve . . . trouble.” 
 
 John Fenwick to Roger Kenyon. 
 
 961. 1695, July 13= Burrow Hall. — Desiring to know by whose 
 means he was turned out of the quorum. 
 
 J. Leigh to Eoger Kenyon, M.P., at Manchester. 
 
 962. 1695, July 18. [London.] — I believe Lunt, Wilson, and 
 
 Wombell, will not oppose at the Assizes; but, as they have pleaded, 
 you may proceed to try them. The warrant for their commitment to 
 the King’s Bench was made by the late Mr. Justice Giles Eyre, and I 
 have applied to the Marshal for a copy, but he refuses it, as he has 
 “ directions to the contrary.” As for their being bailed, it was done 
 by Mr. Justice Samuel Eyre. He being gone circuit, 1 cannot give you 
 the names of their bail, for the bail-piece is with him, and was not filed 
 in the Crown Office. Seal, broken. 
 
 William Patten to Roger Kenyon, at Manchester. 
 
 963. 1695, July 29. Warrington. — “I am free and forward to 
 remember those villoiins, as any one,” but cannot call to mind that Lunt 
 
 swore he saw the Lord of 8- at Dungkinhall, or Mr. Walmesley. 
 
 Seal, broken. 
 
 Thomas Assheton to Roger Kenyon, at Manchester. 
 
 964. 1695, August 1. Staple Inn. — As to the trials of Lunt and 
 others, for perjury, Mr. Cheshire has retained me for the King; so I 
 shall be at Lancaster on the evening of the 7th instant. 1 was with 
 Captain Rigby at Portsmouth on Tuesday. Seal with crest. 
 
 Roger Kenyon to John Ashton, Bailiff of Clitheroe. 
 
 965. 1695, August 28. Manchester. — 1 received, from London, 
 this advertisement, that the more knowing persons there do , talk as if 
 we should soon have a dissolution of this Parliament, which, to my real 
 belief, is not very probable. However, since if it should be so, it will be 
 of the greatest importance, perhaps, that ever befell this kingdom. 
 
 Thomas Wh alley to Roger Kenyon. 
 
 966. 1695, September 13. Sparth. — “ As to Mr. Walmsley’s con- 
 finement, it was thus : On Sunday, the 15th of July last, aboute 7 in the 
 inorninge, the messenger Hopkins, witli 2 or 3 constables, and some 
 
884 
 
 others, came to his lodgings att Mrs. Procer’s house in Southampton 
 Street, and i here served him with a warrant from Sir John Trenchard, 
 for high treason, and from thence carjed him to Hopkins’ own house 
 near Charinge Crosse, where hee stayd not above an houre, in respect of 
 the inconveniencj of the lodginge, hut was caryed to the house of one 
 Kidson, another messenger, in Barwick Street, where hee stayd till the 
 31st of the same month, and that day was caryed with Kidson, the 
 messenger, to the Tower, where hee continued till, with the other 
 prisoners, hee was sent downe into Lancashire to be tryed, which is all 
 the account that I can have now, in his absence.” 
 
 [Charles] Rigby to [Roger Kenyon]. 
 
 967. 1695, September 17. Lancaster. — As to the prospects of Pres- 
 ton election, “ Sir Christopher” has little hope, the majority seeming to 
 be with Sir Thomas Stanley and ‘‘my cousin M.” If Sir Edward 
 Chisnell will strike in time, I believe it will be Sir Thomas and him. 
 Yesterday, Mr. Foster and I rode to Sunderland, to enquire for eJames 
 Crossfield, one of the Custom House oflScers who signed the certificate T 
 formerly sent you, of the Lyon of Lancaster coming to anchor at 
 Cockerham, with Lunt and Threlfall, on 17 June, 1689 (?). He 
 “ stuck ” to that day ; but says, after he had given the certificate, 
 
 Mr. William K — took the book from him, wherein he entered a 
 
 memorandum of the day and hour of the ship’s coming to Sunderland. 
 
 “ I believe the fellow hath had very severe rebukes from Mr. K 
 
 about it, and, therefore, cannot be got to discover further. 1 find 
 Mr. Justice Sheirson as unwilling to discover the truth as the other.” 
 
 Sir Alexander Rigby to his cousin, Roger Kenyon, at Peel. 
 
 968. 1695, September 24. London. You have often assured me 
 of being my friend, on any occasion, but particularly in the affaire of 
 Parliment man ; I now have need of your performance, for [I] am en- 
 couraged to stand for Wiggan. Who I shall oppose, I am not certaine 
 of ; but I hope, bee it who it will, that your kindness will not bee lost for 
 sake of any other person. ... I do not sett up on any particular 
 party. 1 will always bee true to the church and my countiw. Lord 
 Derby has assured me of his friendship, under his hand, and the Lord 
 Lieutenant is resolved to do what he cann.” 
 
 Thomas Wilson to Roger Kenyon. 
 
 969. 1695, September 24. Knowsley. — My l.ord [Derby] presents 
 his services to you, and desires to know your thoughts, in relation to 
 Clitheroe. My Lord has some intimation that you will be chosen for 
 Newton ; if you have any thoughts that way, his Lordshit) would 
 lu'opose a colleague to Colonel Pudsey. The gentleman whom he would 
 propose to you, is Sir Godfrey Copley, a Yorkshire gentleman, of a 
 good estate, and, they say, of an extraordinary character. 
 
 Roger Kenyon to Charles Rigby. 
 
 970. 1695, September 30. Manchester. — The gentleman you 
 
 mention, is my fellow member, and our House is not yet dissolved; 
 though words should happen to be scattered, yet, whilst boys are 
 under the lash, school tales are not to be told. Our rules in Parliament 
 
385 
 
 are to give nobody a hard word, much more not to write it of any, for 
 the vox audita perit^ in littera scripta manet. I say not this for fear 
 that I ever have said anything that I cannot justify. Draft. 
 
 [Dr. Roger Kenyon] to “ Madam Kenyon, at her house near 
 Stockport, in Cheshire, England.” 
 
 971. 1695, October 5. — You will be content by this, only to know 
 that I am very well in all circumstances. Be pleased to write to me, as 
 if you wrote to a neice, and send it undirected, but under cover, to 
 Madam Boile, Prioress of the English Convent, called Spiliken, at 
 Brussels ; only ask her to direct and send it to Mr. Charles Lee, who 
 will take care of it for me. 
 
 W. Blunder, Junior, to Roger Kenyon, “at his house in Manchester, 
 
 post paid, 2d.” 
 
 972. 1695, October 11. Crosby. — James Williamson can give no 
 account of Dr. Bromfield or his man, Morgan. Believes they were 
 at his house in April, 1689. The doctor took an open boat at Wallesey 
 (not at Crosby), and went direct to Ireland. 
 
 Peter Leigh to Roger Kenyon. 
 
 973. 1695, October 20. Lyme.— -Is sorry to think there is a chance 
 of Kenyon losing his seat at Clitheroe, in the “ new Parliament.” “ I 
 was sollicitied by Sir J. Arden, sometime agone, to stand for Newton.” 
 Believes Sir John is “ what you say : true to the church, monarchy, and 
 the old laws”; but his (Leigh’s) “unfortunate circumstances” prevent 
 his complying with the request. Seal. 
 
 Thomas Wilson [to Roger Kenyon]. 
 
 974. 1695, October 28. Liverpool. — I had my Lord’s commands to 
 write to you about the election at Liverpool, and to desire your company 
 there, on Friday next. We have the whole Presbyterian party, to a man, 
 engaged against us, and, unless the country burgesses come in, we are in 
 some danger of losing our point. There is one Hugh Brobbin, of Street 
 Gate, who must be secured for us by your, or your son’s, solicitation. 
 I am also desired to write you to get Mr. Hulm, of Deaf (sic) Hulm, to 
 stay at home if he will not be for us. 
 
 J. Leigh to Roger Kenyon, at Manchester. 
 
 975. 1695, October 31. [Furnival’s Inn, London.] — Lunt, Wilson, 
 and Wombell, upon their own affidavits, have moved the court for a new 
 trial, on your informations against them, upon a pretence they had no 
 notice of the trial. Due notice was given, as is shewn by the book in 
 the Crown office, and notice was also given to Mr. Winter, their attorney, 
 who now denies he was ever retained for them. “ I discovered this 
 disposition in the court, that, in case Winter swears that he was never 
 employed by the defendants, nor anyone els, on their behalf, nor ever 
 acted for them, a new tryall will be granted.” Winter will swear any- 
 thing. “ I will continue to do all I can to prevent a new tryall.” Our 
 counsel are Mr. Attorney General, Sir William Williams, Sir Bartho- 
 lomew Shore, Mr. Northey, and Mr. Harcourt. If a new trial be had, 
 “ I doubt not that they [the defendants] will be readily convicted ; but, 
 as it is a matter of great charge and trouble, it is very mischeevouse.” 
 
 73480, B B 
 
3S6 
 
 Roger Kenyon to John Legh, ‘‘at his chambers in Furnivall’s Inn, 
 
 in Holborne/’ 
 
 976. 1695, November 10. Manchester. — “ Mee thinks this extra- 
 
 ordinary strugling to evade the convicti[on] and punishment of these 
 infamous purjured knaves, looks as if fools would not rest it so low as 
 upon these only ; for that which has appeared will allwayes be manifest, 
 and the more it is storred in, the more will come out. If I aright 
 remember, one of your former letters told me that the three sparkes, 
 Lunt, &c., had made application to the Lords- Justices to have obtained 
 an order from them to stay the last tryalls ; that, mee thinks, is an indi- 
 cation that they had notice of them At our assizes 
 
 at Lancaster, before those tryalls came on, all ways and means that could 
 be, were attempted to prevent the tryalls ; this was not the work of 
 Lunt, Willson, or Wombell, but of severall who would not care what 
 becomes of them, if they looked no further ; and, if anything occasion 
 the carreying of this matter further, such may thank themselves for being 
 so needlesly busie, when the whole is laid open by the further ripping 
 up the sore.” Seal of arms. 
 
 Thomas Kenyon to his father, Roger Kenyon. 
 
 977. 1695, November 16. — My Lord^ is uneasy under his disappoint- 
 ment, and quarrelsome with everybody that is concerned with him. 
 
 Jo : Leigh to Roger Kenyon, at Manchester. 
 
 978. 1695, November 22. — “ As to Lunt, Wilson, and Wombell, the 
 
 Court of King’s Bench hath thought fitt to grant them new tryalls, not 
 withstanding it was opposed by Mr. Attorney-Generall, Sir Bartholomew 
 Showre (?), Mr. Wortley, Mr. Harcourt, and Mr. Chesshyre. But — 
 
 Wilson’s and Lunt’s bail not being willing to stand any longer, but 
 prayed to be discharged, and they not able to find further bayle — they 
 were committed to the Marshal of the King’s Bench, where they now 
 remain prisoners. As to Wombwell, he continues at liberty, on his 
 former bayle.” Application was made to the Lords- Justices and Council 
 for stopping the trials. Seal of arms. 
 
 Richard Edge to Roger Kenyon, in Manchester. 
 
 979. 1695, December 15. “ Blew Boar in Holborne.” — Mr. Legh 
 
 considers that the verdict, given at the last Assizes against Lunt and the 
 others, cannot be exemplified nor given in evidence. It is not known 
 who will be “our sheriff” ; if the King names him, it will be Mr. 
 Norres. Who the Chancellor names, is not known. Mr. Pudsay votes 
 with the Court party, “ but they like him not, saying, it is only to make 
 his election sure, and when that is over they will loose him.” Meantime, 
 he has lost his interest with the other party. The Scots have got an Act 
 passed by “ our King ” touching their trade to the East Indies, “ which 
 very much distastes both our Houses of Parliament. They have 
 addressed him in it, and he has answered : he is ill served there, but 
 will remedy the greevance as soon as he can.” 
 
 Sir John Bland to Roger Kenyon. 
 
 980. 1695, December ,31. Soho Square. — “ The last night was the 
 first time that there was any tryall of skill betwixt coui t and country, at 
 
 ’ Lord Derby. 
 
387 
 
 the Committee of Elections this session, and it was a very full Committee. 
 The petitioners were my Lord Orrery and Spencer Compton, brother to 
 my Lord Northampton ; the sitting members were Sir Thomas Dyke 
 and Mr. Conyers, the former of which, you remember, always behaved 
 himself very honnestly and like a lover of his country, all the last 
 Parliament. At his election, he met with all the opposition the c[ourt] 
 party could give him, and they did not forget to call him ‘ Jacobite,’ and 
 toold the town, if he was chose, and 60 more of the old members 
 of his principles, they would be turned out of the House. 
 
 “ Sir Thomas Dyke was elected by the burgesses, and they insisted the 
 right of election was in them and the inhabitants togeither. There was 
 2 questions put ; the first was, whether it was in the burghesses alone, or 
 in them and the inhabitants, and there was in that division 198 and 129. 
 But before the latter question was put, it was one o’clock, and the 
 numbers were then 168 and 113 to the court party, and somebody else 
 was disappointed. 
 
 ‘‘ The Act about coinage, which the House of Commons have put to 
 the Lords, and the Proclamation about mony, hath had this effect, as to 
 put a stop to trade ; but, at the same time, it hath, in some measure, 
 opened some peoples eyes, and in the west of England they regret it 
 very ill. The flying post will let you see we are apprehensive of the 
 French visiting our costes, and if the accounts be true which we have, 
 that the French are 67 at Tholonn, and Admirall Rooke but 38 sayle, 
 it will be an easy matter for them to passe the streightes. There is a 
 great many projects for mony, and glasse windowes, it is thought, will be 
 one of them. Guinueyis is now come to 30^. again, but half-crowns are 
 now condemned quite, and it is the goldsmiths’ trade to buy them at an 
 underworth. Shillings and sixpences do passe pretty well, though not 
 worth Id, a peece, except at the markett.” 
 
 Mr. Taaffe’s Discovery. 
 
 981. [1695.] — A copy of Mr. Taafle’s discovery of the practices 
 and contrivances against the gentlemen of Lancashire and Cheshire, late 
 impeached for high treason, and sent prisoners, some to the Tower, and 
 some to Newgate, and from thence sent to be tryed for their lives, some 
 at Manchester and some at Chester, which, his discovery, was prefaced 
 with a dedication to the King.” 
 
 “ The gentlemen tryed at Manchester were the Lord Mollineux, Sir 
 William Garrard, Sir Rowland Stanley, Sir Thomas Cliffton, Barronets, 
 Bartholomew Walmisley, William Dicconson, Phillip Langton, Esquires, 
 and William Blundell, gentleman. The gentlemen sent prisoners to be 
 tryed at Chester — Sir Thomas Stanley, Barronet, and Peter Legh, 
 Esquire. 
 
 “ Sometime after Christmas last, 1693, John Lunt came to my house, 
 and told me he had a discovery of great consequence to make to the 
 government, but was unwilling to comunicate it to any, except some 
 man that had an interest at Court. Whereupon, I acquainted the Earl 
 of Bellamount with it, who desired me to get Lunt to set down in 
 writeing what he had to say ; and then, said his Lordship, I will intro- 
 duce him to the Secretary of State. I went and told Lunt what my 
 Lord said, and he accordingly brought me a paper importing, to the best 
 of my remembrance, that himself and one Bromfield were sent from 
 France to murder King William, and that severall others were to joyn 
 with them in the attempt ; which paper I carried to my Lord Bellamount, 
 who acquainted Secretary Trenchard with it. The Secretary desired to 
 speake with Lunt, who accordingly waited on him severall times. 
 
 B B 2 
 
I cannot say whether the Secretary believed him or not, but I remember 
 Lunt told me this : he was sure the Secretary was a Jacobite, for that 
 he seemed to take little notice of him, and gave him but e guineas. 
 
 Then the said Lunt desired me to bring [him] acquainted with Captain 
 Baker, for that the said Lunt knew a great deal concerning the estates 
 given to superstitious uses. I brought him to Baker’s office, where he 
 was entertained as a witness, receiving a sume of money in hand, besides 
 a pension of twenty shillings a weeke. Lunt and Baker were alwayes 
 together, till all the witnesses were examined, who pretended to know 
 anything concerning those estates ; after which. Captain Baker, having 
 nothing to doe, resolved upon another project, which was to sue all the 
 English gentlemen, then in France, to an outlawry, in order to which, he 
 desired Lunt to give him the names of some of the gentlemen then in 
 France. Lunt names Mr. Walmesley, promising to prove him there. 
 Baker acquaints Mr. Aron Smith with the matter, who was very glad 
 to hear of the forfeture of soe considerable an estate as Mr. Walmesley’s, 
 and desired Baker to keep his witnesses private, and to get some person 
 of quality to beg that estate, and bargain with him for a third part 
 thereof, to bee divided betwixt Aron Smith, Captain Baker, Lunt, and 
 the rest of the witnesses. 
 
 ‘‘ Captain Baker came to me and told me the discourse he had 
 with Mr. Aron Smith, and desired me to speake to the Lord Port- 
 land, to beg the estate, and I should come in for a share with them. 
 I answered, I was sure my Lord Portland was a man of more honour 
 then to meddle with any such thing, that his Lordship was upon 
 his journey for Flanders, and that it was reported Mr. Walmesley was 
 returning for England with his Majesty’s pass. This surprized Baker 
 a little, who thereupon bethought him of another designe, which was to 
 go on with Lunt on his first discovery of murdering King William, and 
 still Aron Smith was consulted, who was never backward to any of 
 Baker’s projects, finding them very useful for getting good estates for 
 himselfe and his ‘ fellow-sufferer,’ for soe he called Captain Baker. 
 Wherefore they gave Lunt considerable sumes of money, till they had 
 got his narrative in writing. Mr. Aron Smith gave it to Mr. Ellis to 
 coppye it over fair, he haveing first corrected it (Mr. Ellis was their 
 clerk), who was to deliver [it] to Lunt, to be got by heart, for which 
 service, the said Ellis had ten shillings a weeke. Captain Baker and 
 Lunt shewed me, from time to time, what they had done, asking my 
 opinion or approbation, which I freely gave them, believing, at that time, 
 what Lunt said, to be true. 
 
 “ They brought into their plot a vast number of nobility and gentry, 
 viz.: Carmarthen, Hallifax, Kotingham, Devon, Sir John Mannering, 
 Sir Willoughby Ashton, Sir Balph Dutton, Mr. Norris, of Sprake, and 
 Mr. Rigby, &c. I told them I did not know but these Protestant gentle- 
 men might be guilty, but my opinion was, that if they accused them 
 before they made out the truth of the plott, noebody would believe 
 them. Wherefore, they resolved to begin with the Nonjurants 
 and the Papists ; and Lunt’s narrative being at length compleated. 
 Captain Baker and Lunt told me they were advised by Aron Smith 
 not to bring the matter before the Privy Counsell, for that some 
 of the Counsell was guilty, and that they should get some gentleman, 
 who was a Parliment man, to prevaile with her Majesty to let noe- 
 body be acquainted with the thing but my Lord-Keeper, and the 
 Secretaryes, for which I then thought they had good reason, but now I 
 am convinced it was because they thought it easier to impose on three 
 persons then the whole body of the Counsel, Not long after this, I went 
 on vigorously with their plot. 
 
389 
 
 “Aron Smith gave them great sumes of money, which Baker and 
 Lunt divided between them, and bought such tine cloathes with 
 the money, that I scarce knew them. In the meantime, Lunt had 
 pickt up one Wilson, a fellow that made the beds for the guestes 
 at the ‘ Bear and Bagged Stalfe,’ in Smithfield ; and whilst I was 
 in Lancashire, Captain Baker wrote to me to bring up one Womball, 
 a broken carrier, who pretended he could make a discovery of armes, 
 sent by him into the countrey. On the road, I asked the said Womball 
 what he knew concerning the plott. He protested to me severall times 
 he knew nothing of it, more than that he once carried swords into 
 Lancashire, but knew not to whom they belonged. He then alsoe denyed 
 he knew Lunt. When we came to London, I shewed Lunt to him. 
 Womball said he had never seen him before ; but when he came to 
 Baker’s ofdce, and had two or three dayes conversant {sic) there, my 
 carryer knew both Lunt and the plott, as well as any man in England ; 
 and haveing got a spill of money, grew soe elevated, that he threatened 
 to bring all into the plott that he owed money to, in case they asked 
 him for it. After this, I desired Lunt to give me some account of Wilson, 
 when and where he became acquainted with him ; who answered, he was 
 a gentleman that came from near Preston, in Lancashire, to whom 
 Mr. Aron Smith had given ten pound to bear his charges to London. 
 
 “After this, they passed the time merrily, for most commonly they went 
 to the tavern every night, where they used to instruct one another, even 
 in my presence, sometimes, but telling me that if I discovered them, they 
 would swear treason against me, soe that I was forced to wait an 
 oportunity for the unravelling this piece of villany. After this, all 
 things being ready, they went into the countrey [with] what warrants, 
 messengers, and whatsoever was necessary, for seizing men, arrnes, 
 horse, &c. Captain Baker told me if I would go along with him he 
 would bear my charges, and be oblieged to me for my company, for he 
 did not like Limt’s nor Willson’s. Upon his saying soe, I made bold to 
 tell Captain Baker I doubted they did not, in everything, speake truth. 
 The Captain replyed, whether they speake truth or noe, I am sure to 
 make out a hainous plott, for if these witnesses fail, Aren has more in 
 store, and, if armes and horses can be found in the hands of the 
 Papists, we will certainly make a plott which shall goe over all England, 
 and make a thorough reformation, pull down Bishops and their 
 cathedrall law ; for, says he (the said Captain), ‘ we shall never be 
 happye whilest there is any bishoppe or priest of the Protestant religion 
 in England.’ This, and a great deal of discourse, was to this effect. 
 I consented to goe for sundry reasons ; first, because I feared they would 
 doe me some mischief if I refused; secondly, they would not trust me 
 more, and that then I should loose an oportunity of discovering their 
 mass of villany, and be deprived of an oportunity of serving the 
 government, as I was oblieged to doe. 
 
 “ Should I give you a description of their impiety on the road, and tell 
 you their atheism, swearings, blas])hemie, and all their many different 
 sorts of prophaness that was acted amongst them, you could not read it 
 without a thousand teares, and as many blushes. They made it a capital 
 fault to say grace, or goe to the church on Sun dayes, or any other dayes, 
 and allthough they were all arrived to a tollerable piece of villany, that 
 Captain Baker did much excell them all ; he was arrived to the very 
 Tenarife of villany. He did always exclaime against bishops, and the 
 religion, as well as clergy, of the Church of England, and for the truth 
 of this, I appeal to the people of all the houses they lodged in ; vizt,, at 
 the ‘ Bullhead,’ in Manchester, the ‘ Eagle and Child,’ in Wigan, [and] 
 the ‘Golden Lyon,’ in Warrington. Captain Baker did often say that 
 
390 
 
 he thought the time was now come to pull down all ecclesiastical law, 
 and that he thought God had preserved Aron and himself e to be the 
 Church of England’s ruin. He said he had not soe great an animositie 
 against the priests of the Church of Eome as against those of the Church 
 of England, because they were for monarchy and hierarchy. He wished 
 for Old Oliver again, saying the kingdom was never soe happye as under 
 him. With these, and such like sayings, the Captain entertained us, 
 Wombell confirming, with bloody oathes, his worship was in the right. 
 When we came to Lancashire, and all things were in readiness for 
 seizing the horses and armes of the Roman Catholickes, Captain Baker 
 had gotten togetlier a company of the greatest rakehells that the countrey 
 could afford, who minded nothing but rapeing and plunder. Wherever 
 they came, they used to search houses and seize upon horses, without 
 constables, and sell them again to the owners for five or ten shillings a 
 horse. Sometimes they would bring the horses to Captain Baker, who 
 kept and restored what he pleased, though I never heard he restored 
 any without money. I told him of the irregularities of such proceedings, 
 because when he first invited me down, he said he would be advised by 
 me, but he would be advised by nobody. 
 
 “ The messengers were used to curse and say ‘ God daram Taafie ; he 
 would perswade Captain Baker to return, for that if he did, thej^ should 
 never have such an oportunity of getting money.’ Soe I let them goe 
 on to their own ruin, being very uneasie in my mind for want of some- 
 body to whome I might reveale the matter. I gave some hints of it to 
 the parson of Newton, but he, seeing me in such company, would not 
 trust me ; soe I thought it my best way to goe to London and to find 
 out some meanes to acquaint the government with it, but Mr. Aron 
 Smith did so threaten all who contradicted him, that I durst not doe it. 
 It was his custome to come to Captain Baker’s office and instruct and 
 cross-examine the witnesses against the tryall, and sometimes he would 
 assure them that, in less then halfe a year, he would have the lives of 
 five hundred persons. In short, I knew not what to resolve upon, till 
 the quarrells of Wilsone, Womball, and Lunt, gave me oportunity of 
 detecting their unpararleled villany, which I hope will be acceptable to 
 your Majesty. 
 
 “ In short, I must confess, I knew not what to resolve on, till the 
 quarrels of Lunt, Wilson, and Womball gave me oportunity, as I thought, 
 of doing good to the gentlemen, my countrey, and selfe ; to effect which, 
 I thought it necessary to find out Wilson, which, when I had done, I 
 invited him to dinner, that I might learn of him what the matter was 
 between them. Wilson told me Lunt had cheated him of money that 
 was given him to bear his charges out of Lancashire, from whence he 
 made the Secretary believe he came, though he dwelt in Smithfield. 
 Wilson told me the sume given him to bear his charges up was ten 
 pound, which Lunt and Baker did divide betwixt them, except five 
 shillings w'hich they gave to him. Then I asked Wilson how he would 
 doe if he should disobliege Lunt, since Lunt was the first man that 
 taught him his lesson. It is true, says Wilson, Lunt first taught me my 
 lesson, but now I am acquainted with Mr. Aron Smith and Captain 
 Baker, who looke upon me to be a soberrer man then Lunt, and they 
 will teach me what to say. Moreover, said Wilson, John Wombell 
 and I agree very well; but besides myself and Wombell there is one 
 Dr. Dandy, and Peirson, kept on purpose by Captain Baker, at Coventry, 
 to swear, and after we have hanged the gentlemen in custody, we wdll 
 turn of[f] Lunt and employ Dr. Dandy and Peirson for evidence over the 
 whole kingdome. He told me this, and a great deal more to the same 
 purpose. The day following, I went to Lunt to enquire what was the 
 
391 
 
 matter between him and Wilson. Lunt answered, Wilson and Wombell 
 were a couple of ungratfull rouges, because they expected to have as 
 much as he, though he was the chiefe evidence. After which, he said, 
 ‘I wish with all my heart that I had to doe with some gentleman.’ He 
 alsoe said to me, ‘ if you, Mr. Taaffe, would swear with me, I would 
 introduce you to the Secretarys of State, and would have nothing to doe 
 with those fellowes, Wilson and Wombell,’ I answered, ‘ I would not 
 doe any such thing myselfe, but I would make it my buisness to find 
 out some gentleman to swear him.’ ‘Then,’ said Lunt, ‘Mr. Aron 
 Smith tells me that, unless I produce some commissions, I cannot doe my 
 buisness soe well. Wherefore,’ saith Lunt, ^ Mr. TaafFe, if you will 
 write them, I will gratify you very largly.’ 
 
 “ Mr. Aron Smith told me he would procure a warrant to search in 
 what house I pleased, where I may drop the commissions myself, and 
 get the messengers to find, and swear these were the very commissions 
 I brought from King James. Lunt and I parted, and then I went to 
 severall of my acquaintance, to desire them to help me in the discovery 
 of a piece of rougery, but nobody would concern themselves with it, lest 
 Lunt and Wilson should swear something against them, and I myself 
 was apprehensive that if I went to the Secretary he would not believe 
 me, but looke upon me as a man not well affected to the government. 
 Whereupon, I thought it my best way to find out some persons who 
 would pretend to swear with Lunt, and counterfeit the commissions he 
 desired, and then goe to the government and acquaint them they were 
 imposed upon by a parcell of villans. I was very uneasie to thinke 
 that soe many innocent gentlemen should suffer by the evidence of men 
 whom 1 knew perjured, fearing both for the gentlemen and myself, that 
 [if] I did not discover the villany cf the plotters, that not only they, but 
 most of the nobility and gentry in England would, in a short time, have 
 followed their fate, it being the designe of those plotters, by their false 
 evidence, to take away the lives of most of the prime nobility and 
 gentry in England. For myself, I was afraid of endangering my own 
 life by endeavouring to preserve theirs, and on the other side, I was 
 afraid, that if 1 did suffer these gentlemen to dye innocently, I 
 thought their blood would be required at my hands, and therefore 
 bethought me on what means I might most conveniently doe it. 
 
 “ Once I thought that if I did acquaint some of the prisoners’ friends, 
 they would soon find out somebody to list himselfe with Lunt, but I was 
 unwilling to have anything to doe with the prisoners’ friends that I 
 knew were reputed Papists or Jaccobites ; yet finding the day of tryall 
 drawing on, and Lunt impatient to drop his commissions, and Aron 
 Smith very eager to hasten his worke, I resolved, rather then fail, to 
 send to some of the ladyes, whose husbands were in custody. My wife 
 undertooke the thinge and went to Madame Dicconson, who, after 
 severall meetings, prevailed with one Mr. Legh Bankes to give me a 
 meeting. I told that if he and some others w^ould goe to Lunt and tell 
 him they wanted money, and that, if he could put them in a way to get 
 money, they would be oblieged to him and doe what service he could. 
 Banks said he would consider on it, and desired to meet next morning, 
 and there I went to him and found him with two other gentlemen. 
 The gentlemen who were with Mr. Legh Bankes liked the project, and 
 promised to meet him at 4 o’clocke in the afternoon. In the meanetime, 
 I went and acquainted Lunt with the thing, who was overjoyed to have 
 gentlemen swear him, and swore a great bloody oath he would turn off 
 Wombell and Wilson, and them to returne to their old employment. 
 Lunt and I went to the place appointed, which was the ‘ Ship ’ ale- 
 house, in Butcher Bow, without Temple Barr, where the gentlemen 
 
392 
 
 came and sent for me, and told me they would willingly put off the 
 thing till next day, but I told them if they put it of, Lunt would 
 mistrust something, and such arguments, that Mr. Bankes was 
 perswaded to speake with Lunt. 
 
 “As soon as Lunt saw him, he complemented him, saying, he 
 thought himself very happy to be concerned with a gentleman, for 
 that he had to doe with a company of machenick fellows that knew 
 nothing of the plot but [what] he told them, and that he would 
 turn them off if Mr. Legh Bankes would joyn with him in the 
 discovery, and swear what Lunt would have him swear. Mr. Legh 
 Bankes seemed very modest, and pretended to have been in company all 
 that day, and would be glad to get money, but was not prepared at that 
 time to undertake a busness of that consequence, yet he then desired 
 Lunt to give him some insight into the matter. Lunt immediately 
 draws out his narrative in very good form, writ by Captain Baker’s 
 clerk, and gave it us to read. ‘ I know nothing of this matter,’ said 
 Mr. Bankes, ‘therefore, pray, Mr. Lunt, tell me what I must doe.’ 
 Lunt answered, ‘ Sir, you must swear you know all this to be true. I 
 am,’ said Lunt, ‘ upon counterfeiting commissions, and you must have a 
 commission, and you must swear you had it from one of the gentlemen 
 in custody.’ After this, says Lunt, ‘ But, sir, can you write a good 
 hand ? for if you doe, you must write the commissions yourselfe, because 
 we must not trust too many in our affaires.’ ‘ I doe not write well,’ 
 sayes Mr. Legh Bankes, ‘ and if you intend such a thing, how can you 
 counterfeit King James’ hand ? ’ ‘I have,’ replyes Lunt, ‘an old com- 
 mission in my pocket, and have likewise my Lord Milford’s hand, and 
 I will have all the commissions signed by King James, and we must 
 drop a bundle of them in some house, and when Mr. Aron Smith sends to 
 search the house, the messenger will find the commissions and wee will 
 swear they were the same King James sent by me to the gentlemen in 
 custody and to severall others, for,’ sayes Lunt, ‘ I intend to goe all over 
 England with my plott if you will but joyn heartily with me, and bring 
 some friend along with you that will swear the same thing with us. 
 And,’ Lunt said, ‘ I was to be of Dodsworth’s plott, but I refused, re- 
 solveing to have a plott of my owne making and not of another’s.’ 
 Mr. Legh Bankes replyed he had a friend of his that understood these 
 things better then himself, and therefore he desired him to meet him 
 the next day. 
 
 “ Lunt consented freely to ii, and soe we parted for that day. Next 
 day, some lawyers perswaded Mr. Legh Bankes to acquaint my Lord 
 Cheife- Justice with what he had done, unknown to me ; wherupon, 
 T found Mr. Bankes a little shy of me, and he would not tell me the 
 reason, upon which I went to Mrs. Dicconson and desired her to find 
 out somebody to goe to Lunt, according to Bank’s promise, or I was 
 sure the buisness was ruined. As I and Madam Dicconson was talking, 
 Mr. Boger Dicconson came in, and his sister did noe sooner propose the 
 thing, but Mr. Roger freely offered himselfe, and he went along with 
 me to Fetter Lane, to a little coffee house next the ‘ Globe,’ where I left 
 him, and went for Lunt, who was not at his lodgings, but as soon as he 
 came home he ran to us where we were, and made this excuse for his 
 absence — that Mr. Aron Smith sent him to John Wilson, the prisoner, 
 [for?] two shirts, for that they intended to make him a witness. In 
 short, Dicconson and Lunt fell upon their buisnes. Lunt asked 
 Dicconson what his name was. Dicconson answered, ‘ Howard.’ Lunt 
 asked again which religion he was. Dicconson said he was of tlie 
 Church of England. ‘Then,’ sayes Lunt, swearing a great oath, ‘you 
 must have a commission under Lee of Lime, for he is of that religion.’ 
 
393 
 
 “ Then Dicconson began to swear as hard as Lunt that he would doe 
 anything to get money, but that he was not acquainted with any of the 
 gentlemen in custody, and that he must know them before he could swer 
 against them. [Lunt replyed,] he would shew them to him and give in 
 writeing what he would have him swear. Then Dicconson said he was 
 acquainted with one Roger Dicjconson and all the rest of the Dicconsons. 
 In a short time, Captain Howard replyed he would help him to swear 
 against Roger Dicconson in particular, but that he was unwilling to 
 swear without considerable reward. ‘ We shall have,’ sayes Lunt, ‘ the 
 third part of all those gentlemen’s estates, and then will goe all over 
 England and hang up whom we please. I will turn off Womball and 
 Wilson, and deal with none but your friend. I will likewise turn 
 off Aron Smith and Baker, for they doe not give us the whole sume that 
 is allowed us ; we will goe to the Secretary ourselves and liave the whole 
 credit of the busness. We must,’ sayes Lunt, ^ counterfeit commissions, 
 and you shall have a captain’s commission under Mr. Lee of Lime, and 
 you must swear you had it from his own hand. In the meantime, you 
 must swear,’ sayes Lunt, ‘ to be true to me, and not to discover me.’ 
 Upon this they desired me to goe out of the room, and after they had 
 been together awhile they called me in again, and told me they had 
 agreed together to meet at 2 a’clocke in the afternoon and go to the 
 Savoy, or over the water, to get the commissions counterfeited, upon 
 which we parted, and at 2 a’clocke, according to our appointment, Lunt 
 and I came to the aforesaid coffee house, into which we were noe soonei' 
 entred, but in comes one of Lunt’s wifes with a constable, and makes 
 him prisoner. 
 
 ‘‘Lunt immediately begins to mistrust Captain Howard, alias 
 Dicconson, and I myselfe knew not what to thinke of it, till saw 
 Mr. Dicconson and Mr. Lee Bankes, w ho, hearing there was a constable, 
 began to mistrust that was a trick put upon them, soe they got away, 
 and I followed them into the street and told them v/hat the matter was, 
 at which they seemed to be concerned. I returned to Lunt again and 
 stead with him till Mr. Aron Smith came, who hectored Lunt’s wife 
 at a strange rate, and threatened what he would doe to her for takeing 
 up the King’s evidence. Then Mr. Aron Smith called for a coach, 
 saying he would give bail for Lunt’s appearance, and desired me to goe 
 with him in his coach. As we were goeing, he swore he did not know 
 what to doe in relation to Lunt, and asked my advice. I answered I 
 believed Lunt to be an ill man, and that I knew he had two wifes, at 
 least, upon which, he fell into such a passion, that I thought he would 
 have cast himself headlong out of the coach, upon which, Aron said I 
 must not goe with him before the Lord Mayor, least his Lordshipe 
 should examine me and I should be such a fool as to tell the truth of 
 Lunt, for that he intended to make my Lord Mayor believe Lunt was 
 an honest man, and that it was but a trick of the Papists to take him 
 up, because he was the King’s evidence. Then Aron desired me to go 
 home, which I very freely did, for I began to be weary of his company. 
 
 “in the evening, I called at Captain Baker’s office, where I found 
 Lunt giving an account of what happened that day, but soe little 
 suspecting the designe we had to discover the rougery, that, on the 
 contrary, he desired me to goe to Captain Howard and tell him he 
 would meet him next morning, but, notwithstanding, Lunt thought 
 himself secure in his plot as evei’, yet. Aron Smith found out, that 
 very night, either at my Lord Chiefe Justice’s, or at some other place, 
 that we were sufficiently prepared to expose their sham plott, and 
 accordingely gave notice of it to Lunt and Baker, who kept Lunt out of 
 the way till the tryall. In the meanetime they threatened what they 
 
894 
 
 would doe to me. But notwithstanding all their menaces, I was re- 
 solved to be soe just to my King and countrey as to become a sacrifice 
 myself e to the fury of these conspirations rather then have the raign of 
 soe great and good a King sullied with the innocent blood of so many 
 nobles and gentlemen. Baker sent for me the night before he went 
 out of town, and asked me who that Captain Howard was. I answered, 
 he was one of Lunt’s acquaintance, and therefore I desired him to ask 
 Lunt, upon which he perceived I did but banter him. Whereupon, he 
 began to threaten me, saying the law was very severe against all men 
 that went about to put tricks upon the King’s evidence. I answered, 
 ‘ I had not offended against the law, and therefore the law would not 
 meddle with me; and,’ said I, ‘Mr. Baker, if you will goe with me 
 before the Secretary of State, I will justify myself.’ ‘If the Secretary 
 of State saw you,’ replyed he, ‘ he v/ould commit you.’ When I heard 
 that, and next morning they went out of town, saying nothing, but 
 taking my saddle and bridell away with them, whereupon I tooke post and 
 went to Manchester, wher I was informed by severall, how Lunt, Baker, 
 and the messengers, had reported in that countrey that they had left me 
 in Newgate, for endeavouring to corrupt the King’s evidence. 
 
 “ My intention [is] here to give any account of the tryali, whereof 
 the reader may better informe himself from those many able lawyers that 
 were present, only I must not forget to acquaint the world how Aron 
 Smith, as soon as he had heard the names of the gentlemen’s witnesses 
 in court, feigned himself sicke ; knowing very well that, when I was 
 called, I could discover the mistery of his plot. I call it his plot — 
 though since the miscariage of it, he was willing to cast it on me — 
 for I have severall arguments which doe demonstratively shew the plot 
 to be his ; first, because he furnished the evidence with large sumes of 
 money to carrye it on ; secondly, because it was he that fashioned and 
 formed their depositions ; thirdly, he bailed Luiit, and made the Lord 
 Mayor believe he was an honest man. It was he, in fine, that threatened 
 to have me punished for striveing to detect the villany of his witnesses ; 
 in a word, he is so well known, that I need say noe more.” 
 
 Richard Edge to Roger Kenyon. 
 
 982. 1695 [-6], January 4. London. — The Council is not sitting. 
 In the list, are Mr. Richard Fleetwood, Mr. Robert Mawdesley, and one 
 Mr. Dionisius Byron. The Lords and Commons cannot yet agree about 
 the Coin Bill, but have appointed another conference on Monday next. 
 The King has answered the Commons that he will issue out his pro- 
 clamation for receiving the clipped standard money, as they desire. 
 
 Richard Edge to Roger Kenyon, at Manchester. 
 
 983. 1695-6, January 7. London. — “No sheriffe for our county 
 yet pricked. Taaffe is at liberty, upon bayle, to appear in the King’s 
 Bench. The House of Commons did nothing yesterday, and to day 
 only called over the House.” Seal, 
 
 P[eter] Shakerley to Roger Kenyon, at his house 
 in Manchester. 
 
 98f4. 1695[-6], January 8. Westminster. — “I am under som 
 straights on account of the designes of my enemies against mee, at 
 Wigan, which they are verry industrious in forming and suiteing their 
 evidence to ; whilst my friends there are too slack in finding out what 
 the intended objections and evidence against mee are 
 
395 
 
 I have noe friend in all that county to whom I can committ this great 
 trust, or hope to procure the great favour from of putting this affair into 
 order, besides yourself. And, considdering that your Quarter Sessions at 
 Wigan is to be next week, where it is possible you may be, I begg yon 
 will be pleased to give yourself the trouble to stay there som few days, 
 to make enquirey what the objections intended against mee are, and the 
 persons designed to proove the same, and put all that into one breviate. 
 I am under another misfortune, that I cannot, with safety, write any 
 letter on this affair, or any other, by the way of Warrington, because you 
 know who is the postmaster there, and who it was procured him to be 
 soe. Therefore, I pray, doe not you send anything that way, concerning 
 the premises; and I beseech you mannage all this matter with great 
 secrecy and caution .... and what charges you are at in stay- 
 ing at Wigan, to make enquireys and putting matters into method, I 
 will thankfully repay you.” 
 
 Richard Edge to George Kenyon, at Manchester. 
 
 985. 1695-6, January 9. London. — Commences with private busi- 
 ness matters. “ I have no forreigne news to tell you both, but a peece 
 of domestick newes which comes in time, and will mightily help the 
 Sessions ; for it is to-day resolved that all clipped money, which is silver, 
 though of a coarser alloy than the standard, shall pass in payment of taxes, 
 and that all persons, whatever, shall so take it in payment ; that any 
 person may pay his next yeares tax, to the 4^. in the pound, at one in tire 
 payment in clipped money ; that all Commissioners to be appointed, shall 
 be sent into all countyes of England, to disperse the new coynd money 
 and receive clipped money for it. Here was such a decay of trade and 
 such a work about it that caused the House of. Commons to sitt de die 
 in diem, about the coyne, and come to this resolution, which is generally 
 well pleaseing. The Sheriffe of Lancashire, I hear, [is] to be pricked 
 to-night.” 
 
 Richard Edge to Roger Kenyon, at Manchester. 
 
 986. 1695-6, January 11. London. — ‘‘On Thursday night last, 
 
 Mr. Norreys, of Speake, was prickt at Kensington, by the King, for our 
 High Sheriffe. I am privately told that the Chancellour went to wait 
 upon the King, on Wednesday, at which time, the King wished him to 
 strike out one of his 3 names returned, and put in Mr. Norres. You 
 may guess how things go by that. This day the Commons passed the 
 bill for preventing charge and expense in elections, etc. . . . By all 
 
 our forreigne posts, we have advice that the French fleet will pass the 
 streights this year, if they can.” 
 
 John Hartley to Roger Kenyon, at Manchester. 
 
 987. 1695-6, January 15. Lancaster (?). — Is sorry he could not 
 discourse with Mr. Kenyon, during his last visit. Finds it was a 
 “ designed thing ” on the part of the gaoler, who set persons to drink 
 with the writer, lest his (the gaoler’s) “ rogurys ” should be discovered. 
 Endorsed “ John Hartley, Esqre.” 
 
 Richard Edge to Roger Kenyon, at Manchester. 
 
 988. 1695-6, January 16. London. — Sir John Bland is gone into 
 Yorkshire. Lady Moseley is well ; a letter will find her at her lodgings, 
 in Soho Square. Has waited on Sir John Leveson-Gower. “ You bid 
 
S96 
 
 me tell you how the Cliderow members go, in Parliament ; they go with 
 the Liverpoole members perpetually. I think I need say no more than 
 that.” 
 
 Richard Edge to Roger Kenyon. 
 
 989. 1695[-6], January 18. London. — I received your last long 
 letter by the post, which was not sealed with your own seal ; therefore 
 I reckon it had been opened by the way. There are some rascals who 
 do frequently open letters, and these are called “ secret friends to the 
 government.” All this preparation the French are making at sea, 
 seems to be designed on our foreign Plantations, to ruin them We shall 
 have an army of 140,000 in the Netherlands, the next campaign, and the 
 discourse there is of our besieging Dunkirk. The Lords will pass the 
 Coin Bill on Monday or Tuesday, and then they will begin coining ; our 
 coin is to be as good as it was. There is already brought into the Exche- 
 quer 1,700,000/z. in clipped coin. 
 
 Richard Edge to Roger Kenyon, at Manchester. 
 
 990. 1695-6, January 2 L London. — “This day the King came 
 to the House of Lords and passed four publick bills (besides private 
 bills), videlicet : — the treason bill, the coyn bill, the bill for preventing 
 expenses in elections, and the bill for continuing duties upon spirits, 
 etc. The House of Commons have ordered in the bill for preventing 
 and punishing of perjury before the sheriffes, at the elections of knights, 
 at the county court ; that a forme of an oath be brought in to be taken 
 by the freeholders, which will hinder the Jacobites from voteing, which 
 some say will be thrown out. The report about the Scotch East India 
 Company was likewise to day made ; that it was guilty of a high crime 
 and misdemeanour ; and resolved that the English and Scotch subscribers 
 to that company, resideing in England, shall be impeached of high crimes 
 and misdemeanours. Some people dread the ill consequence of this. 
 You know these votes are not printed till to morrow morning, and are 
 not written. I have them allwaes from a freind, which is no member. 
 I know not how safe it is to give such account, but I presume you have 
 the same in written news letters, which I have not seen in any place, 
 since 1 came to town, for in the coffee houses are no letters, but printed. 
 Some of our primed news letters say the French will have 95 men of 
 war in a line of battle. 50 of them to go from Brest, Port Louis, etc., and 
 to joyn the Thoulon fleet, which 50 will saile in a fortnight. And this 
 is sworn to by a prisoner, come from Brest, before our Commissioners of 
 the Admiralty. Olliers say it is false ; some few ships are ordered to 
 transport men from Catolonia into Piedmont, against the Duke of Savoy. 
 Others say that a great many private persons, in France, are concerned, 
 and furnish the fleet at their own private charge, to go upon some enter- 
 prise. The King of France is to have a third part of what they gett. 
 Some say our Lords of the Admiralty have not behaved themselves as 
 they ought to do ; that our shipping is not in so great forwardness as it 
 ought to be. Some .say it is in greater forwardness than ever, but I 
 observe Sir Jn. Louther, of Whithaven, is getting off. T forgett to tell 
 you that the House of Commons go to morrow to wait upon the King, 
 with an address against the Lord Portland, who had thought to have 
 been Prince of Wales. One Mr. Price made a very learned speech 
 against his Lordshijjp, and, as Mr. Shakerley told me, left nothing unsaid. 
 I cannot yet learne when Cliderow election comes on, for I avoid seeing 
 either side.” 
 
397 
 
 Peter Shakerley to [Roger Kenton]. 
 
 991. 1695[-6], January 23. Westminster. — Would have him keep 
 the “ breviate ’’ as long as necessary. The petition now stands, accord- 
 ing to course, not to come on or be heard before the 10th or 12th of March 
 next, and it is possible it may be April before it comes on. We have 
 much business to do, and it is possible Committees may be frequently 
 adjourned; however, it is best to be prepared. The first preparation 
 must be fully to answer all objections which you can possibly learn are 
 intended to be made ; and the next thing is to recriminate upon the 
 opponent, in such substantial objections and proofs as will stick fast upon 
 him ; “ but those should not be too levious ; such as his caresses of the 
 woman, which will not signifye any thing. But if, in kissing of them, 
 hee hurryed guinneas into their mouths (as was done at one place), 
 that will be to purpose, provided it is proved ; and that hee used that 
 sollicitation to gett, and that hee did thereby gett, their husbands to vote 
 for him.” 
 
 Richard Edge to George Kenyon. 
 
 991a. 1695-6, January 23. London. — The House of Commons has 
 nipped the Prince of Wales (who should have been) in the bud, and 
 waited on the King yesternight with their address. At the Admiralty 
 Office, they are taking care to send a re-inforcement to Sir George 
 Rooke, and a squadron, as some say, to block up Dunkirk. SeaL 
 
 P[eter] Shakerley to Roger Kenyon, at his house in 
 Manchester. 
 
 992. 1695[-6], January 25. Westminster.— “ I thank you for 
 
 your continued care in my affair ; inclosed is Mr. R — ’s petition, 
 
 which is very dark, as are the intended objections against race. I under- 
 stand the petition was concerted with Mr. Mountague, who brought it 
 in, and it is timed so that F conceive it is intended to come on towards 
 the end of the Session, when the House is thiner, for it stands now to 
 be about the 10th or I2th of March, though noe time is yet appointed for 
 it, nor has it yet been read in the committee. Mr. Harvey and 
 Mr. Tattlock are made Commissioners for the Land Tax, so is 
 Mr. Harvey’s father, Mr. Brown, Mr. Ralph Markland, and Mr. Wells. 
 Inclosed I send you the Act about clipped and counterfeit money, which 
 please to communicate to Mr. Warden, who will allso communicate to 
 you three other Acts I send to him this post, viz., the Act for trial of 
 treason, the Act for preventing expenses at elections, and an Act about 
 
 . , . . and annuities. I doe perceive that Mr. R ’s designe 
 
 is onely to make my election void, and not to come in himself but by a new 
 election. I am informed they intend to charge me with som words, said 
 to be spoken by mee, but what they are, where, when, or before whom 
 spoken, I cannot learn. The condition of our navy is very deplorable ; 
 and had I not seen a peece of one of the great shipps, I could not have 
 believed it possible that the worm could have made such great and soe 
 many vacuitys in the sound heart of oak. God Allmighty preserve ould 
 England from a French conquest ! ” Seal. 
 
 Richard Edge to Roger Kenyon, at Manchester. 
 
 993. [1695-6, January 28 ?] London. — Commences with family 
 matters. “ I cannot yet tell you when Cliderow election comes on, nor 
 concerne myself in that matter. The House of Commons were to-day in 
 a comittee for trade, and came to severall heads, which will be reported 
 
398 
 
 on Friday next. The House of Lords have been all this day about our 
 East India Company, and divided about it, and carryed by 22 that there 
 shall be an East India Company established by Act of Parliament, and 
 carryed on by a joynt stock. I hear allso that there is to be an imbargo 
 laid upon Scotch East India ships which are fitting out in the river of 
 Thames. The Royall Soveraigne, a ship of 104 guns, is burnt, as some 
 people say, by an accident of a snuff of a candle, and some say done a 
 purpose. Our fleet at Cadiz will be all careened in a three weekes, and 
 then will put to sea, which will be as soon as the Thoulon fleet can 
 go to sea. The squadron at Spitthead, which waits for a fair wind to 
 joyne our fleet, are to be doubled in the number which was so lately 
 ordered. A great overgrown French man-of-war mett with one of our 
 cruisers in the Straits and sunk him. But all honest persons conclude 
 that all our nien-of-war are in good order and will be ready to sail eearlier 
 than in any spring before. I mett with a Jacobite yesterday (a great 
 rogue I beleeve) and he tells me the Thoulon fleet is out allready ; 
 that they have taken one of our cruisers in the Straits, sunk another, 
 and sent another, ragged and shattered, into Cadiz ; that the French fleet 
 may goe where they will, for a great many of our great ships in England 
 will not be fitt to saile this year, nor scarce ever ; that we shall have no 
 money presently, but guineas, which are coined, a great deal of them, in 
 Holland ; that what milled money is made, or making, must be all sent 
 to Holland; and that there can be no circulation of the milled money 
 this six months ; and a great deal more of these roguish stories, which I 
 would give no ear to. I will take care to buy you an almanack, but 
 you writeing so late that I have not yet mett with such a one as you 
 use[d] to have ; and if I bespeake it they will excise me. The word excise 
 putts me in mind of proposalls offered to the House of Commons for a 
 penny a peck upon bread, and allso duties proposed to be laid on 
 periwigs, comodes, swords, and a great many things more, which I cannot 
 name.” 
 
 P[eter] Shakerley to Roger Kenyon, at his house in 
 Manchester.” 
 
 994. 1695[-6], February 1. Westminster. — “Yours, dated the 
 26th instant, came to my hands but yesterday, but in such a condition 
 that I cannot possibly read it, and is all dirt and daub even on the inside, 
 where it is impossible that such dirt could com but by opening it, and 
 daubing it so on purpose. The post mark on it, viz., the Generali Letter 
 Office mark, when it came hither, is January the 31st, and your other 
 letter, dated the 28th January, has allso the same mark, and they both 
 came together yesterday. Therefore, I pray, inquire of your postmaster 
 at Manchester, how long the said letter dated the 26th of January, did lye 
 in his hands, and how and when hee did dispose of it, viz. : (1) whether 
 he sent it away immediately there ? (2) whether it was so besmeared 
 and daubed before hee sent it ? (3) whether he sent it sealed up in his 
 bagg ? and (4) whether his bagg is opened at any place before it corns 
 to London, and where ? When he has answered to these questions, if 
 hee is clear and innocent in the matter, I desire hee will make affidavid of 
 it that liee did send the said letter sealed up in his bagg, without blem- 
 mish, &c., and send the same to mee, I pray you, by next post. I 
 perceive the superscription is Mr. Tattlock’s handwriting ; therefore, 
 to trace this matter right, know of him in what manner, when, and to 
 whom, he delivered it ? And I desire you will have his affidavid of it 
 and send it up to mee immediately, with the postmaster’s affidavid. Wee 
 had a long debate yesterday about the Oath, [as] I writt to Mr. Warden, 
 which was at last, upon a division, rejected ; Sir Thomas Stanley, Sir Ro. 
 
399 
 
 Bradshaigh, Cozen Preston, Mr. Puddsey, Mr. Brotherton, Leigh Banks, 
 and myself, were together in the division ; all the Foleys were also 
 with us.” 
 
 Postsci'ipt . — ‘‘ Since I writt this, I hear that other letters in that 
 packquett were all used as mine. . . . Wee have this day carryed, 
 
 by ballotting, all the Commissioners of Accompts.” 
 
 P[eter] Shakerley to Koger Kenyon, at Manchester. 
 
 995, 1695[-6J, February 4. Westminster. — ‘^Dick Edge was with 
 mee last night, just after the election for Clitheroe was determined in the 
 comittee, for Mr. Pudsay against Mr. Stringer, which was soe deer a 
 case that it was rather a nemine contradicente. Our success in carrying, 
 by ballotting, a, 11 the seven Commissioners wee named for the publick 
 accounts, was very good, and therefore I will give you their names and 
 the names of the other seven who came next to them, and seemed to be 
 
 compettitors : 
 
 Paul Foley, Esq., Speaker - - _ - 238 
 
 Henry Boyl, Esq. ------ 228 
 
 John Granville, Esq. ----- 227 
 
 Sir Thomas Dyke - - - - - 185 
 
 Mr. Bromley, of Warwickshire - - • 200 
 
 Eobert Harley, Esq. ----- 243 
 
 Francis Gwynn, Esq. ----- 188 
 
 Sir Thomas Pope Blunt - - • - 178 
 
 Sir John Thomson - - - - - 160 
 
 Sir William Ashurst - - - - - 163 
 
 Mr. Mouldsvvorth - - - - - - 118 
 
 Mr. Norris - - 134 
 
 Mr. Booth - - 131 
 
 Sir Edward Abney _ - _ - _ 155 ” 
 
 Postscript , — Aron Smith was called to our bar this day, for having 
 received nineteen thousand pounds and refused to give accompt of it to 
 our Commissioners. Hee has term days time to make his accompt in, 
 and if hee does not in that time, you will hear of him in custody.” 
 
 Kichard Edge to Eoger Kenyon, at Manchester. 
 
 996. 1695-6, February 4. London. — “ I was with Mr. Shakerley 
 yesterday, and [he] shewed me a letter from you, but it had been in 
 some bottom of a ditch, for neither your letter, nor the inclosed, was 
 legible ; it was so all dirt. I am sure no stranger could have read it. 
 Here and there it was plain, and I, knowing your hand, guessed at the 
 
 rest, and have since transcribed it for Mr. Shakerley As I 
 
 observe, all that they can pretend to is that he [ ?] is a Jacobite, 
 
 an enemy to this government, and I cannot see that can make an election 
 void ; it is the first, if such thing be done. But they are mistaken, the 
 Committee is not so much a committee of affections as they think. 
 Collonell Granvill is the Chairman, an ingenious, honest, bold gentleman, 
 and vallues nere a courtier of them all. The Committee for Cliderowe 
 was last night, who, after heareing councell and witnesses on both sides, 
 never debated, but put the question whether Mr. Pudsey was duely 
 elected and returned. It was carried in the affirmative ; I think, 
 nemine contradicente. Sir Thomas Powis [and] Sir Bartholomew 
 Shore, councell for Mr. Stringer ; Mr. Dormer [and] Mr. Dobbins, 
 councell for Mr. Pudsay. 
 
400 
 
 “ The Committee sate till 12 at night ; there was a pretty full 
 Committee. I crept into the gallery above, to avoid being seen. I 
 think all our Lancashire members attended, save Collonells Stanley and 
 Kirkby. Mr. Molineux asked a question in favour of Mr. Pudsay, 
 so did Mr. Brotherton, and so did Mr. Preston. And Mr. Norris, 
 who is a violent man, but speakes well, asked half a dozen questions 
 in favour of Mr. Stringer, whose councell opened the cause, and pleaded 
 that he had the same case as Mr. Gerrard, which was (they doubted not) 
 remembered by a great deal of the members in this Parliament. They 
 agreed that, as the poll was taken at the day of election, they had a 
 minority of votes by 12, but had 15 freinds, who had a right to be 
 found by the ceremonial inquiry jury, and were ready to have given their 
 votes ; that the present bayliffes obstructed the calling of a jury, and 
 that the sitting member, Mr. Pudsay, had, by his agent, given a bribe of 
 30^. to one Nowell (one of Mr. Stringer’s friends, but not found freeman) 
 to keep out of the hall at the time of election ; and that the House 
 declared in favour of such cases at two former committees. This was 
 the substance of their allegations. They made it out by 15 Cliderowe 
 witnesses, the chief of which were Tom Dugdale and John son of 
 Edmund Robinson. Mr. Pudsay’s councell answered they had the 
 majority of quallifyed voters; moreover, that they had freinds of the 
 same number, 15, which would have voted for Mr. Pudsay had they 
 been found, and had the same qualificacons as Mr. Stringer’s, but the 
 present bayliffes refused to call a jury after the test of the writt for 
 either side, that if such thing were done, which was never known, it 
 would brake a constitution of the burrough and consequently be per- 
 nicious. 
 
 Besides, Mr. Pudsay made it appear to the Committee that the 
 15 freinds of Mr. Stringer never demanded to be polled, which was 
 looked upon by Mr. Stringer’s freinds in the House to be a great 
 omission of his agent, Troy, who was called to answer to that point. One 
 of the members asked him his profession ; an attorney in London, he 
 answered. Some members cemented upon him, saying what did you go 
 into the North 200 miles to sollicit at an election, so that he was not well 
 heard. Mr. Pudsay called Mr. Sclater, Ned Parrer, and Dick Wilson, 
 who are now three thorrow paced Committee witnesses, and made out 
 what Mr. Pudsay’s councell had asserted, and called one Nowell to dis- 
 prove his own brother, about the 305. bribe, who, with two others, did it 
 with effect, and affirmed he di*ew ale and beer (the word beer smelled of 
 London discipline) before the election, and Mr Pudsay’s voters drunk as 
 much as that came to, and his agents paid the reckoning. Nowell, that 
 had the bribe, was called againe to confront his brother, had gott some 
 brandy into his noddle, and said with a loud voice that his brother was 
 a Iyer, and the greatest that did come there. The Chairman was 
 hearty for Mr. Pudsay, and Mr. Pudsay had got all his friends there, 
 and cryed withdraw, withdraw, half an hour together, and then put the 
 question as before. Paul Folie, Esquire, Collonell Granvill, Mr. Harley, 
 Mr. Boyle, Mr. Bromley, of Staffordshire (who brought in the petition 
 
 against Lord Portland), Sir Thomas Dike, and are the 
 
 Commissioners for the publick accounts. None of them had the 
 nomination from the Court party, so that I reckon it is as good a choice 
 as the Pope has made of Cardinalls, and both alike to me. 
 
 “ This day Mr. Aaron Smith was called into the House, and ordered to 
 give in his accounts in 10 dayes to the Commissioners, or incurr the dis- 
 pleasure of the House of Commons. This good man has something in 
 hand, and now on the anvill, against the stifiers of the Lancashire plott. 
 Now we have an account from abroad that the French fleet will not be 
 
401 
 
 equipped before the latter end of March; that our Lords of the Admiralty 
 have given positive orders to the commodore of the squadron, designed 
 for the reinforceing of Sir George Eook at Cadiz to be in areadiness to 
 sayle the first fair wind ; that there has been a great buzzle at Amsterdam 
 about a placart for a tax upon burialls ; that the mob risse three dayes 
 together against the governours, but after hanging of half a score of them, 
 the matter was appeased, and all now quiett. Here is a rumour here as 
 if there were some disturbances in Scotland, but I think it is but a story, 
 for commonly one post contradicts another.” 
 
 Kichard Wroe to Roger Kenyon, at Manchester. 
 
 997. 1695-6, February 6. — “ My last told you that the Capitation 
 Bill was a long one, and I believe you will think so by the enclosed 
 abstract, which Mr. Shakerley has franked for you, and had sent you 
 one if I had not prevented him. It was given for four millions, but 
 Mr. Montague informed the House yesterday, that it would not raise 
 above three millions, so that they have yet 1,800,000/. and 500,000/. 
 for the Civil List to raise, and were yesterday upon ways and means, 
 but without any certain resolution. It was talked of 2s. more per 
 pound upon land, and the Plate Bill was voted to pay Gd. per ounce, 
 for all plate under three ounces value, or weight, which, it is concluded, 
 will passe. They have been this day upon prohibiting East India silks, 
 Bengalis, calicoes, but I know not the issue, though, it is said, it 
 will passe. However, some say it is a giving up our East India trade to 
 the Dutch. They that pretend to know news from Court, say that all 
 the preliminaryes of the peace are adjusted, and that it will certainly be 
 concluded, which some believe and others take for a jest; but the news 
 that more concerns us is better, I mean in relation to the business I 
 came hither upon. 
 
 Yesterday, being a day of great business in the Exchequer, we 
 moved to deferr judgment in our case till to-day, because it would 
 be long in giving, as it proved full two bowers ; every baron giving 
 his opinions and the reasons of it, with answers to all the argu- 
 ments that had been urged on the other side, and every one of 
 them was clear in their opinion for us, that the lease was expired six years 
 since, being onely for 21 years and 99. Their resolution seemed very 
 clear and satisfactory to the whole Court, and even to Mr. Trafford’s 
 counsel and attorney, who attended there, and who told me afterwards 
 that they would acquiesce in it without bringing any writ of error, which 
 is the onely remedy they have ; and on Weddensday next, judgment is to 
 be recorded, and then we shall know what costs they will allow, which 
 I hope will be favourable, and for the mean profits, we are left to our 
 action at law, if Mr. Trafford will contest it, and not compound fairly 
 with us. Pray communicate this, with the enclosed, to Mr. Yates, with 
 my respects, not having any other news for him nor time to transcribe 
 this, having stayed long and late at Westminster ; and if you please to be 
 so kind as to let my niece know the successe of our business, you will 
 further oblige mee, having nothing more but my health to acquaint her 
 with. Mr. Preston’s corps set out on Munday or Tuesday, but privately, 
 that no notice may be taken of it. I was with our bishop yesterday, but 
 shall have more time to acquaint him with yours on Weddensday, when 
 his tryall about Hindley Chappel comes on.” Seal of arms. 
 
 Richard Edge to Roger Kenyon, at Manchester. 
 
 998. 1695-6, February 8. London. — “ The House of Commons 
 have this day agreed to the Lords’ amendments to the bill for recovery 
 73480. C C 
 
402 
 
 of small tithes. A petition was made and presented to lower the 
 extravagant price of guineas ; it was referred to the Committee for the 
 second coinage bill, but since withdrawn. They have resolved that no plate 
 shall be used in the publick houses after the 4th of May, except spoons. 
 The tryall de novo of Lunt, Wilson, and Womball, which should have 
 come on this terme, is putt off to the next. Some sayes Sir George 
 Kooke has orders to go to sea immediately, and some say not till 
 18 Dutch joyn him ; and that the squadron designed heare to reinforce 
 him are countermanded. But it is certaine that 51 great men-of-war 
 
 at Thouloii are ready to sayle I hear Mr. Shakerley has, 
 
 upon Mr. Rigby’s promiseing to withdraw his petition, writt to the mayor 
 of Wygan to tell him that he will sollicit no more to be chosen there, 
 which I think (but a fooll’s boult is soon shot) is the meanest thing he 
 ever did in his life.” 
 
 Richard Edge to Roger Kenyon, at Manchester. 
 
 999 . 1695-6, February 10. London. — In a weeke or two, in this 
 town, there will be no silver to be had. I was with Mr. Legh, to take 
 a copy of the postea about Lunt, Wilson, and Womball’s verdict. He 
 tells me it was never returned to him, in regard that verdict was sett 
 aside, and the three gents are as clear as before that assizes. I see 
 Capt. Baker frequently conversing with great men. Saturday’s votes 
 will tell you of Aaron Smith’s being sent for, in custody ; I did not hear 
 that he is taken up, as yet. There is no news, for we have had no 
 foreign mailes. Admirale Aylmer is to command 8 men of-warr that are 
 to go in quest of Du Bart. We have an account hov\^ that one man 
 (with his accomplices) in Derbishire, have allready made, coined, and 
 counterfeited, to the likeness of the new milled money, 700/., and is now 
 in custody for it. Guineas are current here, but at 27^., and silver 
 growes very scarce.” Seal, 
 
 The Same to the Same. 
 
 1000 . 1695-6, February 11. London. — I was at Mr. Legh 
 Banke’s chambers this morning, but he has not been there this two 
 nights, and am told that he lodges sometimes with Sir Thomas Stanley 
 in Pell Mall ; but I very well remember one morning I went to 
 Mr. Banke’s chambers, there was this taylor Barnes, which has arrested 
 me upon Mr. {sic) Thomas’s account. Had I not niett with him there, 
 he had not known that I was in town. I forgott to tell you that the 
 sume I was forced to pay was 4/. I 5 . I beg, if Mr. Thomas be in Lan- 
 cashire, you will please to order him to remitt it me hither, for I cannot 
 move till 1 have it, for the landlord will not let the horse stirr till he 
 
 be paid, and my acknowledgment besides Yesterday the 
 
 House of Commons ordered the election of Cliderowe to be reported 
 tomorrowe. I cannot tell what the House has done today. The 
 resolutions of the House are ordered to be kept more secret, for the 
 printer’s sake, and [I] could not meet with any of the members tonight. 
 I doe not yet hear that Aaron Smith has given in his accounts. The 
 news from I landers is that the French seem to talke of opening their cam- 
 pagne with the seige of Namur; that their fleet at Thoulon is allready 
 careened and the guns on board, yet one account sayes they are takeing 
 off their guns; that Adrnirall Rooke is very vigilant in observeing the 
 French feet’s motions, and has got most of his ships new careened; that 
 the French King has transmitted a great sume of money to the grand 
 Seignior with 300 [or 3,000] officers and engineers, to carry on the war 
 
408 
 
 against the Emperor, and that he will be 40,000 stronger in Flanders 
 than last year. Guineas are lowered in their price to-day 2^., but 
 Thursday is the day to regulate that matter.’^ 
 
 Eichabd Edge to Roger Kenyon, at Manchester. 
 
 1001. 1695-6, February 13. ^^Westminster, 9 o’clock at night.” — 
 “ This day the King has been here and passed the three publick Acts. 
 
 The House has been in a grand Committee about guineas, 
 
 and is so still Here is a mighty full house, and all the 
 
 halls, painted chamber. Speaker’s chamber, and the lobby and coffee 
 houses, full of people, watching the result the House will come [to] 
 about guineas. The House had an account from the Mint that 700,000 
 guineas have been coined, since Candlemas 1694-5. The Court party 
 are for lowering them to 27^^.; the other party, for keeping them at 30s. 
 Lancaster assizes to be the 25th of March ; Kevill and Turton [the] 
 judges. If the House come to any resolution before the post goes out, 
 I will write.” 
 
 The Earl of Derby to [Roger Kenyon]. 
 
 1002 . 1695-6, February 13. Knowsley. — have thought it a 
 long while since I saw or heard from dear Roger ; the last time the seal 
 keeper was with me, I enquired how you did, and T think he then said 
 you had the gout upon you, so that you could not stir ; I had els de- 
 sired your company to have advised about my trial again, this next assizes, 
 which I design to bring on ; and in order to it, there are 24 to be named 
 by each side, out of the freeholders’ book, which I send you, that you 
 may consider who they are I can most depend upon, and to send me 
 the names in writing, as, I take it, the 21st is the day appointed for 
 the prothonotary to stiike the names. This, you must be sensible, is of 
 great moment to me, as I shall look upon your assistance to be in this 
 affair ; for I do think this preliminary is of great consequence. But I 
 shall not enter into particulars ; you know them so well, and I so little.” 
 
 Peter Shakerley to Roger Kenyon. 
 
 1003. 1695[-6], February 13. — Advising him, if he has any 
 guineas at 305., to part wdth them forthwith, as a vote is passed in 
 Committee that they should not go for more than 285., and the Court 
 party pushed hard to have them at 265. 
 
 Guicciardini Wentw^orth to Roger Kenyon, at Manchester. 
 
 1004. 1695[-6], February 15. — ‘‘And now I must acquaint you 
 with an affaire which allarums u.s much. There is, as I am well 
 informed, a Bill ready (upon leave) to take away the Dutchy and 
 County Pallatine and annex them to the Exchequer, and this is in the 
 hands of Mr. Korns’ brother, of Speake. Who the sellers (?) are I 
 know not, nor the suggestions of the Bill. It is yett a secrett ; but, plow^- 
 ing with the heifer, I found out the riddle. Wee want your assistance 
 in this affaire very much, and must, in behalfe of the Dutchy, and all 
 others concerned, begg itt att your hands with what speed you may ; 
 and that you will be so kind to send us a copy of that colection relating 
 to the Dutehy, you made when last this matter was on foot, which, with 
 som few coments on it, by your hand, will, I question not, but be artillary 
 sufficient (if well managed) to stem this tyde. Please you to write 
 to mee under cover to Sir Gervas Elwes, or Mr. Preston ; it will com 
 safe.” Seal of arms. 
 
 c c 2 
 
404 
 
 Postscript. — “ I remember Thomas Killegrewe was for goeing to 
 Manchester, to heare news ; and though you do not want it, yett I cannot 
 forbeare to tell you that Admirall Rooke is makeing the best of his wey 
 home ; his brother beeing killed for a little familiarity with a Spanish 
 lady. The French are makeing vast preparations by sea and land, and 
 have, as it is said, as good as concluded a peace with Spaine. The 
 affaire of guinies gives great disturbance. A committy to that affaire 
 have stated them att 28^., but the House has not yet past it into a vote. 
 Divers angry questions seem prepared, ready against an opportunity. 
 I doe not see any likelyhood of compromising that matter with the 
 Spanish ambassador; but he is like to depart in a huff. There be that 
 think Sir John Somers will survive the Lord Keeper.” 
 
 Roger Kenyon to Mr. George Macy, an officer relating to 
 the Mint, at his house in the Tower of London.” 
 
 1005 . 1695[-6], February 20. Manchester. — Has heard of him by 
 his letter to one Ralph Thompson, a scandalouse fellow,” in the gaol 
 at Lancaster, “ w^hich letter shews mee my great mistake in your 
 acquaintance. . . . You tell Thompson of 7/e. which Mr. Charles 
 
 Rigby had of Hartley for writeing to mee. I am sure hee writ nothing 
 to mee but one or two letters with long informations which Hartley, as 
 he said, desired him to take against many persons, to be transcribed to 
 mee. I no sooner received them, but immediately waited with them 
 upon my Lord Chief Justice Treby, who thereupon thought fit further 
 to reprieve Hartley ; and his Lordship gave or sent those papers, I think, 
 to you. Mr. Rigby, [who] is a lawyer, lives next house to the Castle in 
 Lancaster, was sent for to do a public good, tooke those informations 
 without asking or expecting anything for his paines, and Hartley sent 
 them away by a special post to mee. After the man’s returne with a 
 reprieve. Hartley sent Mr. Rigby forty shillings as a gratefull present, 
 which, as Mr. Rigby saith, w'as alltogether unexpected, and all he had 
 upon that account. Mr. Rigby had before that, as councell at the 
 Assizes, when Hartley was convict, a fee of 20^. to move upon the 
 Habeas Corpus Act, that Hartley might be tryed or not kept in prison ; 
 and hee had, the last Assizes, as councell for Hartley, 10^. to move the 
 Judge in Court, upon your petition, that Hartley might be bayled, for 
 the Judge ordered it to be moved in Court. These are all the summes 
 Mr. Rigby ever had from Hartley, which are but halfe 7/., and this is 
 an answer to the account you say you had from your correspondent, 
 Russell. Had it been 7/., I would not descant upon the implication. 
 
 “ Your letter mentions your 205. charge of post letters from your choyce 
 correspondents, two wretched gaole birds, Thompson and Russell ; I 
 thinke neither your choyce nor your charge is envyed by any. You 
 tell your intimate, Tompson, in that letter, you are to be trobled no 
 more, but Hartley must imploy his gaoler, or els Mr. Kenyon. Mr. 
 Macy, I am not wont to be so cupled, nor so imployed. Your next 
 lash is : Mr. Kenyon, without your knowledge [. . . . your leave], 
 
 got Hartley a reprieve. You know the fellow was to have dyed on 
 Saterday forenoone. The letter I had, came lo mee in Parliament at 
 12 o’clock the Tewsday before ; I carry ed it forthwith to my Lord Chief 
 Justice, which I thought my duty. The matter admitted of no delay. 
 I never asked in that for any reward, nor any way disrespective to you 
 then, or since. Thus I leave you, in the word of your letter, to your 
 study to serve Mr. Tompson, and to dispose yourself charitably in 
 I’eleeveing that ingeniouse gentleman. You betake yourself to . . . 
 
 by postscript, with a secret, which none els must know; that no pardon 
 
405 
 
 will this circuit, nor the circuit after, go into the north ; and yet your 
 special confidant sends your letter abroad. Sir, after all, I do tell you, 
 and I think whilst you have time, you have, I think, done an unkind 
 thing to your own reputation, if Hartley have not his pardon this Assizes. 
 Nor is your letter, meethinkes, kind to Mr. Pierce. When the Judges 
 see it, with one you writt to one of them, the last Assizes, their Lord- 
 shipps’ construction will be known. In the meanetime, I am uneasy 
 under your sensorious pen, not that I am unable to do myselfe right, 
 but because meethinkes Mr. Macy is not that Mr. Macy to whom I 
 have often very heartily subscribed, &c.” Copy. 
 
 Richard Edge to Roger Kenyon, at Manchester. 
 
 1006 . 1695-6, February 27. London.— Does not hear that any 
 Bill is yet brought in to “ destroy the Duchy ” ; weightier matters are 
 in hand. “ I very well remember I writt, at the time you were sick, 
 two bookes about the Duchy ; the first draught is in my keepeing, but 
 the fair one, and which has more in it, is in your keepeing amongst your 
 papers, if Sir G-ervase Elwes had it not. ... I beseech you not to 
 mention those three rascalls in any of your letters to me. I hear 
 Captain Baker, who is a gentleman of great reputation and affection to 
 the Governernent, officiates in the roome of Mr. Smith, who is under 
 confinement because he will not come to account. I cannot tell you more 
 than you will hear by the printed papers, of this horrid plott (yet there are 
 some infidells make light of it) ; the person that discovered it, desired 
 his pardon, that he might not be an evidence, nor that his name should 
 be known, which the King, out of his wonted clemency, consented to ; 
 that there were 60 readye to do it ; and that [the] Duke of Berwick 
 was in town, ready to head his Majesty’s and the nation’s enemyes ; that 
 King James and Boufflers, with 20,000 men, lay ready at Cal lice, 
 and other places on those coasts, to invade tliis kingdome, upon a 
 signall to be given from Dover, when the King was assassinated, which 
 signall was ordered to be given by the Earl of Rumney, he being ready 
 there to receive those rogues, by his Majesty’s orders. That Amirall 
 Russell, haveing first impressed seamen enough out of 600 merchantmen 
 that lay in the Downes, is sailed, or ready to sail, with 48 ships of war. 
 That . . . . is off the Isle of Wight with 15 French men-of-war. 
 
 That Chasteau Renaut is off the Isle of Hieres, with part of the Thoulon 
 fleet, so that we are in hopes of some sea action, and doubt not of suc- 
 cess, being in greater readiness to receive them than they think we are. 
 
 ‘‘ There are about 100 non-associators in ail in the House of Com- 
 mons ; I told you who the Lancashire were, in my last. The ring- 
 leaders are Mr. Finch, Sir Edward Seymour, Mr. Harcourt, Lord 
 Digby, Lord Norres, and his brothers, Mr. Bromley, Collonel Granvill, 
 tvho is the Chairman of Privilidges and Elections. I cannot particularly 
 name them, and, as I heare, in the Lord’s House [there are] about 30 
 that will no[t] subscribe — Marquis Halifax, Marquis Normanby, Lords 
 Nottingham [and] Rochester; nay, I heard, but I beleeve not, that the 
 Duke of Leeds, etc. ; I cannot justly name them. I heard Mr. Norres 
 made a speech, that the House would vote that the French King and 
 the late King .lames were the promoters of this wicked designe against 
 the King; but the courtiers did not think well of that,,because it had 
 not yet appeared so to the House, and Mr. Berty and Sir Richard 
 Atkins, two great courtiers, stood up and opposed that, and so there 
 was an end of Mr. Norres’ speech. I have but things by hearsay, and 
 I dare not write, for fear they should be Jacobites that tell me any- 
 thing.” Seal. 
 
406 
 
 Bichard Edge to Roger Kenyon, at Manchester. 
 
 1007. 1695-6, February 29. London. — I have, but with no small 
 difficulty, gott the copy annext. I am told the Lords’ association differs 
 from the Commons ; that the whole purport of it is, that King William 
 is lawfull King, and that the late King James and the pretended Prince 
 of Wales have no right to the Crown. We have severall accounts that 
 the late King James was at Callice ; that there were severall men-of-war 
 in that port and ports adjacent, and a great many transport vessells, and 
 that they had imbarqued severall thousands of men with all warlike 
 amunition, in order for an invasion upon us, but was beleeved they had 
 got advice that they were discovered, and so the men were deimbarqueing. 
 But fresher advice tells us, they are begun to imbarque againe, but it is 
 certaine that Admirall Bussell is now upon their skirts ; for on Thursday 
 last, at 4 in the afternoon, he was saluted from Dover, and had then 
 under his command 48 men-of-war, besides a great many tenders, and 
 steered with a fair wind directly for Callais. We have an account that 
 12 of the.traytors mentioned in the proclamation are allready taken, but 
 not the Duke of Berwick. 
 
 “I saw a printed paper to-day that mentions the association and 
 the justness and reasonableness of it, and that the address presented 
 formerly by the present Earle of Macclesfeild, signed by 28,000 per- 
 sons in Lancashire, was the same in effect, which I will assure you is 
 a great peece of honor to our county of Lancaster ; and for that reason, 
 the King and parliament, sure, will never take away our Duchy, 
 the very quintescense of loyalty haveing appeared in us so early, before 
 the rest of the kingdome. I am told the Earl of Chesterfeild has since 
 signed, and that, though the Duke of Leeds spoke against it, yet he signed 
 at the latter end. I am allso told that there are more members which 
 have not signed, neither Avill signe, which were absent on Tuesday.” 
 
 Kichard Edge to George Kenyon, at Manchester. 
 
 1008. 1695-6, February 29. London. — have sent my old 
 
 master a list of the non-associators [see previous letter], by which you 
 will see that it is my sad fortune to deal with Jacobites.” Describes 
 events, as in previous letter to Roger Kenyon. Seal. 
 
 Margaret Osbaldeston to Roger Kenyon, at Manchester. 
 
 1009. 1 695 [-6], March ‘S. Preston. — The Countess of Derby is 
 willing “to assist our design,” though she said “that her interest, since 
 the Queen’s death, was diminished,” and that she did not see the 
 governors so frequently. Dr. Brabant will also assist “our cause,” 
 betv/een this and All Saints, “ in which time, it is soposed, will be two 
 elections of scoffers.” Seal of arms^ broken. 
 
 Richard Edge to Roger Kenyon, at Manchester. 
 
 1010 . 1695-6, March 5. London. — “The conspirators will not be 
 tryed tiff the next week ; Newgate is so fuff of them that the City train 
 bands guai d them day and night. We have no news from Admirall 
 Itiissell, but whai the publick prints mentioned by the last post, which 
 were that he hojjed to give a good account of 14 French men-of-war 
 that lay in Flemish road near Dunkirk, if they creep not into Dunkirke. 
 
 The ships mentioned in my last to be taken by our 
 
 grand fleet was a mistake, they being taken by Guernsey privateers.” 
 
407 
 
 Eechard Edge to Roger Kenyon, at Manchester. 
 
 1011 . 1695-6, March 7. London, — Prothonatory Foster went 
 hence yesterday for Lancashire, and told me from his master, Sir Gervase 
 Elwes, there was no danger of anything being done against the Duchy 
 of Lancaster, this sessions. Our great fleet is still off Gravelins, on the 
 coast of France, with at least 90 men-of-war ; but not yet able to make 
 any considerable attempt on the enemy, for want of bomb vessels and 
 fireships, which are here ready to saile, but the wind is in their teeth. 
 Charnock, Keyes, and King, three cf the conspirators mentioned in the 
 proclamation, will be arraigned on Wednesday next, upon indictments 
 (as is said) allready found against them at Hicks Hall, and will be allowed 
 the full benefitt of the late acts for try alls of treason, etc. I would fain 
 come out hence; for every day, either pressmasters or the Kinges 
 messengers, are laying hold on me.” iSeal. 
 
 The Same to the Same. 
 
 1012 . 1695-6, March 12, London. — Has been with Mr. Ayleffe 
 to enquire about any lands alienated from the Duchy. He states that 
 the Duchy burroughs are as follows : “ the county and burroughs of 
 Lancashire” ; the boroughs of Monmouth, Thetford (Korfolk), Higham 
 Ferrars (Northamptonshire), Stockbridge (Hampshire), Newcastle-un- 
 der-Lyne (Staffordshire), Sudbury (Suffolk), East Grinstead (Sussex), 
 andKnaresborough, Ripon,Bourroughbridge, Pontefract, and Alborough, 
 in Yorkshire. ‘‘ Yesterday, Charnock, King, and Keyes were tryed at the 
 Old Bailey, and upon a clear, fair, and full evidence, found guilty, and 
 sentence past upon them ; and I believe will be executed on Wednesday 
 next. I was there, but could not come near enough to hear. The tryall 
 will be printed, and you shall have it. Ferguson, who has been in all 
 plots, is in this, and [is] in prison. I hear a great many warrants are 
 signed and sent down to take up persons in Lancashire. The good news 
 of the Earl of Athlone, with a great body of men, haveing burned the 
 great provisions of the French, laid in at Givet, is confirmed ; it is said 
 there was as much as would have kept 50,000 horse, three months. They 
 intended to have used it at the seige of Namur this year, at the same 
 time the late King should have invaded England; but they are happily 
 prevented. The bill for suppressing hawkers and pedlars is ordered to 
 be engrossed, which will please the shopkeepers. [The] Duke [of] 
 Wertemburgh is with the King, at Kensington, but the forces he 
 brought, will be sent back and never come ashore.” Seal, 
 
 George Macy to Roger Kenyon. 
 
 1013 . 1695[-6], March 14. The Tower. — Touching a pardon for 
 one Hartley, a coiner and clipper of coins. Regarding the proj^osal for 
 four mints in the country, besides the one in the Tower, viz., at York, 
 Exeter, Chester, and Norwich. The number was reduced to two, and 
 this week, the Lords of the Treasury have resolved that one shall be at 
 York and the other at Exeter. 
 
 Richard Edge to Roger Kenyon, at Manchester. 
 
 1014 . 1695-6, March 21. London. — Commences with family 
 
 matters. ‘‘ This day, at Hicks Hall, bills of high treason were found 
 against Sir John Freind and Sir William Perkins, in order to be tryed 
 on Monday and Tuesday ; but I hear since, they will not then be tryed, 
 for they would both squeak and make discoveryes, if the King would 
 
408 
 
 pardon them. This day, the Earl of Aylesbury was committed to the 
 Tower, for high treason ; and it is now sayd that far greater men are 
 concerned in the intended invasion. The three assassinates (sic) that 
 were executed on Wednesday (as the last post would tell you) confessed 
 the fact, but, by their equivocateing words, would seeme to clear the 
 late King and the body of the Roman Catholicks ; but nobody of sense 
 beleeved that part. The burrowes within the Duchy of Lancaster, 
 mentioned in my last, all send two burgesses, except Higham Ferrers, 
 which sends only one. Mr. Ayloffe either cannot, or will not, tell me 
 what is paid from the Crown to the Duchy officers. I cannot tell you 
 who are our new Lancashire Justices. I hear Mr. Foster, the sub- 
 prothonatory, is to be one. Our printed news letters say that the 
 Lancashire gentlemen in the late plot are in this, and most of them in 
 custody.” Seal. 
 
 Richard Edge to Roger Kenyon, at Manchester. 
 
 1015 . 1696, March 28. The “Blew Boare in Holboune.” — 
 “ Mr. Shakerley’s antagonist was introduced into the King’s presence by 
 the right honourable the Earle of Macclesfeild, and was knighted. 
 Sir John Freind and Sir William Perkins are to be hanged on Wed- 
 nesday next. The Sessions at the Old Baily is adjourned to the 22nd of 
 Aprill. The Commons have passed the bill for the bringing in of plate to 
 the Mint, and sent it to the Lords, in which is enacted that no dipt 
 money (except sixpences) shall pass in payment, after the 4th of May 
 next, and guineas to pass at 22^. I hear the Lords have thrown out 
 the bill against hawkers and pedlars. I hear Captain Porter has con- 
 firmed that part of Mr. Wombell’s evidence, of carrying vast quantityes 
 of armes into Lancashire to Standish Hall.” Seal. 
 
 Peter Shakerley to Roger Kenyon, at Manchester. 
 
 1016 . 1696, April 9. Westminster. — “ I writt, last post, to Mr. 
 Warden, and I think I desired him to thank you for the account you sent 
 mee of Mr. Shar {sic), but whether I did soe or not, I cannot well tell, 
 neither can I remember well what 1 did write, for I must own to you 
 I had that day som of my fellow-members [to] dine at my house, and upon 
 such an occasion, you know a little libberty of transgression is allowable. 
 
 The bill for better preserving his Majesty’s person 
 
 and Goeverment went up yesterday to the Lords ; it is a smart one. It 
 enacts that persons refusing to take the oaths shall incur the pain and 
 penalty of Popeish recusant convicts; that all persons in any civill or 
 millitary employ, and every member of a future parliament, shall sub- 
 scribe the association ; that persons refuseing to take the oaths at any 
 election of Members to serve in Parliament, shall have noe voice in that 
 election ; and for any one to declare by writeing, printing, preaching, 
 or adviceing, speaking against the King’s right, it is a praemunire, and 
 there are som few other things in the Bill which I cannot well remem- 
 ber, but these are the chief. A duty is layd upon tobacco-pipes and 
 earthenware, viz., 12c?. per gross upon the first and 10c?. per cent, ad 
 valorem on the latter ; therefore I advice you and Mr. Warden to stock 
 your selves well with pipes and piss-potts presently, because this duty is 
 to be perpetuall.” 
 
 Edward Kenyon to his father, Roger Kenyon. 
 
 1017 . 1696, May 7. London. — “ Upon Tuesday last, I got hither, 
 where, at my arrivall, I found the King and Collonel Stanley gone. 
 
409 
 
 Next day, I went to Cosin Molleneiix, wlio was soe kind to write and 
 send his man along with me to Mr. Charles Stanley, who, though I 
 could not meet with, yet there I heard of the Collonel’s agent, to whom 
 I went, who told me that the Collonel, at his departure, said there were 
 two Lancashire gentlemen to follow him over, and named me for one. 
 
 . . . . What it will cost is imcertaine, but Cozen Moleneux’s 
 
 brother’s was betwixt 4/. and 51. .. . 
 
 ‘‘Upon Tuesday, the King sailed from Sheerneest, and it is believed 
 is in Flanders ere this.” 
 
 [Roger Kenyon] to “Mr. Macy.” 
 
 1018 . 1696, June 13. Manchester. — “ The cuntry is in so great 
 
 disti'esse for want of current money, that without some speedy supply, 
 all traffick will cease. Our markets cannot be continued. The poor have 
 been, in severall markets, tumultuously murmuring ; and we are, I 
 think, in great danger of greater unquietnes. I write to you, to acquaint 
 the worthy Warden of the Mint who will, perhaps, think fit to let the 
 Lords of the Treasury, or who he think es most proper, if possible, to 
 helpe us.” Draft. 
 
 William Patten to Roger Kenyon, at Manchester. 
 
 1019 . 1696, June 20. Gray’s Inn. — “ I have, these ten dayes, forbore 
 writeinge to you, according to my promise at Wigan, in expectation of 
 having some newes worth writeing, but no newes as yet comes from 
 Flanders, of any action or intended speedy action, that I heare of, and in 
 this towne, lonne and tradinge are at a great stande, by reason of the 
 scarsity of money ; litle newe money is to be seen, where T goe, and noe 
 old moneys goe, but such as was never clipped, let them have never soe 
 many letters to be seene. I this daye sawe a shillinge refused that out- 
 weighed a millde shilling, and you cannot exchange an hundred shillings 
 of old money, though it be not much clipped, under 25s. or 30.9. in ex- 
 change, and how those will at the last end, God knowes ! but there is 
 great murmuring about it. Yesterday Sir John Feineicke was examined 
 by the Lords Justices at Duke Shrewsbury’s office, and afterwards sent 
 to the Tower, and one W ebber (?), an attorney of Furvivalls Inne, whoe 
 was taken in the company of Sir John, and who was solicitor to the late 
 General who dyed for the plott, is sent to Newgate. 1 question not 
 but you have in your common newes letter an accompt of the tryall 
 betwixt the Earles of . . . and Montague, which lasted 27 howers, 
 
 and a verdict given in favour of the latter ; they are to have another 
 tryall at the King’s Bench barr on Thursday.” 
 
 Edward Kenyon to [his father ?] 
 
 1020. 1696, June 23. — “ Upon the 2oth of May, I came to the 
 camp before Gaunt ; and the day following, I met with the Colonel, 
 who received me with abundance of kindness and, according to promise, 
 gave me my commission, the 18th. All the officers express a great deale 
 of kindness, esspessially Captain Fleming (the gentleman I spake of, 
 when with you), whose guest I have been ever since. Dear sir, before 
 this, I had not the opportunity of writing, or else would not thus long 
 have been silent (noe post goeing from hence), but att this time I am 
 forced to give you a further trouble, which is the paying of a 20/. bill to 
 Mr. John Morden, upon 4 days’ sight ; the reason why I trouble you is 
 
410 
 
 that the buying a horse to ride, a horse to carry my trunk, a tent bed, 
 with other necessaries, not to be avoided, myself being not able to foot 
 it, by reason of my weakness. That 1 have not been any way extravi- 
 gant, tlie Colonel will witness for me.” 
 
 Representation of the Tradesmen in Manchester.” 
 
 1021. 1696, June. — A true representation of the case of the 
 tradesmen of Manchester ; for the want of currant coyn, not beeing able 
 to employ the many families that depend upon them for work ; and* 
 [the] miseries of those that know not how to buy bread at present, for 
 the want of their wonted employments. 
 
 “ Wee, therefore, being sensable of our great miseries at present, and 
 of more we are in danger of for the future, if wee have not seasonable 
 relei f, thought it nesesarie, and our duty, for the releife of the poor and 
 the peace of our country, to represent our condition to the worshipfull 
 Justises of the Peace, at there meeting upon the 20th day of June, 
 1696. 
 
 ‘‘Wee have been labouring sume time under the dificulties of trade, 
 by the scarseness of currant coyn, and have, to our utmost, improved 
 our credit and intrest to supply -the nesesities of the poor ; but are not 
 able to proceed, unless some speedy cource bee taken as to the state of 
 the coyn, to enable us to keepe the poore with work, and to prevent 
 there starving, and the many mischeifs that may ensue. 
 
 “ The number of the poor that are employed in the manufactures of 
 Manchester, by a modest computation, are above fourtie thousand. 
 
 “ Wee, whose names are hereunto supscribed, doe earnestly desire 
 your Worships’ consideration : — 
 
 “ Joseph Scott, William Scholes, Joseph Leeth, John Deggles, 
 Rich : Worthington, Edm ; Traves, Edw : Scott, Edw : Syddall, James 
 Moss, Tho : Moss, Miles Bradshaw, Tho : Bradshaw, John Walker, 
 Tho : Buerdsell, Jno. Wroe, Jiio. Browne, James Bayley, Edw ; Bootle, 
 Ralph Worsley, Samuell Pendleton, Josiah Walker, Richard Taylor, 
 Will: Holme, Thomas Hartley, Sam: Worthington, Erancis Cartwright, 
 Diniss Cass, Edm : Johnson, Sam: Tinney (?), John Dickanson, Richard 
 Davenport, Jos : Byrom, Mich : Pimlott, Samuell Brooke, Charles 
 Beswicke, R. Percivall, Joseph Hooper, John Hewood, Joseph Slater, 
 Joseph Sherwin, Dan : Woolmer, Geo: Lloyd, Samuell Clowes, Samuell 
 Wharmbye, Ralph Poole, William Crompton, Jonath. Nicholls, James 
 Travez, Ralph Hall, Peter Wagstaffe, John Schoales, Michaell Stockton, 
 Joshua Crompton, Cha : Broster, Joseph Walker, Samuel Haward, 
 Samuell Drinkwater, John Collier, Chr : Lancashire, Tho : Collier, 
 Jno : Lancashire, James Both, Fran : Davenport.” 
 
 Indictment of John Leeds, of Manchester, at the Sessions of 
 the Peace held at Lancaster. 
 
 1022, 1696, July 14. — That John Leeds, of Manchester, chapman, 
 on 30th June, in the 8th year of this King, at Manchester aforesaid, 
 did maliciously publish these words : “ The Book of Common Prayer ; 
 the afforesaid book, meaning nothing but masse in English. The Book 
 of Common Prayer ; the aflbresaid booke meaning now used in the 
 Church of England, was popery, and that whosoever prayed by that 
 booke, their prayers never prevailed. That the service of the Church of 
 England was diabolical, and no true divine worship, and not pleasing to 
 God Almighty.” 
 
411 
 
 Guicciardini Wentworth to Eoger Kenyon. 
 
 1023. 1696, September 10. — The names of the Justices of the 
 Peace for Lancashire, thought fit to be turned out : — William Farrington, 
 P. Shakerlj (under the last name was subscribed Maclesfield), Ralph 
 Ashton, Eoger Kirkby, William Korrice, Thomas Moulyneux, Jasper 
 Mauditt, Christopher Lister, and Ambrose Pudsie. 
 
 Eoger Kenyon to Guicciardini Wentworth. 
 
 1024. 1696, September 13, Manchester. — “Yours gives (which I 
 thank you for) what the certificate of a noble peer, and seven of our 
 members, did certify, for the turneing out of severall of our Justices of 
 the Peace, who might be largely certified for, were true lovers of the 
 present government to appearance in all their demean ars, neither non- 
 jurors nor non-residents ; but most of them of that quality, as their 
 ancestors had born the same ofiBce for generations past, and these very 
 gentlemen of great acceptation in their cuntry. 
 
 “ I do truly thinke, though perhaps it is not seasonable for mee to say 
 so, that most of the members that did so certify, if it were demanded of 
 them to tell the falts of these gentlemen they have certifyed against, 
 must say either they do not at all know them, or do not of their own 
 knowledge certify any one misdemeanor that can look like a disafection 
 to King William or to the Governement ; but this was done at the 
 instance of the noble Lord, as some of them vvere told, who would take 
 it kindly, &c. Now, sir, can it be for the service of the Governement 
 to have such gentlemen turned out without being told why ? 
 
 “ The carriage of him that is cheefe of this in the late I’aigne is not 
 forgotten, and the King was very kind if it bee forgiven. 
 
 “ As to those formerly put in, who have not taken their oaths, two of 
 them are by name Poughley — I think the father and son ; the grand- 
 father, as I have heard, was a collier-banksman at a colepit belonging 
 to Mr. Bold. The house they dwell in is certifyed to the Quarter Sessions 
 for a place for Dissenters to meet at, and allowed by the Justices for 
 their way of worship, as they call it. Molineux, of Liverpool, is an 
 apothecary, as I am told ; Johnson, a shopkeeper there ; Mathew Holies, 
 a trader with Eachdale baise, or some cloth ; Eadcliffe Scofield, you 
 may remember, was Mr. Jessop’s man, and of late a preacher at con- 
 venticles ; bee, when holding forth, was inveighing, as it is said, against 
 top-knots ; his text was about the strait way, and if heaven was so strait, 
 hee would have it considered how top-knots would get thither, and was, 
 as is said, answered, though strait, it was high enough overhead. 
 Another of your new Justices was one Gaskell ; there are two brothers 
 of that name, tradeing men, and it being told that one of them was in 
 the Commission of' the Peace, they going together to the last Assizes 
 save one, at Lancaster, the elder brother, supposeing it was hee, desired 
 his younger brother to let his bags be laid upon his horse, who did so, 
 but comeing to the Assizes, it proved the youjiger brother was the 
 Justice, and, retorneing, he said to his elder brother his horse should 
 carry their bags home. These are none of them sworne, but these are 
 placed in the same Commission with the Lords of the Councell, and 
 called as Justices, fellow Justices, with them, and no doubt but they had 
 before now been sworn but for the snake in the grasse ; they will not 
 come to church to receive the sacrament, so [long ?] as the sting in the 
 Test Act, the 500/. forfeiture, keeps them in awe. Now some other of 
 the Dissenters, rather then be kept from their office, for a time will 
 come to receive the sacrament, though they never come to church 
 againe, unles upon a like occasion for some other office. This is enough 
 
412 
 
 at this time on this subject, but [not] all that might be said of it, if 
 things were narrowly looked into, but I ... to tell you of the 
 three new Justices who lately have taken their oath. Edward Herle, 
 esquire ; he is an ancient, though no eminent lawyer, not well to passe 
 in the world, though hee hath beene much better ; his wife is a constant 
 Oonventicler, and he uxoriouse. The next is Mr. John Walmsley, who, 1 
 doubt not, but you may remember ; hee was Henry Roe’s clerk, and after 
 served Sir Richard Hoghton, who had a doughter married to a rich 
 man who dyed and left his wife very rich, but stone blind. Mr. Walmsley 
 was since called to the barr, and haveing carryed himselfe so long since 
 as to be well liked by that lady, shee hath since marryed him. She 
 is a constant Oonventicler, and hee also uxoriouse. The third is 
 Mr. Crocke, a young unmarried man, and no housekeeper. His father 
 dyed rich, was a fustian man, and bred him to the University; his 
 mother and freinds, most of them Dissenters. Colonel Sawrey, who was 
 a major in Cromwell’s own regiment, and a tub preacher, was another of 
 our great Lord’s putting in, before these, but never swore for the reason 
 aforesaid.” Draft. 
 
 Sir Charles Greenfield to Roger Kenyon, at Manchester. 
 
 1025. 1696, October 15. Orrnskirk. — “ Coming through Ormskirke, 
 I mett with a most heavy complaint, that a captaine here (a Scotch 
 man) takes upon him, just like the town of Royston case, to exact and 
 demand 3^. a weeke from everye private centinell, and soe proportion- 
 able for every officer, else to make good their quarters. This is soo much 
 against the lawe of England [that] it cannot be putt upp. Worthy 
 Mr. Charles Stanley hath been so kind [as] to assert the illegality, and 
 take notice of the boldness of this impudent action.” Seal of arms, 
 hroJien. 
 
 The Earl op Derby to [Roger] Kenyon. 
 
 1026. 1696, October (?) 24. — “ I send, dear Roger, a letter en- 
 closed, the contents of which the bearer, Mr. Serjeant, is able to informe 
 you, and so will save me that labor. I freely tell you it is a thought of 
 my own, which I shall be proud of, if it is approved of. I am sure I 
 mean it well ; and if it is rightly managed, I will venture to say it will 
 do our whole county justice, and, perhaps, produce good effect in what 
 you will easily gues at.” Seal of arms. 
 
 William Aspinall to Roger Kenyon, at Manchester. 
 
 1027. 1696, December 8. Haslingden. — Desires that some one else 
 may be put in to gather the tolls, as he grows old, and cannot stand the 
 cold. There is now at hand “ a sort of faire or meeting, on St. Thomas, 
 at Colne, which is very little but hides and flesh, and nothing but peneyes 
 to be gathered ; which, for my part, I do not understand how it can be 
 gathered, for to stand to weigh everyone’s money is a thing the 
 time will not permit. Besides, the people will not suffer their broad 
 money to be weighed, and will be so tedious in their change that, for my 
 j)art, 1 doe not understand how it can be gathered, except you be pleased 
 to take money, iff it hath not beene dipt, though it want of weight.” 
 
 Sir John Fenwick. 
 
 1028. 1696. — 4’he reasons of the Lords against the attainder of 
 Sir John Fenwick. 
 
413 
 
 K[oger] K[enyon] to his sister, ^nne Kenyon, at Stockport. 
 
 1029 . 1696-7, January 25. Venice. — This town is in the height 
 of its frenzy, and one would almost despair to see it reduced to reason 
 again ; man, woman, and child go masked, so that nobody is known, and 
 I perceive it is only from fear of one another that keeps us ever sober. 
 It would be a sort of madness now to be wise. HeaL 
 
 Robert Weddell, Warden of the Mint at Chester, to Roger Kenyon. 
 
 1030 . 1696[-7], January 25. Chester Castle. — Asking for infor- 
 mation concerning one Ferdinando Croudson, a coiner. Seal of arms. 
 
 Richard Wroe to Roger Kenyon. 
 
 1031 . 1696-7, elanuary 26. — ‘‘ Though I have not the same oppor- 
 tunity that you had when in the House, of giving an exact account of pro- 
 ceedings there, yet what I can learn, I am very glad to communicate. 
 The capitation bill is now the great point, and goes on, though not well 
 liked either by the court or country party, but must pass, as it is said, 
 rather than a general excise. They talk today of tacking to it the bill 
 for qualifications of elections, which was thrown out by the Lords on 
 Saturday ; but others say that cannot be and is unpresidented. 
 Sir John Fenwick will certainly dye on Thursday, and the late Bp. of 
 Peterborough, Dr. White, is allowed to be with him to prepare him for 
 it. Sir Ralph Ashton’s bill will now pass easily without opposition, 
 the Collonell and he bring agreed, as he told me this day.” 
 
 Richard Wroe to Roger Kenyon, at Manchester. 
 
 1032 . [16J96-7, January 30. — “ Yesterday the King passed the 
 Capitation Bill, which it is said staines 100 sheets of paper, without Com- 
 missioners’ names. I am told the Earl of Macclesfeild has already 
 named those for our county. Our Cheshire Members have brought in 
 a Bill to make the river Dee navigable, and perswade themselves it will 
 be effected. The enclosed shews you how little Sir Jo: Fenwick 
 thought himself concernd to repent of his J acobitisme ; he would faine 
 have had a reprieve till this day, in hopes to have been reckoned a 
 martyr too.” Seal of arms. 
 
 Accusation against Dr. Richard Wroe. 
 
 1033 . 1696-7, January. — Informations of various persons, taken at 
 Manchester, that John Leeds, of Manchester, chapman, did, at the inn 
 called “ the Swan with the two necks,” and at other places in Man- 
 chester, say that Doctor Wroe, Warden of Manchester, was a papist, and 
 knew “ of the late assassinations against the present King William.” 
 
 Dr. Richard Wroe to Roger Kenyon. 
 
 1034 :. 1696[-7], February 4. — Mr. Preston died on Sunday last; 
 he is to be buried at Cartmell. He has left his lady and his daughter 
 his executrices ; he has made an addition to his lady’s jointure of 100//. 
 per annum, so that, she has now 300//. per annum. Flis daughter’s 
 fortune will be worth near 30,000//., and, you may imagine, she will not 
 want looking after. I received a message yesterday from Colonel 
 Stanley, by Mr. Wilson, to pump what I knew of her concerns, but at an 
 unlucky place, being at Mr. Shakerley’s. It is said here Mr. Fitton 
 Gerrard puts in for Lancaster ; I wish Mr. Charles Rigby would stand. 
 
414 
 
 Great complaints were made yesterday in the House that several dyes 
 and stamps were conveyed out of the Tower, chiefly by one Rotiere (?), 
 and they talk of disfranchising the Mint from being a Corporation, and 
 to oblige them to work more briskly. They seem resolved, too, to bring 
 the Bank to rights, which made the discount fall yesterday from 19 to 
 15 ; but this day it is 17 again. Great expectation of the Commissioners 
 for the grand capitation, who, it is said, will be named on Saturday 
 under the great seal. 
 
 Major Richard Stevenson to Roger Kenyon, at Manchester. 
 
 1035. 1696-7, February 9. Douglas [Isle of Man]. — Last month, 
 I writt to Mr. Edge, wherein I desired him to give you an account of 
 my late suspension from all offices whatsoever, under my honorable Lord, 
 without any offence or fault by me, to my own knowledge or, by what I 
 can learn, from any other. I was in very easy [ ] under my 
 
 dismission, having the example of so worthy and honourable a person as 
 yourself, who, by my Lord’s permission, first made me an officer, and in- 
 deed, since you left the Isle, never enjoyed it with true contentment ; but 
 since I have been prossecuted (I may say persecuted) by the Governor 
 and all the officers for erecting a miln upon my own estate. My ances- 
 tors have had that privelige above a hundred years, and were never before 
 disturbed or molested. [ have been likewise required to pay for all the 
 puffins I have had since my father’s death (which was always paid to 
 him ever since the surrender of the Calfe Isle to Earle James), and since 
 his death to myself. In which particular you were, as also all the 
 Governours that were before you, since Earle James’ time, well satisfied 
 when I shewed you my papers ; and notwithstanding I showed the 
 same to the present Governour and that I have his refference to my 
 petition to make my application to my honourable Lord, yet this day 
 had I been at home my pawnd should have bein taken for the value of 
 them, though there be more money due to me for my sallery than the price 
 of the puffin comes to, for they would not let me stopp any of my 
 sallery in my office account, but made me cleare those books imme- 
 diately. And on Thursday last, att a Chancery Court, I had herring of 
 the premises, where I had scarce leave to make my own defence, by 
 reason I Avas disturbed with scandalous reflections from the Governour, 
 such as were never heard in these Courts before, insomuch that the 
 whole Court was amased at it. The words he used and called me was 
 (besides some others) a rascall, a villain, and a scoundrell ; all which I 
 patiently tooke in respect to his office, and for fear of disturbance 
 amongest the people, who were highly displeased, &c. Kow, deare sir, 
 you cannot but imagine this to be a great trouble to me and all my rela- 
 tions and friends, that I am thus abused, and I have not a friend in 
 England whose advice I would desire in this weighty affaire before your 
 own, wherein I hope you will not fade .... I have writ to my 
 Lord, and given him an account thereoff, wherein I have begged his 
 leave to come for England, that the whole concerne may be heard before 
 himself.” Seal of arms. 
 
 Appended . — A letter from Richard Wroe to Roger Kenyon, express- 
 ing the hope that justice may be done to the writer ; and the draft of 
 the latter’s letter to Lord Derby, which is as follows : — 
 
 1696-7, March 19. Manchester. — “ The account upon which this 
 comes is veiy unwonted, and not very Avilling from me at this time, who 
 am always nfraid to write to your Lordshipp under any umbrage of a 
 doubtful acceptation : sed si crimen erit^ crimen ainoris erit. With all 
 humility I presume to acquaint your Lordshipp that I am, by my old friends 
 
415 
 
 in the Isle of man, particularly Major Stevenson, desired to intercede 
 with your honor that he may by your Lordshipp’s leave have accesse 
 to your honor in England, and to lay his causes of complaint of his hard 
 and ungentlemanly usages, both in words and actions, before your honor, 
 to whose justice hee humbly desires to appeale. If it be as related to mee, 
 I am sure there is cause for it ; and I more than thinke it cannot be a 
 disservice to your Lordshipp and family to keep the hearts of your 
 Islanders, by such administrations as they may always naturally, chear- 
 fully, and unanimously discharge their utmost duties to your honor ; 
 without their doing which, I am farr from saying one word on any of 
 their behalfes. An appeal to your justice you will never deny, least the 
 complaint, if just, should be carryed higher and be made more general 
 than you are aware of. I could much better discourse than write more 
 on this subject.” Draft. 
 
 Eichard Wroe to Eoger Kknyon, at Manchester. 
 
 1036 . 1696-7, February II. — The trial about Hindley was heard 
 yesterday before the Chancellor, Lord Chief Baron, and Judge Turton, and 
 lasted nearly four hours, but all on a single point, which was the exception 
 to the decree. It was begun by Jo : Green’s counsel, because — if for them 
 — they thought the whole point was determined, namely : whether the 
 erecting an oratory or chapel was within the power of the Commission 
 for Charitable Uses, “ which we, [who] had learned distinctions between 
 charitable and pious uses, as well ridiculed.” After all the ‘‘ bandying,” 
 the judges took time to consider till Tuesday next. Must stay and 
 “ arm ” for Mr. Trafford’s writ of error, though he does not much fear 
 it; for “we have already the opinion of five judges in twelve for ns, and 
 I doubt not but I can secure the Lord Keeper for our interest.” Seal, 
 broken. 
 
 Thomas Wilson to Eoger Kenyon, at Manchester. 
 
 1037 . 1696[-7], February 20. Whitehall. — “ My Lord [Derby] has 
 
 yet had no positive answer from my Lord Nottingham ; his Lordship is at 
 present out of towne . . . This day, the Lords were in a committy 
 
 about the East India Bill ; those who were against it gott a clause put into 
 it, which they say will certainly be the occasion of flinging it out. 
 Lord Portland has a Blew Eibon given him. This day the Commons 
 were making enquiry into the loss of the 25 ships which Du Earl took 
 lately, but I cannot tell what resolutions they made.” Seal, with Lord 
 Derhfs arms. 
 
 Paper relating to Major Stevenson’s Petition. 
 
 1038 . 1696[-7], February. — “My appeal, shewing that notwith- 
 standing your honour was pleased, the last Chancery Court day, to refer 
 the detirmination of the difference touching the puffins, to our right 
 honourable Lord, yet now your appealant is committed into Castle 
 Rushen, for not delivering a pawne to answer the demands of the comp- 
 troller for the value of the said puffins for many years past, although 
 there was always allowance took for the same in the accounts, and these 
 accounts never questioned by our honourable Lord ; whereupon your 
 appealant conceived himself to be greatly aggreived, and therefore 
 appeals from the proceedings here unto our most honourable Lord. 
 Humbly beseeching that this his appeale may be accepted and sufficient 
 time given to your appealant to make his address to his Lordshipp, and 
 his releasement granted thereupon.” 
 
416 
 
 At Castle Rushen, the 13th February [16]96-[7]. — The Honour- 
 able Grovernor having sent unto us the above appeale to certifie him 
 whether the first part thereof, videlicet^ that his honour referred 
 tlie detirmination of his differences touching the puffins, to our right 
 honourable, be true, we do hereby declare that we heard his honour 
 say, that although he had allowed Major Stevenson to make his appli- 
 cation to his Lordshipp, yet he declared at the same time that he 
 would not interfere betwixt the complainant and his duty. — W. Sach- 
 everell, J. Rowe, T. Huddlestone.’’ 
 
 “Being present in Court the same time, I also heard the honourable 
 Governor express himself as is above mentioned ; and his honour 
 desireing my opinion touching the acceptance of this appeale, I say that 
 since the said Major Stevenson hath suggested a falles allegation therein, 
 as is within certified, that his honour need not to accept of the same for 
 that reason. — Jo: Raw. 
 
 “The words of the Governor’s answer to Major Stevenson’s petition 
 about the puffins. 
 
 “ Castletowne, Feb. 4, 1696-7. 
 
 “ I allow the petitioner to make his application to my honourable 
 Lord. — N. Sankey.” 
 
 Peter Shakerley to Roger Kenyon, at Manchester. 
 
 1039. 1696[-7], March 6. Westminster. — “• The Bill for incloseing 
 of commons would allso have inclosed forrests, &c., out of which large 
 estates might have been carved for forraigners, but the evill consequences 
 of it appeared soe vissible, that, upon the second reading, noe one mowed 
 for the committing it ; therefore the question passed for rejecting it. 
 We have now a very thinn House ; it is near eleaven o’clock in a morn- 
 ing before 40 be gott together to make a House. The weather is very 
 faire. Cozin Preston and her daughter are gon down into the country 
 (I supose to pass fines, &c., at Lancaster Assizes). Mr. Lowther, 1 am 
 told, is the person must have her.” 
 
 Thomas Mather to [Roger Kenyon?]. 
 
 1040. 1697, March 30. Manchester. — “I humbly make bold to 
 write to you, accquainting your worshipp of the trouble I am brought 
 in. First, that I got a kay made at Boulton for a man that said he came 
 out of Durham (?) There was severall by, when the man delivered the 
 patten in clay to mee, in Bolton, and at the delivery of the kay to him 
 the same day. And within a short time, it happened the kay was found 
 in a doore, and two men was there, and was seased by some other men 
 that lay in waite, and by reason I gott the kay made, those two persons 
 swore I was one of the men, and they never saw mee till after it was 
 done, in their lifetime, but upon that I was committed ; and I, knowing 
 something of the charges if I was imprisoned, besides I was tould 
 Mr. Plumer, goldsmith, had put the bonde in suite which he had against 
 mee for twenty pounds, and would lay it upon mee as soon as the Assizes 
 were over, and likewise I being much afraid your worship would not be 
 my friend, concerning the ould business, I made my escape and went 
 away, but not that I was anything afraid, but onlye of that which I know, 
 if you were my adversary, my life was gone. And now, since I went 
 away, they have apprehended mee and a neighbour of mine, upon suspi- 
 tion of staleing a horse and some fustian, upon Wednesday night last, and 
 wee have produced severall witnesses to the men that wee were in Stock- 
 port all that night, which hath satisfyed the persons that v^ee were not 
 
417 
 
 there at any such thing ; but for all this, they have sent us to the House 
 of Correction here in Manchester, because Lord Willougliby was not at 
 home to have a hearing of the business. So, sir, I humbly beg your 
 worshipp’s advice herein, I not haveing any other I dare trust or confide 
 in for good counsell ; for if I must dye this minute, I dare take it upon 
 my death I am not guilty of any such thing as is laid to my charge. 
 However, before I would be imprisoned to my utter ruine, both I and 
 the man that is with me, are free and willing to serve the King under 
 your sone before wee goe before Lord Willoughby, if your worshipp 
 may thinke it convenient ; for if wee goe before him, wee are afraid hee 
 will send us to Lancaster, soe wee humbly beg your worshipp’s answer 
 tonight. Sir, if you please, wee will serve faithfully, but are not free 
 to goe with anyone else save your sone.” 
 
 J. Thornton to Eoger Kenyon, at Manchester. 
 
 1041 . 1697, Aprils. Preston. — “ The bearer, it seems (one Edward 
 Kenyon, a clothier, and a very honest man), has a pack of cloth detayned 
 and searched at Chorle by the allnigers (one of which, he is informed, is 
 Mr. James Edge, formerly your servant), who, with others, has a com- 
 mission to search cloth, whereby to see that it be right sealed. If it lye 
 in your way to doe him any kindness in it, whereby to help him to his 
 cloth, I begg you doe it.” 
 
 Roger Kenyon to the Bishop op Chester. 
 
 1042 . 1697, April 7. Manchester. — ‘‘ Your Lordshipp has been so 
 kind, not long since, to preach to us at Ellenbrook Chapel. Your 
 Registrar hath in his book a copy of a decree exemplified octavo 
 EHzabethcp,, 1565, 132 year ago, evidenceing it at that time a very ancient 
 chapel, before the Reformation ; and to it, ever since, they of the 
 chapelry, who are numerouse, and far from any other chui ch, have con- 
 stantly come to hear divine service. The parish church is three myles 
 from it. The parish hath never [had] another chapel of ease but this, 
 and is accounted 20 myles in circuit. 
 
 “ Our Lord Willoughby, whose lady’s house is not much above a myle 
 from the chapel, and his Lordship, I think, the only nonconformist of 
 anything that hath the name of a gentleman in our country, hath, by undue 
 means, possessed himself of the key of the chapel dore, and locks out 
 Mr. Atkinson and any sent by him, and puts in to preach there one 
 Cheney, who, as is said, never saw an university, but has been a justice 
 of peace his clerk, and, proveing a guifted brother, used to preach at all 
 the conventicling barns about him, and now frequently uses so to do. 
 
 “ 1 was, my Lord, for more then thirty yeares together, with a greater 
 family then ever my Lord Willoughby yet had, a constant comet {sic) to 
 that chape]. I am one of the feoffees for that small endowment it hath, 
 which is but, besides contribution, about per annum. Mr. Atkinson 
 has been our minister, I think, at least a dozen years, and his local licence 
 was exhibitted and allowed at your Lordshipp’s late visitation, as it 
 had often been before ; but hee now saith hee is willing to resigne when 
 your Lordshipp and the minister of the parish and the feoffees have a 
 parson such as they approve of, ready for the place. I have been sent 
 to, and I suppose the other feoffees, to order the payment of the minister’s 
 wages to Mr. Cheney. My Lord Willoughby pretends not to be patron, 
 and I think the Conventicler hath no licence from your Lordshipp. I 
 humbly beg your Lordshipp’s direction what 1 shall do. I consider it is 
 a time that such as truly wish well to the present government should 
 
 73480. D D 
 
418 
 
 suffer, [rather] then create such a disturbance as a violent opposition of 
 these incroachnients might occasion ; but, on the contrary, the sufferance 
 of such is a reproach to the government. 1 shall, my Lord, if your 
 Lordshipp soe advise, be very willing to releoffe (sic), and much rather 
 do so tlien apply the wages, which should go to an orthodox minister, to 
 this (Mr.) Cheney. 
 
 “ Wee were seaven feoffees, but one of the seven never yet acted, and 
 three of them are lately dead. There are enow gentlemen of quality, 
 who have good estates within this chapelry, [who] might be added to 
 make up the old number, and such as well love the government, but 
 would not be well pleased with Mr. Cheney for their minister.” Copy, 
 in Roger Kenyon^ s handwriting . 
 
 N[icholas], Bishop of Chester, to Koger Kenyon, at 
 Manchester. 
 
 1043 . 1697, April 14. — I received your letter by Mr. Warden, in 
 which (as in many others I have I'eceived from you) you give ample 
 testimony of your kind affection to our Church, and your readiness upon 
 all occasions to promote its interest. I should highly deserve to be 
 blamed, should I not readily concurr with you, and employ that little 
 power 1 have to prevent those encroachments which its adversaries daily 
 endeavour to make upon it. I am satisfyed, by what you have formerly 
 told me, that the Lord Willoughby has no title to the Chappel of Ellen- 
 brough, and, consequently, that a clerk of his nomination cannot, upon 
 that account, justly challenge the profits which belong to it. Mr. Cheney 
 has no licence from me, and you may rest assured that he never shall 
 have one. I think it most advisable that you proceed, with all convenient 
 speed, to fill up the places of the dead feoffees (?), in the choice of whom 
 you must observe the directions given you by the decree in Chancery. I 
 leave it to Mr. Warden to tell you my thoughts more fully upon this 
 subject.” Seal of arms. 
 
 Thomas Mather to Roger Kenyon. 
 
 1044 . 1697, April 21. Lancaster Castle. — Begs Kenyon to procure 
 his liberty, and, if it can be obtained, he will list under Kenyon’s son. 
 “ The execution-day was this day, being the 21 of this instant Aprill ; 
 there was executed six men ; there names were : Edward and his 
 brother Henry, Brearly, and Robert Clea:g, [who] were executed for 
 cliping and coyninge of new moneys. There was Edmund Barlowe, and 
 John Bury, for robbings on the high-way. The others was John Hill, 
 for taking money out of a house in Ratchdale. John Dixson was 
 condemed, but was the tops-man to them all.” 
 
 RiCHiiRD Edge to Roger Kenyon. 
 
 1045 . 1697, June 2. Liverpool. — “We came to Knowsley [on] 
 Wednesday last, at which time I delivered your letter to Mr. Willson. 
 My Lord Derby askt where you were, whether at Peele or Manchester. 
 We staaid at Knowsley till Monday last, and now we are ready the first 
 wind, [ami] have a ship ready bound for the Island. My Lord and 
 Lord Strange are at Knowsley, keepe a very few servants, and no 
 gentlemen come there whilst we staid, onely Mrs. Lime one day, and 
 Pai son Richmond, another day. My Lady will be in the country after 
 midsumer. My Lord’s youngest daughter is named Elizabeth. My 
 Lord Rochester, godfather, the Dutchess of Somersett and Marchioness 
 of Halifax, godmothers. The Bishopp of St. Asaph christened it. Major 
 
419 
 
 Stevenson, who has been in close prison, is at liberty, but is yet under 
 my Lord’s displeasure. Collonel Sancky, the governor, has a mind yet 
 to do his buisness, that is, to do him all the hurt he can. The Major 
 writes to Mr. Willson, who seemes to speak much on his behalfe to my 
 Lord. My Lord Derby did intend to goe himself for the Island, but is 
 off that, because of the danger of the sea, and the many privateers who 
 are now in St. George’s Channell, waiteing for the ships that will come 
 to Highlake for Chester fair. There is there a man-of-warr waiteing to con- 
 vey the Lords- Justices to Ireland, who came to Chester Thursday last, 
 and will saile the first fair wind. Mr. Sacheverell is in England, at his 
 father’s house in Oxfordshire, but whether ever he returnes to the Island, 
 I know not. Mr. Huddleston hath all Major Stevenson’s planes. The 
 Major, by Mr. Willson, has promised to lay all his papers before my Lord, 
 and put himselfo wholly at his mercy, when his Lordshipp has seen his 
 writeings. I observe my Lord is considering of my Lady Westmorland, 
 and his mother’s, petitions, either to pay them what due, or how to avoid 
 it. But I doe not heare that he is inclineable ever to be freindly with 
 Master Charles Stanley, who brought his mother’s petition to the House 
 of Lords, rneeteing my Lord in the Painted Chamber, and not saying a 
 word of it. Mr. Willson has promised to write to you, and then you 
 will have account of all matters. 
 
 Postscript . — “ Mr. David Murray is this day gone to Knowsley, to 
 petition his Lordship, in his OAvn cause, being sued by the officers of the 
 Isle for 500/. ; in the matter where Mr. Cholmondley is concerned [he] 
 has taken advice at London, and, if my Lord will not dismiss him, 
 resolves to remove it before the House of Lords, and wholly give up his 
 concernes in the Island. I hear Collonel Sankey has 200/. per annum 
 sallary [as] Comptroller ; though [he has] a great many places, yet a 
 pension besides, and so hath Deempster Parr. Your horses are at 
 Lathom, onely two left. The black-eyed mare’s colt dyed of the stackers. 
 The wind is now fair. I hope to goe off this afternoon. The Marquess 
 of Winchester, Earl of Gallaway, and other persons of quality, went to 
 sea, Sunday last, in a man-of-warr, from Highlake, for Ireland, but the 
 ship run upon a sand, so they were forced to go in another ship to 
 Holyhead, but 1 since hear the man-of-warr is gott off' again without 
 damage.” 
 
 Thomas Marsden to Boger Kenyon. 
 
 1046. 1697, June 14. Walton. — I purpose to set forth to-morrow 
 towards Furness, where I shall, for some time, officiate as King’s preacher. 
 If the confederacy crumble, who forbids the French King to become 
 Emperor of the West ? If no peace this year, what will become of us 
 the next ? If war cannot be waged without money, we shall shortly 
 leave it off. 
 
 H[onora, Lady] Willoughby, [of Parham,] to Roger Kenyon. 
 
 1047. [16]97, June 16. — “ I had written one letter before this daye 
 too you, but he t^sic) found itt and took itt by forse from me ; he so much 
 fears his villany coming to light, as I trust it will in lime. The 
 contents were onely to give you and Mrs. Kenyon thanks for your kind 
 enquiry after me (?) when you were at Peale, and how uneasy it is for 
 me to be neare such good neighbours and engenous company as yours 
 and nott enjoye itt ; as allso to lett you know the great and heavey 
 oppressions I suffer under in being so horridly abused and keept a 
 prisoner by him, and denyed all meanes for my health, as Dr. Banne, if 
 he dare speake truth, very w-ell knows, when bee, as our butler told me, 
 had pen and paper to write to me, and was not suffered to give me any 
 
 D D 2 
 
420 
 
 advice. (I thought he had bin coming, and bloted my paper.) T was 
 forst to borrow money of the chaplain to give, last sacrament. So I 
 leave you to judge if my usage can bee indured. Hee is such a devil, 
 noebody can live with him, and one of the greatest cheats that ever were, 
 and marryes only to rob and plunder all he can, and then, if he could, 
 wold sett them goeing, to be at liberty to cheat somebody else, and get, 
 if he could, by the help of this match, one with money in the City, which 
 he is in hast of, and, therefore, tryes all ineanes to sett me goeing, 
 because I escaped the poyson I was so longe sicke of att Manchester, as 
 Dr. Leeds sayed ; and the winter following, another dose by his house- 
 keeper, that confest she could poyson in butcher’s meat, for which she 
 was soon turned away, and the doctor I then had, advised me to 
 
 fa and knowes it very well shall 
 
 not outlive him, which shows against my life, and 
 
 also his strange usage of me, and endeavouring to posses the world 
 that I am mad, when all see the conterary, and that all he can doe 
 cannot make me so, though oppression is the way ; and such as was 
 never heard of to be keept thus a prisoner from my only son that so 
 much wants a mother’s care, and may lose his life for want of itt, 
 for I doe not yet heare anyone is gon to the Bath with him, but his man, 
 that I can put no confidence in, and not fitt for so great a trust. He 
 wold not let me have money to send him till 1 sent to my friends, or he 
 shold not have last time, which has opened my relations’ eyes, so that 
 I am in great hopes of assistance by them ; and if you, as a kind neigh- 
 bour, wold writ in my behalf to my good unkle that is trustee for the 
 children, now, this next post, with John Parkinson, the testimony of a 
 Parliament man wold doe me a kindness under this oppression, for I am 
 now locked up in my chamber for writing to you and noe soule with me, 
 which pray let my unkle know that I cannot live long at this rate, and 
 direct your letter for the Honorable Charles Leigh, at his house in 
 Leighton, in Bedfordshire ; I know not if by Brickhill bag, and be so 
 charitable to doe this.” 
 
 Postscript . — “ He says he will complain of you in Parliament if you 
 encroach upon his prerogative.” Seal of arms. 
 
 William Patten to Roger Kenyon, at Manchester. 
 
 1048. 1697, June 17. Greye’s Inn. — “I have no news save that 
 the Parliament is prorouged to the 22 July ; and that Dr. Baynard 
 yesterday buried his daughter at Bp^rne Elms, wherre shee died of a 
 consumption, got by over much studdy.” 
 
 H[onora, Lady] W[illoughby, of Parham,] to Roger Kenyon. 
 
 1049, 1697, June 23. — I am much obliged to you for your redyness 
 in afi'ording me your charitable assistance now, in this great oppression 
 I suffer under, being kept prisoner in my owne house, and every night 
 loocked into my chamber, as fast as any in Lanchaster Jayle, and run 
 down for a mad woman, by a villan that tells me will sell my life, and 
 dares doe anything too my children, and twice deneyed me money to 
 send uiy son to the Bath, who might have perisht, but that T sent a 
 messenger on purpose to my friends, and by delayes, made him loose the 
 spring season in May, as the doctors advised, and denys me all advice, 
 as I writ you word, for my owne health ; all which plaitdy showes his 
 desines on our lives, and that, haveing robed us of all, he thinks, by the 
 healp of this match, to get one with redy money in the City, and so 
 purchase land of inheritance, and have one to have children by (perhaps 
 
421 
 
 not his owne) ; and too excuse his ill usage of me to the tenants, tells 
 them that my relations writ to him to lock me up, and to be very strict 
 with me, which he would soon doe, were it so; but they are so farr from 
 that, that my unkle has lately, in all their names as his own, desired we 
 might part, and offers to joyne my brother in security ; but he is one so 
 govereued by people, not my friends, that as he acts not in his own 
 concernes, will not be prevailed with to, ingage in an} business, being 
 not skilled in it. Now, if you could get me any kind neigh Lour to joyne 
 with my unkle to be my security, he says 1 shall have my liberty, and I 
 doe faithfully promise you and them, on the parole of honour, that they 
 shall never be any way damaged by itt; if either the good Bishopp, or 
 Sir John Bland, or any other charitable person you can think of. And 
 allso I entreat the favour of Lord Darby, by your mediation, to give 
 James clearly (?) his Lordshipps protection ; for this divill, rather then 
 man, threatens him very much, and I wold not have him lye att 
 his mercy.” 
 
 H[onora, Lady] Willoughby, [of Parham,] to Roger Kenyon. 
 
 1050. 1697, July 13. — “The bearer hereof. Alee Leigh, that 
 served [me] very faithfully and well, is turned away only for her good 
 nature and charity to my missirable condition, which this is an instance 
 of the horriable oppression I suffer under, when I am so inhumanly 
 denied all conversation with my friends, that it is as bad as treason here 
 for a servant but to carry a lerter for me, which was all her crime. So 
 I beg of you and Mrs. Kenyon to doe her all the kindness you can, to 
 any friend that wants a servant; she is very desirous to serve you, and 
 can tell you how villanously and barbourously I am treated by him, that 
 by his denying me all advice for my health, nay, necessary food, as she 
 can tell you he did lately ; and also she heard him tell me that he wold 
 chain me to the bed-post, and set a keeper on me, and feed me with 
 bread and water; all this she can witness to be true, if called to itt. So 
 I beg of you, as you are a gentleman and Christian, that you will do all 
 that is possible to procure me my liberty, or I am a dead woman, for 
 there is no subsisting under such a loade, and that I may be sent for by 
 an order from the King and Councell, to be tryed by my Peares if I be 
 a mad woman ; and then his villanous lyes will apeare. If you wold 
 writ to Lord Darby and get him to speak in my behalfe to Lord 
 Shrowosbury (sic) to writ for me, when he writes to the King, itt 
 wold be dun, and a handsora peece of plate shuld be att Mrs. Kenyon’s 
 service.” 
 
 R. Bradshaigh to Roger Kenyon. 
 
 1051, 1697, July 18. Haigh. — At a privy session held at Newton on 
 
 the 12th instant, Mr. Entwisle and others, of Wigan, made an order for 
 settling William Balshaw, a shoemaker, in this township of Haigh. 
 His settlement ought to be at Wigan, for he has not been in Haigh 
 more than five or six months ; but Mr. Entwisle insisted on the fact that 
 Balshaw was made a sidesman in Haigh, which was, however, done 
 contrary to the election of the inhabitants. “ I think I need not 
 mention here the ill will Mr. Entwisle bears to everything which 
 concerns or relates to Haigh. . . . The thrusting this Balshaw, 
 
 with a wife and likely charge of children, into this town, I take to be a 
 gi’eat oppression upon my tenants. ... I humbly conceive this 
 office of sidesman, thus obtayned, shall not be adjudged a good cause of 
 settlement.” Seal. 
 
422 
 
 1052. 1697} July — Proceedings at a Court Martial at the camp at 
 
 before Brigadier Thomas Fairfax, President, upon the 
 
 complaint of John Reddish, Henry Hayes, Thomas Cooke, Thomas 
 Parsons, Stephen Penicuick, and William Holliday, Captains in the 
 Honourable Colonel James Stanley’s regiment of foot, against the said 
 Colonel. J udgment of the Court, that Captain Thomas Cooke shall be 
 cashiered from his Majesty’s service; that Capt. Henry Hayes, Capt. 
 Thomas Parsons, Capt. William Holliday, and Capt. Stephen Penicuick, 
 shall be suspended during his Majesty’s pleasure. 
 
 Appointment of George and Thomas Kenyon as gamekeepers to 
 Peter Shakerley. 
 
 1053. 1697, August 1. — Appointment of George Kenyon, of Peel, 
 and Thomas Kenyon, of Manchester, as gamekeepers to Peter Shakerley, 
 for his manor of Shakerley, in the county of Lancaster. 
 
 James Stanley to Roger [Kenyon] 
 
 1054. 1697, August 12. Kockelberg (?). — “ Your young spark heir is 
 verry well. You may be shure I shall be glad when it is in my power to 
 doe him a kindnesse. The King left us mutch sooner this yeir then he 
 used to doe, which made us thinke of peace, which we are thorrowly 
 perswaded heir is as good as don, and we hope the buisness of Barselona 
 will be no hinderang to it. I hope, when this hurleburle is over, I shall 
 goe and see my frends in Lancashire.” 
 
 1055. 1697, August 25. — Address of the Justices of the Peace of 
 the County of Lancaster to the King, concerning the encouragement to 
 Dissenters, who have lately certified, as meeting houses, several ancient 
 chapels-of-ease, and have threatened the Clerk of the Peace with actions, 
 if he do not record such certificates, although the Justices of the Peace 
 disallow them. Draft. 
 
 P. Shakerley to Boger Kenyon. 
 
 1056. 1697, October 2. Wigan. — “ This comes to acquaint you that 
 my cousin, Robert Penington, the bearer’s son (Mr. Nicholas Penington), 
 takes his bachelor of arts degree at Brasenose, in Oxford, at Midsummer, 
 1699, and intends to stand then candidate for one of Captain Holmes’ 
 scholarships. I desire you will assist him therein by your interest with 
 Mr. Ashton, the parson of Prestwitch, and that you will, in order 
 thereto, make speedy application to him. Since writing, the election 
 here is concluded for alderman : Harvey, Mayor, and your son George, 
 Recorder.” 
 
 Richard Edge to Roger Kenyon. 
 
 1057. 1697, November 16. “The Blue Boar,” in HoJborn. — “ His 
 Majestie landed on Sunday last, about 1 1 a’clock in the aforenoon, at 
 Margret, came that night to Canterbury, last night to Greenwich, 
 where this morning most of the great officers and persons of quality in 
 the town, waited of him, and about two this afternoon made his publick 
 entry into the citty ; came through Fleet Street about 4, and so went to 
 Whitehall. The ceremony was thus, as near as I can remember : 
 ringing of bells, the streets lined with the citty trainbands, here and 
 there a conduit running with wine. First, a company of granadeers, a 
 troop of the royall dragoons, next 3 of the King’s coaches, with several 
 persons of quality in them — Collonel Stanley I saw in one of them ; 
 
423 
 
 next was the messengers on horseback, next the (htty trumpetts and 
 waits, next the serjeants of the counters, next the Common Councell on 
 horseback, next the Aldermen on horseback, next the Lord Mayor, 
 carrying the sword, on horseback, then the heralds, all bare, then the 
 kettle-drums, next the yeomen of the guard, then the King’s coach, very 
 fine, in which was the King, who looked very brisk, and made his com- 
 pliments to each side the street, and the Prince of Denmark and Earl 
 of Rumney, next Prince George’s empty coach, then a troop of the life 
 guard, then the Archbishopp of Canterbury, then the Lord Chancellor, 
 then the Duke of Leeds in his coach besides his grace the Earl of 
 Pembrooke, then the Duke of Norfolke, then the Duke of Devonshire, 
 then several dukes’ coaches, then severall earls and lords, amongst which 
 I saw the Earls of Macclesfeild and Warrington, then severall bishopps, 
 amongst whom was the Bishopp of Chester, then all the j udges’ coaches, 
 then severall persons of quality’s coaches ; all the coaches before had six 
 horses each, and footmen and laques going by. 
 
 “The Prince of Conti has left Poland, and taken 4 of their ships; but 
 the Poles have gott three times as much of the French elfects. The 
 Elector of Saxony is now absolute King of Poland, the Saxony troops 
 haveing taken severall of Prince Conti’s attendants, his coaches, and his 
 plate, the French ambassador narrowly escaping to sea ; all the nobility 
 of Lithuania haveing forsaken the French. The Emperor has gott all 
 Bosnia. When the souldiers came before a fine citty called Serraglio 
 there, they sent a trumpeter to them to surrender, who they put to 
 death, at which the souldiers were so enraged they sett fire to it, burnt 
 6,000 houses, and 150 mosks or temples. 
 
 “ The people in the streets here are makeing bonfires, throwing of 
 squibs, and ringing of bells ; all persons, as the King came by them, 
 huzzaed,” 
 
 Peter Shakerley to Roger Kenyon. 
 
 1058. 1697[-8], January 6. Westminster. — Concerning the enclo- 
 sure of Walkden Moor. “Whitehall is burnt down, except the 
 banquetting house ; it was a dismal sad spectacle to see the flame and 
 the silly weak methods used to stop the fire, such as no boys at school 
 but would have given and followed better directions Had it not been 
 for the Duke of Leeds, I really believe all Westminster had been burnt, 
 but he came at last and ordered them to pull down all the wainscoat and 
 pluck up the boards in the stone Gate house, by the Cock Pit, and to 
 throw them out of the windows ; and so the fire (not having wood to 
 work on) stopped there.” 
 
 “ The Humble Answer ” made to the King by the Mayor, Bailiffs, 
 Aldermen, and principal inhabitants of Wigan. 
 
 1059. 1697-8, January 13. — Touching the revenues of the borough, 
 and complaining of Mr. Entwisle, who was “ intruded ” on the Corpora- 
 tion as Recorder, under “ a pretended” charter of eTames II. Draft. 
 
 Written in the margin : 
 
 “ To the women he does send raisins 
 To make up their Christmas pies. 
 
 To the lawyers he does send florins. 
 
 That they may support him with lies.” 
 
 Sir R. Bradshaigh to George Kenyon. 
 
 1060. [16]97[-8], January 15. — “ I have had very good encourage- 
 ment from the King that he will confirme you the Recorder of Wigan, 
 
424 
 
 and I hope in a short while it will be done. Sir Alexendar [Bigby] is 
 sensible of it, or at least fears the interest I have made with the King, 
 so has delivered another petition into the Council, signed by as many 
 hands, as well those that were burgesses as those that were none, to make 
 it seeme as if it were the general desire of the town to have a new 
 
 charter and their old Recorder I desire you will goe 
 
 speedily to the Mayor of Wigan, and advise with him and some other 
 ancient burgesses what answer they can best return, which I would 
 have you put into a method and get it signed, first by Mr. Mayor, and 
 then let it be delivered to Charles Lee and Mr. Sumner, to goe about the 
 towne and get all the hands, as well free-men as burgesses. Let it be 
 drawn on a large role of parchment to hold a great many hands.” 
 Seal, broken. 
 
 Dr. Richard Wroe to Roger Kenyon. 
 
 1061. 1697-8, February 1. — I prevailed with the good Bishop of 
 Chester to go with me to Kensington on Sunday evening, to present our 
 address, where we were fortunately introduced to the King, in his bed- 
 chamber, by the Lord Chancellor (who^ by the way, refreshed his 
 memory of the Warden and Fellows of Manchester’s case, and his 
 promise), and our address was very graciously received, but with few 
 words — the King’s usual way. 
 
 Dr. Richard Wroe to Roger Kenyon. 
 
 1062. 1697[-8], February 8. — On Thursday last died old Mr. 
 Rigby, of Layton, and it is said that his last words were that his son’s un- 
 kindness had broken his heart ; it is the great subject of discourse amongst 
 all that knew him, and little to Sir Alexander’s reputation, who, if he 
 were as little valued at Wigan as here, I think might save himself the 
 labour of putting in for the town. Tomorrow, the Lady Macclesfield 
 makes her defence, and the most say it will be a good one, and that the 
 noble peer says that if he cannot carry his point, he will leave England, 
 and then, alas ! what will become of us in Lancashire ? 
 
 R. Bradshaigh to — . 
 
 1063. 1698, May 12. — I am just now come from Councell, and 
 have onely time to tell you that his Majesty has been pleased to nominate 
 George Kenion, Esq., your Recorder, so wishing both you and him 
 much joy of each other.” 
 
 John Harvey to George Kenyon, at Bolton. 
 
 1063a. [16]98, May 25. Wigan. — “By the bearer, you receive 
 
 Mr. Shakerley’s last letter, with instructions for the afidavids hee 
 mentions in his. Now, if Jack Byrron be a Master in Chancery, and 
 Mr. Lawson commissioned to tsike afidavids in the King’s Bench, that 
 will doe ; if nott, we desire to be informed of you. Our leet court is 
 adjourned a month longer. I am just takeing horse for Chester ; I will 
 be back, by the grace of God, tomorrow.” 
 
 Enclosyre . — May 24, 1698. — “Then, at the house of Charles Leigh, 
 in Wigan, were demanded of the present Towne’s Clerke of Wigan 
 aforesaid, viz., Mr. Ralpli Bankes, all the records, papers, and parch- 
 ments, belongeing and relate! ng to the said Corporation, by Mr. Maior, 
 viz., Ja; Harvey, and the present Bailiffs, viz., Robert Hollingshead 
 and Roger Browne, in order they might be now, as the case stands, nott 
 
425 
 
 onely of use to their Councell concerned in the High Court of Chancery, 
 hutt alsoe to their Councell in the King’s Bench, in matters then de- 
 pendinge. His answer was, ‘Noe, noe,’ twice togeather. ‘But,’ says 
 hee att last, ‘ if any person will come and copy them over — soe ; if nolt, 
 I will not part with them out of my handes,’ says hee, ‘ I being the 
 fittest man to keep them. Therefore,’ says hee, ‘ as I have told you 
 before, I will not parte with them.’ ” 
 
 Petition against the infringement of the riglits of the Palatinate 
 
 of Lancaster. 
 
 1064 . 1698, May. — Petition of the High Sheriff, Justices of the 
 Peace, and Grand Juries, assembled at the Quarter Sessions, against 
 the infringement of the rights of the Palatinate of Lancaster, by the 
 practice of transmitting of causes out of the Chancery Court of the 
 County Palatine into the Court of the Duchy Chamber at Westminster. 
 
 Peter Shakerley to George Kenyon, Recorder of Wigan. 
 
 1065 . 1698, July 7. Westminster.—I hope by this time you are 
 “ perfect. Recorder,” and easy in that station I wish you and the town 
 much comfort and long peace and amity. “ I presume you will goe to 
 church Sunday next, in your Recorder’s gown, and Sir Roger in his 
 Alderman’s gown. I am tould here that James Anderton is, by Lord 
 Maxfield, made Deputy Gustos Rotulorum of your county, and that this 
 is done to nip (?) you of some proffitts, by his having the records of our 
 county and of our estates in his hands. This is what 1 think all the 
 gentlemen there should highly resent, and should remonstrate by petition 
 to the King and Councill.” I think Lord Derby, and Lord Rivers, and 
 Lord Bridgewater, &c., should be well and speedily informed of this 
 matter. 
 
 Poll at Wigan Election. 
 
 1066 . 1698, August 5. — Poll of the Wigan election, taken by Ralph 
 Bankes, Town-Clerk. The result of the poll was as follows : — Sir Roger 
 Bradshaigh, 96 votes; Sir Alexander Rigby, 73 votes; Orlando 
 Bridgeman, Esquire, 73 votes: James Anderton, Esquire, 25 votes; 
 Mr. Sharkerley, 1 vote ; Sir Edward Chisnall, 1 vote ; William Bancks, 
 1 vote ; Mr. Bald, 1 vote. 
 
 James Harvye (?) to George Kenyon, Esq., “ at his house in Bolton.” 
 
 1067 . [16]98, August 20. Wigan. — “ The affairs of the Corporation 
 necessarily require your presence here. Till I have had some hours’ 
 talke with you, I cannot proceed to keep the Court Leet tomorrow at ten 
 a clock, with safety, for, on Monday last, iinmediatly after the adjouim- 
 ment of the Court, Sir Alexander [Rigby’s] party, in a tumultuous 
 manner, headed by John Green, went up into the room above, and 
 elected both Aldermen and Burgesses, and design to tender them to 
 morrow to be sworn.” broken. 
 
 Order for Returns of the Poor. 
 
 1068 . 1698, October 28. — Order to the Constables of the parish of 
 Hanmer, in the County of Flint, to send in returns of their poor, ac- 
 cording to the Statute, 40 Elizabeth. 
 
426 
 
 The Method for Settling the Poor, taken at Kanvair(?), in the 
 
 County of Flint. 
 
 1069. 1698, N'ovember 23. — 1. An exact account was taken of all 
 the begging poor of the parish, by the curate; with an account of their 
 condition, the age of each of them ; in all about 80 persons. 
 
 “ 2. Severall of them were struck out, who were either able to main- 
 taine themselves, or whose parents were able to maintaine them ; 
 whereof some were bastards, who were fixed upon their parents, though 
 alwaies before mantained by begging ; in number, aboute 15. 
 
 “3. The allowed poor were divided into 3 classes : — (1) Persons of 
 age, able to worke. (2) Children fit fur service. (3) The impotent 
 poor, disabled by youth, old age, or any other disability. 
 
 “4. Towards the imploying of the working poor, a tax of 15/. was 
 laid upon the parish, and, although so moderate, has imployed hitherto 
 all the working poor, without being any way burdensome ; and have not 
 yet laid out a third part of the stock, though the poor have beene 
 imployed neer halfe a year. 
 
 “ISTow that these poor being once imployed, it appeared they either 
 found themselves work, or were otherwise imployed by the parishoners, 
 so that they were seldome obliged to stick to the publick work, which 
 was given them for their support onely when they were otherwise out of 
 imployment, from whence it may be inferred that a much smaller stock 
 will serve to sett the poor att work in any parish then is usually 
 imagined, and will be found so, whoever makes the experiment. The 
 working are aboute 25. 
 
 “ The children fitt for service, aboute 20 in number, were divided 
 among the parishoners as followeth : — 
 
 “ First, the parish was divided, according to the parishoners, into so 
 many parts as we had poor children, the next neighbours always together ; 
 then wee putt each child’s name in a hatt, like so many valentines, and 
 put a child to draw them, one by one, for each division, till all were 
 drawn ; and to what division soever any child fell, those persons were 
 obliged to take him. By which meanes, all the children were provided 
 for and imployed, the persons who were to mantaine them takeing them 
 week fi)r week, or otherwise, as they agreed among themselves. 
 
 “Not that the parishoners were easier brought to this method then 
 by fixing each of them upon one parishoner ; for, by that meanes, some 
 must bee excused, and but few bear the burden, which would not well 
 take among men for the generality of equal state and condition. 
 
 “The impotent poor were also quartered among the parishoners, each 
 in his own neighbourhood, the parish being divided, as before, into as 
 many parts as there were impotent poor, and some places into larger 
 divisions, where 2 or 3 poor are to be quartered together. 
 
 “ As it sometimes happened, where more than one impotent poor 
 were in the same family (sic), none of the impotent poor are to wander 
 out of their limits, but are to be mantained wholly in their own quarters, 
 and to be imployed in anything they are capable of, by their benefactors. 
 
 “ By this means the parishoners find some service done them, even 
 by many of the impotent poor, and more then they liad before from 
 all the numerous company of beggars putt together. The impotent 
 poor are about 20.” 
 
 Sir Orlando Bridgman to “ the Reverend Mr. Sumner, att Wigan, 
 
 near Warrington.” 
 
 1070. [16]98[-9], March 7. — “The petition stands now for the 
 24th of this month, but it will be yett postponed, so that I believe you 
 
427 
 
 need not begin your journey till Monday the 20th, for there is two, 
 petitions for breach of priviledge to be heard before it, so that, in course, 
 it will not come on till the 29th. If the Town-Clerk refuses to bring up 
 the charters, &c., it is a contempt of the order, and I will take care he shall 
 be punished for it; but if he only refuses upon the account of expence, 
 the chairman sayes he must be att the charges ; therefore, pray give the 
 necessary orders as above.” 
 
 Agreement to supply Meat. 
 
 1071. 1699, April 21. — Agreement between George Kenyon, of Peel, 
 in the county of Lancaster, and James Hilton, of Manchester, butcher, 
 that tlie said James shall supply the said George, his servants and others, 
 with “beef, mutton, veal, pork, neats tongues, suet, tallow, or any other 
 shambles meat,” usually sold in the shambles at Manchester, at 2\d. the 
 pound, excepting “ beeves heads, calves heads, sheeps heads, and swines 
 heads, brawn, and lamb,” upon condition that the said George deals at 
 no other butcher. 
 
 Roger Kenyon, [Junior,] to his sister-in-law, “Mrs. Kenyon, 
 Junior,” at Peel. 
 
 1072. 1700, July 16. — I have yet heard nothing of Mr. Kightingale, 
 but I suppose I shall, ere long. I am extremely concerned for what you 
 tell me of Sir Fr : Leister, but I hope my mother’s enmity to tobacco and 
 drinking makes her complain of him though bat in a small degree; for, 
 of all men alive, I should the least have suspected Sir Fr: to have been 
 much guilty that way. I have a very great friendship for Sir Fr : and 
 would have him without blemish, because he may be so, nor do I know 
 any difficulty I would refuse to serve him in. 
 
 Roger Kenyon to his mother, “ Mrs. Kenyon, Senior,” at Peel. 
 
 1073. 1700, October, 10. Paris. — “ It is a filthy life to have to do 
 with English men, where they know nothing of the language of the 
 country they are in. Honest Ked Berisford is not ten years old in this 
 country, and when he will come to his age is hard to say ; a man ought 
 to love talking wondrous well that has six people to ansv/er for, especially 
 in a place where impertinent questions are very much in fashon. We 
 ran away from poor Ked once, and he was lost for one day and a night. 
 You would wonder what a world of French he gott in that time ; it did 
 him abundance of good, and the history of it was pleasant enuf. 
 
 “ Such sort of divertisements as these, are all this way of life will afford ; 
 but I have assured all my company that, if they cannot get French enuf 
 to do their own business, I will sell them, every one, when I get near a 
 seaport town. Jack Warren is with us still, and I doubt whether 1 shall 
 be able to make a market for him without his perceiving it ; if I can, 
 he and Ned Ber[esford] may go for a pretty considerable sum, which 
 may be of good use to us ; they both send you all their most affectionate 
 service. 
 
 “It is our last day here, and I am not a little busy; for, without 
 laughing, I am forct to run the errands of everybody into the town, as 
 well as do their business. 1 am sure you never wished more that Dol : 
 Ashton would hold her tongue, than I do that any of these creatures 
 coud speak.” 
 
 The Earl of Derby to . 
 
 1074. 1700, December 12. London. — “ For some perticular reasons, 
 I must desire you will not fade to keep a court at Manchester on the 
 
428 
 
 27 instant ; and that you will give express notice to the darks and 
 officers to attend you at that time ; and that you give me an account who 
 are absent.” Signed. 
 
 Roger Kenyon to Mrs. Kenton, Junior, at Peele. 
 
 1075, 1701, September 7. Paris. — On Monday, it was in every- 
 body’s mouth that King James was dead ; but yesterday assured us that 
 it was false, though he had been, and was still, dangerously ill. A few 
 days will let us see what is like to be expected of that, though the news 
 of last night was that he was much better. 
 
 R. Bold to George Kenyon. 
 
 1076. 1702, April 2. London. — Having served for the county of 
 Lancaster in the two last Parliaments, makes me venture a third time 
 to offer myself. 
 
 Sir Thomas Hanmer to the Rev: Richard Hilton, Vicar of 
 
 Hanmer. 
 
 1077. 1702, April 7. London. — “I fear the next election for the 
 county and town of Flint will not be made with that quiet which I 
 could wish, and which, indeed, I did expect If Sir John Conway 
 will not be content to be out ol Pai liament once in ten years, when other 
 gentlemen require to liave their turn of serving, it must be disputed 
 with him. 1 doe not find he is in any such temper of resigning ; but, 
 on the contrary, I believe he is forming an interest against that which 
 Sir Roger Mostyn and I shall joyntly prosecute on our own behalfs. 
 The county, I shall appear for ; and Sir Roger, fur the burrough ; both 
 mutually assisting one another, and so I desire you will understand our 
 interest to be united .... that in both you will take all the pains 
 you can to assist us.” 
 
 Roger Kenyon to his sistei>in-law, Mrs. Kenyon. 
 
 1078, [1702?] May. — ‘‘It is the best convenience of this country 
 that, in the boats by which wee pass from one town to another, every- 
 body has the liberty of di veiling themselves with reading, writing, 
 playing, talking, or any other way they can think of to pass their time 
 better. I, for my part, take them all in their turn, and, whether you 
 will or no, I am resolved you shall make one voyage with us. I am 
 now going betwixt Utreckt and the Hague, which will be about 11 or 
 12 hours, and the company is as various as that in Koah’s Ark, for you 
 must know we live here without any manner of respect or disposition. 
 There is a Dutch parson, and his wife, half a dozen market-women, a 
 great Doctor, who is making speeches over his pots and plasters, one of 
 the Lords of the States Generali, a fellow with a lottery, and two young 
 gentlewomen of the country, who are prodigiously hansome, and by 
 whom, betwixt you and I, I have plact myself. They are two sisters who 
 speak French very well, and they tell me they take it very ill I can find 
 no diversion but in writing. 
 
 “ We have had abundance of disputes about this letter, and the 
 knotting has been twice laid by, upon condition I would throw 
 away my pen ; but you see how much you are obliged to me. 1 
 have assured them it is to the woman in the world I love best, and 
 that she had obliged me, when I left England, to write to her from 
 the place where I thought myself in the most agreable company which 
 
429 
 
 I could have in this country, so, at last, the peace is made and they both 
 send their humble service. This freedom is not much of the scoll of this 
 country, for the women are generally sleepy enuf, and keep a <:ood 
 distance, especially from strangers ; but these two good Ciiristians are 
 indeed of the best sort, and with the F"rench which!,^ they have learned 
 perfectly, and which they love to speak, much rather than their own 
 language, they have gott a little of the French air, and have more life 
 and easiness than is common in this country. The grave, sage parson, 
 who sits over against me, says he has seen me in the College at Utrecht, 
 and we are got into a very weighty discourse of the history of learning, 
 for you must know that Latin, which is the language we converge in, 
 is a very untoward one for jest and drollery. He tells me the major 
 criticks are almost finish[ed] of at Amsterdam; that Grevins (?) is very 
 busy in his Thesorus, and that we are to have a mighty auction shortly 
 at Leyden, where, if I do not appear, I doubt I shall forfeit all my 
 pretence to letters. It is very well, good brother, but what care I for 
 all this? Well, good sister, believe me, 1 care no more for it than you, 
 and yet I am forced to hear it, and so shall you too, I am resolved of that, 
 like it as little as you please. To keep my hand in in all the languages, 
 I had no more grace than to ask a fellow who sits near me, a question 
 or two in Dutch, and he has put me into a cruel swett with a hideous long 
 story, or else is telling, and ot which, God knows, I understand not half, 
 for, though I can converse daintily in short sentences, when they stray 
 into large discourses, I am quite lost. 
 
 “ My good women have just opened their basket of cake and pro- 
 visions, and we are makeing collation ; for it is thus I always trust 
 to providence, without tak[iiig] care for myself. And, as good 
 chance will have it, here is a fellow lately come into the boat with 
 a bottle or two of wine; he says he has been in England, and has 
 learnt the language, but the other fellow’s Dutch was much more 
 intelligible. However, be his language what it will, his wine is very 
 seasonable to our cake, and he pays me very well for lying, and saying 
 I understand him. You see how gloriously we live in this country, and 
 yet 1 warrant you, think all this nothing to the diversion of Stockport ! 
 Well, we will not dispute that at present. I find 1 am at the end of my 
 paper, and must bid thee farewell.” 
 
 The Poll at Wigan. 
 
 1079. 1702, July 28. — The poll at Wigan election. Candidates ; — 
 Sir Roger Bradshaigh, Sir Edward Chesenhall, Sir Alexander Rigby, 
 and Mr. Bridgman. 
 
 Reasons humbly offered by Henry Jones, Esquire, for building a 
 Mould or Harbour in Whitsand Bay, at the Land’s End, in Corn- 
 wall. 
 
 1080. 1702. — Estimated cost of the work, 30,000/z. The place 
 will, for the future, prevent our merchant ships being taken by our 
 enemies, as they were during all the last war, this being a place of 
 safety for them, and where our cruisers, of betwixt forty and sixty guns, 
 may, on all occasions, have re .course to. Hence, I gave the Admiralty a 
 list of about forty sail of ships retaken, and a greater number preserved 
 by a fishing boat, for which service the Admiralty Board ordered the 
 boat’s master a commission and a medal. Reasons 9 to 12 ai-e as 
 follows : — 
 
 “ (9) It is observable that when the wind is east on land, it is 
 always (off the Land’s End) E.S.East in the South Channell, and 
 
43Q 
 
 E.N.East in the North Channell, by which it happens, ships from the 
 northward cannot, so far, weather the Land’s End, as to get into the 
 South Channell, neither can those from the south get into the North 
 Channell. And on the 9th of December, 1693, by a storm, shifting 
 from east to westward, one hundred sail (under convoy of the Prince of 
 Orange and Quaker, ketch), being off the Land’s End, were, for want of 
 harbour in Whitsand Bay, driven back into the North Channell, and 
 above seventy sail of them wrecked. And I believe the ships lost by 
 storms, and taken by the enemies during the last war (for want of such 
 an harbour), came little short in number with those lost on all the 
 coast of England besides. 
 
 “ (10) By all the above it is likewise further manifest that even 
 in times of peace there hath not nor can be secure trading ’twixt 
 St. Greorge’s and the British Channels, or anywhere to the west- 
 ward of the Land’s End, without this proposed mould, and that, 
 for want of it, there hath been and may be more ships lost (yearly, 
 besides the men’s lives) than three times the value of what would erect 
 the same. Hence, the Leverpoole merchants, during all the last war, 
 possessed those who trade from London that their ships might come 
 safer north about Ireland, unload their effects at Leverpoole, and be at 
 charge of land-carriage from thence to London, rather than run the 
 hazard of having their ship taken by the enemy, or wreckt, by reason of 
 the great dangers of Scilly, the Land’s End, Mount’s Bay, Lizzard, and 
 all the South Channell to London, which hath proved an unspeakable 
 detriment to all the trading seaport towns that border upon the British 
 Channell; which evills would effectually be prevented were there an 
 harbour and lighthouse at the Land’s End of England. 
 
 ‘‘ (11) It is apparent the thirty thousand pounds proposed will not be 
 money lost or hazarded, but entirely applied in employing of poor labourers, 
 and three years’ time may finish the proposed mould or harbour. And 
 further, that the most eminent merchants and commanders of ships 
 belonging to London, Exon, Topsham, Dartmouth, Plymouth, Looe, 
 Fowey, Penzance, St. Ives, Barnstaple, Bideford, Bridgewater, Bristol, 
 3'rinity House of Hull, and ports adjacent, are well satisfied by 
 certifying their opinions, that an harbour in Whitsand Bay would be an 
 advantage to England and greatly encourage trade and navigation. 
 
 “ (12) The charges of building the said mould will be very small, and 
 easy to the publick, but the benefit being greater than I can express, 
 refer to Mr Hautecourt and Mr. Mitchill, engineers, who with Mr. 
 Tuttell, his late Majesty’s hydrographer, did survey the western coasts, 
 and approved of this place as the most convenient receptacle for 
 shipping, being the in and out-let of the kingdom and opposite to 
 Brest.” 
 
 An Address, signed W. S.,” to James, Earl of Derby, in which 
 the writer proposes certain new laws for the Isle of Man. 
 
 1081 . 1702-36. — For the better maintenance of the clergy. As “ most 
 men love religion best when it costs them lest,” the burden to the people 
 should be as light as possible. ‘‘ The likelyest way for this, it is sug- 
 gested, will be to assign the clergy some land, say 100 acres, and accustom 
 the people to manure it for them, and let no man be suffered to 
 meddle in his own husbandry till he has performed this service for the 
 minister, as suppose every man was obliged to give him a week’s labour 
 either with his team or person, according to his ability. This would be 
 very little burden to the people, and yet of great advantage to the 
 minister.” 
 
431 
 
 For the erection of schools in every parish, where parents should be 
 obliged to send their children, from 8 to 12 years of age, where they 
 should be taught to read English, say their prayers and catechism, so 
 that they may be confirmed at 12. The eldest son only to be left with 
 the parents, and the rest to undergo 7 years apprenticeship in husbandry, 
 fishing or weaving, etc. 
 
 In every town, to have a “ matronlike woman ” to teach girls to read, 
 spin, and do needlework, to whom parents should be obliged to send 
 their daughters. 
 
 To encourage public diversions to render people more civilised, ‘‘ as 
 particularly for the service of Sunday, the parishes being wide, I 
 would have the younger sort to be in church an hour before divine 
 service, where the person who teaches the children should catechise 
 them carefully.” After morning service, the whole parish to dine 
 together in a public booth, where the better sort should send what 
 provisions they could spare, and the poor be entertained, “ and the wliole 
 parish kept together in reading and laudable conversation uutill the 
 evening service. Holidays to be spent in the same manner till mfter 
 dinner, when all sorts of martial exercises should be performed by the 
 youth, and the evening spent in dancing.” 
 
 A proposal also that “ an honest history ” should be placed in every 
 church, that those who desired to read might do so. 
 
 That “ a company ” be established which shall manage all the trade of 
 the island ; that no man subscribe more than 1 ,0()0/^^, or less than 100//, to 
 it; that the Lord Derby coin to the value of 10,000//. — one half silver 
 and one half brass ; and that the company be divided into separate com- 
 mittees to supervise the different trades. 
 
 That encouragement be given for the immigration of strangers, and 
 that waste lauds be allotted them 
 
 That the population be increased by encouraging persons to marry 
 by 25 years of age; when, if they are not bred to a trade, that 100 
 acres of land be allotted to them. 
 
 That manufactures be thus encouraged ; that every woman, without 
 distinction of quality, be obliged to spin a sniMll quantity — such as 
 20 pounds — of wool or flax every year, and deliver it to the company at 
 a set price ; and that those who spin the finest and make most cloth in 
 every parish, should be rewarded with a spinning-wheel ; and if any 
 young woman gained the prize twice, the magistrates should be 
 obliged to offer her a suitable husband, or some reasonable I’eward 
 towards her fortune, “ which would be a great encouragement.” 
 
 That the breed of cattle be improved. 
 
 That persons having estates in the Island, be obliged to live there at 
 least 6 months in the year. 
 
 That a public workhouse he erected for the punishment of criminals, 
 so that nothing but murder, blasphemy, and rebellion should be 
 punished with death. 
 
 That a public register be kept, and no title or security to be good 
 in law that is not entered there. 
 
 That a town be built, where all persons having 1,000 acres of 
 land, and 600//. stock in the company, be obliged to build houses, and 
 that there be public fairs and markets granted to the town. 
 
 A Paper about the Character and Deeds of Lord Derby. 
 
 1082. [1702?] — “In publick and laudible undertakeings, he that 
 has the prospect and prudence to see and keep his way, and art to 
 avoyd the dangers he may passe in attaineing the ends, and manages 
 
432 
 
 these with resolution, elFect, and successe, is weighed in an unequall 
 scale of consideration if his performances passe not in some measure for 
 meritoriouse. 
 
 If the Lord Derby’s doings were had in remembrance, his det ractor 
 mustconfesse he acted the part he undertooke ; he raised four regimenfs 
 of foot and five troops of horse, and these he did without noise, censure, 
 or the complaints of any ; he made the adverse party submissively send 
 in what they were charged with by law, and made them then submitt to 
 those lawes which till then they, had made so much ado to suppress. In 
 his charge, care, and attendance of that business, he never spared the 
 expence of his time oj- his money ; his life was diverse times threatned 
 to be taken away, his house to be burned ; night after night, and 
 messenger after messenger, he had expresses to advertise him of parties 
 to be drawn out against his house and to surprize his person ; letters 
 were intercepted going to the late King to certifye his Lordship’s 
 adherence to the Prince’s party and to render him to the utmost 
 obnoxiouse to that King. And besides his hazards by the machinations 
 of the aforementioned, had the enterprize rniscarryed, the sequel must 
 certainly have been this Lord’s attainder, which must have cost him his 
 estate, his honor, his life, and put a period to one of the most ancient, 
 noble families in England, which comparatively transcends the adven* 
 ture that person could make that doth traduce him; for where severall 
 hazard ail that they have, he hazards most that hath most to lose. 
 
 “ The undertaking pretended to, was the preservation of our property, 
 our liberty, our fundamental! lawes, and our religion by those lawes esta- 
 blished. To have defended these by force without conduct, had been for- 
 tunate beyond beleefe ; to attempt it by art without visibility of force, all 
 former successeless essays had shewed was hopeless. But to accomplish 
 it by an appearance of force without useing it, was the well useing his 
 well timed endeavours with providentiall successe. If the lord we are 
 mentioning acted this part to convince gainsayers without detriment, to 
 keep complyers within the bounds of moderation when successful!, the 
 conduct was not so despicable ; but if it merited no more, it might seem 
 thanksworthy. 
 
 “ But consider the detractor. If the obtaineing what we pretended 
 to be not our reward, our contending for more seemes to bespatter our 
 pretensions as if the project of the warr were not more for the victory 
 then the pillage. When such desires are let loose the designes are 
 limitless, and he that lyes upon the catch grasps att all he can gett 
 without distinction, whether it was the spoyle of an enemy or the pro- 
 perty of a friend ; to such, all’s fish that comes to the net, and all must 
 come that can be hooked or drove in. To do this he bids fair for out- 
 doing posture John, in signalizeing hiraselfe in such sundry shapes; he 
 is now, haveing jusled out his neighbour, displaying the banners of his 
 selected militia ; anon, he is mustered in bufie in the head of another 
 neighbour’s regiment. The next shape he assumes is his tufted gown 
 upon the Bench — cedant arma togse. From thence he struts into the 
 Treasury for his diversion, to lord it there. Anon, yee hear of his 
 speecheing in the vSupreme Court, and thence, for his universality of 
 notions, promptness of parts, profundity of judgment in the secrets of 
 the empire, he is wooed to be one of the Privy Councell.” 
 
 Edward Kenyon to his brother, George Kenyon. 
 
 1083. 1703, May 20. “ Cabu Corsu Castle, on the south side of 
 
 Africa.” — “ Aprill the 23rd, I landed here, and the same day was put 
 into possession of the castle. On the 14th of May, the proffits of the 
 
483 
 
 seller was given me (it is to sell liquor to the officers and soldiers of the 
 garrison, besides some other sort of provisions), which, would the Com- 
 pany continue to me by a commission from themselves, is a better post 
 than e’re a factor on the coast, who is not a cheife. If my friends will 
 take pains to ask it of them heartely, by the name of the Lieutenant of 
 the Castle, it is not to be questioned, but it will be granted if none other 
 be already sent over. If that should happen, then my humble petition 
 is you will endeavour to get me made factor, for, without one of the two 
 things, it is impossible to live here ; all eatables and drinkables, as well as 
 wearing cloaths, being sold at least 200 per cent, above their prime cost 
 in England. The gentlemen that first engaged me in the Company’s 
 
 service may further the tiling a great deale, but Sir Master (?), 
 
 though none of the Company, if he could be brought to undertake it, 
 would certainly succeed. I may be authorized, if one of the two things 
 happen, to see England in a few years, possessed of a competency to live 
 on ; if otherwise, to live miserably here ; the income of the post I came 
 over in, not being enough to buy food lit for man to eat, not recconing 
 drink or cloathing To let you judge of the whole by part: — a cow, 
 not larger than a 3-months old Lancashire calf, is sold at 12 pound; 
 fowl, like wild pidgions, 3 for a crowne ; 5 pound for an ordinary sheep, 
 and English flower, 1/. \0s. per hundred-weight; cheese, four pounds 
 for a crowne; beere \l. lOs*. per dozen bottles. But enough of this. 
 From Grambia, I writt to you; the conclusion of which letter was like 
 most of my others, viz., begging. But, least Mr. Frenchman has mett 
 with it, it was for a few necessaries to wear, such as shoes, thread stock- 
 ings, and a few callicoe shirts; but, rather than by asking too much I 
 lose all, pray doe not forget belly-timber, and the raaine supporter of life 
 — good beere. I doe assure you when your lowest seller comes into my 
 mind, which it never fails to doe when I goe into my own, I break a 
 commandment. My teeth waters, too, when Mr. Moody, of the Bank, 
 also is remembered. This castle is well built, being founded on a rock ; 
 seventy odd guns well mounted, thirteen of which are cannon mounted 
 on a platform which commands the rode the shipping rides in ; the 
 others placed for commanding the country. I have noe news, except our 
 loseing a briganteene by an hurricane, where a great number of my 
 fellow passengers lost all their goods, all the men, except one, lost, and 
 the Company, above 2,000/. worth of effects. The . . . man-of-war, 
 
 sails this day for England, in which comes this. Enclosed is a ring 
 made in this country ; pray give it my sister, and desire she wear it for 
 the sake of her sincere well wisher.” 
 
 C. Lyttleton to “ Doctor Eoger Kenyon, at the cor ner of Lincoln- 
 Inn-fields, on the garden side, the end of Great Turn Stile.” 
 
 1084 . 1703-4, February 5. Hagley. — “I thank jon for the skech 
 you give me of your thought of the present affaires, which I think very 
 just, and there is no remedy for, in the age we live, wherein every one 
 resolves to keep what he has and get what he can ; and which puts me 
 in mind of my old Lord Herbert of Cherburye’s answer to Jack 
 Henham, upon a time when King Charles 1st sent him of a message 
 from Oxford to the Parliament, bidding him tell him that he as little 
 expected he woud have left him as anybody, for he knew he had 
 obliged him, and had made the greatest professions of returns of per- 
 sonal love and kindness, which my Lord replyed to, pray tell his Majesty, 
 so I have, as much as any man can, that intends to keep his estate ! 
 This was told me, upon a like ocasion, by a very great man in this 
 
 Lord’s time I have as good appetite as ever, but a 
 
 E E 
 
 73480 . 
 
484 
 
 very weake digestion ; but what is that, after 74, which is now gone. 
 You are very kind in your offer to my sons, and it will be a mighty in- 
 ducement to venture one or both into this wide world under so good 
 advice and conduct, and which I may some time put upon you. Thom : 
 is so grown that you cannot imagine, and big withall. Charles is well 
 
 grown too You will have the goodness to excuse these 
 
 blots of a septuaginarian shaking hand The Presby- 
 
 terians (?) and Whigs are very busy to make votes against a new 
 parliament, with us.” 
 
 Thomas Fleetwood to ‘‘Mr. Keynion.” 
 
 1085 . 1704, October 3. Bank. — ‘‘ The persons under named, I 
 hear, stands indited for keeping greyhounds and guns, through a mistake 
 of the constables ; they being my tennants, and the greyhounds and 
 guns are mine, and kept by them for my use, being obliged by their 
 leases. Whose names I desire you to take out of the inditement and 
 acquitt them from any further trouble or charges ; — 
 
 Edward Blackledge in Bretheton. 
 
 Kalph Withington") 
 
 Henry Dobson 1 rp i , 
 
 William Dobson r ® 
 
 Henry Leadbetter J 
 
 If this be not practicable, I will try whether I am qualified or not ; so 
 that insolent bailifs may not come to my house to inquire, for the future, 
 into such matters.” 
 
 B. Bradshaigh to GtEorge Kenyon. 
 
 1086 . 1704-5, February 8. — I am writing to all the freeholders 
 about Lancaster, and beyond the sands. Perhaps, taking notice of them 
 in that manner may oblige them. I find most gentlemen will be 
 determined, as my Lord Derby recommends, and that I am sure of, and 
 [I] hope he will go down, as soon as possible. He can settle his matters 
 after matrimony, which is either concluded or very near it, to a fortune 
 of sixty thousand pounds. 
 
 [Rev.] Jo : Sumner to George Kenyon. 
 
 1087 . 1^04[-5], March 20. — It is said, with assurance, that my 
 Lord Derby will forthwith be declared Chancellor of the Exchequer, and 
 that he laid down his colonel’s commission. He assures Sir Roger 
 [Bradshaigh] for the county election, and says he will be down soon. 
 Shakerley, they say, is out of his government, and my Lord Cholmon- 
 derley has it. 
 
 W. Delaune, Vice-Chancellor of Oxford, to . 
 
 1088 . 1705, September 21. St. John’s [College, Oxford]. — 
 “ Whereas Mr. [Samuel] Wesley, rector of Epworth, in Lincolnshire, has 
 made known the deplorable condition he is brought into, by the inveterate 
 malice and persecution of the Dissenters, for his vindicating the Church 
 of England from their scandal, and detecting their villanous practices in 
 their schismaticall schooles and seminaries, set up in opposition to the 
 Church, and prejudice of tlie Universities, we thought fitt to recomend 
 this, his pressing case, to all the members of our University, as a great 
 object of their charity and compassion, and such as requires speedy releif 
 to deliver him out of prison, and the calamitous sufferings he at present 
 labours under.” 
 
435 
 
 Appended. — A copy of Mr. Wesley’s letter : — On my printing a 
 poem on the battle of Blenheim, I was sent for to London by a person 
 of quality, in January last, the Duke of Marlbrough haveing promised 
 me a chaplain’s place in one of the new regiments, and another 
 honourable person greater favours. I had writt two books against the 
 Dissenters, at which they were very angry. The person who sent for 
 me told me I must drop that controversy, and, at last, that I must 
 publickly, and in print, recant or palliate what I had writt against the 
 Dissenters ; he added, that those people expected so many friends in 
 the next House of Commons, more than they had in the last, that when 
 they came to sitt they had resolved to call those to account who had 
 affronted them ; this had a contrary effect to what was expected. I left 
 my fortunes in Grod’s hands, and resolved to act according to my con- 
 science. And as soon [as I could] 1 came into the country, to use what 
 little interest I had in our election, to serve those who were not likely to 
 be partial to the Dissenters ; but before I would act, I was so nice as to 
 write to Collonel Whitcheott, because there had been some intimacy 
 between us, giveing the reasons why I thought myself obliged to vote 
 against him. This letter he exposed, and his friends reported there 
 was treason in it. After which I gave copies of it. They likewise 
 threatned to write up against me, and throw me out of my chaplaine’s 
 place which the Duke had given me, and throw me into gaol ; all which, 
 I thank them, they have fully effected. I writt to London to know why 
 I was turned out without knowing my accusation. My Collonel Lepel 
 answered that a person of the greatest quality told him it was for some- 
 thing I had published which was not approved of at Court, and for 
 haveing concerned myself too much in some other matters. The first 
 must be my books against the Dissenters, the latter my acting in the 
 election for my own country, which I thought I had as much right to 
 do as any other freeholder. God be praised, these two crimes were 
 linked together. After this the friends of the new candidates, the Dis- 
 senters, and their adherents, charged me with preaching treason, and 
 reported I was distracted ; where then was their mercy ? But at last 
 were content to throw me into prison, according to their promise, for no 
 great debt, to a relation and zealous friend of one of the new members. 
 They knew it was sufficient to do my business, I haveing been thrown 
 behind hand by a series of misfortunes; my parsonage barne was blown 
 down e’re I had recovered the takeing ray liveing; my house, great part 
 of it, burnt down about two years agoe ; my flax, great part of my 
 income (now in my own hands), I doubt, wilfully fired and burned in 
 the night, whilst I was last at London ; my income sunk, about one 
 half, by the low price of grain ; and my credit lost, by the takeing away 
 my regiment. I was brought to Lincolne Castle, June 23 last past. 
 About three weekes since, my very unkind people, thinking they had not 
 yet done enough, have, in the night, stabed my 3 cowes, which was a 
 great part of my numerous family’s subsistence, for which God forgive 
 them.” 
 
 The Lords of the Council to James, Earl of Derby, Custos 
 Rotulorum of Lancashire. 
 
 1089 . 1705, November 29. St. James’. — Requesting him to raise 
 recruits in the County of Lancaster. 
 
 The Same to the Same. 
 
 1090 . 1706, March 25. Kensington. — It being highly requisite 
 for her Majesty’s service, in the more speedy manning and maintaining a 
 
 E E 2 
 
486 
 
 powerfull fleet at sea against the common enemy, that all possible ways 
 and means be used for the supply of the Eoyall Navy with seamen and 
 other able-bodyed men, for which purpose her Majesty has likewise 
 issued out her royall proclamation, bearing even date herewith, and an 
 Act of Parliament (a copy whereof is herewith sent you) having been 
 lately past by her Majesty, entituled ^an Act for the encouragement and 
 encrease of seamen, and for the better and speedier manning her 
 Majesty’s Fleet,’ the successe whereof cheifly depends upon the care, 
 diligence, and zeal of yourself, and of her Majesty’s justices of the peace, 
 in finding out and impressing such seamen and able-bodyed landmen and 
 prisoners for debt as are intended by this Act for her Majesty’s Fleet, 
 her Majesty has thought fit to command us, on this extraordinary 
 occasion, most earnestly to recommend to your Lordship and the justices 
 of the peace the vigorous execution of the said Act, so far as is incum- 
 bent on you and the said justices ; and in order to so great and important 
 a service, we cannot but hope your dutifull regard to her Majesty and 
 her Grovernment will make you resolve to improve every opportunity, 
 and to agree immediately so to distribute yourselves that no part of your 
 county may want the number of justices required by the said . . . 
 
 And for the more eftectual carrying on this work, [dirjections will be 
 likewise given to the otficers of her Majesty’s navy to be ready, with the 
 least trouble possible to the said juctices, to receive such seamen and 
 able-bodyed landmen and prisoners for debt as shall be raised and pro- 
 cured in pursuance of the said Act of Parliament. This being a service 
 so necessary for carrying on the war, and consequently most acceptable 
 to her Majesty, we cannot doubt of a ready and hearty complyance with 
 these directions. And we are further to acquaint you that it is her 
 Majesty’s pleasure that, besides the severall particulars directed by the 
 Act, you take care to send up an account, to be layd before her Majesty 
 in Councill, of your proceedings herein, and of the number and names 
 of such seamen and able-l)odyed landmen and prisoners for debt, respec- 
 tively, as shall be raised and procured as aforementioned. We are like- 
 wise to recommend to your Lordship, that all possible care be had that 
 no person be taken up and delivered to the officers of her Majesty’s 
 navy who are boys or aged persons, or uufitt for her Majesty’s sea 
 service by infirmities or otherwise.” 
 
 The Lords of the Council to James, Earl of Derby, Gustos 
 Rotulorum of Lancashire. 
 
 1091 . 1706, April 4. Kensington. — “ Whereas the Lords Spiritual 
 and Temporal in Parliament assembled have, by their humble address, 
 acquainted her Majestic Avith severall instances of the very great bold- 
 ness and presumption of the Romish priests and papists in this kingdom, 
 together with their humble opinion that, for the safety of her Majesti(.‘s 
 royal person and government, a more watchful eye should be had over 
 them for the future, and for that purpose that a distinct and particular 
 account should be taken of all papists and reputed papists in this king- 
 dom, with their respective qualities, estates, and places of abode. We 
 do therefore, in her Majesties name and by her express comand, hereby 
 pray and require your Lordshipp to cause all the Justices of the Peace 
 of the County of Lancaster to assemble together, and, being so as- 
 sembled, there to agree on the most propper manner to subdivide 
 themselves unto severall subdivisions for the more effectual! performing 
 the said service within such subdivisions, where they are to take a 
 distinct and particular account of all papists and reputed papists within 
 the same, with their respective qualities, estates, and places of abode, 
 
437 
 
 above mentioned ; and it is her Majesties further pleasure that^ at such 
 generall meeting, an account be taken, distinctly, of the names of the 
 severall Justices of the Peace designed for the said several subdivisions, 
 and that the said Justices of the Peace do, under their hands, returne unto 
 you a particular account in writeiug of what they shall perform in the 
 said severall subdivisions, which account you are thereupon to returne 
 to her Majesties Privy Councell, together with the names of every one 
 of the Justices of the Peace who shall neglect or refuse to performe 
 their dutys in relation to that service.” 
 
 R[oger] K[enyon] to Mrs. Kenyon, Junior, 
 
 1092. 1706, May 25. — “ The Dutchy of Lancaster has changed its 
 face a little since my last, or, at least, I have heard of the change since then. 
 My Lord Gower gave up the seals to the Queen this day sennight, and 
 my Lord Darby generally understood to be his successor, though I have 
 not heard that the latter is actually in the place, as yet. This change, 
 I hope, may be of some service to my brother, in securing at least one 
 point he has great reason to wish done. If there be any other place my 
 brother could wish himself possest of, I sopose his personal knowledge 
 with my Lord Darby may be his best way of applying, and the sooner 
 the better ; for the other thing, it may not be amiss to let my lord settle 
 
 in his place, ere it be moved. I saw Sir R Br- the midle of 
 
 this week ; he shewed me a letter from T. Kenyon, who had cut him 
 out work enuf, but the thought about it will not, I sopose, disturb 
 Sir P’s rest ; he made great professions of his willingness to serve my 
 brother upon this change, if my brother would instruct him ... to 
 ask, and, if my brother thinks it will be of any significance, I sopose he 
 will not let him dye ignorant. Well, rain or fair, high church or low, 
 it is much at one with me, my hopes or fears are not exercised either 
 way; and, excepting a few smiles to seethe merrymentof the world and 
 the different countenances of winners and losers, it gives me no more 
 concern than a game att all-fours.” 
 
 John Sumner to George Kenyon. 
 
 1093. 1706, June 18. — “The Queen being altogether at Winsor, 
 Sir Roger is obliged to be there often to expedite the coming out of his 
 coramision, and ordered me, if he did not return to town this evening, 
 to write to you that you would, with all hast, send an address to him, 
 with the town’s seal only affixt. He desires he may receive it Fryday 
 sennit, without fail, for he has a perticuler reason why he shoud, by all 
 means, present it the Sunday following ; he would have it as short as 
 may be, and if you think fit to take notice of my Lord Peterborough in 
 it, he would have you also to mention my Lord Galway, by no means 
 omitting the Church being out of danger. I hope to be in Lancashire 
 the beginning of the next week, whither Sir Roger will hasten as soon 
 as the commissions come out, which will be now very soon, my Lord 
 Treasurer having delayed halfe a year Monday next, and thereby saved 
 the Government forty thousand pound. We have no news but Avhat 
 you will find in your prints, nor pamphletts worth sending. My Lord 
 Rivers’ expedition is mighty secrett ; no one here does know where it is 
 intended. It is rumoured Mr. John Howe is to be removed.” 
 
 Postscript . — “ The Government has ordered forty thousand flam- 
 beauxs for my Lord Rivers’ expedition. I have spoke about your [debt ?], 
 and he will pay you part of the principall and the interest att his coming 
 down.” 
 
438 
 
 John Sumner to George Kenyon. 
 
 1094 . 1706, June 20. — I think Lord Derby really designs to come 
 to Manchester, and bring my Ladj" with him. Great William is to be a 
 captain in his regiment. He has swopt his commission with one 
 Wallis, who had got a commission in Sir Roger’s.” 
 
 The Earl of Derby to George Kenyon. 
 
 1095 . 1706, September 4. — ‘‘ I have heird from several! hands how 
 much I am obliged to you in the opposition we are like to meet with at 
 Preston, which I beleve you think, as well as my self, very unacountable. 
 I beleve you have found the Dons very stiff, but ye shall find me as 
 stiff as themselves. I know, when you goe that way, you may doe good 
 service, for which I shall alley endeavour to shew my gratetude, as soon 
 as an oppertunety offers. I have written to severall gentilmen in and 
 about Preston, which I hope may have good success. I beleve they 
 industriously spred it about as if I would not stand it out, but they shall 
 find themselves much mistaken.” 
 
 Christopher Parker to Roger Kenyon, at Manchester. 
 
 1096 . 1706, October 31. Clitheroe. — -Upon the death of Col; 
 Stringer (my uncle), there being now a vacancy here, I expect a new 
 election very soon. I have offered myself to the town, and should be 
 very glad to serve as their representative, in his room. Seal of arms. 
 
 The Earl of Derby to George Kenyon. 
 
 1097 . 1706, October 31. London. — Offering him the post of Vice- 
 Chancellor of the Palatinate of Lancaster. 
 
 Alexander Rigby to George Kenyon. 
 
 1098 . 1706, Kovember 12. Westminster. — ‘‘I am just come from 
 my Lord Derby, and he tells me he has made you his Vice-Chan color, 
 at which I demonstrated my great satisfaction, both as you are my 
 kinesman, a good lawyer, and one that nothing can byass, where friend- 
 ship and equity is in the scale. I layed hold of this opportunity, humbly 
 to throw in my mite in favour of your brother, at Manchester. I hope 
 now, sir, it will ever be our fortune to drawe together ; our anchestors 
 did. My Lord is certainely one of the best men that lives upon God’s 
 earth. I was very endeavouring to gett in Brenaud, as pittying the 
 errors of youth, considering him of a brisk temper, of a good presence, 
 voluble and dilligent, related at Preston, &c., but my Lord, who is 
 eagle-eyed, resolute in being served by honest men, and informed fully 
 of every minute passage in Lancashire, stood in a clearer light, and hath 
 so convinced me why he past by Brenaud, that I am under the greatest 
 admiration of his Lordship’s goodness and wisdom immaginable. I am 
 sure you will not think that 1 knew till now that my Lord aimed at my 
 couzen Kenyon. I did not so much as dreame of it, because that you 
 are Clerk of the Peace. It is very unkind in the people at Preston to 
 give my Lord so much trouble, and I doubt not but you will use all your 
 force to make them sensible. Mr. Maynwaring is such a sorte of person 
 that, in my' lifetime, I never mett a greater man of sublime witt and 
 judgement, are what renders a mortall most to be admired. I wish you 
 saw a letter he writt last week to Mr. Wrickley ; that paints him better 
 then any thing I am able to express. 
 
439 
 
 “ Pray, sir, if ever you see my old friend Mr. Luca, of Parke-hall, be 
 so kind as to give him my service. I wish you would bring him under 
 my Lord in the malitia. He is brave, he is honourable, a sincere freind 
 where he takes, and everybody knows he is a man of substance ; he is 
 also your neighbour. 
 
 Postscript. — The towne is full of a peace between the King of 
 Sweden and the King of Poland, and it is the more admired at for that 
 Stanislaus is to be over Poland, and Augustus is to returne to 
 Saxony ; if so, hee is a poor spirited blockhead. The Hague letters 
 mention all tins, and the Swedish envoy tells it. 
 
 ‘‘ Duke Marlebro’ comes over with the first faire wind.” 
 
 The Earl of Derby to George Kenyon. 
 
 1099 . 1706, Kovember 16. London. — Expressing pleasure at 
 
 Kenyon’s acceptance of the post of Vice-Chancellor of the County 
 Palatine, to which he has joined the Stewardship of Salford. Seal of 
 arms. 
 
 John Haerisson to George Kenyon. 
 
 1100 . 1706, Kovember 20. Clitlieroe.— I hope you will pardon 
 this trouble, which comes att the request of Mr .Lister, Mr. Pudsay, 
 Mr. Sclater, and other gentlemen in this neighbourhood, to desire the 
 favour of your vote and interest for Major- Generali Harvey, the Duke 
 of Mountague’s nephew, this next election. Mr. Parker (notwith- 
 standing the endeavours of many of his own well-wishers to the 
 contrary) is resolved to oppose him, but we hope you, sir, will joyn 
 with the rest of the gentlemen to assist Mr. Harvey, and free the town 
 from such arbitrary proceedings as have too much of late prevailed 
 in it.” 
 
 Nicholas Starkie to George Kenyon, at Manchester. 
 
 1101 . 1706, November 30. — The 20/. bill received. Mr. Wolfe has 
 promised to get your patent passed, so that you may not lose the 
 benefit of the next court. They tell me that if the warrant the Queen 
 should sign be for life or years certain, it will not pass ; they have 
 known such rejected, and that no such grant has been made since the 
 Revolution, except Lord Derby’s as Chamberlain of Chester, which had 
 been usually granted for life. Your cousin, Charles Rigby, has his late 
 father’s gown, which you may either borrow or buy, on easy terms. 
 “I shall top a justice of peaceship upon you before I leave the town.” 
 Seal of arms. 
 
 The Earl of Derby to George Kenyon. 
 
 1102 . 1706, December 5. London. — “ Mr. Maynwaring will be at 
 Preston, Wednesday next; your company at that time will be very 
 acceptable, as well as usefull. No stone must be unturned in order 
 to bring it to a good effect, otherwise, I am shure, we shall be scoft 
 at, which must be prevented, if possible. I am shure no one knows 
 the method of it better then yourself. I shall be in pane till I know 
 how matters are like to goe.” 
 
 C. Z. Stanley to George Kenyon. 
 
 1103 . 1706, December 9. Preston. — “ 1 had a letter yesterday from 
 my brother Derby, that he had writ to you by that post. This is, there- 
 fore, to let you know that I belive Mr. Manwering wil be at Wigan on 
 
440 
 
 Wedensday next; therefore, I think it wil be absolutely necessary for 
 you to be their that day. I hear the High Sherrif has said, if he knew 
 when Mr. Manwering will be down, he would meit him at Wiggan ; if 
 he should be at home, I think it would do wel to fell his pulce. I do 
 not mein for him to bring his spear-men with him.” 
 
 The Earl op Derby to George Kenyon. 
 
 1104. 1706, December 10. London. — I send you, enclosed, the 
 warrant for Vice-Chancellor. I shall be glad to be informed by you 
 how Mr. Maynwaring likes his reception, and what you think of the 
 election. Mr. Starkie set out yeisterday in the Warington coche, and, 
 I beleve, will be with you on Sunday, if his consiens will give him leve 
 to travel that day. I should be glad to here that the Chancery clarkes 
 have repentyd, for there sakes as well as my owne.” 
 
 John Watson to Rev. John Sumner, at Wigan. 
 
 1105. 1706, December 19. London. — Acquainting him that, at the 
 Hague, coming to England, the “ Lord Duke ” thought fit to put 
 another chaplain in Sumner’s place, one Mr. Durrell, brother to Colonel 
 Durrell, aid-de-camp to his grace,” by reason of his not giving 
 attendance. 
 
 John Sumner to George Kenyon, “ att the Great House in 
 Bromley Street, near Drury Lane.” 
 
 1106. 1706[-7], February 11. Wigan. — Has previously written to 
 him about procuring the discharge of “ one Richard Whalley, a soldier 
 in Brigadeer Howl’s regiment, in Captain Johnson’s company.” Dr. 
 Wroe “ has preach’t an extraordinary reformation sermon here, this day. 
 Pray be sure to remember the written sermons I desired you to procure 
 Pray remember the arms of the crucifix.” Seal. 
 
 Richard Wroe to George Kenyon, “at the Great White House 
 in Brownloe Street, in Drury Lane.” 
 
 1107. 1706-7, February 23. — Speaks of living “in such a place and 
 post as Chester is, since Wigan is actually given from it.” Has “been 
 moved by one good friend, if I would have made use of my friends for 
 the Bishoprick, to see if the wardenship might be held with it, as it has 
 been twice before — by Bishop Stanley, of the house of Derby, and 
 Bishop Chadderton ; and are consistent enough, though the advantage 
 would be but small, not much above per annum, which is yet half 
 as much as Wigan iDrings in, clear ; but this I onely mention to you, as 
 suggested to mee, without any designe to attempt it, nor need you men- 
 tion it, save onely in discourse with friends, as from yourself.” 
 
 Thomas Martin to George Kenyon, at Salford. 
 
 1108. l706[-7], March 17. Wigan. — “Being lame of the gout, I 
 was not at church, [and] there came the Rector, the Dean of York, 
 Mr. Boyer, Mr. Hindley, and Mr. Smith, to see me. . The Rector 
 told me there was one John Ley land come to Winwick, to desire his 
 admittance to be the church-clerk of Wigan, [and] told him he was 
 chosen by the Jury, according to the ancient custom of the town ; [and] 
 if he was not pleased, he (Leyland) would try with him, this Assize.” 
 The Rector is uneasy, and desires it “ composed ” without a law suit. 
 
441 
 
 Roger Kenyo^^ to his sister-in-law, Mrs. Kenyon. 
 
 1109 . 1707, September 13, [St. Germains.] By a letter I saw 
 from Lancashire, not long since, I perceive there was another dispute 
 at the Assizes, besides the Lord Derby’s, in which I fancy my brother 
 was concerned; and that was about the parish clerk of VVigan, which, 
 it seems, Mr. Finch has recovered into his own power again. This 
 honest gentleman will revive their diversion again at Wigan, which 
 was got so much before on one side, that it grew dull.” 
 
 Postscript . — “ My lady master is near me, and bids me wish you all 
 happiness from her.” 
 
 Declaration by the Corporation of Wigan, of the Title under 
 which they hold the Fair, Markets, and Leet, in Wigan. 
 
 1110 . 1708, April 8. — ‘‘ Whereas, by an Award made by Sir Orlando 
 Bridgeman, Knight, then Lord Chief Justice of the Common Pleas, 
 between the Right Reverend father in God, George, Lord Bishopp of 
 Chester and Parson of Wigan, the said George Lord Bishopp being 
 then Parson and Ordinary there, of the one part, and the Mayor, 
 Bayliffes, and Burgesses of Wigan, on the other part, bearing date the 
 twenty-eighth day of September, in tlie fifteenth year of the reign of 
 our late Sovereign Lord King Charles the Second, annoque Domini.^ 
 1663 ; it is, amongst other things, therein and thereby declared, ordered, 
 and awarded, that the then Parson of Wigan and his successors, parsons 
 of Wigan, should for ever, as in right of their Church of Wigan, have 
 the Assention Faire, the Munday Markett, and the Easter Leet, within 
 the said towne of Wigan, with the profhtts of the same. 
 
 ‘‘But for the establishing peace between theParson and the Corporation, 
 hee did award that the then Parson of Wigan, and his successors, should 
 execute a lease for the tearme of one and twentie years of the said Faire, 
 Market, and Leet, to the said Corporation, under the yearly rent of five 
 markes, payable at Christmas and Midsummer yearly, by equall portions, 
 and that upon the expiration of the said lease, by surrender, efiluxtion of 
 time, or otherwise, the Parson of Wigan, for the time being, should at 
 the request and cost in law of the said Corporation of Wigan, make a 
 new lease, by Indenture, of the premises for the terme of one and twenty 
 yeares, under the like reservation of rent of five markes yearely, dureing 
 the said tearme. And that upon the makeing of every new lease, the 
 counterpart thereof should be delivered to the said Parson, under the 
 seale of the said Corporation, as by the said Award, relation being there- 
 unto had, may appeare. Which said Award was confirmed by the 
 patrons of the said Parish Church. And Avhereas, since the makeing of 
 the said Award, the Corporation of Wigan have constantly held and 
 enjoyed the said Faire, Markett, and Leete, from the successive parsons, 
 under the yearly rent of five markes, pursuant to the said Award. 
 And whereas the late Right Reverend Father in God, Nicholas, Lord 
 Bishopp of Chester and Rector of Wigan, did execute a lease of the 
 premises to the said Corporation, for the tearme of one and twentie yeares, 
 and dyed before the expiration of that tearme, notwithstanding which 
 the Corporation did hold the last Easter Leet, and received the profiitts 
 of the last Assention Faire, before any application was made to the 
 Honourable and Reverend Edward Finch, then and now Parson of 
 Wigan. 
 
 “ And whereas, the said Corporation, in owneing of the Parson’s right, 
 have this day requested a lease, to bee by him executed, of the 
 premises, and likewise offered to deliver a counterpart of the said lease 
 from the Corporation, pursuant to the said Award, which said lease the 
 
442 
 
 Parson has consented to execute, upon their owning that they did not 
 hold the said Leet or receive the profitts of the last Assention Faire, by 
 any other claime or title whatsoever, but under the said Award. We 
 therefore, the Mayor, Bayliffes, and Burgesses of the said Corporation, 
 doe declare that wee did hold the said Leet and receive the said profitts 
 in submission and obedience to the said Award, and by noe other claime 
 or title whatsoever. And the said Mayor, Bayliffes, and Burgesses, for 
 themselves, and the said Kector of Wigan, for himself, doth hereby 
 mutually agree and declare that they will now, and at all times here- 
 after, on their respective parts and behalfes, in all things observe and 
 performe the said Award.” 
 
 Lord Gower to Georoe Kenyon. 
 
 1111 . 1708, April 18. — “ The occasion of my writing to you is to 
 beg your assistance to my friend, Mr. Bridgman, in his election at 
 W igan. I know your obligations to my Lord Derby are such, that on 
 his account you will serve Sir Boger Bradshaw in the first place ; and 
 therefore, I only beg your second vote and interest for Mr. Bridgman ; 
 you must allow me to press you to this in such a manner, as to tell you 
 that I shall not take any excuse or refusall well from you.” 
 
 R[oger] Kenyon to his brother, George Kenyon. 
 
 1112 . 1708, June 1. — I perceive, by Mr. Starkey, that you have been 
 busy in your county amongst the Roman Catholics. I know none of 
 them, but if you could do any favour to Mr. Oldfield I should be glad 
 of it, for the relation his lady stands unto some friends I love very well. 
 Seal. 
 
 Repair of Chester Cathedral. 
 
 1113 . 1708, October 4. — The case for the repair of the Cathedral 
 Church of Chester. 
 
 George Kenyon to . 
 
 1114 . l708[-9], March 4. Salford. — Giving the bounds of a seat in 
 [Wigan ? ] Church, viz. : — on the north, by the reading desk ; on the 
 west, by the clerk’s desk ; on the east, by a seat claimed by Richard 
 Bolton ; and on the south, open to the middle aisle. Length 2^ yards, 
 breadth yards. 
 
 Sir R. Bradshaigh to George Kenyon. 
 
 1115 . 1709, June 16. London. — Lord Derby is gone into the 
 country for these holidays. I have left the papers and grant of the 
 gallery in Winstanley’s hands, to be delivered to yourself when re- 
 quired; they are sealed up. 1 hope the Bishop will think the gallery 
 at the west end of the Church [of Wigan ? ] to be the proper place for 
 the organ ; if so, and that our seats may be erected again at the rector’s 
 charge, I believe the money which may be spent in law-suits had better 
 be applied towards the organ, if the town and parish thinks fit to consent 
 to it, and that upon a full hearing of the matter before the Bishop, it be 
 done by his direction. You know best what to say in this matter, and 
 1 doubt not but you will push everything to the utmost, to prevent the 
 organ being put upon our gallery floor. 
 
 Roger Kenyon to his sister-in-law, Mrs. Ejenyon. 
 
 1116 . 1709, August 2. — “ I was yesterday to make a visit to the 
 Palatines, as we call them, who are encamped, to the number of six or 
 
4^43 
 
 eight thousand, upon Blackheath, near Greenwich. They are all poor 
 as may be, and a good many sick, as a great many more will soon be, if 
 some means he not found out to put them into houses and other con- 
 veniences of living. What freak brought these poor creatures hither, 
 is not easy to guess ; but it seems there has been some bookes sent 
 among them (by whose means I know not) with flattering descriptions 
 of Caroline (sic)^ and they are mad to go thither. This account 
 Dr. Hobart (?) gives me, who is in the very country they come from, 
 which is not the Palatinate, but on the other side of the Rhine, at some 
 distance from Mayence, and most of them where under Protestant 
 princes ; so religion, or a persecution upon that account, was not in the 
 case. Upon whose motive they were encouraged to come hither, and 
 what they are to do now they are here, is out of my reach.” 
 
 John Sumner to George Kenyon, at his house in Salford. 
 
 1117 . 1709[-10], January 8. — “The Rector will certainly be here 
 this week ; his maids and provisions are already here. It is talkt among 
 his people, with great assurance, that the organ will be soon up, so that 
 it is expected a vestry notice will be given on Sunday next, and, pray, 
 after you have notice of it come forthwith hither, though it should be a 
 day or two before. Mr. Bancks having been abroad, and not yet 
 returned from Preston fair, I sent last night for some of those in this 
 town, chiefly concerned in the linnen affair; they were glad to hear 
 you made any enquiry how that matter proceeded, and desired me to 
 acquaint you they were resolved to try the matter, let the success of it 
 be what it would. They have been at Leverpoole about il, and sent to 
 York, and are not without encouragement from both places. I find, by 
 them, they think their greatest discouragement proceeds from what you 
 have given, both as to your talking too hearllessljq and by your delaying 
 to draw the petition to be signed by the Websters, and which has 
 hindered some subscriptions, which, however, they doubt not will be 
 retrived, when the petition is tendered to be signed. This week, they 
 will send for all the money already collected, and would be glad you 
 would appoint some place to meet them, which pray do, and I will come 
 along with Mr. Bancks and them. I was coming to Peele on Wednes- 
 day, to have seen you, as you said you would be there this Christmas, 
 but meeting your letter by the way, I took up at Heelen’s. Ral[ph] 
 Winstanley and William Glazbrook are ordered by Sir Roger . , . 
 
 will appear in Mr. Warmisley’s room. Pray direct me in a . . . 
 
 line or two, as soon as possible, how that matter is to be done ; because 
 Mr. Warmisley is very uneasy, if they are to sign any instrument. Pray 
 send it drawn, or order them to meet you to do it. I have not seen 
 William Green since I had yours, but will bring him over to you when 
 you appoint. The linnen men say they have already collected, in divers 
 places, a considerable sum, and are resolved nothing of that kind shall be 
 wanting. Pray send or step to Captain Leigh and deliver him the 
 enclosed ; it is concerning a man to be rendered in Leiuftenant-General 
 Steward’s regiment, in the room of a servant of Bayliff* Acton’s, for 
 which Sir Roger prevailed with the Leftenant-General to give him a 
 furloug, and after promised him a discharge, upon promise Sir Roger 
 would render a man in his room. Sir Roger has ordered me to treat 
 with the Captain about it. Pray use your intiX'st with the Captain to 
 take two guineas, or less, and then, perhaps, a man may get one to his 
 pockett, but a man must forthwith be rendered, or Sir Roger forfeits 
 his honour. Pray write to me by the first opportunity. I wish you a 
 flippy, merry new year.” Seal. 
 
444 
 
 K[oger] K[enyon] to his sister[-in-law], Mrs. Kenyon. 
 
 1118 . 17()9[-10], January 14. [London.] — The great amusement 
 of this town is the affair of Sacheverell, about which all companys 
 squabble and box, as they find themselves inclined. For my part, I 
 look on with calmness enuf, and if one cannot but observe, on one side, 
 that there are some inconsistencys in the Doctor’s sermons, yet the 
 moderation (which has been the word so long) of the other side is ad- 
 mirable. But let them go on as they please ; my rule is that whatever 
 happens is best.” Seal of arms, broken. 
 
 The Same to the Same. 
 
 1119 . [1709 -10,] February 28. London. — I am just come from 
 the baiting of Dr. Sacheverel. It is past seven o’clock, and I have not 
 eat one bit all day. Yesterday, the inditement was read, and a little 
 opened. To-day, the managers of the House of Commons have brought 
 the two first articles, the first of which relates to passive obedience, 
 which was mauld (?) to purpose. The other related to the toleration, 
 and what was said about it. They having low voices who spoke, I can- 
 not so well tell you the Avhole of the matter. If one may be allowed to 
 guess at these gentlemen’s meaning, [it] is to establish some new oath or 
 declaration against passive obedience, and to affirm the righteousness and 
 lawfulness of all the steps of the revolution. The Doctor has yet said 
 nothing for himself, but stands it very well, with all shews of resolution 
 and modesty.” 
 
 Charles Rigby to George Kenyon. 
 
 1120 . 1710, May. 5. Lancaster. — ‘‘ This application is on behalf of 
 my near kinsman, Sawney Rigby, who is the top of my kin, by my 
 father’s side, as he is yours by the mother’s ; but it is not that con- 
 sideration which moves me to this, so much as the service or dis-service 
 that he may do the house of Derby, as he shall be obliged or disobliged. 
 It was some time before this last assizes that Sawney had the compli- 
 ment from Colonel Stanley that he should be put into the Commission 
 of the Peace; but he not being found in this last Commission, it has 
 been some disgust to him. I believe his wife (who is a discret woman) 
 wishes him in, for no other reason than it may estrange him from some 
 very mean associates of his, and ashame him out of an idle habit of 
 profane swearing. It can have no ill to the government, and will 
 be a lasting tie upon him to my Lord’s interest.” Seal. 
 
 J[ames] H[ilton] to George Kenyon, Vice-Chancellor of the 
 County Palatine of Lancaster. 
 
 1121 . 1710, July 20. Gray’s Inn. — “I should be very glad to hear 
 from you often, especially in these bustling times, wherein Whig and 
 Tory is the only conversation, but the Tories talk the loudest now in the 
 coffee houses, and it is agreed of all sides that the judgement of the 
 Court is against the Whiggs ; the only dougt is whether there must be 
 a cwff'al execuco (?) against them or noe. Some say that upon that, the 
 Whiggs have promised to mend, which they have roome enough to do. 
 Quere, if they are to be trusted ? My Lord Rivers has an interest in 
 the Middlesex freeholders, as Constable of [the] Tower, which he gives 
 to Smithson and Ba[r]tie, Tories ; queere, under the rose, if this will 
 not mend Wigan? I am afraid I have quite lost Mr. Okeley and my 
 Lord Anglesey, who has a place of 6,000/. per annum; for, since the 
 time that 1 refused to be concerned against you, they seem not to speak to 
 
445 
 
 me so freely as formerly : howsoever, if it were [to] do again, I would doe 
 if, for I always be true to my friend, whatever happens. N’ot withstand- 
 ing this, if affaires turne, I believe I have a good friend remaining who 
 will be of service to me in the matter of an office, but 1 have the hard 
 fortune to be such a naked gull, that I am so far from having cloaths 
 fit to appear in and money in my pocket, that I have scarcely so much 
 as pockets left to put it in, if I had any. I hear my brother is to receive, 
 by the hands of Jack Phim, who is my friend, 200/. out of Ireland ; if so, 
 this sum would come very opportune to make interest for an office with, 
 or if that faild, I could put it to such advantage as never to troble my 
 relations, which is the thing I do heartily alfiiorr. My brother H[ilton] 
 has given my other brother, besides making him master of everything, 
 700/. upon the bankers’ buisness.” 
 
 — to his cousin, George Kenyon. 
 
 1122. 1710, September 19. Gray’s Inn. — This day, the officers of 
 
 the Duchy waited upon the Lord Berkeley of Berkshire, as Chancellor 
 of the Duchy. He has a very good character, was a younger brother, 
 and educated to the law, and is an ingenious man, and commended for his 
 mildness and temper. He is of the same party with yourself, that is, a 
 churchman ; though you have seemed to act another part of late years. 
 It is said the Parliament will be dissolved on Thursday. My Lady 
 Anglesea is with child, and so Arthur Annesley does not take upon him- 
 self yet the title of Earl. It is said Sir Thomas Pois, Baron Price, and 
 Mr. Ettrick, will be Commissioners of the Great Seal. . . . It is 
 
 thought the Tories will luave a majority in the elections, though some 
 say the City will be but indifferent, by reason of the Bank and Com- 
 panies. 
 
 Eoger Kenyon to his sister[-in-law], Mrs. Kenyon. 
 
 1123. 1710, October 7. — It is not impossible but I might find some- 
 body who would mention the matter you speak of to Lord Berkeley, if 
 it be true that he is indisposed to keep the old officers, but then it will 
 undoubtedly be expected in these elections, and especially at Preston, 
 where the Courts are held, that the Chancellor and his Vice-Chancellor 
 should be on the same side. I have heard that the present Chancellor 
 has recommended Mr. Ansly for member there, having formerly served 
 for that place, and if Mr. Manwaring give up all thoughts of appearing, 
 as it is likely he will, and the measures my brother may think fit to 
 observe with the late Chancellor, will allow him to appear for Mr. 
 Ansly, who in truth is a very honest gentleman. I do not doubt but I 
 can engage him to move my Lord in my brother’s cause. My poor Lord 
 Kilmorey, after the small-pox was all gone off, died the 20th day for 
 want of strength to spit up what fell upon his lungs, he being inclining 
 to a consumption before he fell ill. Seal of arms, hrohen, 
 
 Bichaed Edge to George Kenyon. 
 
 1124. 1 710, October 30. — “ It is ten to one you had the newes yester- 
 day that Sir George Warburton and Mr. Cholmondeley carried it for 
 knights for Cheshire, by a great majority, but perhaps you have not 
 heard }et how yesterday morning, about two, they sett the bells on ring- 
 ing at Manchester, and rang till service time for joy thereof.” Seal. 
 
 Sir B. Bradshatgh to George Kenyon. 
 
 1125. 1710[-11], March 6. — “As to sending you some wine to 
 Bolton, it will so much exceed the price you mention, that, unless you 
 
446 
 
 require it in your next, I shall not venture to send any. Florence is sold 
 here at 4^. Qd. per flask, new French wine at 6s. and 7s. a bottle, 
 nothing of Spanish wine worth drinking, under 2s. 6d., so that I believe 
 you might be better and cheaper fitted from Chester or Liverpool. The 
 Lottery Bill passed the Royal assent this day, and how it will fill is yet 
 uncertain, but the advantage is much greater than in the last, which, 
 though it may be a means to raise the money at present, yet at long run 
 it will help to increase the debt of the nation.” 
 
 Sir R. Bradshaigh to Q-eorge Kenyon. 
 
 1126. 1710[-11], March 24.- — “ You may assure yourself I used my 
 endeavours to have put your money in the Lottery, but it was impos- 
 sible to do it, though I was very early that morning in the City, and a 
 vast number of persons was disappointed as well as myself. It is 
 thought there may be another Lottery. As for buying up any of the 
 tickets, I cannot tell how to advise you, such advantage is made of them 
 by the stock-jobbers. As to our business with the Rector [of Wigan ? ], 
 counsel believe if we cannot carry it to have the gallery put up in the 
 old place, that we shall so far prevail as to have a proper place given us 
 in the room of it, and that the organ will not be allowed to be set up 
 there, and that we shall be considei’ed for the damage done in pulling it 
 down. As to a Quo Warranto^ which you hear the rector intends to 
 bring against the town, I do not fear any motions that way. Seal of 
 arms. 
 
 Sir R. Bradshaigh to the Rev. Mr. Sumner, in Wigan. 
 
 1127. 1711, March 31. — It will be verry materiall to knowhow 
 the Corporation came to sitt in those seates where the Rector’s servants 
 now sitt, and whether they had not a right to them, but I understood 
 always that the Rector’s seate was the place where they used to sit, be- 
 fore the gallery was built ; likewise, how they came to leave the north 
 isle, and what right they had to that seate, and what title they have to 
 it, who enjoy it now. It will be very necessary to prove titles to all or 
 most of them seates where the Rector calls the Old Chancell, for their 
 councell said Bishop Brigman built the present cliancell, which was an 
 addition to the church, for that the lenth of the church was no ferther 
 than the Maior’s gallery, which I must owne I cannot believe, because 
 my chancel must have been built at the same time, and I beleive it is as 
 old as any part of the church ; but pray informe yourself about it. They 
 have got an old book of Bishop Brigman’s which they intend to give as 
 evidence, and in the beginninge of it, the Bishop calls God to witness the 
 whole contents of it to be true. Remember the old man in Scarsbrick.” 
 
 C. Z. Stanley to George Kenyon. 
 
 1128. 1711, April 5. London. — There is a bill before the House of 
 Commons for qualifying justices. It is proposed 300/^. a year to be the 
 qualification. “ We are now in a vein for building churches; I do not 
 know why you may not have as much reason to desire help as others. 
 If it is thought proper, I shall be very glad to do what you think may 
 promote the same good for yours that is in my power.” Seal. 
 
 R[oger] Kenyon to his brother, George Kenyon. 
 
 1129. 1711, April 7. — You are so much a college man still, that I 
 dare say you will be concerned to know that we have lost Dr. Gower at 
 St. John’s, who died about ten days ago. His place, indeed, is very 
 
447 
 
 worthily filled by Dr. Jeokins, wha was a part of our family in Brown- 
 low Street, 2 or 3 months since Christmas. He is likewise chosen 
 Margaret professor. 
 
 Sir B. BitADSHAiGH to George Kenyon. 
 
 1130 . 1711, May 5. — The qualification for Justices of the Peace for 
 our county is an hundred pounds per annum, which is less than other 
 counties, except Wales. As to the new lottery, it is not yet settled, but 
 nobody can subscribe less than an hundred pounds. 
 
 Proceedings in a Suit between Balph Banks and others against the 
 Honourable and Beverend Edward Finch, Clerk, Bector of 
 Wigan, and others. 
 
 1131 . 1711, May. — The suit relates to the church of Wigan. The 
 respondents claimed that the two chancels — called by the names of the 
 upper and lower chancel, the old and new chancel, and sometimes the 
 bishop’s and parson’s chancel — belonged to the rector of the said church, 
 but the appellants contended that in reality, notwithstanding the several 
 names, there was only one chancel, and that part of the church called 
 the old chancel was, upon the fall of the rector’s chancel, borrowed from 
 the parish, and was part of the nave, and in that part of the said church 
 was the gallery, wherein the Mayor, Bailiffs, and other officers of the 
 Corporation of Wigan used to sit, and that the parishioners paid for the 
 repair of the said old chancel. It appears that the rector collected a 
 fund for erecting an organ in the old chancel, for wliich purpose the 
 gallery, where the Corporation sat, was pulled down, and no provision 
 made for the Corporation. The appellants said that the said fund was 
 insufficient to maintain an organ in repair, or to pay an organist, and in 
 that part of the church called the old chancel, are divers vaults and 
 burial places belonging to several families in the parish of Wigan, where 
 the parishioners have immemorially buried, without leave of the rector; 
 that there was particularly a vault pertaining to the estate of Gorse, 
 formerly belonging to the family of Lowe and then to the family of 
 Bigby, and another to the family of Ashurst, of Ashurst, and that over 
 the same vaults were pews or seats belonging to the same families ; that 
 the only old and proper chancel, now called the easternmost chancel of 
 the Church of Wigan, being ruinous or fallen down before the time of 
 Bishop Bridgeman, late Bishop of Chester, the same was, in part only, 
 rebuilt by the said Bishop upon the old foundation, and that the “ ranke 
 or range ” of single pillars in the old chancel was of the same figure and 
 size with the rest of the pillars in the middle aisle, and the place called 
 the old chancel was separated from the easternmost chancel by two 
 double hollow bulky round pillars, which were fluted and worked in 
 small rounds down to the bottom, and upon a view, it would appear that 
 the said two pillars could not be placed there but as bounding or flank- 
 ing a passage into some more easternly building. 
 
 Depositions in support of above allegations, 22 pp. brief. 
 
 B[oger] K[enyon] to his sister[-in-law], Mrs. Kenyon. 
 
 1132 . 1711, October 27. — “ I saw Mr. W. Shippen, who told me he 
 had received a letter from the head of Brazen-nose, who said he would 
 favour what he could Mr. Entwissle’s pretensions, but he added that the 
 young man, he finds, was a Whig, which was against the present humour 
 of the College. In truth, unless the young man’s learning distinguish him 
 a good deal, I doubt not the party he is of will be some prejudice to him, 
 
448 
 
 for our Colleges, like all other places, get into parties. You have a new 
 scene among you, the courting of Mrs. Walmesley ; there seems to be a 
 great deal of knight errantry in it.” Seal of arms. 
 
 Roger Kenyon to his sister [-in-law], Mrs. Kenyon. 
 
 1133 . 1712, July 10. — “We have news to-day, by an express from 
 Dunkirk, that we are in full possession of the town and citadel, etc., and 
 now whether our allies will come into the peace or continue the war by 
 themselves, is no very great matter, in my opinion. Certain it is the war 
 is at an end as to England, unless our allies will needs have us against 
 them. The guns of the Tower have gone olF this morning, upon this 
 account.” 
 
 The Same to the Same, at Salford. 
 
 1134 . 1712, September 6. — “ I met Sir R. Brads [haigh] a day or 
 two ago ; he intends to be in the country, as he says, about a fortnight 
 hence, and though I do not always give him credit, in this matter I do, 
 because he is pretty watchfull about his elections, and who is chose 
 Mayor this next term, may probably serve for the election the next sumer ; 
 accordingly he told me his brother is chose Alderman, and is designed 
 for next Mayor. I tell you that, if he should not have acquainted my 
 brother with it before, my brother may have begunn to think whether 
 it be altogether safe to trust so near a relation of Sir Roger’s with a 
 power of being partial, if he pleases, and how near soever the time seems, 
 yet nobody can well foresee what alterations of partys and interests may 
 happen by that time. 
 
 “ Lord Rivers’ will is very much blamed for forgetting his legitimate 
 daughter, in favour of his natural one. It is probable some disputes may 
 arise about it, and I sopose Lord Barramore is got into Lancashire to 
 get possession of all he could ; it may happen to be of some use if my 
 brother went to wait of*him.” 
 
 Lord Berkeley to [George Kenyon]. 
 
 1135 . 1712, October 23. — “ Since you cannot, at present, think of any 
 body soe proper for the office of Sherif as Mr. Valentine, I am very 
 willing he should have it, having noe objection to him, but what I told 
 yon in my last of the apprehension I had, that he would not be thought 
 soe impartial as were to be wished in a Sherif, in case of any tryals in 
 the great cause wherein he was concerned, but by what you tell me of 
 him I do not doubt but he will behave himself like an honest man, and 
 I desire you will let him know that I will offer his name to the Queen, 
 when the time comes for pricking of Sherifs, and that you will send me 
 his Christian name. I have been very much pressed from Preston to 
 send the name of the gentleman I intend to recommend att the next 
 election, because Sir Harry Houghton and Mr. Fleetwood have declared 
 they would stand, but besides that, the gentleman I have a mind to is 
 out of town, and the distance to the election. I have some other reasons 
 that make me unwilling to recommend soe long beforehand. I will 
 acquaint you with them when you come to town, which you gave me 
 hopes would be before Christmas, for your advice in that, as well as in 
 other things, will always be much esteemed.” 
 
 Sir R. Bradshaigh to George Kenyon, 
 
 1136 . 1712, November 15. — Duke Hamilton and my Lord Mohun 
 fought this morning in Hyde Park, and both died before they were 
 brought home. The quarrel was about their law suit. 
 
449 
 
 F. Cholmondeley (?) to his cousin, [George Kenyon J. 
 
 1137 . 1712, November 15. — ‘‘This evening I saw the good Doctor 
 [Kenyon], who, betwixt some city patients and suburb attendances, is 
 fully employed. This day, the death of Duke Hamilton and Lord Mohoun, 
 both killed, is all the noise of the town. They met in the Park this 
 morning. Hamilton killed Mohoun at the first thrust, and Mohoun’s 
 second, Macarty, killed Hamilton as he was getting into his coach, and 
 after he had run his sword through him, hit him as he stood on the step 
 of the coach, down right butchering with his back on him all the 
 while. A-S yet he his not taken, but I hope he will be. Mr. Manering 
 died on Thursday last, and the town reports he hath left his daughter (?) 
 Oldfield, the player, twenty thousand pounds, following Lord Livers’ 
 example.” 
 
 Sir R. Bradshaigh to George Kenyon. 
 
 1138 . 1712, November 18. — “Last Sunday, my Lord Willoughby 
 and I dined with my Lord Berkley ; he has promised to write to Mr. 
 Walls, of the Moore Side, he has interest with him to engage him. My 
 liOrd Berkley and I have had a good deale of talk about your standing 
 the next Parliament, and you may depend upon his friendship, as likewise 
 what service he can doe with whomsoever is made our Lord Lieutenant 
 to engage him immediately. It is thought my Lord Cardigan will be 
 the man, but this is onely surmise att present. I do not doubt but we shall 
 
 doe well enough with my Lord T , and, the first opportunity, will 
 
 mention it to him, and nothing else shall be wanting. The Bishop of 
 Chester is not in towne, but will see him when hee returns out of the 
 country. I think the death of D[uke] H[amilton] is no loss to us, for 
 he had no great mind you should be chosen att Wigan, if he could have 
 found out means to hinder it. Mr. Fleetwood has lost a friend of him, 
 for he was endeavouring to have sett him up att Preston as the 
 
 Chancelour’s man. I received Mr. K pe’s letter to Mr. S r last 
 
 post ; the contents are a little extraordinary, but I do not doubt we shall 
 manage matters well enough. I will let you know what passes when I 
 
 have seen my Lord B re [Barrymore ?], and if I find him resolved 
 
 to stand, I will lose no time in securing that T r and all other persons 
 
 here. Nobody can tellyett how matters stand betwixt the two lords, as 
 to the Yorkshire estate, but I believe there is like to be some difference, 
 so I shall take proper measures as I see occasion offers.” 
 
 A Scheme for raising Money. 
 
 1139 . 17 12. — A scheme for raising 1,800,000//. upon standing orders 
 in the Exchequer, payable, in course, out of a fund of 168,003//. 
 annum for thirty-two years ; with a certain increase of principal and 
 interest, according to several classes, in the same manner as the two 
 million classes were last year ; and in this scheme there are 1,800 pre- 
 miums or prizes, which make the premiums or prizes just one to nine 
 over and above the certain increase of principal and interest in every 
 class. Printed hy John Barber. 
 
 R[oger] K[enyon] to his sister [-in-law, Mrs. Kenyon]. 
 
 . 1140 . 1712 -13, January 3. — Recommending her to send his godson 
 
 to Westminster School, where there are houses at which boys (at least 
 those no older than his godson) ^my but 20//. a year for boarding, and 
 the schooling but 5 or 6 guineas. 
 
 73480. F F 
 
450 
 
 Peter Shakerley to George Kenyon. 
 
 1141 . 1712[-13], January 20. Westminster. — ‘‘If you find you 
 shall meet with oposition at the next election of a member to serve for 
 Wigan, in the. room of my cozen, Henery Bradshaigh, deceased, give 
 due notice to my cozen, John Booth, ironmonger, in Warrington, to his 
 brother, Laurence Booth, esquire, at Tremlow, in Cheshire, and to 
 Doctor Fogg and Mr. Callis, at Chester, and they will com and vote for 
 you. I could not see Parson Walls, of Sanbach, nor Mr. Brayon, but I 
 spoke to cozen Swettenham, and hee will stay at home. I could not 
 prevail with Tom Cow per, of Chester (Mr. Callis, his son-in-law), 
 neither to vote for you nor to promise to stay at home, but I am tould 
 you will not meet with opposition. 
 
 “ Last night Sir Roger shewed me your draughts of petitions from 
 Wigan and the Fylde country, for makeing Douglas navigable, but the 
 first petition for leave to bring in the Bill, should have been from the 
 Justices and Grand Jury at the Quarter Sessions at Ormskirk, Preston, 
 or Wigan. I doubt it is now too late for that, therefore, inclosed is such 
 a draught of petition as I conceive will be propper enough for leave to 
 bring in the Bill, it being signed by such Justices of Peace, gentlemen, 
 and freeholders, as have estates adjacent to the said river, from Wigan 
 to Hesketh Bank.” 
 
 R. Bradshaigh to George Kenyon, “att his house in Manchester.” 
 
 1142 . I712[-13], March 21. — -Captain Lee, who sets out for Lanca- 
 shire this afternoon, will give you a full account of what passed. I 
 think “ the Lord ” has tied himself down not to oppose you, if you 
 stand ; “ this should not be talked on, least it putt somebody els upon 
 the thoughts of standing ; which Mr. Vernon told Captain Lee, Mr. 
 Brigman intended. But my Lord B[arrymo]re says quite otherwise. I 
 hope you will be in towne as soone as possible after your election ; I 
 shall want you about the River Act, and other matters of consequence, 
 not proper to write about.” What is Lord Willoughby doing, and 
 “ how do you stand with him, since his coming down ? He is in bad 
 health, and does not intend to live at Shaw Place.” 
 
 Richard La.ngton to George Kenyon, M.P. 
 
 1143 . 1713, May 8. Preston. — The news of Mr. Southwell being 
 lately elected as a member for Tregony, in Cornwall, has made great 
 alarm amongst us here, and though, to all thinking people, it is no reason 
 but that gentlemen may serve for this place in the next Parliament, but 
 our adversaries make use of it as an argument to the ordinary people, that 
 they are discharged from their promises to him. Seal of arms, broken. 
 
 Richard Langton to George Kenyon. 
 
 1144 . 1713, May 15. Preston. — I believe Mr. Southwell’s friends 
 have already spent 100//. amongst his voters here, and their bellies and 
 ])ockets are as empty as at the beginning ; and further expenses are 
 ne(;essary to establish an interest (if possible), but to name a sum I can- 
 not tell how, for the expense will be uncertain. If you please, you may 
 hint to the Chancellor, or Mr. Southwell, that letters of compliment 
 fiom one of them to Mr. Aldermen Sudell, Lemon, Gruddell, and 
 Lamjdugh, and also to Mr. Rawstorn, Mr. Foster, Dr. Farington, and 
 Mr. Thornton (which two last are useful and zealous friends) might be 
 of good service. 
 
451 
 
 Ralph Assheton to George Kenyon. 
 
 1145 , 1713, May 17. Preston. — Mr. Houghton, of Ormskirk, died 
 on Friday, and Mr. Eyre was with me yesterday and desired I would 
 procure a writ dc coronatore eligendo from you. He tells me he intends 
 to offer himself to the county, as coroner. Sir T. Stanley died about 
 half an hour before Dick Houghton. Seal. 
 
 William Bradshaigh to George Kenyon, M.P., to be left at Sir 
 
 Roger Braidshaigh’s house, in Frith Street, near Soho Square.” 
 
 1146 , 1713, May 22. — ‘‘I received both your letters, the latter of 
 which I shewed to the Corporation, who are very well pleased with the 
 tender of your service to represent us [in] the next Parliament.” Since 
 I am at the head, I will answer for the body that they think you most 
 capable of serving them, in conjunction with my brother. Captain 
 Shakerly is very much in your favour. 1 thank you for sending me the 
 Votes. Seal of amis, broken. 
 
 Dr. R. Wroe to his brother-in-law, George Kenyon, M.P. 
 
 1147 , 1713, May 24. — “ I am very heartily glad, by yours, of the right 
 understanding between Sir Roger and you, the doubt of which gave your 
 friends no little uneasiness. If Lord Bar[rymore] has already trickt you, 
 you have less reason to expect very faire play for the future. It is said 
 he hopes to unqualify you, in point of estate, which is another proof of 
 his disingenuity, and I mention it as such, not that I think it can hurt 
 you, nor that his interest can be considerable, if your friends stick by yon, 
 as I hope they will. I have writ to Mr. Pigot, Mr. Shaw, and Mr. 
 Blackburn. I met Mr. Pigot yesterday at the funeral of Mr. Newcome, 
 of Middleton, who very freely promised his vote, and presence if need 
 be, though he would not do so for Sir Roger, unless on my account. 
 Mr. Shaw says (as formerly) that he never promises, but I doubt not 
 but you may depend both on him and Mr. Blackburn. I have not yet 
 writ to Chester, because I think to be there shortly, but would have you 
 get Mr. Shakerley’s letter to his friends there, which will much prevaile 
 with them. If the Parliament end as you mention, it is well that it is 
 with a thanksgiving. The Treaty is not yet come down that I hear on, 
 and if you could strive to send it, it will be acceptable. I am sorry your 
 indisposition returns, and wish you could vote all your members free 
 from the gout and all other ill humours. I am glad to see, today, 
 that the Yorkshire bill for enclosing commons for the benefit of poor 
 vicarages and chappels, is like to pass. I hope we shall have the like in 
 other places.” 
 
 John Sumner to George Kenyon. 
 
 1148 , 1713, May 31. — ‘‘ I thought it most adviseable to have had 
 all the burgesses together at Serjeant Langshaw’s, but he enclined to 
 go from house to house to them, so I let him have his mind. You were 
 saying you had a mind to oblige Ralph Ashton, so the last week, I told 
 him that if three or four pound would do him a kindness, I did believe 
 I could prevail with you to lend it him ; it will engage both him and 
 his son, but it must be done soon. Tho : Mullineux has promised me 
 to vote for you, and I believe will. I have reason to think BaylifI: 
 William Brown will vote for you and Sir Roger. My Lord Barrymore’s 
 steward was in town, drinking, Thursday and Friday last, and Calvert 
 keeps drinking continually ; he is much at Randle Crooks, and Randle 
 
 F F 2 
 
452 
 
 will, I believe, be for my Lord, in hopes of great shotts, unless 
 Mr. Mawsdesley can get a promise from him for Sir Roger and you. 
 Mr. Mawdesley makes him Bayliff of the Hundred, and Mr. Mawsdesley 
 being now at home, on this side, it would do well for you to write to 
 Mr. Mawsdesley to send for Randle and get a positive promise from 
 him, or threaten to turn him out of his place, otherwise he will be lost, 
 and perhaps giving his place to another (if he will not promise) may 
 get another vote — but do it forthwith. There should be some money 
 ordered to be drunk, at times, with halfe a dozen or halfe a score bur- 
 gesses ; it is what they expect, and Calvert gives drink to all that came 
 to him. I have spent all I could shift for. I have told the two Lang- 
 shaws I will contrive some way to get them in serjeants, at Miclemas ; 
 there is no other way of keeping them, from going over to my lord.’’ 
 
 Richard Langton to George Kenyon, M.P., “ at his lodgings at the 
 White House, in Brounlow Street, near Drury Lane.” 
 
 1149 . 1713, June 12. Preston. — I have inquired of Mr. Stanley, 
 
 Governor of the House of Correction, concerning Johnson, the land- 
 waiter, named in your letter, who tells me that Johnson is under a very 
 dull and melancholy distraction, and, in all probability, never likely to be 
 restored so farr to his senses as to be capable for business. He keeps 
 him very close, and so tyed or chained, that he cannot do himself any 
 mischief, for he lias attempted to cut his own throat since he came into 
 the House of Correction. Mr. Stanley says that Mr. Smith, the 
 Collector at Leverpool, told him that he onely intends to continue 
 Johnson in his place till his halfe yeare is up, which ends in the latter 
 end of July next. We are all under great expectations what the House 
 of Commons will do upon the Articles of Commerce and Trade. There 
 is a great many severall sortes of trades and manufactures to be con- 
 sidered. I wish these points well setled 1 hear that 
 
 the Judges in the Queen’s Bench will, next week, give their opinions 
 about a petty-bagg in the Chancery here, and that there is hopes we 
 shall have their judgment for it, notwithstanding the great opposition 
 
 and struggle made by the other side will it not 
 
 be proper to acquaint the Chancellor with the design against the juris- 
 diction of the County-Palatine, and the pains and charge hath been to 
 maintain the point about a petty-bagg ? I wish his Lordship would be 
 prevailed with to grant me transmission orders out of Court; for 
 g . . . . ing them upon petitions has been of no long standing, and is of 
 very pernicious consequence, and oftentimes detained upon false 
 suggestions, on the petitions, and without hearing both sides.” All this 
 was provided against by recently drawn rules, which, however, he can- 
 not get signed by the Chancellor and officers. 
 
 John Sumner to George Kenyon, M.P., at the Great White 
 House,” in Brownlow Street, London. 
 
 1150 . 1713, June 14. — Advising him to pay certain expenses at 
 his election at Wigan. Lord Willoughby went to London on Friday ; 
 they say Bland, the late lord’s gentleman, came down for him. 
 
 Richard Wroe to George Kenyon, M.P. 
 
 1151 . 1713, June 19. [Manchester.] — “ I am got so far at liberty 
 from the gout as to be free from paine and able to ride out as far as 
 Newton, hut dare not yet attempt a journey to Chester, but have not 
 
453 
 
 been wanting to do you what service I can there, by writing, and do not 
 find there they have any great opinion of Lord Bar[ymore]. However, 
 some of them, I believe, will be for him. Mr. Knipe is now at 
 Wardley, where Mr. High Sheriff was with him on Weddensday, as hee 
 told mee yesterday, and says hee does not seem so confident as hee was, 
 nor can I learn that he has done any great feats at Wigan, and would 
 do less, if either Sir Roger or you were present, or at least some one for 
 you to warm their memory es ; and, perhaps, if neither of you can be 
 there, it might be a proper time at the Thanksgiving Day, to help on 
 the lejoyceing, and promote your own interests. 1 onely give the hint, 
 and leave it to your thoughts, supposing Mr. Knipe may be busy at 
 that time. Mr. Serjeant, of Stand, is to be buryed on Monday, said to 
 be dead very rich. I heare much of a poem called, I think. The Fable 
 of the Birds ; if worth while, pray send it in a post letter. Give 
 service to all friends in your house.” 
 
 John Walmesley to George Kenyon. 
 
 1152. 1713, June 23. Wigan. — have received from Sir. H. 
 Houghton a request for my vote for Sir R. Bradshaigh and yourself, at 
 the next election. “ Sir, it is not my temper to naake myselfe busey, and 
 yet I have a desire to acquaint you with townes-talke, on confidence 
 you will suppress it. That through the rector’s and Mr. Bridgman’s 
 interest, and a disgust that some burgesses have taken against Sir 
 R. B., it is believed tlie Lord Barrymore may make a prity strong 
 intrest. As to yourself, I hear not any personal dislike, but only that 
 Sir R. should assume upon himself to impose one, without the town’s 
 consent.” Seal of arms. 
 
 ‘‘The Englishman; or, A Choice Speech at the Election of 
 
 A Speaker, Etc.” 
 
 1153. [1713.] — “ Since you are now upon the choice of a Speaker, 
 give me leave, as an Englishman, to acquaint you that her Majesty, the 
 last session of the last Parliament, at which time I had not the honour 
 to be a member of this House, promised to lay before us the Treaty of 
 Commerce, which treaty, I beg leave to say, is demonstrably against the 
 interest of Great Brittain, and for that reason I cannot but highly 
 applaud the proposall made you for supplying the Chair with so honor- 
 able and worthy a member as Sir T[homas] H[anmer] must be allowed 
 to be. 1 think I am not irregular in nameing him, since the Speaker is 
 not in the Chair, nor would I, gentlemen, take this liberty, but that I 
 find it impossible to omitt this 0 ])pertunity of doing an honour to Sir 
 T[homas] H[anmer] by ])ublickly asserting that Dunkirk is not yet 
 demolished. And now 1 am upon the affair of Dunkirke, permit me, 
 sir, to say I shall never be satisfied till the House of Han[ove]r shall 
 think fitt to give the same assureance of a good correspondence betweene 
 them and this Crown, which her Majesty hath been pleased frequently 
 to give us. And this I say out of the profound respect I have for her 
 Majesty, and the duty I owe to the house of Han[ove]r, and therefore 
 I cannot but again repeat that I entirely concurr with that ivorthy 
 gentleman who thought fit to propose Sir T[homas] H[anmer] for 
 their Speaker. But at the same time, I must affirme that had I been to 
 name you one, it should not have been this gentleman. I hope this is 
 no reflection upon Sir T[homas] H[anmer]. The House, out of their 
 candour and great temper, I am persuaded, will not think it one, when 
 I say that I would not have named the same person which the worthey 
 
454 
 
 member has named you. I must confess, Mr. Jod . . el, the qualifications 
 which I should have regarded should have been such as, in my humble 
 opinion, are absolutely necessary to qualifie a person for this great em- 
 ployment. I would have proposed to you, sir, one who had thoroughly 
 applyed himselfe to the perusall of ‘ The Crisis,’ a book lately published, 
 the perusall of which will, I believe, more certainly make him who shall 
 think fitt to study it, a good Speaker, than him who wrote it, a good 
 member. I find gentlemen are diverted with what I say ; I acknow- 
 ledge the honour this day done me in their great desire to hear what I 
 had to say, and in their just reception they have given to what I have 
 said. But, sir, to come to the purpose, I will demonstrate the Bill of 
 Commerce to be a bad bill, and therefore I hope that we shall agree 
 upon Sir T[homas] H[anmer] for our Speaker. Those gentlemen who 
 are not of my opinion will, I hope, in this debate, confine themselves to 
 the subject; and as to that gentleman whom I rise up to answer, I hope, 
 if I have offered anything irregular, that he will consider I am but a 
 new member, and that as I came much later into this House, I may 
 chance to get much sooner out of it. Servetur ad imum qualis ah 
 incepto,^^ 
 
 Roger Kenyon to Mrs. Kenyon. 
 
 1154. 1713 - 14 , February 9. — “ I fancy, with all my skill, I could not 
 invent a tale which would surprize thee more than what I am going to 
 tell thee, with great truth, that 1 was this day marryed. The times, you 
 see, are calm and promise great security, so that for the prudence and 
 seasonableness of it, in that point, you cannot doubt ; and for the rest, all 
 that I can tell thee at present is, that her name was Cotton, daughter 
 to Sir John Cotton, of Huntingdonshire ; in stature and fattness not 
 much different from myself, about as good a Jacobite, and in every other 
 quality and circumstance a great deal better. When you come to know 
 her more I will let you judge for yourself, and I make no doubt but you 
 will love one another very well.” 
 
 Mr. Steele’s Speech upon the proposal of Sir Thomas Hanmer 
 for Speaker of the House of Commons. 
 
 1155. 1713 - 14 , February 16 . — “At the close of the last session of 
 Parliament, her Majesty was graciously pleased to declare from the 
 throne, that the late rejected Bill of Commerce between Great Britain 
 and France should be offered this House. That declaration was certainly 
 made that every gentlemen who should have the honour to be returned 
 hither, might make himself master of that important question. It is 
 demonstration, that Bill ought to be taken notice of, and no man can 
 have so great meritt to this nation att this time, as his by whose weight 
 and authority that Bill was thrown out. I rise up to do him honour in 
 some measure, and distinguish myself by saying I wish him our Speaker 
 for that his inestimable service to his country.” 
 
 Peter Shakerley to George Kenyon. 
 
 1156, 1713 [- 14 ], March 6. Westminster. — “ By the resolutions of 
 the Committee of the whole House this day made (who were, by order of 
 the House, to take into consideration the Act for quallifying members to 
 sitt in Parliament, and which resolutions come witli this), you will see 
 how ])lainly they are levelled against you, in particular. They were 
 brought in ready cooked (pockett questions) by Mr. Ward, for Newton, 
 
455 
 
 and the time proposed for giving in rent rolls, &c. was to have been 
 })ut ten days from the time of reading the petition, which was Wednesday 
 last, so that you would have been an offender, for want of due notice of 
 the order, for it will be Tuesday next before the House can have agreed 
 to these resolutions, the House being adjourned to that day; and if the 
 House do agree to them, it will be Wednesday before they come out in 
 print, and Thursday before they can be sent by the post to you. I 
 opposed these unfair proceedings, and, upon debate, instead of 10 days, 
 15 days was incerted. So that you are now to suppose the worst, which 
 is that the House, upon the Report, Tuesday next, will not allow a longer 
 time then fifteen days from Wednesday last. 
 
 “ Therefore, send up forthwith such paper, fairly written, signed by you, 
 as the said resolutions require, and, least one should miscarry, send one 
 to Sir Roger and another to me, both signed by you.” 
 
 [George Kenyon to Peter Shakerley ?] 
 
 1157 . 1713[-14], March 10. Manchester. — There is an objection 
 against one of the petitioners (Mr. Bridgman) which I think wee ought 
 to have advantage of, and which Sir Roger was acquainted with, but 
 what time is most proper to try the House’s sence in it, I submitt to 
 you. The matter is this. At the election, it was demanded that all the 
 candidates should take the oaths prescribed by the A ct. Mr. Bridgman, 
 who was absent, has, as I believe, never taken them yet, and the Act 
 declares such a one’s election to be voyd, if he refuse or neglect to take 
 tliem before the returne of the writt of election. I therefore hope he 
 
 can be no legall petitioner, and, if so, I further hope Lord B 
 
 [Barrymore?] joyneing in petition with him and makeing it but one 
 petilion, will destroy that likewise. To this I know but one answer, that 
 wee have not personally demanded of Mr. Bridgman to take tlie oath, 
 which was occationed by his perpetuall absence, and I presume, if he had 
 been out of England, it would not have been intended wee should seeke 
 him out, especially since, by his petition, he takes upon him to be apprized 
 of what was done and demanded all the election.” 
 
 Election Petition. 
 
 1158 . 1713[-14], March.^ — Petition of James Barry, Earl Barry- 
 more, in the kingdom oi' Ireland, and Orlando Bridgman, Esquire, to 
 the House of Commons, against the election of Sir Roger Bradshaigli 
 and George Kenyon at Wigan, they not having estates of the annual 
 value of 300/t. to qualify them to serve as members. 
 
 Receipt for a Salver, and for engraving the same. 
 
 1159 . 17 14, April 9. — Receipt, given by Thomas Beech, of “ the 
 ‘ Blackamoor’s Head,’ in Cheapside,” to Dr. Kenyon : — 
 
 “A salver at 6s. 2d. the ounc, weing 28 oz. 7 pe. - Si. I5s. 2d. 
 
 For graving the salver - - - - - - 0/. 2^. 6d. 
 
 81. I7s.8d.” 
 
 George Kenyon to his wife. 
 
 1160 . 1714, June 5. — “ The Princess Sophia is dead, and of an oppo- 
 
 plexy, as it is said. The Exclusion Bill was read yesterday a first time, and 
 ordered a second reading on Monday, without a division upon that point, 
 though many speeches. Lords Bull ke [Bollingbroke], Angl y 
 
456 
 
 [Anglesey], and Abington, amongst those for the Bill; Lord Nott[ing- 
 bam] with those against it. There was a division about hearing council 
 against the Bill, and carried against it 72 against 66, which was a full 
 House, and may perhaps show the fate of the Bill.” 
 
 1161 . 1714, June 15, — Estimate for Funeral Charges, given by 
 
 Philip Morris. 
 
 “ For a leaden and elme coflSn covered with fine cloth, £ s. d. 
 sett off with the best guilt worke - - - - 8 0 0 
 
 A herse and 6 horses, at IL 2s. Qd. per day - - - 6 10 0 
 
 Two mourning coaches and six horses ditto - - 13 0 0 
 
 Velvet covering for herse and horses - - - - 1 10 0 
 
 Seventeen plumes of feathers for herse and horses - 2 10 0 
 
 Twenty four buckram escutcheons for herse and horses 2 8 0 
 
 12 shields and 6 chapperons - - - - - 250 
 
 12 large pencells and 36 small pencells - - - 3 0 0 
 
 A pall — the journey - - - - • - - 100 
 
 12 silk escutcheons for the pall - - - - 3 0 0 
 
 A lid and feathers for the top of the corps - - - 10 0 
 
 3 horsemen, and [to] bare their own charges, at 9^. per 
 
 day 580 
 
 6 footmen to attend the herse to the stone’s end - - 15 0 
 
 12 escutcheons for the pulpit - - - - - 14 0 
 
 6 yards cloth for the pulpit at — per yard ; a hatchment 
 
 for the house - - - - - - - 300 
 
 4 gentlemen’s cloakes, at 5^. apiece - - - - 10 0 
 
 12 pair shamy gloves, at 3^. 6d. a pair - - - 2 2 0 
 
 12 hats (?) at 3^. Qd. apiece, for gentlemen - - - 2 2 0 
 
 6 scarves at 10^. apiece - - - - - - 300 
 
 12 hatbands for servants, at 2s. apiece - - - 14 0 
 
 12 pair gloves for coachmen, at Is. apiece - - - 12 0 
 
 12 pair gloves for servants, at H. 6d. a pair - - 18 0 
 
 19 yards of bayes for the chancell, [and] bayes for the 
 
 life and deth ------- - 19 0 
 
 12 paper escutcheons for the chancell - - - 12 0 
 
 66 19 0 
 
 “ This 15 June, 1714, I agree with Roger Kennyon, Esquire, to 
 perform all the articles above recited for the sum of sixty four pounds.” 
 
 Roger Kenyon to his brother, George Kenyon. 
 
 1162 . 1714, July 29. — ‘‘The quarrels at Court, indeed, are ended, 
 but it is by the rout of the Lord Treasurer. Yesterday, or the evening 
 before, his staff was taken from him, and the Treasury is to be [in] 
 commission, for some time, at least. Lord Bolinbroke, and the 
 Chancellor, are to rule the world, and it is said they will be swingeing 
 Torys, and not a Whig left in place a month hence ; however, I do not 
 find that the Court will have many more removes in it, either from their 
 own affection to (piitt with the Treasurer, or the Court’s aversion to 
 them. The City seems so unconcerned at this work, that I do not find 
 the stocks to alter one bitt upon it. It has one present ill effect, that 
 it furnishes an excuse to let poor Mr. Bedford (?) lye where he is, and 
 when they w'ill come to themselves upon that head, 1 know not.” 
 
457 
 
 R[oger] K[enyon] to his brother, George Kenyon. 
 
 1163. 1714, August 12. — The event of the Queen’s [death] was 
 generally expected to be attended with confusion ; nothing like it has 
 occurred. Everything is in tranquillity, and the stocks rise upon the 
 bettering of the times. Indeed, to tell the truth, the Queen and her 
 Ministry seem very clear of the charge some people made against thena, 
 of endeavouring to bring in the Pretender. Whatever thoughts she 
 had upon that subject, she is gone to answer for to Him who only can 
 judge of thoughts. Seal of arms. 
 
 The Earl of Derby to George Kenyon, at Manchester. 
 
 1164. 1714, September 14. London, — “ When I came hither, which 
 was within few days after the Queen dyed, my sister, Colchester, gave 
 me a letter from my Lord Baramore, by which he desired the same thing 
 you did some time after. I did not then believe you would have stud 
 Q^c) at Wigan, so I made no difficulty to let h[im] know I should be 
 glad it were in my powre to serve him. I thought I could doe no less, 
 sinsT had refused him last time; you haveing spoken to me furst, 1 hope 
 you will think this a suffitiant excuse.” Seal of aimis. 
 
 John Su3iner to George Kenyon. 
 
 1165. 1714, September 19. — “On Friday last, John Rigby (steward 
 to the late Lord Rivers) came to me and, after some talke about the 
 election of Mayor, and the differences that were in the town, told me it 
 was in my power to make peace. I said I wisht it were. ‘ Yes,’ says 
 he, ‘you may’; and the expedient he offered was that I would pro- 
 pose to you to desist, and he would undertake my Lord should repay all 
 the expence you have been at. He pressed me mightily, and made me 
 promise to propose this to you and to meet him at Betty Bolton’s, in 
 the Scoles, on Tuesday next, and give him your answer. I therefore 
 send the bearer over on purpose, and desire you will, by him, let me 
 know in a line what answer, and in what manner, I must give Rigby on 
 Tuesday. I have good reasons to think that he was ordered to make 
 this proposall ; Knipe was then in Wigan, and Rigby would gladly have 
 sent for him to us, but I would not suffer him.” 
 
 [George Kenyon to John Sumner.] 
 
 1165a. [1714, September.] — “ I wonder you should entertain a propo- 
 sition of that sort from that quarter. I hoped you had more discretion 
 than to suffer yourself to be amused with it, from so unlikely a hand too, 
 which I looke upon no other than an artifice to draw off some of my 
 friends by it. You may be sure I will give no manner of answer to it, 
 nor would I have writt, but in respect to yourself. Now to speak to 
 yourself. You must be witness I have allwayes declared that to the reall 
 quiett and settlement of the towne I would be a willing sacrifice ; and 
 if I be the Jonas that keeps up the storm, that you throw me overboard. 
 You say you have not acquainted Sir R. Bradshaigh with it, which I 
 much wonder att. However my own inclinations stood, 1 will not move the 
 least step in that affair without his.” Draft, on bach of 'preceding letter. 
 
 John Beresford to his brother. 
 
 1166. 1714, December 21. — “I could exchange a sheet of storys 
 with you, but have lost the pleasure on’t ; since, by gradation, they gott 
 
458 
 
 to the top of villany at Derby, which was to make about 92 more 
 burgesses of the Duke, and Lord James’ tenants, sent for out of 
 Scarsdale (in all about 200). The wonder is over, and talke ceases. 
 The last account is from the King’s Bench, where attachments were 
 granted, in extraordinary manner, upon bare motion of the Attorney- 
 Generall, against five or six gentlemen, in and about the towne of Derby, 
 to appear and traverse without any notice of the information or sum- 
 monce, to shew cause why attachments should not goe out ; and all the 
 while, the Lord Chief J ustice seems to bee sorry, and wonder at the 
 violent proceedings of the Corporation, though the cheife manager (Tom 
 Gisborne) has letters from him every weeke. Some applications luive 
 been made (as I perceive by Tom Bagshaw) to give disturbance in the 
 county, but I do not find they take. Wee have now got a Sheriff, which 
 relei ves us of some fees, and gives some hope as to jurys, upon proceed- 
 ings that may happen in his yeare. The man lives in Derby, and hath 
 been offered Tom Gisborne’s friendship and interest to gett him off for 
 a summe of money which .... Tom thought the covetous wretch 
 would readily swallow, by which hee might gett both the bribe and his 
 owne ends ; but the man generously refused his friendship, and though his 
 father, Mr. Burton, of Weston, was sheriffe but nine years ago, hath 
 taken, and goes on with the office, which animates our Derby friends 
 in some measure.” 
 
 The African Company. 
 
 1167 . 1714. — The case for and against the African Company. Various 
 'printed papers. 
 
 Wigan Election. 
 
 1168 . [1714.] — Depositions of William Low, of Wigan, in the 
 County of Lancaster, labourer, who says that ‘Ghe night before the last 
 election of Parliament men for Wygan, he, together with Matt : 
 Turner, a comon bayliff, arrested one John Bullock, att the suit of 
 Mr. Boyer, and the same night gave notice of the said arrest to the said 
 Mr, Boyer and Mr. Alexander Leigh, the attorney, who were both 
 
 friends, and the said Mr. Leigh an agent or manager 
 
 was commonly reported to be for the Lord Barrymore, att the said 
 election, whom he found in the great room att the ‘ Cross Keys,’ apublick 
 house in Wygan, with a great deal of company, amongst whom was 
 
 whom this deponent was then told was Lord 
 
 Barrimore. 'J’hat thereupon, the said Mr. Boyer, Mr. Leigh, and the 
 rest of the company, very much presst this deponent to carry the said 
 Bullock forthwith away to Chorley, which is six miles distant from 
 Wygan, but it being then very late, this deponent desired to be excused, 
 as fearing the prisoner might escape in the dark. And this deponent 
 further saith, that the said bayliffes had then, warrants against Mr. John 
 Sumner, Ralph Langshaw, James Leyland, and other Burgesses of the 
 said burrough, which, he conceives, were then intended to be made use 
 off to prevent their vetoing att the said election, for that the said Mr. 
 Leigh and the Lord [Barrymore], and others there present, did appoint 
 this de])onent and Alexander Horrocks, servant to the said Matt : 
 Turner, to watch at the town hall of Wygan that night, and that if any 
 of the before named persons, against whom they had warrants, did 
 attempt to come into the Ksaid hall that night, this deponent and 
 Horrocks should seize and carry them aw'ay ; and that this deponent 
 and the said Horrocks did watch all or most part of the said night 
 accordingly, and Mr. Leigh and the said company ordered them to call for 
 
459 
 
 what drink they had a mind to, and he would take care it should be paid 
 for, and this deponent and the said Horrocks had what drink they 
 pleased, accordingly. And this deponent further saith that he was im- 
 ployed the next day, being the day of election of members of Parlia- 
 ment, by the said Mr. Leigh, together with Matthew Turner, William 
 Turner, and other baylifFs and assistants, to arrest the said persons be- 
 fore mentioned, as they came to vote ; and by direction of the said Mr. 
 Leigh, this deponent and others, the said baylitfes placed themselves 
 upon and att the foot of the said hall-stairs, that being the onely passage 
 into the said hall, with intention to arrest the said persons accordingly, 
 and carry them away as they were severally arrested .... And 
 this deponent liirther saith that he heard the said Lord, togetlier with 
 Mr. Kobert Holt, of Wygan, and the said Mr. Leigh — who was likewise, 
 as this deponent has heard and believes, a manager or agent for the 
 said Lord att the said election — speake to and encourage Thomas Mitton 
 and John Barrow, hatter, and others, to get their friends together the 
 next day, and to stand true to each other and to knock down, or words 
 to that effect, and beat such Haighmen as should appear in the town, 
 and that they would bear them out in so doing ; and that the said Mitton 
 and Barrow thereupon declared to their companions below stairs, the 
 said encouragement, and accordingly, with multitudes of their friends 
 armed with clubs and staves, they assembled the next day. And this 
 deponent further saith that he very well remembers that the said 
 Mr. Sumner, Ralph Langshaw, and (he beleeves) James Leyland, did 
 publickly appear and were seen abroad in the town of Wygan, without 
 any manner of absconding, for severall months before the said day of 
 election for members for Parliament, and he beleeves there was no 
 attempt in that time to arrest them, and that from and after the said 
 day of election, for members of Parliament, they likewise appeared 
 })ublickly in town ; and this deponent had no orders, and beleeves no 
 other person upon the said warrants had orders, to arrest them untill the 
 day or near the time of choosing a Mayor for the said town, which was 
 upon the third day of October then following.” 
 
 The humble Address of the Mayor, Bailiffs, and Burgesses of the 
 Corporation of Wigan, in the County Palatine of Lancaster, 
 presented by Sir Roger Bradshaigh. 
 
 1169. 1715, March 27. — Dread Sovereign, we begg leave to condole 
 with you the death of her late Majesty, whose memory ought to l)e dear 
 to the present generation, and whose reigne will be esteemed glorious 
 and happy to the latest posterity, glorious in tryumphs of war and 
 carrying the reputation of the English arines to a height unkiiowne to 
 former ages ; happy in seeing that warr terminate in a generall, solid, 
 and beneficial peace for her people, herself being the arbitress thereof. 
 
 ‘‘ Give to us leave, as the first fruits of that, happy peace, to congratu- 
 late your Majestie’s quiett accession to the Imperiall Throne of these 
 kingdomes. Your Majesty’s consummate prudence in government, know'- 
 ledge and abilities in warr, gives us confidence ; your piety and virtues 
 gives us assurance ; and your royal! issue gives us a prospect of the 
 long continuance of all the blessings that a gratefull and dutifull people 
 can wish for. 
 
 “ We take this opportunity to return our thanks for your Majesties 
 gracious assureance of protecting the episcopall churches of England; 
 this, with your being in full communication with that church, must 
 make you dear to all the members thereof. We cannot but please our- 
 selves with the hopes that, by the establishment of your family amongst 
 
460 
 
 us, the favourable conjuncture which has been so long wished for is 
 now come, to extend the episcopall government to the reformed churches 
 abroad, which, as we believe the only foundation possable to unite the 
 Christian world upon (if ever it must be so happy), so it must render 
 you, above all things, glorious to the whole reformation, by being the 
 happy instrument of so universal I a benefitt. 
 
 “ Upon all these hopes and prospects we are tyed, as well by our in- 
 terest as the principles of our holy church, to pay you our allegiance in 
 an inviolable manner, and pray that after a long continuance of a 
 prosperous reigne here, you may be translated to one eternall here- 
 after” 
 
 “ Conic ” Lamps. 
 
 1170. 1715, J line 25. — Receipt for ds. given to Dr. Kenyon by 
 Richard Post, collector, for the use of ‘‘ the Proprietors of the Conic 
 Lamps.” 
 
 Registration of Papists’ Lands. 
 
 1171. [after 17 15. ]~ -There are particulars of the lands in the county 
 of Lancaster, of the following Papists, viz. : — Hugh Bulling, of Lathom, 
 yeoman ; Humphrey Orrell, of Parr, in the parish of Piescot ; Thomas 
 Johnson, of Downholland, in the parish of Halsall ; William Bradshaw, 
 of Burscough ; Lawrence Wilson, of Ormskirk ; Margaret Assheton, of 
 Abram, widow ; Francis Farrar, of Downholland, in the parish of 
 Halsall ; Richard Moor, of Downholland ; John Boardman, of Ashton, 
 in the parish of Winwick, linen webster ; John Fletcher, of Windle ; 
 and Richard Cropper, of Burscough. 
 
 P (?) Kenyon to Mrs. Kenyon, at Gredington. 
 
 1172. [1715-16,] January 10. — We have just received an express, 
 dated Dumfries, January 3, which gives an account that the rebels were 
 then at Glasgow, where they are raising a large contribution in cloth, 
 linen, stockings, tartan, bonnets, and cash to a (considerable sum. They 
 are not yet joined by the rebels in the north at Perth, Dundee, Aberdeen, 
 etc. Part of General Hawley’s army has got to Edinburgh, and the 
 rest expected in a day or two, so far our letter. As to Manchester, 
 they are ready to pull one another’s eyes out, and the country is full of 
 thieves and rogues. 
 
 Voting on the Triennial Act. 
 
 1173. 1716, April 24. — An exact and correct list of the members of 
 the House of Commons who voted for and against the Bill for repealing 
 the Triennial Act. Also of the absent members, which makes this a 
 compleat list. 
 
 T. Stafford to “ Captain Martell, of Colonel Stanhope’s Dragoons, 
 or, in his absence, to Captain Deleuzf (?), of the same regiment.” 
 
 1174. 1716, October 16. Dumfries. — “The misfortunes, disapoint- 
 iiients, and ingratitude, I have met with in this vile world, are soe many 
 and great, that I cannot longer bear them, therefore have thought fit to 
 retire, beleiveing it better to dye than to live miserable, which I have 
 already done too long. I beg you will order sentrys on my room and 
 
461 
 
 stable, that the people of this town and country may have nothing to 
 doe with my person nor effects. The bearer brings you my writing 
 box, the key of which is here inclosed. In that part of the box that 
 holds the pens and ink, you will find my purse with 29 guineas; in the 
 other, my pockett book relateing to paying the regiment, &c. I beg you 
 will pay my landlord, Gripton, about 40^. for some hay and corn I had 
 of him ; my servant about 3/. or 4/. due to him for wages ; what you 
 think fit, for burying me; and the rest of the money I desire may be 
 returned to my wife, by bill or otherwise. You may please to direct to 
 Mrs. Stafford, att Mr. Congreaves, of Stretton, in Staffordshire, by 
 Wolverhampton bagg, per London, and represent my misfortune as 
 favourably as you can to her. And if you please to write to my father, 
 Thomas Stafford, Esq., at Maxfield, in Cheshire, I desire you would 
 condemn his severe usage of me, as you will see he deserves by the 
 inclosed letters, though I might very reasonably have expected better, 
 considering I have paid severall thousand pounds for him. The 
 books and accounts of the regiment are in my trunk, the accounts and 
 vouchers sealed up in a canvas bagg marked Stanhope, iSTo. 6, where 
 you will find the vouchers for all, except the 14/. 18.?. 6r/. continjencys, 
 and the 41/. lO^. Od. I have charged myself with for paying the regi- 
 ment, which the colonel will please to order, as he thinks fit. This 
 tragicall action has been thought of for some time. I am sorry it has 
 hindred me takeing care of your troop, and doing my duty in the 
 regiment I ought, but hope that will all be forgiven, since it was 
 my misfortune, not my fault ; for it was wholly out of my power 
 to alter my dismal temper, nor could anything divert my melan- 
 choly, it was soe deeprooted. If the major and you secure my 
 horses and effects to be disposed of by auction in the regiment, I hope 
 they will be sufficient to answer anything that I may be charged with 
 by Mr. Bourn, &c., for I would not have Colonel Stanhope suffer the 
 loss of a farthing on my account, nor any officer in his regiment, I 
 hope, and doubt not, but you will have hat reguard to a dead friend, and 
 the rest of the choar to a brother officer, as to insist upon a decent 
 buiyall, and in such place as you shall think proper, notwithstanding the 
 clergy and their creatures may object against iL I have ten thousand 
 pardons to ask for giving you this trouble, and many others, but when 
 I consider it will be the last, I readily ghess it will be forgiven. I wish 
 all happiness, glory, and conquest, may ever attend you.” 
 
 Postscript . — I beg you will take your fine new hat again, it is in the 
 top of my trunk, but has never been worn. I am very sorry you put 
 yourself to that expence for soe miserable a creature as I am. . , . 
 
 . I desire you would accept of my little gun, to keep for my sake. 
 Part of my linen is at wash with Radclyff’s wife, of your troop. . 
 
 . . It will be very kind in Colonel Stanhope if he will get my wife in 
 
 upon the widows’ list.” 
 
 Anthony Barlow to George Kenyon, “ at his house in Salford.” 
 
 1175. 1716, Kovember 18. Stopford. — Is it necessary for me to 
 come to Salford to-day, in order to make a new will to-morrow, for the 
 benefit of my estate and children “ before I am any way convicted ” ? 
 For I think I was told by a lawyer that, by the Act of Parliament 
 “ made about the time they pulled downe meeteing-houses,” any person 
 summoned by Justices to appear before them to take the oaths, upon 
 a refusal was immediately convicted. And shall be apprehensive it will 
 l)i’ove so, unless you send me word to the contrary, and that I have 
 longer time to make my will in than to-morrow, unconvicted. 
 
462 
 
 Petee Shakerley to the Mayor and Magistrates of the 
 Corporation of Wigan. 
 
 1176. 1717[-18], January 23. Hulm. — ‘‘ My desire was, and is, that 
 you might take possession of the west end gallery in Wigan church, the 
 2nd of next month, at which time, I am tould, the interest of those who 
 rent seats therein, expires ; and I writt to Sir Roger Bradshaigh a good 
 while since to take elfectuall care that not any seat therein should be 
 disposed of from that time, which hee writt to me hee had don by 
 giveing a caution thereof to the clerk, who had the disposall of those 
 seats. 
 
 “Last post, I received a letter from Mr. Prescott, the Register at 
 Chester, to whom I writt before Christmas last, and sent him your 
 Recorder, Mr. Kenyon’s, objections (which hee sent to Sir Roger) for 
 . the title to be the purchaser of the said gallery. This 
 inclosed is in answer to it, which I desire you forthwith to communicate 
 to Mr. Kenyon. I am entirely a stranger to the methods of the Eccle- 
 siastical! Court, and hope I shall always continue soe. I am ready and 
 willing to pay you the 100/. I promised, for the purchase of the said gallery 
 for you and your successors, haveing good and sure title made to it ; but 
 if there is any debt to workmen or others for building it, or otherwise, 
 that must be paid out of the 100/. purchase money, for every estate 
 must be freed from debts, &c., to a purchaser.” 
 
 [Dr. Roger Kenyon] to his sister-in-law, Mrs. Kenyon. 
 
 1177. 1718, May. — “I am now removing from Paris; two days 
 more will be all my stay in it, and where my next to this will be dated, 
 is hard to say — EJanders or Holland, for I shall go through them both, 
 in my way home. I could not but be sensibly touched for my -relations 
 in their loss for so good a man as the late worthy warden.^ As death 
 is the lot of every man, so is the history of it the subject of all times 
 and all countries. Saturday last, about 7 in the morning, dyed the 
 Queen of England, at St. Germains, of a pleurike (sic) fever, after 4 or 5 
 days’ illness. She was a lady of great virtues and great sufferings. The 
 worldly blessings of this life are surely of small esteem in the eye of 
 Providence, or its ways are very impenetrable to us, or, what is as true 
 as either, there is another time and place where all accounts will be 
 most justly stated. Her enemies, too, will dye, and if they have caused 
 her sufferings wrongfully, I do not envy them their success.” Seal of 
 arms. 
 
 The Same to the Same. 
 
 1178. 1718, September 6 (N. S.). Amsterdam. — “You do well to 
 visit Peel sometimes and keep it in repair. When there are a great 
 many good fires in it and a great deal of good company. Peel is not an un- 
 pleasant place. It is now almost three weekes since I came to this pious 
 town of Amsterdam, a place of little mirth, but busy enuf, in a country 
 where scarce anything grows but where everything abounds, and yet, in 
 this abundance, where they eat and drink, themselves, the worst things 
 they have, and send the best abroad; in short, where the whole pleasure 
 and i)ent of their mind is to get together a great heap of money, and 
 make very little use of it when they have done. An idle person is one 
 of the greatest raritys in the country, seems out of his place and in their 
 
 * Dr. Wroe, Warden of Manchester. 
 
463 
 
 way ; so I will even leave them where I found them, and where, I beleive, 
 the last day will find them — in the search of wealth, with all the powers 
 of body and mind. They do, however, say their prayers, and in great 
 variety of languages and all sorts of forms : but the petitions in 
 which they are most devout, I fancy, have a view towards this world.” 
 
 The Same to the Same. 
 
 1179. 1718-19, March 17. — The end of this week, or the begin- 
 ning of the next, I intend to go down to Cambridge, and design to 
 lodge in the College, where they have promised to get me a room ; or, if 
 anything alters that purpose, I shall be found at the ‘ Bear Inn,’ which 
 is one of the best houses in the town, but more convenient, it may be, 
 for me than my brother, being, as he knows, at a small distance from 
 the College, but very near to Mr. Thomkinson. The ‘ Sun,’ or ‘ Queen’s 
 Arms,’ are nearer to St. John’s, but what sort of landlords they have at 
 present I am too much a stranger there to know. We abound here in 
 reports of, I know not what invasions from Spain. That they are 
 frightened in Exchange Alley is certain, but what projects Cardinal 
 Alberoni may have in his head is [out] of my reach, and whether they 
 will . . . here [or] where, though we do well to take our precau- 
 
 tions ... I fancy, as yet nobody is very sure.” 
 
 The Same to the Same. 
 
 1180. 1719, June 9. — ‘‘ Rumours abound here, as with you, and truth 
 is so mixed with falshood that it is most difficult to separate them. It 
 is, however, no longer doubted but that the Princess Sobiesky is at Rome, 
 and Lord Mar stopt at Geneva, wdiither K[ing] G[eorge] has writt to 
 thank them for their zeal in his cause ; will take a little time to consider 
 what to do with him, but in the mean time, would have him well used. I 
 have heard nothing spoke yet of the deeds of our [vice kings, unless 
 some debate they had about sending a squadron to the Baltick, which the 
 majority of them, being against Mr. Crags, produced an order from his 
 Majesty that one should be sent of 12 men of- war. For the rest, people 
 seem to wait for some great matter with very curious ears, but upon 
 what ground I know not, I believe they neither.” 
 
 Edward Beresford to Dr. Kenyon, “ at his lodgings, number 
 31 in Gloster Street, near Red Lyon Square.” 
 
 1181. 1719-20, January 17. [Stockport.] — I have such a great 
 
 sensibility and soreness in the “ joyning” of my head, that I cannot bear 
 the touch of a light wig, but almost always wear a thin silk cap, 
 yet without ever getting cold. What methods are taken to advance 
 a subscription in other parts, this and the neighbouring counties, or in 
 the kingdom in general, I know not ; but undoubtedly an application 
 might be made, which would turn to very great account. You are very 
 generous to our design of a new school. 
 
 Church Seats. 
 
 1182. l7l9[-20], February 20. — Case and opinion of counsel, upon 
 the validity of a grant of a seat in the l)ody of the parish church of 
 Manchester, made by the Bishop of Chester, in 1630, to Sir Alexander 
 Raddifie. 
 
464 
 
 Information as to Treasonable Language. 
 
 1183 . 1720, August 31. — Information of Henry Harris, a soldier ‘‘ in 
 his royal highness George, Prince of Wales’, own regiment of Welsh 
 Fuzilleers, commanded by Major General Sabin, now quartered at 
 Manchester,” taken before George Cheetham, esquire. Justice of the 
 Peace, that on the 30th August, at ten o’clock at night, he heard John 
 Whiteley, of Manchester, yeoman, say, I am the man that says, downe 
 with the Rump, and downe with King George, and be damned.” 
 
 Eights over Tonge Moor. 
 
 1184 . [1720.] — Statement about rights over Tonge Moor, in the 
 township of Tonge, claimed as belonging to the owner of the capital 
 messuage called “ Hall of Wood, in Tonge.” 
 
 George Kenyon to Mr. Moss. 
 
 1185 . 1720[-1], February 17. Salford. — ^‘Charles Beswick was 
 
 with me yesterday, with orders from Mr. Egerton, Mr. Chetham, Mr. 
 Eatcliffe and Parson Ashton, and to-day again from Mr. Warren and 
 Mr. A rderne, all trustees for Manchester Schoole, to tell you they doe 
 noe way intend to oppose your [Navigation] Bill, but that they expect 
 the Schoole Mills to be effectually secured.” They suggest a clause, 
 relative to the mills, to form part of the bill ; this recites that the revenue 
 of the mills “ is an antient charity, founded for the maintenance of a free 
 schoole ” within Manchester^ and enacts that nothing in the bill shall be 
 taken to give power to the ‘‘ undertakers ” to construct any works which 
 should obstruct the free working of the mills. Copy. 
 
 Hr. Eoger Kenyon to his sister-in-law, Mrs. Kenyon. 
 
 1186 . 1721, November 2. — “I affirm nothing, but every body talks 
 of a new Parliament. Whether my brother has any sort of intention 
 to busy himself about it, either upon his own account or anybody’s els, 
 I know not; but I heard, by Mr. Masters, that he was lately at Wigan, 
 and that Sir E. Br[adshaigh] intends for himself and son. If my brother 
 is of that side, I hope he will put himself to no charge about it, for what- 
 ever Sir E. may be in other respects, he is certainly as bad a member of 
 Parliament as can be had. Y esterday, it being moved in the House to 
 lessen the forces, being now in an universall tranquillity, and it being 
 much preston one side that if it was not now done, a standing army and a 
 land tax would be perpetuated without one word of answer, though desired 
 to say somewhat, the question was called for and carryed, to continue the 
 army, by 99 against 40.” 
 
 Thomas Eobinson, curate of Mottram, to ‘‘ Mr. Kenyon, 
 counsellor-at-law, living in Salford.” 
 
 1187 . 1722, December 6. Mottram. — “ A purchase is proposed for 
 the augmentation of Mottram; and, therefore, the Bishop of Chester 
 desires me to lay before you an abstract of all the writings belonging to 
 the estate, and to ask your opinion. I have sent your {qq per bearer.” 
 
 Benjamin Grosvenor to “ the Eev : Mr. Wood, in Chowbent.” 
 
 1188 . 1722[-3], February 18. Hoxton Square. — This comes to 
 desire you to send up an account of your labours at the late rebellion. 
 
465 
 
 your dangers and hazards, your expenses and charge, your sufferings 
 and damages, and what you are yet out of pocket. Make it appear as 
 much for the King’s service as it really was, and, I believe, it will be 
 an hundred pounds in your way ; for, as far as 100/. goes, we have a 
 prospect of procuring it for your reimbursement. You are also to send 
 up a letter of thanks (after we have the money secured) to a certain 
 great man, whose name you shall hereafter know. Be as quick as you 
 can. If your former account had been a little more particular, I do not 
 know but it might have been two hundred, instead of one. I leave it 
 to you to servare modum. Between tediousness and dryness be a little 
 distinct, but do not be long, and touch it up so as to make the represen- 
 tation as advantageous as you can. God be with you, and give you 
 such success as is hoped for.” 
 
 Postscript, — “ Something about the state of the country about you, 
 how affected ; and if you can, suggest anything for the King’s service. 
 Direct yours to Mr. Holding, merchant in Fenchurch Street, Fan 
 Court, London.” 
 
 Edward Hulton ‘‘ to the Feoffees of the Free School at 
 Manchester.” 
 
 1189. 1723, May 17. Manchester. — “ These lines are occasioned by 
 some apprehensions of hard usage, which I have met with, relating to my 
 concern with the school, upon the death of the two masters, a year ago ; 
 for upon the demise of the late Mr. Barrow, one of the body engaging 
 me to do the office of a school-master there till the patron had filled up 
 the two vacancies, promised, before Mr. John Kay and the steward, 
 that I should be very well satisfied for my diligence during service in 
 that trust. Notwithstanding which, it has happened otherwise with me, 
 as I hope will appear to you by the following account. From the 
 death of Mr. Barrow, March the 4th, to April the 26th, inclusive, are 
 seven weeks and 3 days, for which time’s service there was due to me, 
 according to your own allowance of a guinea and a half per week, 
 11/. Oa’. Od. and upwards ; instead of which sum, I have only received six 
 guineas, to wit, one month’s payment, which falls a great deal short of 
 the first sum. And further, since you were pleased to assign me half a 
 guinea per week, as a recom pence for my care of Mr. Thompson’s 
 school for the said 7 weeks, I apprehend that if I really desired 
 such a consideration upon that account for that term, I did also for all 
 the time besides it, which, besides the 3 weeks 3 days already intimated, 
 includes in its account the time from February 17 to the said 4th of March ; 
 for upon February 17, Mr. Gray deserted the said school. This is the state 
 of the most material of my present grievances, though I doubt not but 
 most of you are sensible that I have reason to complain of severe treat- 
 ment in other respects, though at the same time, justice requires that I 
 should acquit the gross of the worthy body, which I accordingly do, 
 hoping that your generosity will engage you to give me satisfaction in 
 what I have chiefly here insisted upon, which will oblige me to a 
 behaviour towards each and all of you, suitable to the dignity and merits 
 of such worthy gentlemen.” 
 
 Following is a copy^ attested hy Roger Bolton and J. Richards,, of a 
 receipt, as folloivs : — 
 
 ‘‘April 9th, 1722. 
 
 “ Received of Mrs. Thompson the sum of ten pounds, as a gratification 
 for my assistance of the late Mr. Barrow, in teaching the free school. 
 
 “ As witnesseth my hand, 
 
 “Edward Hulton.” 
 
 73480. 
 
 G G 
 
466 
 
 E[oger] K[enyon] to Mrs. Kenyon, ‘‘at her house at Salford.” 
 
 1190 . 1723, July 25. — “You are like, I perceive, to have your old 
 parson at Peel ; the lay-brother has complied and taken the oath, to the 
 great disappointment of some good Protestants, who had prepared them- 
 selves to bid for his estate, when it came to be auctioned. Poor man, I 
 believe it was a bad morning’s work with him, but I must own I was not a 
 little pleased to find they were all disappointed. These new Acts of 
 Parliament will possibly revive old doubts and disputes, and bring some 
 gentlemen in the neighbourhood to a resolution who have wavered, as I 
 
 hear of late ; in truth, I am sorry for them either way The 
 
 lottery is almost at an end.” 
 
 Egbert Bromley to George Kenyon, “ or his clerk, Mr. Banks.” 
 
 1191 . 1723[-4], February 18. Warrington. — The bearer comes to 
 know whether {sic) the last Quarter Sessions was, and whether it stands 
 now adjourned, in order to give the Roman Catholics who have not 
 already registered their estates, an opportunity of doing it, betwixt this 
 and Lady-day. 
 
 Seth Broxup to “ the Worshipfull Feoffees at the Free Schoole 
 
 in Manchester.” 
 
 1192 . 1724, June 30. Manchester. — “Most worthy patrons and 
 my noble benefactors, upon the l7th of this instant, which was the 
 first time that I heard you had a design of displacing me, it was sur- 
 prising and amazing unto me, and I was almost sunk down with horror 
 and despondency ; but my sorrow was soon alleviated when Mr. Richards 
 informed me you would continue me in my place until the 25 of March 
 next ensueing, which comfortable news brought great serenity to my 
 mind and filled me with transports of joy ; moreover, a worthy friend of 
 mine told me that you would allow me a hansome maintenance for my life, 
 which added a greater degree of satisfaction unto me, inasmuch as in a 
 manner (under God) you have given a new being unto me. If you 
 please to continue me in my station after Lady Day next, I shall be 
 glad to serve you and the town ; but if otherwise, I shall confide in 
 your generosity and the bounty and provision you make for me. I have 
 taught at the free school in Manchester ever since the year of our Lord 
 God, 1688, and am 68 years of age, and begin to feel myself to decline. 
 I hope you will be kind unto me for my father’s sake, who lived in the 
 town many years, in good credit and esteem : he suffered very much in 
 the times of the late usurpation and was a true Royalist. I myself was 
 born in this town, and had my education in it. I rely upon your innate 
 principle of goodness that, if I am removed, you will grant me a 
 handsome donation that I may live comfortably in the world, amongst 
 my townsmen and acquaintance : my abode cannot in all probability be 
 long here, therefore I desire you would continue your favours and com- 
 passion unto me, who am a poor object of your bounty and charity.” 
 
 Petition of Seth Broxup, “ late Under-Master of the Free School of 
 Manchester,” to the Feoffees of the said School. 
 
 1193 . [1724, after June 30.] — “Your humble petitioner, having 
 been Master of the Lower School ever since it was builded, and your 
 honours knowing my (sic) being superannuated and uncapable either to 
 serve your honours or my self, humbly begs leave to informe your 
 honours that my circumstance is very deplorable, and unless your 
 
467 
 
 honours will please, not only to consider my condition, but grant me 
 something yearly, I shall certainly want common necessaries of life. 
 My thanks and gratitude for your kindnesses received since I have left the 
 School, are sincerely acknowledged.” 
 
 Catalogue of the Pupils [“ discipulorum ”] of Joseph Hobson, [at 
 
 Manchester]. 
 
 1194. 1725, June 7. — Charles Hobson, John Leigh, Samuel Haven- 
 port, Burton Brace, Thomas Seddon, Daniel Pollit, John Benshaw, John 
 Hobson, John Walker, Thomas Baffold, John Adams, Henry Lees, 
 William Barlowe, Robert Bradshaw, William Barrow, Thomas Robinson, 
 John Baker, Noah Hallows, Thomas Boardrnan, Peter Tickel, James 
 Clough, Samuel Oakes, Henry Gore, William Crompton, William Tom- 
 linson, Thomas Gothard, William Hey wood, Thomas Tinsley, John 
 Jones, Samuel Goodgear [Goodyear John Goodgear, Hugo Whittle, 
 Richard Thorpe, John Bell, James Somister, James Barlowe, Daniel 
 Mode, George Hulton, John Hulme, Peter Heywood, Joseph Bancroft, 
 Samuel Kinder, John Whitley, James Rowe, James Berry, James 
 Jonson, Thomas Stretch, James Crompton, John Pemberton, Robert 
 Adcroft, James Hall, John Smith, Thomas Gathorne, John Warming- 
 ham, Thomas Ashley, James Priestnal, Richard Brookes, William 
 Barlowe, John Thorpe, Charles Hadfield, Henry Tonge, Nathaniel 
 Winterbotham, John iRedford, Thomas Hudson, Samuel Wolmore, 
 John Wadsworth, James Bradshaw, Thomas Hibbard, James Holden, 
 Samuel Lees, James Heywood, James Birchall, James Wagstaff, Robert 
 Aspinal, Robert Philips, James Heys, Thomas Kyrke, Charles Hey- 
 wood, Jeremiah Gothard, James Ridley, Thomas Barrow, Thomas 
 Chadock, Alexander Holbrooke, and Thomas Haworth. 
 
 Thomas Gellybrand to George Kenyon. 
 
 1195. 1725, June 14. Leigh. — ‘‘ I make bould to retorn you 
 
 thanks for your former kinness to me and my poor wife, who continus 
 in a wacke condishen, in so much that she is not abell to help her selef, 
 without one or two to help her, and the town will not do nothing to- 
 wards her relife, unless she and I will ware the bag, which she is un- 
 willing.” 
 
 Sir R. Bradshaigh to George Kenyon. 
 
 1196. 1727, July 10. Haigh.— -Asking for his vote at the election 
 of members to represent the Borough of Wigan. Seal of anns, broken. 
 
 Resignation of the Second Master of Manchester School. 
 
 1197. 1727, September 15. — ‘‘I, William Purnell, second master of 
 Manchester School, do by these presents resign any right of succeeding 
 which may be granted me by the statutes or ordinances of the Free 
 Grammar School of Manchester, upon the death or departure of any head 
 master, for the next turn, upon the following conditions (viz.) : to have 
 the arrears for the three last years, and the money that I laid out upon 
 my house, and to have my house either rebuilt or repaired.” Draft. 
 
 Samuel, Bishop of Chester, to Rey. Mr. Oldersey, 
 
 Rector of Wigan. 
 
 1198. [1727.] — Enclosing the draft of an address from the Bishop, 
 Dean, and Prebendaries, of the Cathedral Church of Chester, to 
 George II., upon his accession. Seal of ar7ns, broken. 
 
 G G 2 
 
468 
 
 ‘‘Count Sinzendorf, Chancellor of the Court of his Imperial and 
 Catholic Majesty, to Monsieur de Palm, the Emperor’s Resident 
 in the Court of Great Britain.” 
 
 1199 . 1727[-8,] February 20. Vienna. — “His Imperial and 
 Catholick Majestie judges it indispensably necessary, upon the step 
 which has been lately taken in the country where you are, to send you, 
 in the dispatch here annexed, a memorial which you are to present to 
 the King of Great Britain, and to publish afterwards, that the whole 
 nation may be acquainted with it, whilst answers are prepareing to 
 certain pamphletts, published before the opening of the Parliament. 
 
 “ It is easy to see that the speech was made for no purpose but to 
 excite the nation to a rupture and open war with the Emperor and with 
 Spain, and to make the Parliament approve the precipetate and burthen- 
 some measures which the Government has taken for private ends, 
 but too well known. Not only unwarrantable inferences and pre- 
 tences have been made use of, but manifest falsehoods have been 
 boldly advanced for indisputable facts, a proceeding never seen before 
 among Powers who ought to respect each other, when in the most 
 flagrant wars, from whence it ought to be presumed that the King, 
 whose sacred mouth ought to be an oracle of truth, must have been him- 
 self abused by the suggestions and false reports of those who have the 
 honor to possess his confidence, and who think it their interest to 
 inflame, by these meanes, both the Prince and the nation, for their own 
 private views and personall preservation, without any regard to the 
 honour of the majestie of the throne, or to the evils which may result 
 from hence to their own country, and to all Europe. 
 
 “ For these purposes they establish a foundation, and lay down, as a 
 certain fact, that there is a positive article in the Treaty of Alliance, 
 between the Emperor and the King of Spain, to place the Pretender on 
 the throne of Great Britain, and to invade that kingdom with open 
 force, and this they do, a few dayes after the Minister Plenipotentiary 
 of the Catholick King had, before his departure from London, in a 
 memorial presented in the sacred name of his master, publickly and in 
 the most authentick manner, disavowed these imputations, which 
 sufficiently prove the Emperor’s disavowall of the same, since the pre- 
 tended article was equally imputed to the two Powers, and one of them 
 could not have stipulated anything in the same treaty, without the 
 other. Besides which, it is to be considered that 6 months ago, upon 
 the first reports of these false suppositions, the Emperor and King of 
 Spain, in order to silence them, proposed a formall de non offendendo^ 
 into which all the allies, on one side and the other, might enter, and 
 which would effectually have secured the peacable possessions of each 
 of the Powers contracting, either in the Treaty of Vienna or that of 
 Hanover, till such time as it had been possible, by one generall treaty, 
 to remove and quiet the complaints of all sides. But these proposalls 
 were rendered ineffectual by the same views of those persons who chose 
 rather to hinder the peaceable effect of those just designs, by attacks and 
 open hostilities. 
 
 “ It is further known, and it is ever notorious by the solemn comuni- 
 cation made to the King of Great Britain by the treaty of peace con- 
 cluded at Vienna between the Emperor and the King of Spain, that 
 the treaty of the Quadruple Alliance, made at London the 2nd of August 
 1718, has been laid down as the unalterable basis of their peace, and 
 that all the articles of this Quadruple Alliance are therein confirmed and 
 corroborated, as if they had been inserted anew. How, then, can it bee 
 supposed, and even given out as a matter of fact, that by another secret 
 
469 
 
 treaty, signed on the same day, conditions have been established and 
 engagements taken, entirely repugnant to the same. 
 
 “ Such a thing cannot be advanced without insulting and injuring, in 
 the most outrageous manner, the majesty of the two contracting 
 Powers, who have a right to demand a signall reparation and satisfac- 
 tion, proportioned to the enormity of the affront, which equally interests 
 their honour, and that faith (?) which ought allwaies to be respected 
 amongst Sovereign princes. 
 
 “ But if those who endeavour to avail themselves of such feigned 
 recriminations, and to excuse themselves from the blame which their 
 rash and turbulent measures deserve, imagine that this unjustifiable 
 conduct may at last oblige the Emperor and King of Spain to repell 
 force by force, and to defend themselves, by all those meaues which God 
 has put into their hands, from the mischeifs with which they are 
 threatned, and from the insults and attacks which have been actually 
 made use of against them, so far that it has been even attempted to 
 engage the Ottoman Porte in these unparelleled designs, at least, ought 
 they not to publish, as antecedent facts, those things which they have 
 reason to apprehend may bee the consequence of a war into which they 
 will have forced these two Powers to enter, in their own just defence. 
 
 “ The Emperor and King of Spain hope, however, from the Divine good- 
 nes, and from the wisdom of persons less prejudiced and less passionate, 
 that more mature and serious reflections will be made, in order to 
 restore amicably the publick tranquility, and to save all Europe from 
 the misfortunes of a war, stirred up by motives so trifling and ground- 
 less, which can tend to nothing but the distinction of the subject, of his 
 estate, and of his countre. 
 
 “ Their Majesties, the Emperor and the King of Spain, ardently de- 
 sire the blessing of peace, and to observe their treaties with all their 
 allies with the strictest fidelity. But, as a mutuall contract can subsist 
 no longer on one side then while it remaines unbroken on the other, 
 the evill consequences of a rupture, if that should happen, ought to be 
 imputed to those alone who have been the authors of these instructions. 
 
 “ I have the Emperor’s express order to write this to you, in his 
 name, that you may be able to destroy the falshoods and calumnies 
 which have been charged on the high contracting parties of the Treaty 
 of Vienna, who have no other view but that of making peace between 
 themselves wdthout hurting any one else.” Copy. 
 
 Appended . — The representation made, according to the foregoing 
 instructions, by Monsieur de Palm. Copy. 
 
 A Pkotest. 
 
 1200. 1729.-— The protests of the Lords in Parliament. Printed. 
 
 Election Address. 
 
 1201. 1733, October 12. Dunham.— Address by Lord Warrington 
 to his tenants, and other freeholders, in the county of Chester, in favour 
 of the election to Parliament of Mr. Cholmondeley, of Vale Koyal, and 
 Mr. Crew, junior. Copy. 
 
 George Parry to the Eeverend . 
 
 1202. 1735, October 21. Holywell, [Flintshire]. — Sending the 
 translation of a grant by Queen Anne, dated 20 January, in the second 
 year of her reign, to Sir John Egerton, baronet, of a market, to be 
 
470 
 
 held every Friday, in the town of Holywell, and three fairs there 
 every year. A question seems to have arisen as to the right of taking 
 toll. 
 
 Petition of Jane Akrowsmith, widow, to the Feoffees of the 
 Manchester Free School. 
 
 1203. 1736, April 5. Manchester. — My son,. John Arrowsmith, 
 now at Oxford, some time since officiated in the free school of Manchester 
 for the space of twenty-three weeks, at the request of the town, upon 
 the account of Mr. Richards’ indisposition, the late head-master. My 
 son was desired by several persons to assist in the school, who proposed 
 to make contributions in return for his time. The late Mr. Foxley 
 collected a sum in order for him, but being told by Mr. Purnell that the 
 worshipful trustees would pay him, occasioned Mr. Foxley to return the 
 collected sum ; so I humbly desire your worships will take this affair in 
 consideration.” 
 
 Petition of John Arrowsmith ‘Ho the worthy gentlemen concerned 
 for the Free School in Manchester.” 
 
 1204. [1736, April.] — “ The humble memorial of John Arrowsmith, 
 born in Manchester, Tate a scholar of the free school there, sheweth — 
 
 “ That he was lately nominated by Mr. Richards, master of the 
 said School, to go to the University of Oxford (where he now is), bopeing 
 to make a good use of the improvement he has received in Manchester. 
 Your petitioner being informed there is an allowance to be given to the 
 scholars going from the said school to Oxford, humbly hopes he may, 
 towards his encouragement, be admitted to a share of such benevolence, his 
 present dependance being only on a mother, who is a widow, with many 
 children to provide for.” 
 
 James Oldham to George Kenyon. 
 
 1205. 1736, July 27. Manchester. — Mr. Egerton desires counsel 
 about Holywell affairs, before Kersall Moor Races, where he hoped to 
 have seen Mr. Kenyon. Seal with crest. 
 
 Croston Church. 
 
 1206. 1739, October 8. — Petition from the Justices of the Peace 
 for the County of Lancaster to Philip, Lord Hardwicke, Lord Chancellor, 
 for Letters Patent for a collection to be made for rebuilding a portion 
 of the Parish Church of Croston; the foundations of the church being 
 weakened by the overflowing of the River Yarrow, so that the pillars 
 and arches which support the middle aisle must be rebuilt. Copy. 
 
 Order made at Lancaster Sessions. 
 
 1207. 1740, July 15. — The Justices at Lancaster desire the justices 
 at Preston, Ormskirk, and Manchester, to direct what rate or allowance 
 per mile, or otherwise, shall be made, for “ passing” vagrants, according 
 to the late act. “ The gentlemen at Lancaster think 8c?. a mile sufficient 
 for one vagrant, if conveyed on horseback ; if two vagrants, 6d. each ; 
 and if more, in proportion, accordingly.” The justices at Preston agree ; 
 but they recommend that vagrants should pass on foot, where prac- 
 ticable, and they suggest the allowance of 6c?. each per mile, or 4c?, each, 
 
471 
 
 if more than one is passed. The justices at Ormskirk consider the 
 passing of Irish vagrants out of Cheshire to the House of Correction at 
 Manchester, is contrary to the act, Park Gate being the next port.” 
 Draft table of rates for conveying vagrants to Ireland follows : — 
 
 ^‘For passing vagrants from Liverpool to Dublin, to 
 
 the master - - - - - - 2s. 6d. 
 
 For maintaining while on board - - - - D. Od. 
 
 From Liverpool to Cork, or to the north part of 
 
 Ireland - - - ~ - 5s. Od. 
 
 For maintenance - - - - - - l^. 6d. 
 
 From Liverpool to the Isle of Man - - ~ 2s. 6d. 
 
 [For] maintenance - ----- H. Od. 
 
 For maintenance whilst in port, till they can be 
 
 shipped, not exceeding, pe?' day - - - O^. 6c?.” 
 
 Kobeet Tayloe to Geoege Kenyon. 
 
 1208. 1741, April 23. Nantwich.— Was in hopes not to have 
 troubled Mr. Kenyon more, about his affair with Mr. Manley, but hears 
 he intends to go to law. He is a very ignorant countryman, and I 
 find is advised by a very ill man, though, I am sorry to say it, a clergy- 
 man, one Mr. Wright, of Hazlington, who gets more by being con- 
 cerned in law than by preaching. [He] keeps his chambers at this 
 town and Sandbach every market day, and takes any thing in hand ; 
 draws the person on he is concerned for, just comes to tryal, and 
 then generally persuades them to agree. Ko question but you have 
 heard his character.” 
 
 The Same to the Same, ‘‘near the old church in Manchester.” 
 
 1209. 1741, May 28. Kantwich. — As to the procedure in the Court 
 
 of Chester. “ Mr. Willett desired. I would let you know they have 
 6 weeks from the filing of the declaration to plead in.” According to the 
 rules of that Court, “ all the rules there are 6 weeks.” . . . I see the 
 
 fourth edition of Collins’s Peerage is reprinted ; “ if you would have 
 them (5ec), I shall be very glad to serve you with them.” 
 
 R. Molyneux to Geoege Kenyon. 
 
 1210. 1744, “May-day.” Preston. — It has been confidently re- 
 
 ported in our coffee-house that you, as clerk of the peace, have received a 
 letter from the Duke of Newcastle, directing you not to return the con- 
 victions into Chancery, and ordering you to send them up to him at his 
 office at Whitehall, and furthur, that the Duke wrote you word that the 
 justices for this county were the only justices in England that had pro- 
 ceeded so far against the papists. I should be extremely glad to know 
 the truth of this account, as I think it is very extraordinary, and, therefore, 
 beg the favour of a line by the return of the carrier (or otherwise) to 
 clear up this affair, and if you have any such letter, I should be very 
 much obliged to you for a copy of it. Seal of arms. 
 
 N. Paekee to Geoege Kenyon. 
 
 1211. 1744[-5], February 21. Chancery Lane. — To-day the report 
 has again got about of Mr. Fazakerley being Chancellor, as soon as a place 
 
472 
 
 is found out for Lord Edgecumbe, whose temper is said to be much altered 
 by being very good natured to the late minority, insomuch that a new 
 Commission of the Peace, it is said, will be made out at the next assizes ;• 
 this I cannot think, but perhaps it may be, against the summer assizes, 
 if this Lord keeps this place. 
 
 K y to George Kenyon, at Peel. 
 
 1212. [1745,] July 1.^ Manchester. — There was, on Sunday, a 
 
 Gazette extraordinary, which in your own paper, but 1 
 
 had not heard of it when your servant .... in to-day’s Gazette is 
 an account of the loss of the English, Hanoverians, and Hessians [at 
 Eon tenoy], which, in the whole, amounts to 4,930 — English, 2,100; 
 Hanoverians, 2,500; and Hessians, 300 — the odd numbers, I forget. 
 Above a thousand horses killed, &c. ; seven pieces of cannon lost, and 
 some things belonging to the artillery. Ho account yet of what the 
 Dutch and Austrians have lost. They say the French have 6,000 
 wounded, and leave us to guess the number killed ; but I believe it is all 
 guess work. Two of the Duke’s [the Duke of Cumberland] Aids-de- 
 Camps are prisoners, and several officers of note, wounded or prisoners, not 
 in the first list. The French King is (sic) at the Commanderie, where 
 the battle was fought, and Saxe at Hoesfelt. Lowendal is to be sent 
 somewhither with a detachment, but his design uncertain. Prisoners 
 on both sides are released, except officers. It is said a new camp is 
 marked out for the Duke, I think Gronvelt, or some such name, is the 
 place. The Duke is providing the army with such things as are com- 
 monly lost in a battle, as the Gazette gently expresses it, though it is 
 thought the single word baggage would have been the properest term. 
 An article from Marseilles, in the Gazette, says the Genoese are going 
 to be bombarded, which will soon oblige them to capitulate ; and 
 another, from Kotterdam, mentions a report of Belisle’s having met with 
 a repulse at Yentrinolia, but neither of them seem to be very authentic, 
 as there is no news from the General or our resident there. So far the 
 Government is pleased to go, and as to other news, I suppose your 
 Evening Post will inform you as well as I, though we have no mails this 
 post. I fancy you must have heard that Captain Barlow has written to 
 his friends. He fixes the loss in his regiment at 160 killed, &c., which 
 does not exactly tally with the Gazette. His own company lost 22, 
 himself slightly wounded. Ho says it was a very bloody and desperate 
 action, and continued 4 or 5 hours. He writes that all the foreign 
 troops behaved ill, but afterwards, in a postscript, has a saving clause 
 for the Hanoverians, which occasions much speculation here. I fancy 
 you will be diverted, as well as we have been, with a strange piece of 
 Irish in Sunday’s Gazette, about the village of Val, which, it is there 
 said, was taken and retaken several times, after which immediately 
 follows — that the English, <fec., entered it five different times and the 
 French but once. How it could be taken and retaken several times, 
 and the Fremffi enter it but once, is an enigma which we cannot un- 
 riddle; and it puts people in mind of the story of an angry tutor’s 
 scolding an idle pupil of his and telling him that he came down stairs 
 half a dozen times for his going up once ! We have no pamphlets 
 stirring but one, called “ Cry aloud and spare not,” which they say i.s very 
 bitter, but I have not yet seen it. When I shall do myself the pleasure 
 of waiting upon you at Peel I cannot tell, for our youngest child has just 
 begun with the small-pox, but we hope is in no danger. 
 
473 
 
 Sir H. Houghton to George Kenyon. 
 
 1213. 1745, October 18. Walton. — I hope, as you promised 
 Mr. Molyneux and me at Chorley, I shall shortly have an account that 
 you have recorded the convictions. You owned that you were not a 
 judicial but a ministerial officer, which is certainly true, and, as such, 
 are obliged to observe the plain direction of the Act of Parliament, 
 which I and several of the Justices of Peace have often called upon you 
 to do ; it will not be sufficient excuse to say you are advised to the con- 
 trary, or that it has not been done in other counties ; neither can justify 
 you in such neglect ; there was not such a tenderness shewed to the 
 popish interest, the last rebellion, and as the expectation of the rebells 
 now must be from the support they expect from the popish interest, 
 there is the same reason and necessity to record the convictions now as 
 there was then. 
 
 T. Bootle to [Sir H. Houghton?]. 
 
 1214. 1745, November 2. — “I troubled you with a letter, some time 
 ago, concerning the conviction of the papists, to which you have not 
 thought fit to give me any answer. 
 
 “ When I was last in the country, I acquainted you and many other 
 justices of the peace, that to carry the proceedings against the papists 
 upon the last proclamation to a complete conviction, would be wrong. 
 That convicting them would not disable, but rather exasperate, and be a 
 means to drive them into rebellion, or at least furnish them with a 
 plausible pretence for taking so desperate a step. That tendering the 
 Oaths and Declaration, and upon their refusal, to take from the refusers 
 their horses and armes, would be complying with the proclamation and 
 doing all what you were required to do. That it was not the design of 
 the proclamation, nor of the Administration, that the justices of peace 
 should take upon them to judge of the expediency or fitness of carrying 
 it to a final conviction, but that was to be left to the judgment and dis- 
 cretion of the Privy Council. With this, every justice of the peace 
 with whom I conversed (who were many) was perfectly satisfied, as 
 was also my Lord Derby, the Lord Lieutenant, with whom I also 
 talked upon this subject; and I do not hear but that every justice in 
 the county, save yourself and Mr. Molyneux, continue in the same 
 mind. But, to my great surprise, hearing that you by a menacing 
 letter to the Clerk of the Peace were for forcing him to return into 
 Chancery all the convictions which have been returned to the Quarter 
 Sessions, I thereupon acquainted several of the Privy Council with 
 what you were doing, who, I take the liberty to tell you, do not approve 
 of your conduct. That before a final step of tliat kind be taken you 
 should have certified what you had done under the proclamation, to the 
 Council, to the end they might judge of the fitness of doing or not doing 
 it. And that you may see that that is so, I have inclosed to you the pro- 
 clamation. And therefore, the first step to be taken, in order to a final 
 conviction, is for the justices to certify to the Council what they have 
 done under the proclamation, which, I understand, they have not; and 
 when that is done, the Council will judge and direct whether it be 
 proper at this time, or not, to have the convictions recorded in one of the 
 Courts above. If it is right, to be sure they will direct it, and then it 
 may be done ; but if not proper, then they will let them remain in 
 readiness, as in every other county of the kingdom, to be recorded when 
 they shall see just occasion. 
 
 “ I believe that none can doubt but that my zeal for his Majesty, his 
 family, and his Government, is equal to any justices’ in the county; and, 
 
474 
 
 did I think that convicting the papists would tend to disable them, or add 
 the least security, strength, or safety, to the Government, I should be as 
 forward as any man in the kingdom to have it done immediately ; but as 
 I am convinced it will have quite a contrary effect — instead of disabling, 
 it will irritate and provoke, and make them the more desperate — it is from 
 that cause, and that only, that I thus interpose. While they are quiet 
 (as I do not hear from any quarter but they are), let us not, from a 
 mistaken zeal, do anything to provoke them and give them a handle for 
 disturbance or drive them into rebellion, and give them ground to say 
 you have done your worst, and so make them desperate. I shall only 
 add that, by the Act of Parliament, the justices of peace have nothing 
 to do in the return of the convictions into the Court of Chancery or 
 King’s Bench ; they are only required to certify them to the Quarter 
 Sessions, and when that is done, their power of intermeddling is at an 
 end, and what is further to be done, wholly rests on the Clerk of the 
 Peace.” Copy. 
 
 [Feederick the Great to Prince Charles Edward.] 
 
 1215. [1745.] — ‘‘I can no longer, my dear friend, deny myself the 
 satisfaction of congratulating you on your safe arrival in France ; and, 
 though the connexions I have with the reigning family did not permit 
 me to rejoice too openly at the progress of your arms, I can assure you, 
 with great truth, that I was sincerely touched with your misfortunes, 
 and under the deepest apprehensions for your person. All Europe was 
 astonished at the greatness of your enterprise ; for though Alexander, 
 and other heroes, have conquered kingdoms with inferior armies, you 
 are the only one who ever engaged in such an attempt without any. My 
 friend Voltaire, who is perfectly well acquainted with my sentiments 
 for you, is, more than any body, indebted to your Highness for having 
 at length furnished him with a subject worthy of his pen, except an 
 happier event. However, though fortune was your foe, Great Britain, and 
 not your Eoyal Highness, is a loser by it, as the difficulties you have 
 undergone have only served to discover those rare talents and virtues 
 which have gained you the admiration of all mankind, and even the 
 esteem of those amongst your enemies, in whom every spark of virtue is 
 not totally extinct. The Princess Amelia, who has all the curiosity of 
 her sex, is desirous of seeing the features of a hero of whom she has 
 heard so much ; so that you have it in your power to oblige both her 
 
 and me, [by] sending us your picture by the Count de who is 
 
 on his return to Berlin ; and be assured I shall esteem it the most valu- 
 able acquisition I ever made. You are frequently the subject of my 
 conversation with General Keith, whom I have had the good fortune to 
 engage in my service ; and though, besides his consummate knowledge 
 in military affairs, he possesses a thousand amiable qualities, nothing 
 endears him to me so entirely as his entertaining the same sentiments 
 with regard to your Boyal Highness. Was I differently situated from 
 what I am, I would give you more essential proofs of my friendship 
 than mere words ; but you may depend on any good offices I can do you 
 with my brother the King of France ; though I am sorry to tell you, that 
 1 am too well acquainted Avith the politics of that court to expect they 
 will do any solid services, as they would have everything to apprehend 
 from a prince of your consummate abilities and enterprising genius, 
 placed at the head of the bravest people in the world. Adieu, my dear 
 Prince, and assure yourself no change in your fortune can make any 
 alteration in my esteem.” Copy. 
 
475 
 
 Geoege Kenyon [to Sir H. Houghton?]. 
 
 1216. 1745 [-6], January 4. Manclaester — received the favour 
 of yours, dated the 25th of November last, at Manchester, \vhen I was 
 going with my family into Wales, for fear of our late visitors, and am but 
 lately returned back, which has prevented my answering you sooner. 
 I left your letter with Mr. Bootle, and desired him to communicate it to 
 the rest of the justices in Manchester, for their advice and direction ; 
 but he leaving the town likewise, in the hurry, forgot it. As to the 
 method you have taken by the direction of Mr. Bootle, and of the noble 
 Lord, etc., mentioned in yours, I suppose they thought it the most 
 prudent way, and I could have been glad the Privy Council would have 
 given their orders, which would have been a justification and direction 
 for you to act. If they do not think fit to take that step, I see n@ way I 
 have to do but to follow the plain directions of an Act of Parliament, 
 and not to take upon me to be wiser than they. I had no other view in 
 delaying the return of the convictions, but the application of Mr. Bootle, 
 who told me it would be the most for the interest of the Government to 
 delay it, and that it was neither the intention of the Proclamation nor 
 of the Privy Counsell to have the convictions returned to the K[ing:’sl 
 B[ench] or C[hancery], and made use of some great names to justify his 
 opinion; but as this has not been satisfactory to the justices below, and 
 I have been a good deal blamed about it (though I have heard nothing 
 from them since the convictions were sent up) I cannot think it prudent 
 for me, who am only a ministerial officer, to stand in the gap in an open 
 breach of an Act of Parliament, to screen others from the law, without 
 some legal or competent authority to justify me in so doing. You may 
 communicate this to Mr. Bootle (if you please) and send me his thoughts 
 about it; but if nothing more is to be expected from above, I should think 
 it the prudentest way to record them. I desire your answer, and that 
 you would let me know whether any other clerks of the peace have 
 recorded the convictions, or no.’^ Draft. 
 
 The Same to , 
 
 1217. 1745 [-6], January 5. Peel. — ‘‘Our confusion has been so 
 great here, by the rebels marching through this county, that I have been 
 forced to fly into W ales with my wife and children, for fear of them ; 
 and the roads have been so bad, and the weather so severe since, that I 
 am but just reached home.” 
 
 Order by the Justices of the Peace for the County of 
 
 Lancaster. 
 
 1218. l745[-6], February 3. — “We whose names are hereunto 
 
 subscribed (who act in the Commission of Peace for the County 
 Palatine of Lancaster aforesaid) think it proper, especially at this time, 
 when there [is] a most unnatural rebellion against his Majestie’s person 
 and Government, that the convictions of the papists, reputed papists, and 
 nonjurors, which were returned to the Quarter Sessions by some of us 
 and other Justices of the Peace of the said county, in the year 1744, 
 and which have been hitherto neglected by the Clerk of the Peace, or 
 by some others who have been employed for him, be without delay 
 
476 
 
 returned to the High Court of Chancery or King’s Bench, by the Clerk 
 of the Peace of this county, in order there to be recorded, according to 
 an Act of Parliament in that case made and provided.” Copy. 
 
 R. Jenkins to [George Kenyon]. 
 
 1219. l745[-6], February 15. “Salop.” — Mr. Wright greatly ap- 
 proves of Mrs. Kenyon’s choice of nectarines, plums, and peaches, and 
 recommends the following pears; — Jargonelle, St. Michael, Bury du Roy, 
 Crasan, and Colmar. 
 
 Thomas Theodorus Deacon to his father, Dr. Deacon, at 
 Manchester. 
 
 1220. 1746, July 29. London.— “ Before you receive this I hope 
 to be in Paradise, not that I have the least right to expect it from any 
 merit of my own, or the goodness of my past life, but meerly through 
 the intercession of my Saviour and Redeemer, a sincere and hearty re- 
 pentance of all my sins, the variety of punishments I have suffered since 
 I saw you, and the death which I shall die to-morrow, which, I trust in 
 God, will be some small atonement for my transgressions, and to which 
 I think I am almost confident I shall submit, with all the resignation 
 and chearfulness that a true pious Christian and a brave loyal soldier 
 can wish. I hope you will do my character so much justice (and if 
 you think proper make use of this) as absolutely to contradict that 
 false and malicious report which has been spread only by my enemies, 
 in hopes it might be of prejudice to you and your family, viz,, that I 
 was persuaded and compelled by you to engage contrary to my own in- 
 clination. I send my tenderest love to all the dear children, and beg 
 Almighty God to bless you and them in this world, and grant us all 
 a happy meeting in that to come. I shall leave directions with 
 Charles to send them some trifle whereby to remember me. Pray excuse 
 my naming any particular friends, for there is no end, but give my 
 hearty service and best wishes to them all in general. Mr. Syddall is 
 very well, and sends his sincere compliments, but does not choose to 
 write. He behaves as well as his best friends can wish. My uncle has 
 behaved to me in such a manner as cannot be paralleled but by yourself. 
 1 know I shall have your prayers without asking, which I am satisfied 
 will be of infinite service.” 
 
 Extract of a letter from the clergyman who attended upon Mr. Syddall 
 
 and Mr. Deacon. 
 
 1220a. [end of July 1746.] — “Their behaviour at divine worship 
 was always with great reverence, attention, and piety ; but had you, sir, 
 been present, the last day that I attended them, your soul would have 
 been ravished with the fervour of their devotions. From the time of 
 their condemnation, a decent cheerfulness constantly appeared in their 
 countenance and behaviour, and I believe it may be truly said that no 
 men ever suffered in a righteous cause with greater magnanimity and 
 more Christian fortitude, for the appearance and near approach of a 
 violent death, armed with the utmost terror of pains and torments, 
 made no impression of dread upon their minds. In a word, great is the 
 honour they have done the Church, the King, yourself, and themselves, 
 and may their example be imitated by all that suffer in the same cause. 
 This short and faithful account of our martyred friends, I hope, sir, 
 will yield great consolation to yourself and poor Mrs. Syddall. Poor 
 
477 
 
 dear Mr. Charles bears in a commendable manner his great loss and other 
 afflictions, and behaves like a man and a good Christian, in all his actions.” 
 
 Dying Speech of Egbert Lyon. 
 
 1221. 1746, October 28. — The last dying speech of Eobert Lyon, 
 M.A., presbyter of Perth, which he read at the place of execution at 
 Penrith, in Cumberland. 
 
 Declaration by James Bradshaw. 
 
 1222. 1746, November 28. — It would be a breach of duty in me 
 to omit this last opportunity of doing justice to those who stand in 
 need of it, and I think it incumbent upon me, the rather because I am 
 the only Englishman in this part of the world who had the honour to 
 attend his Eoyal Highness in Scotland. 
 
 “ When I first joined the King’s forces, I was induced to it by a 
 principle of duty only, and I never saw any reason since to convince me 
 that I was in the least mistaken, but, on the contrary, every day’s 
 experience has strengthened my opinion that what I did was right and 
 necessary ; that duty I discharged to the best of my power, and as I 
 did not receive the reward of my service in this world, I have no doubt 
 of receiving it in the next. Under an opinion I could do more good 
 by marching with the army into Scotland than remaining with the 
 Manchester regiment at Carlisle, I obtained leave to be in my Lord 
 Elcho’s corps, for I was willing to be in action. 
 
 After the battle of Culloden I had the misfortune to fall into the 
 hands of the most ungenerous enemy that, I believe, ever assumed the 
 name of a soldier — I mean the pretended Duke of Cumberland and 
 those under his command, whose inhumanity exceeded anything I could 
 have imagined, in a country where the bare mention of a God is allowed 
 of. I was put into one of the Scotch kirks, together with a great number 
 of wound(?d prisoners, who were stripped naked, and there left to die of 
 their wounds, without the least assistance ; and though we had a surgeon 
 of our own, a prisoner in the same place, yet he was not permitted to 
 dress their wounds, but his instruments were taken from him, on purpose 
 to prevent it, and in the consequence of this, many expired in the 
 utmost agonies. Several of the wounded were put on shore at the 
 Island of Leith, and there died in lingering tortures. Our general 
 allowance while we were prisoners there, was half a pound of meal a day, 
 which was sometimes increased to a pound, but it never exceeded it, and 
 I myself was an eye witness that great numbers were starved to death. 
 Their barbarity extended so far as not to suffer the men who were put 
 on board the Pean to lie down, even on the planks, but they were 
 obliged to sit on large stones, by which their legs were swelled as big 
 almost as their bodies. These are some of their cruelties exercised, 
 which, being almost incredible in a Christian country, I am obliged to 
 add my asseveration to the truth of them, and I do assure you, upon 
 the word of a dying man, as I hope for mercy at the day of judgment, 
 I assert nothing but what I know to be true. 
 
 “The injustice of these proceedings is aggravated by the ingrati- 
 tude of them; for the El[ector] of H[anove]r’s people had often been 
 obliged by our prince, who allowed his prisoners the same allowance of 
 meat as his own troops, and allways made them his particular ... . ; 
 that all the wounded should be carefully dressed and used with the 
 utmost tendernes. This extreme caution to avoid the effusion of blood, 
 even with regard to ... . when his own safety made it almost 
 
478 
 
 necessary, and his surprising generosity to his enemies, without 
 distinction, certainly demanded different treatment, and I could not 
 think that an English army under English .... tions, could 
 possibly behave with such unprovoked barbarity. 
 
 “ With regard to tlie report of his Eoyal Highness having ordered 
 no quarter should be given to the enemy, I am persuaded in my con- 
 science it was a malicious lie, raised by the friends of usurpation for an 
 excuse for the cruelties committed in Scotland, which were many more and 
 greater than I have time to describe, for I firmly believe the Prince would 
 not consent to such orders, even if it were to gain the three kingdoms. 
 
 I would gladly enter into the particulars of his Royal Highness’s 
 character, if I were able, but his qualifications are above description ; all 
 I can say is, he is everything I could imagine, great and excellent, fully 
 deserving what he was born for — to rule over a free people. 
 
 ‘‘ I die a member of the Church of England, which I am satisfied 
 would flourish much more under the reign of a Stuart than it does now, 
 or has done for many years. The friends of the House of Hanover say 
 they keep out Popery ; but do they not let in infidelity, which is almost 
 become (if I may so say) religion established ? 
 
 ‘‘ I think it every man’s duty, by all lawful means, to live as long as 
 he can, and with this view I made a defence upon my trial which I 
 thought might possibly do me service. All that the witnesses swore in 
 my behalf was strictly true, for I would much rather die than be the 
 occasion of perjury. After sentence, my friends petitioned for my life, 
 and if it had been granted I should have been thankful for it, but as it 
 otherwise happened I patiently submit, and have confident hopes, upon 
 the whole, it will be better for me, for I suffer for having done my duty. 
 What I expected, soon happened upon my trial, Mr. Maddox perjured 
 me, and I am afraid that he is so immersed in wickedness that it would be 
 difficult for him to forbear it. Lieutenant Moore swore he was acquainted 
 with me at Manchester, but I declare I never was in his company till we 
 met at Inverness. I should think it a great reflection upon any govern- 
 ment to encourage any officer to lay by his sword and become an in- 
 former. I forgive both them and all my enemies. 
 
 “I am convinced that these nations are inevitably ruined, unless 
 the royal family be restored, which I hope will soon happen, for I love 
 my country, and with my parting breath I pray God to bless it. I also 
 beseech Him to bless and preserve my lawful sovereign. King James the 
 Third, the Prince of Wales, the Duke of York, to prosper all my friends, 
 and to have mercy upon me.” Copy, 
 
 Brief for the defendant in the suit of the King v , William 
 
 Fowden. 
 
 1223 & 1224 . [1746.] — Copy of Indictment : — ‘‘ The jurors for our 
 present Sovereign Lord the King, upon their oath present that Thomas 
 Walley, late of the town of Manchester, in the County Palatine of Lan- 
 caster, gentleman, and William Fowden, late of the same place, merchant 
 and chapman, being subjects of our said present most Serene Sovereign 
 Lord George the Second, by the grace of God, of Great Britain, France, 
 and Ireland, King, Defender of the Faith, and so forth, not having 
 the fear of God in their hearts, nor having any regard for the duty ot 
 their allegiance, but being moved and seduced by the instigation of the 
 Devil, as false traitors and rebels against our said present Sovereign 
 Lord the King, their supreme, true, natural, lawful, and undoubted 
 Sovereign Lord, entirely withdrawing that cordial love and that true 
 and due obedience, fidelity and allegiance, which every subject of our 
 
479 
 
 said present Sovereign Lord the King should, and of right ought to 
 bear, towards our said present Sovereign Lord the King, and also 
 devising (as much as in them lay) most wickedly and traitorously 
 intending to change and subvert the rule and government of this king- 
 dom, duly and happily established under our said present Sovereign 
 Lord the King, and also to depose and deprive our said present 
 Sovereign Lord the King of his title, honour, and royal estate, and of his 
 imperial rule and government of this kingdom, and also to put and bring 
 our said present Sovereign Lord the King to death and final destruction, 
 and to raise and exalt the person pretended to be Prince of Wales 
 during the life of James the Second, late King of England, and so forth, 
 and, since the decease of the said late King, pretending to be and taking 
 upon himself the stile and tytle of King of England, by the name of 
 James the Third, to the crown and to the royal state and dignity of King, 
 and to the imperial rule and government of this kingdom, upon the 
 twenty ninth day of November, in the nineteenth year of the reign of 
 our said present Sovereign Lord the King, at the town of Manchester 
 aforesaid, in the County Palatine of Lancaster aforesaid, with a great 
 multitude of traitors and rebels, against our said present Sovereign Lord 
 the King, to wit, to the number of three thousand persons (whose 
 names are as yet unknown to the said Jurors) being armed and arrayed 
 in a warlike and hostile manner (to wit) with colours displayed, drums 
 beating, pipes playing, and with swords, clubs, guns, pistols, and divers 
 other weapons, as well offensive as defensive, with force and arms, did 
 falsely and traitorously assemble and join themselves against our said 
 present Sovereign Lord the King, and then and there, with force and 
 arms, did falsly and traitorously, and in a warlike and hostile manner, 
 array and dispose themselves against our said present Sovereign Lord 
 the King, and then and there, with force and arms, in pursuance and 
 execution of such their wicked and traitorous intentions and purpose 
 aforesaid, did falsly and traitorously prepare, order, wage, and levy, a 
 public and cruel war against our said present Sovereign Lord the King, 
 against the duty of their allegiance, against the peace of our said present 
 Sovereign Lord the King, his crown and dignity, and also against the 
 form of the statute in such case made and provided. 
 
 Note. The said Fowden and Walley were, on the said twenty ninth 
 day of November aforesaid, Constables of the town of Manchester, in 
 this county.” 
 
 “ The indictment as to Thomas Walley was found ignoramus^ and there 
 was found a true bill as to Mr. Fowden.” 
 
 The prisoner’s case. “ The rebels in Scotland, about the latter end of 
 the year 1745, to the number of seven or eight thousand men, penetrated 
 into England and took the city and castle of Carlisle, advanced 
 forwards to Penrith, Kendal, Lancaster, Preston, and Wigan, and the 
 vanguard of them reached Manchester on Thursday, the twenty eighth of 
 November, the main body of the army following them the day after. 
 They halted in Manchester till Sunday, December the first, when they 
 marched out for Macclesfield, and from thence forwards to Derby, and 
 on Monday, the 9th of December, returned to Manchester, in their way 
 back to Scotland. In the several towns through which they passed, they 
 compelled the Mayors, Bayliffs, Constables, and other head officers and 
 Magistrates to appear in their formalities and assist in proclaiming the 
 Pretender, in billeting their troops, in providing horses, carriages, hay, 
 straw, and whatever else they wanted, under pain of military execution, 
 and the Magistrates were obliged, and accordingly did, in general, comply 
 with such orders, for fear of having their houses fired or plundered, and 
 to preserve their own lives and their families, and not only the Magistrates, 
 
480 
 
 but even private persons, were obliged to pay them money, provide hay, 
 corn, &c., and where their orders were disobeyed, they sometimes im- 
 prisoned the persons, plundred their houses, and offered and attempted 
 to fire their houses, and by such means forced the parties to a compliance ; 
 and, in general, it was observed that where persons had left their 
 houses they were hardlier and more roughly dealt with, 
 
 ‘‘ The prisoner, Mr. Fowden, is a Protestant of the Church of England, 
 has taken the oaths to his Majesty, and is a person well affected to the 
 present establishment. He has ;lived upwards of . . . years in 
 
 Manchester or Salford, and during all that time, and always before his 
 coming hither, behaved himself quietly and orderly and peaceably, and 
 lived in good reputation with all his neighbours, never was suspected of 
 having any disaffection to the Government. About Michaelmas, 1745, 
 he was elected Constable of the town of Manchester, at the Court Leet 
 there. Upon hearing that he was designed for that office, he applied 
 to all his friends then upon the Jury, and he offered a considerable sum 
 of money to fine off, instead of serving the office, but being told the fine 
 was arbitrary and that they would compel him to serve it, he was forced 
 to submit, much against his inclination. When news came to the town 
 of Manchester that the rebels were advancing that way, and how they 
 had behaved in other places, the Constables thought it prudent to apply, 
 and accordingly Mr. Walley, the other Constable, with the privity and 
 consent of Mr. Fowden, did apply, to the Justices for their directions 
 how they should act, in case the rebels came forward to Manchester, and 
 Mr. Chetham, a Justice there, then told Mr. Walley that if the rebels 
 forced them to do anything, they were like to submit, but that he 
 advised them to do nothing for them but what they were forced to, which 
 direction they determined to follow, and accordingly did. 
 
 “Upon the vanguard of the rebels coming into Manchester, on 
 Thursday, the 28th of November, about 9 o’clock at night, Mr. Fowden 
 kept himself private in his own house with some few friends, and, being 
 sent for, at first ordered himself to be denied, but afterwards a party 
 of the rebel officers came to his house, armed with swords, pistols, &e., 
 and the prisoner being obliged to appear, they took him down by force 
 to the ‘ Bull’s Head ’ where the commanding officer then was. The 
 prisoner then demanding by what authority he was sent for, the com- 
 manding officer drew his sword and sayd, ‘ Damn you — by this ’ ; and 
 then told the prisoner he must obey all orders of their Prince, as they 
 called him, on pain of military execution. The next day, about 
 11 o’clock, Mr. Fowden was brought a prisoner to the ‘ Saracen’s Head,’ 
 where was six or eight rebel officers with their pistols and swords 
 drawn, and the commanding officer then told him, ‘ Sir, I charge you in 
 Prince Charles’s name to obey all our commands ; if you refuse any of 
 them you are a dead man, and we’ll lay your house in ashes and take your 
 family prisoners. The first is, you are to read up Prince Charles’s 
 proclamation at the market cross, and to search for arms, and swear the 
 inhabitants wherever you go.’ To which the prisoner replied, ‘ I have 
 taken the oaths to King George and cannot do it.’ The rebel officer 
 made answer, ‘ If you mention George of Hanover in ray presence, I’ll 
 stab you dead.’ And the prisoner was often afterwards taken and kept 
 prisoner by the rebels, and they often threatned to take away his life, 
 burn his house, &c., if he did not comply with their orders, as will 
 appear in the course of the evidence ; and if it should be objected that 
 he did more than the other Constable, it was because his house standing 
 very near to where the Pretender then lodged, he was the person they 
 could most readily apply to, yet in general, it will appear he did nothing 
 but what he was under an absolute necessity and constraint to do.” 
 
481 
 
 As to the billeting the rebels, Mr. Fowden billeted none, the rebels 
 doing it themselves, till about Saturday, the 30th November, some of 
 the townspeople complaining that they had a great number of the rebels 
 and others of their neighbours none, the rebels commanded the 
 Constables to go through the town to ease the houses that had too many 
 quartered upon them. As to proclaiming the Pretender, the Constables 
 were sent for to the Pretender’s lodging, under a guard of armed rebels, 
 and thence, about 3 o’clock in the afternoon of Friday, November 29th, 
 guarded down to the market cross, where a rebel officer tendered 
 the proclamation unto Mr. Whalley, who absolutely refused to read 
 it, and it was then tendered to the prisoner, Mr. Fowden, who gave a 
 like refusal, but, upon being pressed, he told them he could not see 
 without his spectacles. Then Mr. Whalley, being demanded to repeat 
 the proclamation after one of the rebel officers, said he had a hesitation 
 in his speech and could not, upon which they obliged Mr. Fowden to 
 repeat after them, which he did very unwillingly and in great fear. 
 
 As to providing or paying for corn, hay, &c., an order was signed by 
 the Pretender’s secretary, Murray, addressed to the High Constable, 
 to provide forage for their troops on Friday, 29th November, which 
 order the High Constable, or his clerk, being then under guard of the 
 rebels, was obliged to comply with, under pain of military execution, and 
 accordingly made an order upon the Constables of Manchester, amongst 
 the rest, for their proportion of such forage, &c. This order was 
 brought to Mr. Bowker, Deputy Constable of the said town, then under 
 a guard of the rebels at the ‘ Saracen’s Head,’ in Manchester, who was 
 obliged by them to make under- warrants to the petty Constables of the 
 inferior hamlets, and to put thereto the names of Mr. Walley and the 
 prisoner, as is usually done to all warrants issued out from the Constables 
 of Manchester under the High Constable’s precept. This order is now 
 in the custody of the Duke of Newcastle. 
 
 “Mr. Fowden was obliged to pay a bill to one Oaks, for corn which 
 the rebels took out of his shop. Mr. Fowden provided no drums ; but it 
 is presumed they will call one Shelmerdine to this point. This Shelmer- 
 dine was formerly a drummer in the King’s service, and, at the time of 
 the rebels coming to Manchester, kept the ‘ Bose and Crown,’ in Man- 
 chester, and the rebels having lost their drummer, went to Shelrner- 
 dine’s house to oblige him to drum for them. Shelmerdine, meeting with 
 Mr. Fowden, acquainted him with the rebels’ demand, and asked his 
 advice, upon which Mr. Fowden said he could not tell how to advise him, 
 for the sword was drawn against them, and he was forced to do many 
 things against his will. Shelmerdine is a bad character, and has ex- 
 pressed great inveteracy against Mr. Fowden. 
 
 “As to providing men for casting bullets, Mr. Fowden was brought 
 down, under a guard of armed rebels, to the house of one William 
 Middleton, a plumber, to oblige him to assist in making bullets, which 
 he refused to do, and Mr. Fowden never advised him to do it. But 
 one Thomas Tipping, a Presbyterian, advised the said Middleton to com- 
 ply with their demands to make bullets. Mr. Fowden was also taken to 
 other places for the like purpose. 
 
 “ As to seizing or searching for guns, or other arms, for the rebel army. 
 The prisoner, Mr. Fowden, did go to several houses to search, but 
 always under a guard of rebels. 
 
 “ As to impressing, or ordering carriages, or horses, to draw the rebels’ 
 artillery, &c,, they were generally provided by order from the High 
 Constable. If it should be proved that the prisoner provided any, it will 
 apj)ear that he did so, guarded by the rebels. 
 
 “ As to directing the rebels over fords, &c., Mr. Fowden was made a 
 73480. H H 
 
482 
 
 prisoner by the rebels, and forced either to find a man or to go himself 
 as a guide, to shew the road leading to C beadle Ford, &c. He provided 
 one John Ratcliffe, but gave him directions to steal away as soon 
 as he could. 
 
 ‘‘It willfully appear that, upon the rebels marching to Derby, and before 
 any accounts of their retreat, two or three of the stragglers were picked 
 up by the country people, and there being no Justices of the Peace in the 
 town or neighbourhood of Manchester, the prisoner and his fellow 
 constable committed them to the House of Correction, in order for their 
 prosecution. Upon the return of the rebels towards Manchester, news 
 being brought that a small party of them were intending to steal into 
 the town before the rest, the prisoner ordered the watch to observe what 
 house they went to, and immediately surround it and take them prisoners. 
 Further, one Mr. Furnival, agent or steward to Lord Harrington, 
 coming with dispatches from the Duke’s army, and applying for horses 
 to the prisoner, and the prisoner, thinking him to be a friend to the 
 rebels, at first said thei’e was no such thing to be got, but upon the said 
 Furnival’s telling him he came from the Duke, he then told him he 
 would get horses immediately, and accordingly provided two horses for 
 Mr. Furnival, in a very short time. 
 
 “ If it be objected that the prisoner should have left the town upon the 
 rebels’ approach, it was apprehended by the inhabitants of the town 
 in general, that if all the principal inhabitants had left the place, it would 
 have been in very great danger to have been plundered. And as to the 
 prisoner in particular, he had a great quantity of goods, some time before, 
 bought in, and then in his warehouse in Manchester, which he appre- 
 hended would have been plundered and destroyed, if he left the place, and 
 it was upon these considerations only that the prisoner was induced to 
 stay at his own house. 
 
 “ Mr. John Wilkinson and others of Preston, and Mr. Robert Bower 
 of Stockport, will be called to prove that at Lancaster, Preston, and 
 elsewhere, the rebels obliged the magistrates and others of the Corpora- 
 tions, to billet the rebels, attend at the proclamation of the Pretender, 
 and provide hay, corn, &c., under threats of burning their houses and 
 military execution, and that such commands were everywhere obeyed 
 through fear. 
 
 “ Mr. Thomas Walley will be called to prove that on the 26th of 
 November, three days before the rebels came to Manchester, he applied 
 to James Chetham, Esqre., and another justice of the peace, for direc- 
 tions how he and the prisoner, his fellow constable, should conduct 
 themselves, in case the rebels came to Manchester, and Mr. Chetham 
 said they must do whatever the rebels commanded. 
 
 “ Mr Thomas Walley will be called to prove also, that on the 
 27th November, 1745, Edward Chetham, esquire, an eminent lawyer in 
 Manchester, sent a letter to the witness, desiring tiiat if all private 
 houses in the town must necessarily have part of the forces that were 
 expected, lie would use his endeavours that none should be quartered in 
 Mr. Chetham’s house but such as were likely to behave well, and adds 
 that, though he was going from home, he had ordered them to be accom- 
 modated as well in all respects as if he were present. 
 
 “Mr. Thomas Walley and Mr. Benjamin Bowker (who was Deputy 
 Constable to the prisoner) will be called to prove that they and the 
 ju'isoner had a meeting, to consider how to conduct themselves in 
 case the rebels came to Manchester, and that at such meeting it 
 was resolved that none of them should do anything for the rebels but 
 wliat they were forced to do. They stayed in Manchester when the 
 rebels came thither, by the advice of tlie substantial inhabitants of the 
 
483 
 
 town, in hopes to save the town being plondered and destroyed by the 
 rebels, a report then prevailing at Manchester that the rebels had done 
 much more damage, in the towns through which they had passed, where 
 persons deserted their houses, than to the houses of persons who stayed 
 at home. 
 
 “ Mr, John Clowes and Mr. John Smith, the former of whom was 
 High Constable for the Hundred of Salford, and the latter his clerk, 
 will be called to prove that they were forced by the rebels to issue out 
 their precepts or warrants to the petty constables, to press carriages for 
 the rebels’ use. 
 
 — It is given out that the prosecutors intend to offer in evidence 
 that the prisoner made interest to be elected Constable, in order, as is 
 supposed, to favour the rebels. Mr. John Harrison and Mr. William 
 Thackeray will be called to prove that the prisoner made all the interest 
 he could to avoid the office. 
 
 Matthew Lilly will be called to prove that his house was fixed on by 
 the rebels for the quarters of the officers of the guard of the artillery, 
 it being adjacent to the artillery ground. That on the 30th of Novem- 
 ber (the day after the entry of the main body of the rebels into Man- 
 chester), the military guard was relieved, and orders were given to have 
 a .number of men, the next morning (being Sunday) with picks, 
 mattocks, and other instruments, to repair the ways for their better 
 passage. He will prove that the rebels were so peremptory in their 
 demands that no one dare disobey them. 
 
 Mr. Josiah Nichols and Mr. John Lees will be called to prove that 
 the former was compelled to pay the land tax, and the latter the 
 window tax. 
 
 “ Mr. Adam Parrin and Mr. J. Dickenson, junior, will be called to 
 prove that the prisoner was, on Friday, the 29th November, 1745, brought 
 down a street in Manchester, called Market Street Lane, by a great 
 number of rebel officers, armed. That, as the prisoner came up to the 
 ‘ Star and Garter ’ in the same street, he made a step sideways to speak to 
 a person, which was not immediately observed by the rebels, who walked 
 forward, but, looking back, they commanded the prisoner to go forward 
 with them to the Market Cross, to proclaim the King, as they called 
 him. 
 
 “ William Oakes v^ill be called to prove that a rebel officer, quartered 
 at the house of one Mr. Richard Oliver, in Manchester, having bought 
 corn from this witness for the rebels’ horses, drew a bill upon the 
 prisoner for the money payable to this witness. The prisoner refused 
 to accept this, and the witness applied to the rebel officer, who ordered 
 the Constable to be found out, and, meeting with the prisoner, cursed 
 him, and told him that if he did not immediately pay, he would shoot 
 him and plunder his house. That under these threats the prisoner paid 
 witness the money. 
 
 “ Elizabeth Hepworth will be called to prove that one of the rebel 
 officers, who was called commissary, and others, sent from her house 
 messengers, several times to the prisoner to attend them, and on his not 
 coming upon their sending three times, the commissary sent a fourth 
 time, acquainting him that if he did not come forthwith, he should be 
 put to military execution. That thereupon he came, and upon his 
 coming before the commissary, the prisoner trembled and appeared to be 
 in great fear. That the commissary commanded the prisoner to supply 
 hay and corn for the Prince’s use. 
 
 “ William Hardwick will be called to prove that he told one Robert 
 Shelmerdine that this witness had been informed that the said Shelmer- 
 dine had made oath before Mr. Duckinfield, a Justice of the Peace, that 
 
 H FI 2 
 
Mr. Fowden ordered the said Shelmerdine to drum or heat up. Shel- 
 merdine denied to this witness that he had made such oath, and said if 
 any such thing was done it was Duckenfield’s own doing. 
 
 “ George Platt and Edward Bibby will be called to prove that the said 
 Shelmerdine, after his having been at Lancaster, the last assizes, to give 
 evidence to the indictment against the prisoner, declared he had been at 
 Lancaster as a witness against the prisoner, and would go again and 
 hang Fowden, if hemp would do it. 
 
 “ The witness James Evans is subpoenaed by, and it is supposed will 
 be examined on the part of the King ; if not, he will be in Court, and 
 upon his being called, will prove that he is a plumber and glazier in 
 Manchester. That on Friday, the 29th November 1745, about 
 10 o’clock at night, seven armed rebel officers came to his house and 
 asked how many men he had, and whether he had any bullet moulds. 
 He answered that he kept no men, nor ever had any bullet moulds. 
 That they thereupon told him they would find him moulds, and he must 
 find men to cast the bullets. He told them it was impossible, at that 
 time of night, to find men to assist him. They thereupon said they 
 would apply to the Constables and force them to find men, and accord- 
 ingly, two of them went from this witness’s house to go to the Con- 
 stables. The other five stayed with this witness, who desired they 
 would excuse him making bullets, and let some of their own make them, 
 whereupon they threatened to kill him, and oblige him to cast bullets 
 the remainder of that night. That about 10 o’clock the next forenoon, 
 ten or more townsmen came to assist this witness to make and file bul- 
 lets, which they continued to do till Sunday morning, but he knows not 
 by whom they were sent. That he never had any directions from the 
 prisoner to cast bullets. That after the retreat of the rebels, one Samuel 
 Taylor, a dissenter in Manchester, sent to this witness to examine him, 
 who gave directions to cast bullets, and understanding he was not paid 
 for the bullets so made, the said Taylor told the witness he thought he 
 could assist him to get his money, and asked the witness if the Constables 
 did not employ him to make bullets. Witness answered, no. Taylor 
 then shook his head and said he was afraid he could get him nothing. 
 Taylor afterwards asked witness again if the Constables did not employ 
 him, and said that if they did he could help witness to get his money. 
 Witness answered that they did not employ him. 
 
 ‘‘ William Middleton, plumber, will be called to prove that on Satur- 
 day, the 30th of November, 1745, two Scotch rebels, who called themselves 
 captains, came to this witness’ house and asked him to work for the 
 Prince, and upon his telling them he had no lead, one of the rebels 
 brought the prisoner to witness’ house, upon whose coming in, one of 
 the rebels said, ‘ This is the man we want to work for the Prince.’ The 
 prisoner seemed very much surprised and frightened, and said, ‘ I can’t 
 make him go, gentlemen, if he won’t go.’ One of them replied, ‘ If he 
 will not go, and you will not oblige him to go, we’ll execute military 
 law upon you both and burn both your houses.’ That thereupon, one 
 Mr. Thomas Tipping (a near neighbour to this witness) came into the 
 shop, and being acquainted with what had passed, he advised the witness 
 to go. Witness then went and worked for the rebels till he found 
 means to escape, and never afterwards during the stay of the rebels saw 
 the prisoner. 
 
 “ James Williamson wdll be called to prove that on Saturday, the 30th 
 November, 1745, a rebel officer and two other armed rebels, with bayonets 
 fixed on their muskets, came to this witness’ house and obliged him to 
 SAvear, and then examined him as to arms. Witness told them he had 
 a musket, which they made him produce. That upon their going away, 
 
485 
 
 the prisoner told the witness, privately, that he would not have come 
 upon such an occasion, but that he was forced to. d'hat the rebel 
 officer, in this witness’ hearing, commanded the prisoner to go with them 
 to the house of one Pass, a militia-man, to search for arms. 
 
 “ Mrs. Martha Cookson will be called to prove that on the same Satur- 
 day, a number of rebels came to her house to inform several rebel officers 
 billeted tliere that they had been at the prisoner’s house, and that the 
 prisoner had refused to go with them to search for one Pass’ gun, say- 
 ing he was not well. Thereupon, the rebel officers ordered a captain of 
 the rebels to go at the head of a party to the prisoner’s house and bring 
 him to this Avitness’ house, dead or alive, and if he refused to come, to 
 blow up his house. That thereupon they Avent, and after some time, 
 brought the prisoner to the witness’ house. That in a short time, the 
 rebel captain commanded the prisoner to go with him, and in about half 
 an hour they returned. That one Parkes, a new-listed rebel, brought 
 with him a gun, Avhich he told Avitness was Pass’ gun. That the 
 prisoner was again ordered into a room, and guarded by the rebels, on 
 pretence they wanted him to search for arms in the parsonage in Man- 
 chester, where he was confined for about an hour, and then, the guard 
 having left his post, the witness helped the prisoner to escape through 
 a back door. 
 
 “ Elizabeth Lancashire will be called to prove that on the same Satur- 
 day, the rebels brought the prisoner, under guard, to search for arms at 
 the house of Francis Olay, in Manchester, and that the rebels, in their 
 retreat from Derby, came to the said Clay’s house to search for arms. 
 
 ‘‘ Hurst will be called to prove a command to the prisoner, to provide 
 a number of arms, by a certain time fixed by the rebels. 
 
 ‘‘liobert Smethurst will be called to prove a command to the prisoner 
 to send to Wigan for arms, which he refused to do. 
 
 Elizabeth Fletcher Avill be called to prove that . . . Pass declared 
 that she would have no scruple in sAvearing the prisoner’s life away. 
 She also told witness that the prisoner came twice with rebel officers to 
 her house to search for arms, and that tlie prisoner, by order of a rebel 
 officer, took out a book to swear her. 
 
 “ Ralph Ryder will be called to prove that he asked the said Pass Avhy 
 she sheAved such malice against the prisoner, and the said Pass answered 
 that it would make anybody spiteful to come to swear her for her 
 husband’s arms. 
 
 “ William Thomas will be called to prove that, soon after the Lancaster 
 Assizes, the said Pass told him that if the prisoner desired that she 
 should not have appeared against him, he should have given her a fee. 
 
 “ George Seddon will be called to prove that Samuel Maddox, one of 
 the rebels, who, it is said, will appear against the prisoner, came with 
 the prisoner to demand guests’ horses at this witness’ house, on Saturday, 
 the 30th November, 1745. d’hat the prisoner seemed uneasy at being 
 under a constraint to attend Maddox. 
 
 “ J ames Lord Avill be called to prove that two or three days after the 
 rebels marched from Manchester towards Derby, and before any notice 
 of their retreat, William Baynes and Robert Lever, both of Preston, 
 came to Manchester ; one of them having a sword, and they being 
 strangers, and not giving a satisfactory account of themselves, the 
 prisoner and his brother constable ordered them to be confined under a 
 guard, and they continued in this Avitness’ custody till the next day, 
 Avhen, having satisfied the prisoner and Mr. Walley, they Avere dis- 
 missed. 
 
 “John Barry Avill be called to prove that on Saturday night, 30th No- 
 vember, 1745, a rebel officer, armed, came to the prisoner’s house, and 
 
486 
 
 commanded 12 or 14 carts to be in readiness at 8 o’clock the next 
 morning, on account of drawing the artillery, &c. 
 
 “ Mr. Thomas Furnivall will be called to prove that, being steward to 
 Lord Harrington (a stranger to the prisoner, who came to Manchester 
 as an emissary from the Duke of Cumberland, to give notice of the 
 motions of the rebels), on his applying to the prisoner for horses, on the 
 evening the rebels left Manchester in their retreat, that the prisoner, 
 apprehending the witness was a friend of the rebels, told him he 
 could not possibly procure any horses for him, but when witness told 
 the prisoner the horses were for the Duke’s service, the prisoner, with 
 cheerfulness, told witness if there were two horses in town the witness 
 should have them. 
 
 William Greenhalgh will prove that he was upon the watch, as one 
 of the watch of the town of Manchester, on the Saturday night before 
 the rebels came to Manchester, in their retreat from Derby, and this 
 witness and other persons upon the watch, having notice that some few 
 of the rebels were upon the road between Stockport and Manchester, 
 witness came to the prisoner and acquainted him therewith ; the 
 prisoner thereupon ordered the witness to follow any of the rebels who 
 came to the place, and surround the house where they alighted and take 
 them prisoners. 
 
 ‘‘John Ratcliffe will be called to prove that, being sent as a guide to 
 the rebels, he was privately ordered by the prisoner to leave them as 
 soon as he had an opportunity. That witness was likewise procured and 
 sent by the prisoner as a guide, with part of the Duke’s army towards 
 Wigan and Preston, and the prisoner then gave him directions to do all 
 he could for the Duke’s army, and showed great zeal and desire to do 
 anything in his power to serve the Duke’s array. 
 
 “ N.B. — It does not appear that the Grovernment is in any way con- 
 cerned in the prosecution of the prisoner at the bar, or that the same is 
 carried on at the Crown’s expense.” 
 
 Opinion of Sir Edward Northey and Lord Fortescue to the Lords 
 OF THE Treasury, touching waste committed by Lords and others 
 awaiting their trial for High Treason. 
 
 1225. [1746.] — “ We have considered of the letter of Lord Viscount 
 To wnshendto your Lordships, and inclosed to us, acquainting your Lord- 
 ships that the stewards, bailiffs, and other oflScers of those lords and gentle- 
 men who were taken at Preston, are useing their utmost dilligence to raise 
 what money they can from their estates, by collecting all arrears of rent 
 and fines, cutting down wood, and by all such other methods as they can 
 devise. And your Lordships having commanded us to advise the most 
 proper methods tn be taken to prevent the wastes, spoils, and ill practices 
 therein complained of, we do most humbly testify to your Lorsbips 
 that, by the law, the Crown is not intitled to the real estate or profits 
 thereof of any person guilty of high treason till such person shall be 
 legally attainted thereof by judgement or outlaAvry ; and that when such 
 judgement shall be had, although the same will relate (in order to intitle 
 the Crown to the land of the person so attainted) to the time mentioned 
 in the impeachment or indictment on which they shall be attainted, when 
 the treason was committed, yet as to the mean profits thereof, the 
 Crown will be intitled only from the time of the judgement given. 
 Therefore, such offenders may, until attainder, receive the profits of 
 their real estates for the support of themselves and their families. Hut 
 upon conviction, by verdict and confession, such offenders forfeit all their 
 goods and chattels, which will extend to the arrears of rent grown due. 
 
487 
 
 And therefore, as to the Lords convict by their own confession, 
 notice maybe given to their tenants to desist payment of such arrears of 
 rent ; and if they do pay the same to the Lords, they will be obliged to 
 answer them again to the Crown. 
 
 “ As to tlie goods and chattels of persons guilty of high treason, not 
 convicted of the same by confession or otherwise, they may dispose of 
 the same to the maintenance of themselves and their families, until 
 conviction, and before conviction no seizure can be made for the same, 
 but voluntary and unnecessary gifts and dispositions of their personal 
 estates after treason committed, will be fraudulent against the Crown, 
 and not prevent the forfeiture thereof, when they shall be convicted. 
 As to the felling of timber, if it be not out of necessity for the support 
 of the offenders and their families, we are of opinion the same ought not 
 to be allowed, though before conviction, and where there is a conviction, 
 the trees, when severed, will become personal estate and be forfeited 
 by the conviction, and therefore, the removal of such as are felled 
 may be stopped, and directions given not to fell more. Where there is 
 no conviction, we think it proper that notice be given that the timber 
 and personal estate be not disposed of but for the necessary support 
 of the offenders and their families, and that if they should be otherwise 
 disposed of, that an account thereof will be expected by the Crown, 
 after conviction.” 
 
 Petition to the Members of Parliament for the County of 
 
 Lancaster. 
 
 1226. [ 1746 .] — “ We hope it will not be thought improper nor unbe- 
 coming to apply ourselves to you, the representatives of our county in 
 the sitting of a Parliament, and in a matter of greivance and heavy 
 oppression we labour under, and therefore, without more apology, we pre- 
 sume to lay the case of our hardships before you. 
 
 “ There have been quartered within the towns of Manchester and 
 Salford, from near the time of the action at Preston, which is now four- 
 months since, one regiment of foot and one of dragoons, making nine 
 hundred men in both the towns, for they lie contiguous and appear but 
 as one town, but have indeed distinct constables and are differently taxed. 
 There are not above six inns that can entertain any number of horses, nor 
 more than twenty public houses of any sort that can receive more than 
 two horses apiece, the town being no throughfare, nor upon any public 
 road for travellers, nor place of public resort other than for their own 
 trade only, so that one single regiment of dragoons quartered upon the 
 public houses would fill them all, so as not to leave one bed for a guest 
 in their houses, nor room for one traveller’s horse in any public stable 
 in the two towns. 
 
 “ The officers therefore have forced the Constables, though against 
 law, to billet both themselves and their soldiers upon the private 
 houses, and not only so, but have compelled them to follow their direc- 
 tions therein upon what persons to billet and whom to excuse, and 
 this by threats of commitment, of stabbing and beating, and one of 
 the officers upon this occasion drew his sword upon one of the con- 
 stables and struck him therewith, in the presence of his wife, who 
 was then great wi th child. Some officers likewise have demanded more 
 billets than they have had soldiers, and by taking the billets into their 
 own hands, have excused such houses as they pleased from quartering 
 soldiers, and have made private advantage to themselves thereby. 
 
 “ At their first coming to town, there were not more than three or four 
 offi(*ATs that were quartered at any public house, nor would they suffer 
 the Constables to quarter them there, and live parts in six of the otiicers 
 
488 
 
 and above six hundred private soldiers are still quartered upon the 
 private houses. Besides the soldiers, there are near two hundred and 
 fifty women and children belonging to them in the two towns. For a 
 considerable time after their coming to town, besides the regimental 
 horses, there were belonging to the officers of dragoons and of the foot, 
 and to several private soldiers, other horses not regimental, equal at 
 least in number to the horses of the regiment, and great numbers are 
 still continued, many officers having two or three apiece, some five, six, 
 or more, and some near twenty horses, that are not regimental. 
 
 “ The women and children and most of the horses are likewise forced 
 upon private houses, the women and children entirely upon free quarter, 
 and the greatest part of these horses the same, though, by law, all horses 
 not regimental ought to pay sixpence a night for hay. The better to 
 colour their illegal billeting upon private houses, and to make it specious as 
 if done by consent of the people themselves, they have provided the Con- 
 stables with a form, of a billet, which is thus : — By consent, upon A. B. 
 so many men and so many horses, from thence insisting that the Con- 
 stable does not force any person, for he onljr draws his billet in case the 
 party consent ; and the officer or soldier, they say, forces nobody, for he 
 comes there by their consent, as is plain from their receiving him. Not- 
 withstanding this pretence of consent, yet when the people seemed 
 averse to it, they demanded the names of all such as refused ; they gave 
 out they would be committed to the gaol or taken prisoner to the guard, 
 and that they had a commission to do so at discretion ; others that re- 
 fused they threatned to be sent for to London by messengers and others, 
 to be plundered. 
 
 “ There fell out two very flagrant instances of plundering in the 
 neighbourhood, both yet unpunished, and one with circumstances very 
 suspicious upon some of the officers. There happened likewise, 
 many instances of persons committed to the guard, and one of very 
 severe usage there to a tradesman of substance in the town, who, 
 without any offence charged upon him, was tyed neck and heels till 
 blood sprung out of his eares. The apprehensions of these things, 
 therefore, liave made the billeting generally complied with, except only 
 some dissenters who have stood upon the privilege of the subject, and 
 have found favour beyond their neighbours. 
 
 “ But to take off all pretence to this implied consent, such as it was, 
 whether for fear or for peace sake, we beg leave to give an instance or 
 two of their dealing with those that withstood them. One was an 
 attorney, who, being a young man, a bachelor, and haveing only two 
 lodging rooms fitted up, one for himself, the other for his sister, and 
 a stable for his own horse, had a dragoon and two horses billeted upon 
 him, and he refuseing to admit them, an officer of the dragoons ordered 
 the soldier to break open the stable and to make his quarters good, 
 which he did, put in the two dragoon horses and turned out the attor- 
 ney’s, for the stable would but very inconveniently hold two horses, and 
 hath compelled the attorney to fit up a lodging for him and to entertain 
 him. Another is of a tradesman, who having no stable, and having 
 two dragoons and their horses billeted upon him, offered to entertain the 
 dragoons, provided he might be freed from the horses, as having no 
 stable; whereupon the dragoons, as they were ordered, took the horses 
 into his parlour, and kept them there two days, till such time as he 
 otherwise provided them a stable. 
 
 “ It was ex2)Gcted, where they quartered upon houses not compellable 
 by law to receive them, they would be the more punctual in the 
 payment of those quarters. Yet for some time after their coming to 
 town, neither officers nor soldiers in general paid anything at all. A 
 
489 
 
 great many officers and several soldiers have paid nothing to this day. 
 Methods have been taken that some have had not only their hay but 
 tlieir corn provided. The dragoons who do pay, yet pay only eight 
 pence a night for themselves and their horse ; the foot soldiers who pay 
 highest, pay two shillings a week, some twenty pence, some eighteen 
 pence, some less, and some nothing at all. Though the pay of the 
 dragoons, by Act of Parliament, is nine pence a night, and for the foot 
 soldiers two shillings and four pence per week, and by law expresly, 
 the quarters ought to be paid before any subsistance is given either to 
 officer or soldier, if any of the quarters dare to insist upon nine 
 pence per night they are threatned to be made much more losers in 
 their hay than that comes to, and yet they are forced to give receipts in 
 full for the subsistance. 
 
 “A further hardship the Constables of the town suifei* under is 
 by being compelled to provide and pay rent for guard rooms, for a 
 hospital for the sick rooms, for the tents and baggage of the SvdI- 
 diers, and likewise to provide coals and candles for the guard 
 rooms and hospital, and bedding, linnen, washing and other necessaries 
 for the hospital, which at the first, and for the cold season, cost three 
 pounds a week, besides ten or fifteen pounds in fitting and preparing 
 them, and does yet and is like still to continue to be thirty shillings a 
 week, a charge which, as it cannot be assessed upon the town in a tax, by 
 law, so, considering the other sufferings the inhabitants have under- 
 gone by quartering soldiers, is not likely to be voluntarily contributed 
 to by the town, and if it must fall upon the Constables, will unavoidably 
 ruin them. Now to estimate the damages, though far short of the 
 truth, the penny a day for nine hundred soldiers, if all was paid to it, 
 is three pounds fifteen shillings a day, and one thousand three hundred 
 and sixty-eight pounds fifteen shillings a year short of the allowance of 
 the Government; the women and children, at four pence per day, is four 
 pounds three shillings and four pence per day, and one thousand five 
 hundred and twenty pounds thirteen shillings and four pence a year. 
 The charge of the non -regimental horses, we conceive should be 
 six pence a night, but where there has been anything at all paid for 
 them, it has not exceeded four pence by the highest officers. 
 
 “We will not compute, nor can we state, what the free quarter of 
 the officers and soldiers will amount unto, because they may allege 
 that though they have not yet paid, yet they do design to pay at 
 last, but we beleive these two articles do much exceed all the other. 
 
 “ By these hardships the town hath already suffered very much, and 
 in a short time must be entirely ruined, several having already given 
 up their houses, and a great many more families preparing to break up 
 and leave the town ; the revenue of excise — though by the addition of 
 nine hundred soldiers it might be expected to be exceedingly advanced 
 — does hardly keep up to its former rate, and the returns by the trade 
 in the town, by computation, are already found to have sunk a thousand 
 pounds a week. ^ 
 
 “We will not presume to judge of a reason for quartering so great a 
 body of men upon us, when there are near half a score considerable 
 market towns in our county and in Cheshire, within twelve or fourteen 
 miles of us, that have not a soldier amongst them, but we Inimbly 
 hope we may enjoy the benefit of the laws of England, and if there be 
 any necessity for keeping so great a body of men together, either upon 
 us or in any one place, more than there is convenient quarters for by law, 
 that barracks or other conveniences may be provided at the charge of 
 the Government ; that we may be maintained in our rights and pro- 
 properties, so long as the law continues them to us. 
 
490 
 
 ‘‘ We applied to Mr. Wills, whilst in town, and more especially con- 
 cerning the women, children, and non -regimental horses, and were 
 promised to be freed therein. We have applied to the commanding 
 officers since, and likewise to the civil magistrates, for releif, but can 
 obtain none, nor any hopes thereof, nor can we hear of any time the 
 burden is likely to be removed. The people’s patience is tired out 
 thereby, the Constables are in danger to be tome to peices by actions 
 on that account, the inhabitants are leaving the place, and the trade 
 does visibly decline every day, and this without the least charge of 
 crime or disaffection to be fixed upon any one person of substance in 
 the town, after the most strict and diligent inquiry. 
 
 We therefore humbly beg your direction and assistance for redress, 
 in the most proper legal and dutiful method, that the towns may 
 not be burthened with more soldiers than they are able to quarter, 
 and that those may be placed in the public houses, with reasonable con- 
 venience to them ; that the officers and soldiers may be removed 
 from the private houses or from such as are not willing longer to 
 continue them ; that we may be freed from the quartering of women, 
 children, and non -regimental horses ; that the officers and soldiers may 
 be obliged to pay their quarters and to the full subsistance, as allowed 
 by law, and that the extraordinary expenses and rent for guard rooms, 
 hospital, and the other charges above mentioned, may be repaid and, for 
 the future, discharged by the Government. We will make good in 
 proof every allegation charged, with much more if it be insisted on, as 
 shall be directed by you, and will, with all thankfulness, pursue your 
 orders herein.” Draft. 
 
 George Kenyon to George Gibson. 
 
 1227. 1746[-7], January 31. Peel. — I have sent up to you, by 
 Mr. Chadwick, the convictions of the popish recusants in our county, in 
 the year 1744. The convictions were sent up about a year ago to the 
 late Mr. John Kay of Furnival’s Inn, with directions for him to get 
 them certified into Chancery or the King’s Bench, but Sir Thomas Bootle 
 interposing, and applying to the Lord Chancellor and some other of the 
 Lords of the Privy Council, an order was, on 3 March, 1745, issued for 
 suspending, all proceedings upon such returns. I need not tell you how 
 disagreable these delays were to some of our .Justices, and how much 
 I was teased, bullied, and threatened, though I was quite innocent and 
 passive. 1 was in hopes, when the Privy Council had taken the matter 
 into their own hands, our Justices would have waited the resolutions of 
 that august assembly ; however, I find it otherwise, for last Saturday, 
 at Manchester, after the business of the Sessions was over, and I was 
 gone home, the Justices adjourned their Sessions to an alehouse that 
 evening, at which adjournment Mr. Chetham of Smedley (as I am in- 
 formed) produced a letter from Sir Henry Houghton, with a draft of an 
 order, ordering the Clerk of the Peace, before the 1st March next, to 
 certify into the High Court of Chancery or King’s Bench, the names of 
 all such persons as were convicted, in pursuance of an order of Council 
 to put the laws in execution against papists, reputed papists, and non- 
 juroi's, bearing date 24 February, 1 743-4. I desire you, therefore, to wait 
 upon Sir Tliomas Bootle and acquaint him with what has happened, 
 and tell him I hope he will not take it amiss if you should proceed to 
 (jertify the convictions in Chancery or the King’s Bench (as I desire you 
 would) in case the Lords of the Privy Council shall not please to give 
 other directions. 
 
491 
 
 George Gibson to George Kenyon. 
 
 1228. 1746[~7], February 14. Inner Temple. — Sir Thomas 
 Bootle has been so much engaged, that he has not had time to apply to 
 the Chancellor to stop returning the convictions, but promises me to do 
 it direetly. I have also spoken to Mr. Westby, the Duke of Norfolk’s 
 steward, and others, to apply for the same purpose, and hope they will 
 be able to make interest to prevent the designs of that persecuting dog, 
 Sir H[enr]y [Hoghton], and his wicked accomplices. 
 
 Peter Leigh to George Kenyon. 
 
 1229. l746[-7], February 26. — Sir Ivoger Bradshaw died last 
 night, and Mr. Clayton is gone down to offer his service. He is a good 
 sort of a man, and I will venture to ask your vote in his favour. Scah. 
 
 Order by the Lords of the Council. 
 
 1230. 1747, April 3. Whitehall. — Whereas by order of this Board 
 of the 3rd of March, 1745, it was directed that the several returns or 
 certiheates made by the Custodies Rotulorum^ Justices of the Peace, 
 Mayors, &c., in pursuance of his Majesty’s late Proclamation and the 
 Orders of this Board for putting the laws in execution against papists 
 and non -jurors, should be taken into consideration upon that day 
 month, and that all proceedings upon the said returns or certificates 
 should be for the present suspended. And whereas three petitions have 
 been presented to his Majesty, at this Board, from the County of 
 Lancaster, ‘‘ all which petitions relate to the recording in the Courts of 
 Chancery or King’s Bench the names of those persons who neglected to 
 appear before the said Justices, or who have appeared and refused to 
 take the oaths; It is hereby ordered in Council that the Orders of this 
 Board, issued to the Justices of the Peace of the County Palatine of 
 Lancaster on the 24th of February, 1743-4, and 5th of September, 1745, 
 together with the returns or certificates made thereto by the Justices of 
 the Peace of the said county, and also the three before mentioned 
 petitions (copies of all which papers are herewith annexed) be referred 
 to his Majesty’s Attorney and Sollicitor General, to consider thereof 
 and report to his Majesty in Council what may be done by law, either 
 for proceeding upon the said returns or certificates, or for staying pro- 
 ceedings thereupon absolutely, or for such time as his Majesty shall 
 think proper, and likewise to report their opinion upon the whole. 
 And it is hereby further ordered in Council, that all proceedings on the 
 said returns or certificates be, in the meantime, suspended and stayed.” 
 Copy. 
 
 Bobert Escolme, Clerk to George Gibson, to George Kenyon. 
 
 1231. 1747, May 5. London. — “ Herewith, by Mr. Gibson’s order, 
 you receive the Orders of Council which have come to my hands, but 
 the last could not [be] got, Mr. Westby being very much troubled, 
 having lost, as I am told, his wife.” 
 
 George Gibson to Mr. Mort, Deputy Clerk of the Peace, at 
 
 Ormskirk. 
 
 1232. l748[-9], February 16. Inner Temple. — “By this post, I 
 have sent to Mr. Kenyon, at Peel, an order of the Privy Conncill to 
 stay the proceedings on the convictions against Dr. Deacon, etc., and to 
 refer them to the Attorney and Sollicitor General, in the manner the 
 
492 
 
 former were. If your outragious Justices continue troublesome and 
 make any more orders, I fancy they will be left out of the Commission 
 of the Peace, for the Lords of the Privy Council are very angry at 
 them.” 
 
 J. Kenrick to Lloyd Kenyon. 
 
 1233 . 1750, November 14. Brazenose College, Oxford. — ‘‘It is 
 true, as you observe, that we in college here are not absolutely obliged 
 to pursue our studies, but then there are so many restraints laid upon • 
 us, that they almost put it out of our power to avoid it. For, if we 
 appear out, we are in danger of being taken by the Proctors, or of being 
 branded by names of loungers ; besides, we have duties in our college to 
 attend, all which we consider make our confinement here as great as at 
 school, but far from being so disagreeable, for you may suppose that we 
 can employ some part of the day with a great deal of pleasure in our 
 private chambers, exclusive of all obligation. 
 
 “ That you may the better understand the method we go upon, I 
 shall divide our lectures into public and private. First, then, with 
 our private tutor, we are lectured in Plato’s Dialogues and logic, when- 
 ever he pleases to call upon us ; for our public lectures in the hall, 
 we have particular days in the week, which consists of Xenophon’s 
 Memorabilia^ and Horace, by two different lecturers, one of whom is 
 Mr. Mather, a very ingenious man, whom, I dare say, you have heard 
 of . As for our exercises, they ai*e disputations, three times a week, 
 besides a declamation every term. I must now, since you desired me, 
 give you some account of my examination for admission. 
 
 “ My tutor first of all tried me in epics and Horace ; the next 
 day the Principal sent for me, and put a Horace into my hand, and 
 then Virgil, and lastly Sophocles, where I read half a dozen lines 
 , and to conclude the farce, he gave me a theme to make. 
 But 1 must not omit telling you that I came on to dispute last week, a 
 work which I do not like much as yet, though I chop logic pretty fast. 
 
 I was last night at Frederick’s room, when he had just received a 
 letter from Tbelwall, who is the only person that sends us any country 
 news. He tells us that all they that make any figure at school now, 
 are to be up at Lent, and guess what a wretched place it must be 
 then ! The daring Baronet has left school long since, in a great pet, 
 and is now the hero of Beaumaris’ school ; the reason of his elopement 
 again was a correction given him for a criminal intrigue with Robert 
 Jones, of ‘ the Haven’s,’ daughters. . . . The freshmen at Cambridge 
 
 tell me they like their situation vastly ; if you should chuse to write 
 to them, you will find Jones at St. John’s College and Thelwall at 
 Catherine Hall.” 
 
 George Kenyon to his cousin, Lloyd Kenyon. 
 
 1234 . 1750, Xovember 16. Oxford. — “I do not wonder at all that 
 Kenrick sent you so very different an account of Oxford from mine. 
 
 It is indeed a very different place to different persons. The gown a 
 man wears excuses him from many exercises, as a lower gown obliges 
 him to them. Besides this, he has got an office that obliges him to 
 attend morning, noon, and night, so that he can never be away six hours 
 together. This, you allow, is confinement indeed, and no wonder he 
 should prefer school to it. However, he will be eased of this in a little 
 time. The only exercises we have to do is to repeat a passage out of a 
 classic; every day at dinner, when it comes to our turns, to dispute in 
 turns ; to make a theme once a week and a declaration once a term, and 
 
493 
 
 to read the lessons in chapel, when we are a year’s standing, in turn. 
 Most of these, yon see, come to us one after another, so that we are not 
 often plagued with them, and the rest, if a man will, may very easily be 
 slubbered (sic) over.” 
 
 George Kenyon to his father, George Kenyon. 
 
 1235. 1750[-1], February 27. Oxford. — Giving an account of his 
 studies. He hopes his affair with Mr. Clayton is in a likely way to 
 end well, but he knows his father would not have him sit tamely and 
 lose his reputation. 
 
 Warrant to impress carriages to convey the baggage and stores of 
 General Woolf’s regiment from Lancaster to Burton. 
 
 1236. 1751, September 19. — Warrant from James Fenton, Doctor 
 of Laws, one of the Justices of the Peace for the County of Lancaster, 
 to the constable of Heysham, to impress six carriages within his township, 
 each carriage to consist of an able horse and cart, with an able man to 
 attend the same, to be at the Town Hall, in Lancaster, on the 21st Sep- 
 tember, by five o’clock in the morning, to convey the baggage and 
 military stores belonging to General Woolf’s regiment of foot, from 
 Lancaster to Burton, in the County of Westmoreland. Signed, 
 
 J. Kenyon to Lloyd Kenyon. 
 
 1237. 1752, February 12. — ‘‘Mr. Hanmer intends to build a tower 
 so high that he may see over the Welsh mountains into Anglesea and 
 to the Irish seas, so I hope when I go up there I may see you running 
 about the streets at Nantwich, which will be a more pleasing object 
 to me.” 
 
 Bridge over the Rtbble. 
 
 1238. 1752, October 9. — Specifications for the masons’ work in a 
 bridge over the Kibble near Preston. 
 
 1239. 1753, May 4. Wigan. — An address from “ a disinterested 
 Burgess of Wigan ” to the Burgesses of Wigan, concerning the candidates 
 for election to Parliament, and calling attention to the bribery and 
 
 corruption committed by two candidates. Sir J S and 
 
 Mr. Serjeant P . The two other candidates are the Hon. Richard 
 
 Barry and Sir William Meredith, Bart. Printed. 
 
 Gorton Chapel. 
 
 1240. 1753, October 11. — Petition of the minister, chapel wardens, 
 and inhabitants, of the township and chapelry of Gorton, in the parish 
 of Manchester, to the Justices of the Peace for the County of Lancaster, 
 praying that their case for Letters Patents, to authorize them to ask and 
 receive charity to enable them to rebuild the said chapel, may be 
 recommended to the Lord Chancellor. 
 
 The petition sets out that the chapel of Gorton is a very ancient build- 
 ing, and that divine service and the sacraments w’ere performed therein 
 in the reign of Queen Elizabeth (as appears by the register of the said 
 chapel) but, through length of time, it is become ruinous and in decay, 
 and in so great danger of falling that the inhabitants cannot assemble 
 therein, without danger to their lives. They have been at great ex- 
 pense in repairing the pillars, posts, and supporters of the roof, whicli 
 
494 
 
 is chiefly of timber covered with heavy slate. That the chapel is not 
 large enough to contain the increased number of persons who resort to 
 the township to be employed in the manufactures there. That the walls 
 of the chapel, being sixty feet in length and forty in breadth, are so 
 cracked and bulged that they must be wholly rebuilt. That the estimate 
 for the charges of taking down and rebuilding the said chapel is 
 computed at l,l7l/. and upwards, over and besides the old materials, 
 Avhich the inhabitants, of themselves, are unable to raise, the said township 
 being small, though populous, and a considerable part thereof consisting 
 of cottagers and labourers, and common workpeople in the linen and 
 cotton manufactures, who are not able to contribute much thereto. 
 Signed. 
 
 JAMES Tomkinson to Lloyd, afterwards first Lord Kenyon. 
 
 1241, [17]55, March 22. London. — ‘‘As your stay in town will be, 
 at your first coming up, short, it may perhaps be as well for you to 
 take lodgings, and you may then determine, yoursef, with more satis- 
 faetion as to chambers. But, in my opinion, you cannot prudently avoid 
 having chambers in Miehaelmas term. I find that the Society of the 
 Middle Temple is esteemed equal, if not preferable, to any other, and, 
 soon after my return home, I will solve all your enquiries, when I shall be 
 glad to see you at Kantwich. You will be so good as to give Jemmy (?) 
 the inclosed letter ; if his learning shorthand will not interfere with his 
 other business, and it is thought he may acquire by Christmas a tolerable 
 knowledge of it, I have then no objection to his attending Dr. Byrom.” 
 
 Bill of Mortality for the towns of Manchester and Salford. 
 
 1242. 1755. — Total number of christenings, 744 ; of burials, 706; 
 and of marriages, 287. The greatest mortality was of children under 
 2 years old. Consumption was the most fatal disease, carrying off 
 204 persons. 
 
 R. Kenyon to his brother, Lloyd Kenyon, at Gredington. 
 
 1243. 1756, April 15. Nantwieh. — “ Mr. Tomkinson’s weakness 
 presents his going to the meeting at Northwich to-day, but it is supposed 
 Mr. Cholmondeley will meet with no opposition, as Councillor Wilbraham 
 has great influence over Lord Dysart, and I am told has advised him 
 to drop all thoughts of setting up his son. Lord Huntingtower.” 
 
 .Jane Kenyon to Lloyd Kenyon. 
 
 1244. 1757, May 6. — “I believe you have heard of a cocking that 
 was to be at Hanmer on May- day, at which Tom Puleston was victor. 
 Mr. Probert was here yesterday, but would not own his loss, said it was 
 more than he ever lost at once, or ever would again ; and as for Puleston, 
 I believe, if he will reckon his bad chances with tlie good ones, he will not 
 find himself much enriched, for they say lie was above forty pound 
 loser at Wellington.” 
 
 Church Seats. 
 
 1245. 1757, August 18. — Acknowledgment by .lohn Ryder that 
 though he and his family sit in a seat in tlic parish church of Leigh 
 which adjoins a seat belonging to Mr. Shackerley, and stands in the 
 
495 
 
 north aisle of the said church, which seat belongs to George Kenyon, 
 yet he, the said John Ryder, claims no right or interest therein. Signed. 
 
 Like acknowledgements by Mary Battersby and Joseph Eckersley, 
 under the same date. Signed. 
 
 R. Kenyon to Lloyd Kenyon. 
 
 1246. I 758, February 25. — Lord Dupplin is resolved to part 
 with no places belonging to the Duchy or extend the present 
 grants, “ as the office had been scandalously sti ipt already. . . . Captain 
 Clive has remitted three bills, value 57,OOOZ. each, and also 40,000/. 
 in cash, by way of Holland ; and writes word he has sent 140,000/. 
 by his wife, whom he hopes to follow soon with as much more, 
 an amazing sum for one man, and this is, it seems, all his own. Sir 
 John Glynne has speeched it away last week in support of the Triennial 
 Bill, and they say pretty sensibly, but the notion was rejected again by 
 a great majority. Pitt had got the sout and did not attend, and Beck- 
 ford is much blamed for making the motion at so improper and unex- 
 pected a time. Jones sets out to-morrow on horseback, 1 believe, as 
 does Dunning, on the Western circuit. The Habeas Corpus Bill is 
 ordered to be brought into the House, but much opposition was given 
 by Mr. Solictor and Norton, till Pratt undertook them, who answered 
 the former, and cut through the latter very severely.” 
 
 The Same to the Same. 
 
 1247. [1758, March — .] — “ Mr. Tomkinson has given up his appli- 
 
 cation and assigned his votes to Mr. Wilbraham, so that the dispute 
 will now lie betwixt Bob Gorst, Mr. Wilbraham, and Tom Davenport, 
 and it seems most likely Mr. Wilbraham will have it; and if that 
 happens, wise Tommy talks of leaving Germain Street and going to 
 Chester, to be his brother’s secretary 
 
 ‘‘ The Habeas Corpus Bill was read a second time on Friday, and hot 
 work ensued. Wilbraham made a speech above an hour long against 
 it, in which he enumerated a happy situation, and many blessings he 
 enjoyed in a dutiful son and daughter, with other things as pertinent to 
 the question ! But Mr. Pitt soon cut down this old apple-woman, and 
 handled him most severely. Pratt opposed the Solicitor, and Beckford 
 roared out loudly that the writ was a writ of right, and of too much 
 consequence to be denied at the option of a fblish or time-serving 
 judge, many of whom were incapable of judging when it should be 
 granted, and others so audacious and arbitrary, that he had heard they 
 had not scrupled to shew their lust of subverting our freedom by break- 
 ing in upon the institution of juries and exhorting a verdict, in direct 
 opposition to their conscience (meaning the late trial of the Monitor), 
 and though some of the jurymen had signify ed their doubts, and 
 refused to find it, they had been several times sent from the Bar with 
 this memerable order : ‘ that they must find the defendant guilty.’ 
 In all probability the act will pass through the lower House ; but for 
 the other, I much question it.” 
 
 The Same to the Same. 
 
 1248. 1758, November 9. — Has been shooting on Bettisfield Moss 
 with “ Champion Dymock and Bob Powell.” 
 
 “Nabob Clive’s father, Brother Clive of the Styche, Squire Brough- 
 ton, and Johnny Alcock, arrived at Whitfield’s the day we were tliere. 
 I suppose they have pretty near cleared the country.” 
 
496 
 
 R. Kenyon to Lloyd Kenyon. 
 
 1249. 1759, June 25. Peel. — ‘‘ The behaviour of Sir J. Glynne raised 
 my indignation not a little, though from what he said on Wednesday 
 was three weeks at Mr. Price’s birthday, I had no expectation of 
 hearing any good of him. He is, I find, a great condemner of Mr. Pitt, 
 and little better than a chattering caff {sic). You do not say whether his 
 motion was granted or not.” 
 
 — to George Kenyon. 
 
 1250. [1759, September.] — “ The account in to-day’s paper is that 
 Captains Brett and Douglas were arrived express from General Towns- 
 hend, with an account that on the 16th of September, General Wolfe 
 attempted to draw the French out of their trenches by sending a body 
 of four or five thousand men up the country to destroy their shipping 
 and provisions, but this did not succeed. On the 17th, the General 
 determined to attack the French army by scaling a ridge of rocks on 
 the north side of the town, which the French thought impracticable, and 
 consequently had placed no sentry in that part. That on the 18th, 
 three or four thousand men, with the General at their head, went to the 
 attack. That General Wolfe and the other general officers were the 
 first that got to the top of the rocks, and the troops followed them, 
 being handed up by one another unperceived by the French. That as 
 soon as the troops began to form they were discovered, and attacked by 
 the French and Canadians. That the action continued not above 
 twenty minutes, when the French were totally defeated, and the town 
 was surrendered immediately. The loss on our side is only 45 men 
 killed, amongst whom is General Wolf, who was killed at the first 
 fire; and 500 wounded. The French had 1,400 killed. Mons. Montcalm 
 and the three or four next in command are dead.” 
 
 George Kenyon to his father, George Kenyon. 
 
 1251. 1759, November 3. — General Haddick is arrested and sent to 
 Vienna to answer for his conduct, and his army has joined Daun, who 
 seems determined to attack Prince Henry, and the Prussians likewise 
 seem to expect a battle. The King of Spain sailed, the 6th of last 
 month, from Italy, and the morning before he went, declared his third 
 son King of Naples. The French ministry is entirely changed, and 
 Belleisle is quite out ; H’Estrees succeeds him, and Broglie is to command 
 the army. The French fieet is sailed into the road of Brest, and Hawke 
 has sent word that he expects they will come out and fight him, but 
 there seems to be no great dependence on this. There is no further 
 account of Thurot.” 
 
 Thomas Percival to . 
 
 1252. 1759, November 16. Royton, near Rochdale. — ‘^For my own 
 part, though I am enlisted amongst the men of speculative learning, 1 
 would have all my relations and friends enrolled amongst the men of 
 business, and have every one of them aspire to be at the top of his pro- 
 fession. It is but, as Lord Somers said, a man making a resolution he 
 will be Chancellor of England and he will be so. By resolution, he 
 means endeavours, as well as inclination, to be so ; and therefore I advise 
 you, as a friend, to make that resolution in time, for the sooner you make 
 it, the more likely you will be to obtain it. The glorious success of this 
 year I ascribe soely, and under God, to Mr. Pitt; for you must know 
 
497 
 
 that I have a most despicable opinion of the heads and hearts of the 
 junto ^ and often reflect with anguish on those psuedo patriots at White’s. 
 As old Harley said formerly, he feared that set would ruin the nation, 
 so I am so very much of his opinion that I could almost wish to act one 
 winter in the commission of peace, to rout them ; for I much fear they 
 will contrive to sell what they could not obtain by their own councils/’ 
 
 R. Kenyon to Lloyd Kenyon. 
 
 1253. 1760, June 17. Gredington. — The judicious Mr. Heber has 
 undoubtedly given an account of Frees races, where there was but little 
 diversion or company, and Tom Bycott and Mr. Pytts are stewards 
 elect. Our Rowdee races are to be the 3rd and 4th July, and a con- 
 siderable subscription, I am told, is made. The expectation of these 
 last must undoubtedly have hurt Whitchurch races very mateiially. 
 
 Thomas Percival to . 
 
 1254. [1760,] November 20. Royton. — “ A gentleman of good 
 
 estate in Ireland and Lancashire, Mr. Matthews, of Brandelsholme, 
 about three weeks ago, went from Parkgate to Dublin, in order to his 
 election of member for Kilkenny, and is said to be lost at sea, the 
 vessel stranding he was aboard of. The King of Prussia’s victory will, 
 I hope, set him beyond the power of Austrian malice, as I presume 
 money, the sinew of war, is not very plentiful at Paris and Vienna. 
 The worthy clergy of the diocese of Canterbury are very pompose in 
 their address j and if his Majesty will follow the advice of that learned 
 reverend body, without reserve, I doubt not but the everlasting crown 
 they promise him would be such a one as Laud provided for Charles 
 the First. I am sincerly for the good of the Church of England, but I 
 freely own I think the clergy ought not to be concerned in state affairs, 
 for they always make blundering work of it, their politics being more 
 calculated for the meridian of Madrid or Lisbon then that of London 
 or Westminster. In the meantime, if they can flatter the present King 
 into good measures, I will say they have, for once, done well. But what 
 are we to say to the address of the London clergy ? They seem to be as 
 much too low as the Canterbury folks are too high. Now, I draw from 
 these addresses this inference : Seeker thinks his interest at court is 
 rising, and Sherlock thinks his over, in that pious place. You will say 
 I judge harshly ; but remember, whenever you want a key to a priest’s 
 conduct, that interest is his ruling motive.” 
 
 ‘‘ Sir William Meredith’s Confession of Faith, with the last 
 speech and dying words, to a gentleman in London.” 
 
 1255. 1761, January 2. Chester. — ^‘You are so kind as to mention 
 an objection that has been made to me as if I was suspected to retain 
 principles of disaffection to the Government. In the universal abolition 
 of those opinions it is hard that I am to remain under so odious a dis- 
 tinction. On the most diligent recollection of my actions it seems 
 impossible such a notion can be founded on any one event of my life. 
 It is true I had a grandfather a nonjuror, who had been educated in the 
 Court and enjoyed some preferments in the reign of Charles the 2nd 
 and his brother, for which reason he refused to take any oath to another 
 King. How does that affect me, otherwise than to teach me, as far as 
 example can, the same religious observance of the oath I have taken to 
 this King that he did to the Stuarts ? If I can receive conviction from 
 the feelings of my own heart, there was not a man took up arms with a 
 
 73480. I I 
 
498 
 
 firmer resolution than myself, to venture his life against the very interest 
 I am supposed to adhere to, had any attempt been made, or should one 
 be made, in its favour. But to think me insensible of the blessings this 
 nation may expect from a King born and bred amongst us, of the 
 same religion, the same sentiments of liberty that every honest man 
 feels, and as much private virtue as ever man possessed, and that I wish 
 to change such a King for a foreigner, a papist, and an unhappy man 
 whose actions almost destroy the compassion one would naturally feel 
 for the misfortune of his family, I say whoever harbours such an opinion 
 of me, must either imagine I have a very weak head or a depraved and 
 wicked heart. There is no report so foolish and absurd as not to make 
 an impression on some minds, but I did never think to hear myself 
 called a Jacobite. I do not wish to know either the author or retailers 
 of such an aspersion. I have said too much on a subject that deserves 
 so little notice, but was desirous to shew a regard to anything you 
 mentioned.’’ Copy, 
 
 Thomas Percival to [Lloyd Kenyon?]. 
 
 1256. 1761, April 18.— “I am afraid poor Kitty is still in a worse 
 state than me. She is now at Buxton. The doctors have sent her 
 thither, perhaps to lay the blame on the waters rather than on their 
 own skill. In the meantime, I must say I have hopes of the best, but I 
 fear the worst. These dismal thoughts naturally put one in mind of 
 preparing for all events, and, as you are a lawyer, I beg you will put me 
 into a proper way to settle an annuity on Juba, my black boy ; as he is an 
 alien, there must be some care taken in it, and I fancy you have cases of 
 that kind occur sometimes in London ; whether it is possible to do it, 
 I own it is to me a doubt, without trusting some friends absolutely, and 
 I would choose to avoid that if I could, and I know no one more capable 
 in directing me than yourself. Surely, somebody besides me have had a 
 friendship for an alien ; and if so, where would they apply for advice 
 but to the Temple ? At your leisure, favour me with your thoughts 
 hereon.” 
 
 W. Starkie to George Kenyon. 
 
 1257. 1761, September 29. Manchester. — As to a meeting which 
 Mr. liichard Assheton suggests should take place at Dangerous 
 Corner,” in Manchester, at “ ringing ten a clock,” as it is ‘‘Mr. Parker 
 and Mr. Londsdall’s way intQ town, and near the colleges.” 
 
 Francis Firmer to Lloyd Kenyon, at Gredington. 
 
 1258. 1761, December 19. — “ The day you went out of town, the 
 Parliament met in the Middle Temple Hall, and, after chusing 
 Mr. Morris their speaker, resolved on a call of the House, and 
 Mr. Wood, the Serjeant-at-Arms, was commanded to give personal 
 notice to all the members then in town. The session continued during 
 the remainder of vacation commons, and, as I hear, for I never 
 attended the House, came to several resolutions of great importance. 
 But as the votes are not published, I know not the particulars, further 
 than that they sat very late, the last day of their session, upon a motion 
 for impeaching the worthy president of the bar-mess of high crimes and 
 misdemeanours, pretended to have been committed by him during the 
 last term, in violation of the rights and privileges of the commons. The 
 debate was long, and maintained with great obstinacy on both sides, but 
 at length the worthy gentleman’s friends so far prevailed that he, who 
 attended pursuant to summons, was allowed to make his defence in his 
 
499 
 
 place, much to the satisfaction and entertainment of all parties, not 
 excepting his most violent opponents. The chief speakers in this and 
 every other debate of consequence w^ere Messrs. Dunning and Hotham, 
 whose eloquence has been much applauded. These gentlemen attended 
 that service with the greater assiduity, as they were excluded from the 
 gallery of the other House of Commons by an order expressly prohibit- 
 ing the admission of any but the sons of Members or Peers of Parlia- 
 ment. You see the Chief Justice of the Common Pleas is dead, and 
 probably to night’s Gazette may declare his successor ; it is generally 
 thought Mr. Attorney will be the man, though it is said Bathurst makes 
 a push. If the Attorney takes it, Mr. Sollicitor will, of course, succeed 
 him, and then the contest for Sollicitor, it is imagined, will be between 
 Norton and De Grey.” 
 
 The Key. E. Weoe to George Kenyon. 
 
 1259. 1763, September 16. Radcliffe. — “ You were so good to 
 desire me to consult you, upon any little emergency, by letter. My 
 friend Smethurst plays his old game ; he has sowed his grain in so 
 many different fields, that he has in some of them only nine riders (a 
 rider is ten sheaves), in others nineteen, and soon. Another litigious 
 fellow has bound up all his oats into nine large riders. They will saj 
 corn has usually been set up in riders in this county ; but if I do not 
 gather it of these people in the sheaf, I am precluded from receiving 
 tithe. Shall I demand every tenth sheaf in form, or make my observa- 
 tions only, and wait till the harvest is closed ? ” 
 
 William Hulton to George Kenyon, at Peel. 
 
 1260. 1763, November 20. Hulton Park. — I cannot perceive the 
 confusion in Manchester without being a little, myself, surprised at 
 Mr. Clayton’s conduct ; so I make no doubt but you are apprehen- 
 sive of the consequences, [and] inconveniences, to which the town 
 and neighbourhood may be exposed by his obstinacy. The ex- 
 pected lapse to the Government will undoubtedly be attended with a 
 total expulsion of the honest men in Lancashire from the Collegiate 
 Society of Manchester. This, you are well satisfied, may not only effect 
 both you and myself, but each landed man in the county, and more 
 especially those who have connections in the parish. The intercession 
 of you, for whom Mr. Clayton has expressed often a great regard 
 might, perhaps, prevent his character from being .... into, the c#n 
 stitution of Manchester Church from being overturned, and the child yei 
 unborn, cussing (sic) the day of Mr. Clayton’s birth. It is very 
 possible some composition might be made, though I cannot answer for 
 any. The Warden stands Mr. Assheton’s friend, purely, I believe, 
 through principle and regard to the town. He, I believe, expected 
 Clayton would not have falsified his word, but, according to his promise, 
 would have joined Mr. Assheton. Mr. Clowes has little expectations, 
 and is to go for Cambridge to-morrow. If he had the chaplainship 
 and St. Mary’s, would not that be sufficient to keep a worthy man in the 
 county and pave a road to his future preferment ? 
 
 Reginald Heber to [George Kenyon]. 
 
 1261. 1764, January 19. Oxford. — ‘‘ You may depend upon my 
 best endeavours to do your brother all the service in my power, who, I 
 believe, is very deserving. I hope he will soon be able to return to 
 college, where his residence will be proper, some time before the 
 election.” 
 
 I I 2 
 
500 
 
 Richard Heber to George Kenyon. 
 
 1262. 1764, January 21. Westminster. — Has received his letter, 
 and has lost no time in applying to his brother in Manchester in regard 
 to the contents of it. Finds his brother is ready to serve Mr. Robert 
 Kenyon [as applicant for the librariariship at Manchester College ?], 
 but is doubtful if he will have a vote. 
 
 Gi'.orge Kenyon to Thomas Banks. 
 
 1263. 1765, December 3, Peel. — I left them much engaged at 
 Manchester about a new navigation intended between Macclesfield, 
 Stockport, and Manchester. It is to come to the top of Market Street 
 Lane, and to have no communication with the Duke’s, which makes his 
 Grace oppose it, but the old navigators seem to be for it, at least, do not 
 seem willing to be at the expense of opposing it. The undertakers are 
 Sir George Warren and the Macclesfield people. 
 
 Act for making the Mersey and Irwell navigable from Liverpool to 
 
 Manchester. 
 
 1264. [1765,] — An Act for making the rivers Mersey and Irwell 
 navigable from. Liverpool to Manchester, in the County Palatine of 
 Lancaster. Printed, 
 
 Roger Kenyon to George Kenyon, at Wigan. 
 
 1265. 1768, April 26. Penylan. — If your candidates can boast of 
 their dissipation, ours may of their parsimony ; the representative for 
 this county was chaired by his own servants, and the whole expense, I 
 am told, amounted not to ten pounds, five of which was squeezed out of 
 him, with prodigious reluctance, towards a ball for the Denbigh ladies; 
 and small as this expense may seem to you, the member for our borough 
 of Flint managed still better. Such of the voters as came out of Maylor 
 Hundred (and I think there were only 4 of them) had an allowance of 
 a pint of ale apiece, but were obliged to pay for their supper and break- 
 fast themselves, and, it is supposed, all charges together (including 
 ringers) could not amount to 40^., save the fees paid to the returning 
 ofii(;er. I rejoice much at Mr. Barry’s defeat, as well as at that of 
 Lord Strange, but rather suspect the latter will petition (if the present 
 Ministry stands) and carry everything before him. If Lord Rockingham 
 comes in (which with us is generally believed) I suppose they will 
 
 . warn him out of the Dutchy Court Your 
 
 letter to me had not been opened at the Post Office, but there certainly 
 are strange abuses all over the kingdom in that department, both with 
 regard to over chaiging letters and sending them a roundabout way, 
 and it is great pity but some examples were made.” 
 
 Idle Duke of Portland to Lloyd Kenyon, “ Essex Court, Temple.” 
 
 1266. 1768, July 10. Charles Street, Berkeley Square. — Poorly 
 as the enclosed may express, the sense of the gentleman concerned in 
 the Cumberland and Carlisle elections, as well as my own, custom must 
 apologise for such an offer, and your own kindness and zeal for the 
 cause will, I hope, represent to you the sentiments we entertain of the 
 services you rendered to the cause. We have only to beg the continu- 
 ance of your assistance in the completion of this work, when 
 Mr. Fletcher’s petition comes on to be heard.” 
 
501 
 
 W'. W. Tomkinson to — . 
 
 1267. 1768, November 10. “ At Mr. Mackenrots, Pall Mall.” — 
 
 “ This day was presented, by Lord Strange, the petition of Sir Henry 
 Hoghton and Colonel Bnrgoyne, complaining of a false return and 
 partiality, in the late election for Preston. There is another petition 
 from the inhabitants, setting forth that they were rejected by the Mayor, 
 etc., and were deprived of their right, under the last resolution of the 
 House and the statute made in confirmation thereof ; and the 29th of 
 this instant is fixed for the hearing of the petition .... Colonel 
 Burgoyne, I understand, gives out that he hath engaged Govern- 
 ment on his side and is sure of success. This idea seems pretty general, 
 but no pains will be spared to defeat them, although we are tokl it will be 
 to no purpose, and that the rights of a very respectable borough is to 
 be left to a Ministerial vote, guarded in such a maimer as to be taken 
 up anew, and determined according to the humor of future Tories.” 
 
 G. Byng to . 
 
 1268. 1769, Februar}^ 25. North Audley Street. — “ In the Com- 
 mittee last night on the Nullum Tempus Bill, we had a division 
 whether we were to have prospect as well as retrospect, and beat the 
 administration hollow; our numbers, 205 to 124. I thought you would 
 be glad to hear of so good a bill meeting with so great a support in the 
 Commons, and that it is likely to carry equal good to. posterity as to 
 ourselves, and that ministerial power has not, in this instance, as yet 
 prevailed. I hope it will meet with no diminution in the Lords.” 
 
 George Kenyon, Junior, to his father, George Kenyon, at Peel. 
 
 1269. 1769, February 28. Swinley. — The defeat of Lord 
 Strange, mentioned in Mr. Byng’s letter, was upon the following 
 occasion. “ Upon the hearing of the complaint against Harris for a 
 breach of privilege, he asked pardon of Sir William Meredith, and 
 was dismissed. But Sir William forgot to move (as is usual) that 
 Mr. Harris might be obliged to pay the expense of all the witnesses, 
 Ac., who had been ordered to attend upon the occasion ; upon which 
 Mr. Tarleton and Phillips (the printer of the Liverpool newspaper) 
 petitioned the House that Sir William might pay their expenses him- 
 self, and the petition was to have been delivered in by Lord Strange. 
 But at the first mention of the thing, the House took it up so warmly 
 that my Lord Strange durst not go on with it, and was treated so 
 roughly that he did not appear in the House for some days after.” 
 Lady Sarah Bunbury has eloped with Lord William Gordon ; they went 
 from Sir Thomas’s house, in Suffolk, to the young Duke of Dorset’s, in 
 Kent. 
 
 The Same to the Same. 
 
 1270. 1769, March 24. Swinley. — Yesterday, the information 
 against Burgoyne came on at six o’clock in the morning, and lasted 
 thirteen hours, when Burgoyne and several other of the defendants were 
 found guilty. “ I had a letter from Hotham, who tells me he took some 
 pains to have that clause altered in the Militia Act, which is so extremely 
 severe upon the clerks of the peace, and that Sir George Saville em- 
 ployed his endeavours to tiie same purpose, but they found all the rest 
 of the committee unanimous against them, which, ] suppose, was 
 
 through my Lord Strange’s infiuence An indictment 
 
 was tried at Lancaster against one of Burgoyne’s mobbers, for plunder- 
 ing Jackson, the linnen-draper’s, house, and forcing him to deliver up 
 
502 
 
 his money on his knees. Jackson swore positively to the fact and the 
 person, and there was other evidence; but two witnesses were pro- 
 duced for the defendant, who swore he was never in the shop, but was 
 at that time in bed at a public house, upon which he was acquitted. 
 His counsel afterwards moved to have a copy of the indictment, and that 
 the Judge should certify the prosecution to have been malicious, but the 
 J udge refused it, and said, if he must speak his own opinion, the man 
 was fortunate to come off as he did.” 
 
 R. Beadley to George Kenyon. 
 
 1271 . [17]69, May 9. Leigh. — “This morning, Sir Joseph Yates, 
 after a very pathetic and proper speech, wdierein he laid it on very hard 
 upon the Colonel, pronounced the judgment of the Court, viz., fined 
 Burgoyne 1,000/. but no imprisonment, and the fine was paid in Court. 
 Wilson, the grocer, Captain Harrison, and Winnall, the horn- blower, 
 100/. each and three months’ imprisonment. The three sergeants and 
 drummer six months’ imprisonment, but no fine, being poor. I do think 
 they should have sent the Colonel to keep Mr. Wilkes company as well 
 as the rest, and then every body would have been satisfied ; most people 
 think that part was wanting to make the sentence complete.” 
 
 R. Kenyon to Miss Kenyon, at Peel. 
 
 1272 . 1770, September 7. Overton. — “Our jubilee week at 
 
 Wynnstay is at last over. We had a grand oratorio at the opening the 
 new^ organ at Ruabon Church, on the Tuesday, where several solos were 
 performed by Mr. Paxton, the first violoncello, and Signior Giardagni, 
 the first singer in the kingdom. The company were all invited to 
 Wynnstay to dinner, and a grand entertainment we had. About nine 
 o’clock, we all went to the puppet show, where a handsome theatre and 
 good music were exhibited ; but as to Punch, I have seen him much 
 more entertaining for a penny, and never crucified four hours more 
 stupidly in my life. It would have done you good to see how many 
 grave senators were entertaining themselves with the old history of [the] 
 Babes in the Wood — Lord Grosvenor, Mr. Kynaston, Mr. Middleton, 
 
 were amongst them The whole must have cost Sir Watkin 
 
 a couple of thousand at least, and was meant to please every body, but 
 whether calculated rightly for that purpose, or to answer any good end, 
 I much doubt.” 
 
 Lord Thurlow to Lloyd Kenyon. 
 
 1273 . I77l, May 15. — “ I want to look after the legality of granting 
 a ministerial office in the Court of Justice in America, for more than 
 one life, and I remember two cases upon that head : one of Trelawney 
 against the Bishop of Winchester; the other of the Register of the 
 Admiralty, in which Bellers was concerned. Can you help me to a note 
 of both or either ? ” 
 
 Lloyd Kenyon to Mrs. Kenyon. 
 
 1274 . 1771, December 10. — “ I told you in my last of the success of 
 the Duke of Portland’s cause. I am now to inform you that the 
 Shrewsbury mandamus cause has been equally successful. It was tried 
 on Fiiday last. The evening before, and that morning, we had no 
 hopes of success, but the prospect grew better as we proceeded, and, 
 
503 
 
 owing to Mr. Dunning’s abilities, which were exerted on this occasion 
 to the astonishment of all parties, a verdict was given against the 
 Corporation.” 
 
 Lloyd Kenyon, Junior, to liis father, Lloyd Kenyon. 
 
 1275. 1772, May 7. [London.] — “ You used to like to know what ray 
 
 gains were in my profession. I have cast up my last year’s book, and it 
 comes to 2,487/. 17^. 6J., besides some fees unreceived, which would 
 increase it, 1 believe, to at least 2,500/. It appears to me a "^ast sum 
 indeed, and much more now' than I have merited or than I expeeted. 
 . . . . Yesterday Mr. Tomkinson’s youngest son was married to 
 
 Miss Marsden. It is a match which has been a long time in agitation, 
 but since her mother (who was widow to William Tomkinson) has 
 married a third husband, she has quarrelled with her daughter, and 
 Mr. Tomkinson has been against the match. As she was under age, 
 they could not have a licence, and did not like to go to Scotland, and 
 therefore were asked in church. This could not be in the parish 
 where they resided for fear of a discovery, but they were asked in two 
 or three different churches in the city and borough, and passed muster 
 without suspicion, and though that does not comply with the meaning 
 of the Act, yet, when it is over, the marriage is good.” 
 
 Lloyd Kenyon to his father. 
 
 1276. 1772, December 9. — “ Mr. Fletcher wrote to me the other 
 
 day to inform me that a ticket I bought for his mother w'as come up a 
 prize of 20/. . . . He also sent me a commission to lay out his mother’s 
 prize in the purchase of another ticket, as she has still a mind to have 
 a chance for the 20,000/. I have accordingly bought another ticket for 
 her at the lai’ge price of 17/. 10^. 6d I went on Satur- 
 
 day with Mr. Dunning to Putney, and stayed there till yesterday morn- 
 ing, when I walked home, about six miles. I hope he gets better, 
 though he is not yet well ; you wdll see by my frank that his hand is pretty 
 steady. Lord Shelburne and other considerable people called on Sun- 
 day to pay him a morning visit, and Lord Shelburne desired he would 
 bring me to dine with him some day. I drank tea with him on Satur- 
 day at Mr. Pulteney’s.” 
 
 The Same to the Same. 
 
 1277. 1773, January 19. — ‘‘ The number of bankruptcies is immense. 
 Some of the greatest houses in town are talked of very suspiciously. It 
 is well to be of a trade where one can scarcly contrive to be l)ankrupted. 
 I have nov/ got considerably more than ever I have got on so early a 
 
 day in the year I was lately, for several nights, with 
 
 Mr. Dunning ; he is cheerful, very clear headed, and pretty well ; but I 
 hope the Attorney-General and I have prevailed on him to refrain 
 coming to the Hall during next term. By that means he will increase 
 his vacation till April.” 
 
 The Same to the Same. 
 
 1278. 1773, February 16. — Last Saturday’s Gazette contained 
 15 bankrupts. “ I am very creditably informed that the state of credit 
 in London is worse than it is remembered to have ever been. Some of 
 the principal houses are upon the brink of bankruptcy. It is as much 
 
504 
 
 as the richest can do to take care of themselves, without attempting to 
 help their neighbours. The distress is understood to be much, owing 
 to the expensive manner of living, which exceeds all bounds.” 
 
 Mary Kenyon to — 
 
 1279. 1773, February 29. Hulton Park. — “ Mrs. Hulton has given 
 me a description of many places she saw abroad, and, from what she says, 
 Nice (in Italy) must be one of the most delightful situations, in winter, 
 in the world. She got there the 7th of January, which is their depth of 
 winter as well as ours, and found the gardens in high beauty ; ripe 
 oranges upon the trees, and the finest carnations, in full blow, that ever 
 she saw, and all the necessaries of life (house rent excepted) are very 
 cheap. They bought a quarter of lamb for sixpence, and two pounds of 
 butter for ninepence. The air was as warm, Mrs. Hulton said, as it 
 usually is with us in June; and she met with a great many English 
 there, which, had she stayed, would have made it very agreeable. She 
 does not seem to admire Marseilles at all, and says she would never 
 
 recommend it to any sick person They have ploughs 
 
 in France so constructed as to go without holding, except when the 
 horses turn ; then the man that drives puts it in the proper place, and 
 has no further trouble till he gets to the other side the field.” 
 
 Lloyd Kenyon to [his father]. 
 
 1280. 1773, May 11. — “ Yesterday, the important business of the 
 Indian plunderers came before the House of Commons. ..... 
 You can hardly conceive what satisfaction almost every person one meets 
 with expresses to-day at the event of yesterday, and at the hopes they 
 entertain that justice will at last overtake these enormous offenders. My 
 liord North, I am well informed, cut and shuffled excedingly, and was at 
 last brought about to concur in what was right, by finding from my 
 friend, the Attorney Gleneral’s, speech that he was likely to be left in the 
 lurch if he preceded to screen the culprits. I am told that Lord Clive’s 
 friends look wonderfully crestfallen. I met Sir Roger Mostyn and Mr. 
 Curzon yesterday morning, and cautioned them to take care of the public 
 interest. Sir Lynch Cotton has not, I believe, yet been able to attend the 
 House. I find Mr. Hulton’s body is at last deposited in Dean Parish.” 
 
 Lloyd Kenyon to his father, at Gredington. 
 
 1280a, 1773, May 25. London. — “ I am quite out of temper with all 
 politics. Ten days ago I was in hopes Lord Clive and the other Nabobs 
 would have been brought to justice for their peculations, but on 
 Wednesday last, the House of Commons thought good to acquit him, by 
 a large majority. The whole Rockingham party joined in his favour. 
 Before this sample of their virtue, I had a better opinion of them than 
 of any other party, but now my opinion of them is very much altered, 
 and some of their leaders know it. I cannot forbear suspecting that 
 some lacs of rupees have been employed in obtaining this victory. My 
 friend, tlie Attorney General (Thurlow), behaved nobly upon the occasion. 
 Lord North very shamefully, and 1 hope to have an opportunity of 
 voting against Baldwin at the next Shropshire election. He spoke (as 
 well as he could) and voted as stoutly as anybody for Lord Clive. This 
 acquittal of Lord Clive, I am afraid, will discourage all honest men from 
 pursuing the more petty Rajahs.” 
 
505 
 
 Lloyd Kenyon to . 
 
 1281. 1773, June 8. — “When I last wrote to you, I believe I 
 was in hopes Lord Clive would have been obliged to disgorge some 
 of his ill-got riches, but the House of Commons took a sudden turn 
 and let him off. The upshot of this business is to be imputed to the 
 Rockingham party, who, for reasons best known to themselves, all in a 
 body, took part with Lord Clive, with a view, I suppose, to add him 
 and his friends to their number. I thought much better of them before 
 than I shall ever do again. Mr. Baldwin, the member for Shropshire, 
 spoke and voted for Lord Clive, in hopes, I fancy, to have his irterest in 
 the next election. I shall be very glad to see him opposed and turned 
 out for his pains. I am in treaty for a house in Lincoln’s Inn Fields, and 
 hope to agree for it this week. 1 believe the terms, &c., will be very 
 high, but the airyness of the situation is worth a good deal to one who 
 has no time to use proper exercise.” 
 
 Lloyd Kenyon to his father. 
 
 1282. 1773, July 6. — “My profits in my profession continue to 
 increase so much, that I have now got more money since the beginning 
 of the year than I had when I left town, the latter end of last July. 
 When half the year closed, at the end of June, T had got about 2,060/. 
 What with buying the lease of my house, and furnishing it, I shall not 
 be able to make any very large purchase with this year’s savings, though 
 I hope to be something in profit.” 
 
 The Same to the Same. 
 
 1283. [1773,] “Sunday evening.”— “I dined yesterday with my 
 
 friend Mr. Dunning, who looks better than when I saw him at Stafford, 
 but I think is yet far from perfectly well The Com- 
 
 mittee of the House of Commons about the India affairs are going on 
 with their inquiries, and, from some talk which I had yesterday with 
 the Attorny Greneral, I fancy Lord Clive is likely to cut but a bad 
 figure.” 
 
 Allen, Sedgwick, & Co.’s Bank. 
 
 1248. 1774, September 3. — Draft letter, unsigned and not addressed, 
 concerning the partnership deeds of the bank of Allen, Sedgwick, and Co. 
 Certain additions recommended, subject to the approval of the house in 
 London, viz : — That the bank be continued in the fii m of Allen, Sedgwick, 
 and Co., during the present co-partnership, and upon the decease of Mr. 
 Peach, Mr. Allen and Dr. Sedgv/ick, iheir respective shares to be vested 
 in their wives or children ; any of their sons may commence as a 
 partner at the age of twenty-one, in the room of his father. 
 
 Mary Kenyon to her mother. 
 
 1284a. [1775,] October 30. London. — Describing her new house 
 in Lincoln’s Inn Fields, she says, “ The entrance is a broad lobby, well 
 lighted . by a window over the door, and a staircase window. It is 
 wainscot, painted white as far as the arch turned at the bottom of the 
 staircase. On the left hand is a sweet pretty parlour, stuccoed and 
 painted white — marble chimney piece and hearth ; two windows, and, at 
 the lower end of the room, two pillars, on which stands a mahogany side- 
 board. On the one side stands a garde du vin, on the other side a chair, 
 which I think must be displaced and a small table set there. On the 
 
506 
 
 side, where the door opens, which is a long way from the window, stands 
 our dining table, with one chair oil one side, near the pillar. Between the 
 windows is a very pretty round glass, ornamented with gilt paper-mache, 
 in great taste, two chairs on each side the fire, a handsome cistern of 
 mahogany, with brass hoops, &c., under the sideboard, and a Turkey 
 carpet. The back room has only one window, which looks into a little 
 flagged court, twelve of my steps long and six steps broad, but quite 
 entire and not overlooked by any window but our own, a marble chimney 
 piece and hearth, a stove grate, the same to the other parlour ; [it] is 
 wainscot, painted white, has a larger dining table for great days, a ward- 
 robe from Chambers for Mr. Kenyon’s clothes, a wash-hand stand, a little 
 closet, dark, but shelved very conveniently, and four chairs, the same as 
 the dining parlour. The room behind that is white wainscot, has two 
 windows, is as large as the little drawing room, but has nothing at all in 
 yet. There is a fire-place with a marble chimney piece ; but that and 
 all the back-rooms are common fire-places. Behind that is the back 
 staircase, and beyond that a butler’s pantry with a dresser that has two 
 drawers and a cupboard under it, shelves over it for glasses, &c., a lead 
 cistern and pipe with water. 
 
 ‘‘ So much for that floor. The front staircase is a very good one, 
 with a neat mahogany rail to the top of the house. I must tell 
 you, before I proceed further, there is a very handsome glass lamp in 
 the passage, another upon the landing, and a third by the dining room 
 door. The dining room is 21 feet and a half long, and 17 feet 
 wide, has [a] marble chimney piece and hearth, a handsome steel 
 grate, &c. ; [it] is to be new papered, this week, and have the furniture 
 all in order ; it is quite ready when the paper is put up. The paper is to 
 be a blue small patterned flock ; I will send you a bit of it. The back room 
 has, at present, a bed in it, which is to be removed on Wednesday 
 morning, and that room is to have the old blue flock paper we found in 
 it, blue moreen curtains, chairs, a toilet, and a book-case — will not that 
 be a nice breakfast room ? In the little room behind that, which is 
 wainscoted and painted white, is a blue moreen bed, a little chest of 
 dressing drawers, and two chairs ; then comes my little store room, which 
 is about as large as half the little drawing-room, has two rows of shelves, 
 a table across the end with drawers and cupbords under. In this place 
 I keep china, glasses, and all my stock of groceries; the plate chest is 
 to be kept there too, when it arrives. Through this closet is the water- 
 closet, very convenient and sweet ; it is over the stable. 
 
 “ Up the next story is our lodging room, over the dining room. It is 
 hung with a green flock paper, has green moreen bed and window cur- 
 tains, a large chest upon [a] chest (so high, that I must have a step-ladder 
 to look into the five top drawers), a dressing table and glass in one pier, 
 a small chest of dressing drawers in the other pier, a night table, 
 a wash-hand stand, and eight chairs. The back room is wainscoted, 
 and is to have the bed from Chambers in. A maid’s room behind that, 
 and, over my own store room, another pretty closet with a linnen press, 
 and a light large cupbord or small closet through it. The two back 
 garrets have servants’ beds in. The front is a landing. All the garrets 
 have flat roofs, and are in every respect as good rooms as those below.” 
 
 Francis Bullbr to Lloyd Kenyon, “ Oxford Circuit, Stafford.” 
 
 1285. 1778, March 21. Upton. — Yesterday morning, a midshipman 
 was tried at Exeter for murder. He and some sailors were sent by the 
 Lieutenant to examine the fishing boats as they came into Torbay. The 
 
507 
 
 midshipman put a sailor on board of one sloop and ordered them to go to 
 the tender, to be examined by the Lieutenant ; but the master, instead 
 of going to the tender, put out to sea. The midshipman took another 
 fishing sloop and chased for 3 hours, during which time he fired several 
 musket shots to make the master bring to, saying, if he could only get his 
 sailor back again, the master and his men might go to hell, and he 
 would chace no further. Struggles between the master and his crew 
 and the sailor were seen during the chace, and they expected to see the 
 sailor thrown overboard. When the midshipman got within 60 yards, 
 he said, if the other sloop did not bring to, he would fi]-e et the man at 
 the helm, and, whilst they were in the act of bringing to, fired and killed 
 the master. Baron Perry n was of opinion that this was wilful murder, 
 abused the practice of the navy in firing balls, asked if it was usual for 
 one fishing sloop to fire on another, said the subjects of this country 
 wei’e in a calamitous state, and [that] the expression ‘ he might go to hell ’ 
 (which in a seaman’s phrase, I take it, only means he might go about his 
 business), shewed malice, and reliected on four silk gowns being con- 
 cerned for the prisoner. However, he dropt a hint that we might hare 
 a special verdict, which, under all the circumstances of the case, we 
 thought it prudent to take. In stating that, he took wonderful care to 
 put all the facts against the prisoner in the strongest terras ; and it was 
 with great difiicuity that we could get a few facts, which were proved on 
 the part of the prisoner, inserted at all, because he did not think them 
 material : such as that firing in the case was according to the usage of 
 the navy to bring ships to ; that it was for the purpose of hitting the sails ; 
 and that the struggle seen between the sailors and the deceased. How- 
 ever, at last, all that was inserted. It was proved that the midshipman 
 fired and the deceased was killed. Perryn directed the officer of the 
 Court to take down, as the minutes of the special verdict, that the 
 prisoner levelled at the deceased ; however, that, at last, was altered. 
 There have been some heavy complaints of severity on the Crown side 
 before, during this circuit, but whether deserved or not, I cannot say. 
 
 The name of the midshipman is Phillips, and [he] is a 
 
 neighbour of yours.” 
 
 B. Kenyon to Mks. Lloyd Kenyon. 
 
 1286. 1778, August 16. Cefn. — “ Our Denbighshire squires are 
 trying to kick up a dust against our Chief Justice, for permitting a felon 
 (after the Grand Jury had found the Bill against him) to enlist in 
 the Liverpool volunteers (I believe the Manchester regiment had com- 
 pleted their number of thieves before) without puting him on his trial. 
 A flaming advertisement has been inserted by the High Sheriff, in the 
 Chester paper, to call a country meeting to consider of this breach in 
 the criminal justice of the kingdom. It is not likely to come to any 
 thing against the Chief J ustice, as the affair was with the consent of the 
 Attorney General and the prosecutor, but it will vex Mr. Morton 
 greatly, which I am sorry for, as he is (with all his roughness) a very 
 excellent judge.” 
 
 The Same to the Same. 
 
 1287. 1778, Octobers. — The sale at Iscoed has continued for this 
 last Aveek. Thinks the prices fetched were very low, the day he Avas 
 there, but was told they advanced greatly afterwards. “ The large 
 picture in the saloon, of Peter denying Christ, Avas bought by Mr. 
 
508 
 
 Curzon, as a present for an altar piece at Malpas Church,^ for twenty- 
 nine guineas and a half, but few of the paintings exceeded a couple of 
 guineas.” 
 
 W. Leycester to Lloyd Kenyon. 
 
 1288. 1778. Buxton. — “ I cannot give you any hopes of tolerable 
 accomodation at the Hall,^ which is quite full ; not a room empty, and 
 many bespoke. But you may be very comfortably accommodated at the 
 Grove Coffee House, within 200 yards of the Hall, where you may 
 either dine with the company, which seldom consists of more than 12, 
 01 ' you may have a private parlour for half-a-guinea a week, if you like 
 that better. You will meet here with several of your acquaintance — 
 P[epper] Arden, Bower, Mr. and Mrs. Joddrell, Parker, Coke, Mr.'and 
 Mrs. Erskine, Miss Bolds, [and] Miss Biffins.” 
 
 T. Stanley to George Kenyon. 
 
 1289. 1780, January 18. Crosshall. — Offering himself as a can- 
 didate for election to Parliament, in the place of the Hon. Mr. Stanley, 
 deceased, and asking for Kenyon’s vote. 
 
 Edmund Burke to Lloyd Kenyon. 
 
 1290. 1780, March 6. Charles Street.— “ Mr. Dunning made me 
 very happy this day in telling me that you did me the honour of 
 approving the principle and chief provisions of my Welsh Bill. A Court 
 opposition is stirred up against it with great industry, and though those 
 who are inveigled into that opposition are utterly ignorant of the 
 grounds they go on, they are as rancorous as if they had had some cause 
 of discontent ; but little politicks are at the bottom. As I had not the 
 happiness of any legal assistance in preparing the Bill, I daresay that my 
 meaning is inartificially and unaptly expressed. Mr. Dunning assured 
 me that you would be so obliging as to look over the Bill and correct it. 
 May I beg, then, that you would do it as soon as possible, for I am much 
 pressed for it. I beg, too, that you will exercise a further discretion, and 
 add and alter as you please, preserving (as you will) the principle.” 
 Holograph. 
 
 Roger Kenyon to . 
 
 1290a. 1780, March 30. Cefn. — The sinking the vaults at Gre- 
 dington (which was done by contract) has taken up more time than I 
 expected. It is a very considerable marl pit, I assure you, but now 
 quite finished, and the bricklayers busy at work. We found a framing 
 of old timber in the middle of the old kitchen walls, which was quite 
 decayed, and proves that end to have been originally built of timber 
 and plaister, and of the walls within were divided by soft tiles laid 
 
 edgeways, of the dimensions of those in the little house floor. 
 
 Mary Kenyon to Mrs. Kenyon, at Peel. 
 
 1291. [1780, June 3,] “4 o’clock.”— “ Mr. Kenyon is just come in, 
 and says the Attorney-General was very active last night in endea- 
 vouring to save the chapel, and was in great danger from the mob; 
 they were so perverse, they would not help to work the engines to 
 prevent the fire spreading ; that if Mr. Graham Midford, and some 
 
 ’ This picture, still in Malpas Church, is by Hay man. 
 2 The Old Hall Hotel, Buxton. 
 
509 
 
 other gentlemen spectators had not assisted, most likely great mischief 
 might have been done; and [that] the guards (who were sent for) were 
 heard to say of the mob, ‘ great fools, why did they not pull down the 
 building ; fire might hurt their neighbours.’ Fine times ! ” 
 
 Mrs. Lloyd Kenyon to 
 
 1292. [1780], June 3. Lincoln’s Inn Fields. — ‘Least my dear 
 friends at Peel should be under any apprehension for us, on account of 
 this mob, I will write to day to tell you we neither suffered fright 
 nor danger by it, though they were very noisy all night, and there 
 stil! is a continual crowd about the Sardinian Ambassador’s. I do 
 believe there were very many thousands of people assembled yesterday 
 in St. Greorge’s fields, who afterwards went to Westminster Hall, but 
 did no sort of harm there further than crowding the Hall and making 
 it hot, and sometimes shouting at the people they did not like as they 
 passed. Lord George Gordon was seen by Mr. Leycester haranguing 
 the crowd, with his hat off, for a considerable time, and misleading an 
 unruly ignorant set of people in St. George’s fields. He afterwards 
 came to them out of the House of Commons, and said he could get no 
 answer as to the repeal of the Roman Catholic Act, and advised them 
 to attend every day in a body, till their petition was granted. They then 
 vowed they would destroy all the Roman Catholic chapels, and, as it 
 was a very hot day, took care to get drunk in good time, and as soon as 
 it was dark, began to attack our neighbourhood, though till we went to 
 bed, at eleven, they seemed not to do any mischief. 
 
 “ They waked us between 12 and 1, with noise and shouting ; we got up 
 to look, and saw a great crowd, but knew nothing of fire till this morning ; 
 as you know, the chapel is in Duke Street. We sent Hewett to look at 
 it ; he says they have taken all the images and every thing within the 
 chappel that they could find, and pulled all to pieces and burnt before the 
 door ; broke the windows, and burnt the frames and doors of the chappel. 
 But, by the help of two engines, all the houses, etc., were preserved, just 
 one window in the Sardinian Ambassador’s house broken. Mr. Kenyon 
 is provoked beyond measure at Lord G. Gordon ; says he is mad, and 
 should be confined, and wishes some spirited conduct may be pursued to 
 suppress this first lawless outrage. Eight of these poor fellows are 
 taken up, who little knew what they have been about. They say there 
 are three more Roman Catholic chappels that have suffered the same fate. 
 Mr. Filmer called this morning to know what disturbance we had met 
 with. I see the papers say there were 50,000 people in this square. 
 I saw them twice, and Mr. Kenyon two or three times, and there were 
 not, as I think, even so many as two hundred, atone time, in this square. 
 
 Do you hear that Lord Surrey has renounced the Roman 
 
 Catholic religion, and Sir Thomas Gascoigne likewise ? Mr. Wallace 
 told Mr. Kenyon so, and said Lord and Lady Surrey were to meet 
 yesterday at their house, at the desire of both parties.” 
 
 The Same to Mrs. Kenyon, at Peel. 
 
 1293. 1780, June 6. London. — “Do not be uneasy if you should 
 not hear of us by every post ; for, notwithstanding the accounts in the 
 papers, I hope we shall be just as safe in this place as anywhere. We 
 are happy in our neighbourhood; ail are equally disposed to be quiet, 
 and though we have, till to day, had continual tumults and noises, day 
 and night, in this square [Lincoln’s Inn Fields], they have not molested 
 any creature in it, except the chaplain of the Sardinian Ambassador. 
 
510 
 
 We were waked last night, about twelve or near one, by a great light 
 which proceeded from a fire in Great Wild Street, just behind Clare 
 market. The mob set a tallow chandler’s in a flame, who had assisted to 
 take one of the rioters on Thursday night, and pulled another house to 
 pieces in Little Queen Street, which belonged to a currier who had 
 offended in the same way, but there they did not burn anything. From 
 there they went to Sir George . . ., but he soon got guards, [so] that 
 
 they only broke windows and doors, and were beat off. To day, I fear 
 they will attend at the House, but Mr. Kenyon has promised me to come 
 home before they sit. Some of the members talk of complying with the 
 
 repeal of the Roman Catholic Act If it is not soon 
 
 repressed, many innocent people must suffer, for the love of mischeif 
 exceeds all bounds. They say these people are most of them Methodists, 
 but there are bad enough of all religions to make a sad bustle here, and I 
 dare say do not care a straw what is done, if they can plunder, destroy, 
 and level all distinction. What a blessing it is to have an able and 
 kind protector at such a time. My Mr. Kenyon is now as cool, co m- 
 posed, and compassionate to all parties, as a sensible and good man can 
 be. . . . My sister and my sweet lads are in a place of great safety, 
 
 where we shall certainly join thern if there is the least hazard of danger 
 or alarm, from living here. I do not believe half the stories I hear, hut 
 am grieved to hoar of the fright and apprehensions of other people. The 
 account of the Bishop of Lincoln in the papers, was very true, and my 
 Lord Mansfield was forced to escape on Friday, by water, in a green coat 
 and bob- wig. Many of the members of both Houses were affronted, but 
 I have not yet heard of one life being lost. I drank tea with Mrs. 
 Walker yesterday ; she is furious against Roman Catholics, and thinks 
 it a sad thing to grant them any indulgences. One of their chappels 
 was destroyed in Moorfields on Saturday night, and the poor priest’s 
 house ransacked and burnt, as well as two or three empty ones ad-- 
 joining. What do people say in the country on this subject I hope 
 they will not follow our wicked example. Mr. Kenyon came safe home, 
 about two o’clock, but said there was a great crowd gathering, and 
 two regiments of guards drawn up in the Park, and a regiment of light 
 liorse [brought ?] down to the Parliament House. How this day will 
 end, God knows ! Mr, Burke, they say, was in great danger this 
 morning. He took up two .... himself, and went to ask the mob 
 what they would have ; ‘ if you want me,’ he said, ‘ here I am ; do what 
 you will ; but never expect I shall vote for a repeal of the Act I 
 supported.’ They all cried out, ‘ he is a gentleman, make way for him.’ 
 Lord George Gordon, it is said, has decamped. That old hall has stood 
 many a brush ; I hope it will withstand this.” 
 
 John Dunnino to ^ the Honourable Lloyd Kenyon, Esq., Chief 
 
 Justice of Chester.” 
 
 1294. I7b0, August 11. — “Be assured you have not a friend who more 
 sincerely rejoices than I do, in any good that happens to you. I could 
 not, therefore, but receive with pleasure the account you have favoured me 
 with of your appointment to an office [the Chief Justiceship of Chester] 
 
 which it wns so natural for you to desire I congratulate 
 
 the Pr inci[)ality of an event, not less important to them for being new — 
 their being treated as men who have lives and fortunes to be preserved, 
 and I am glad, for the Chancellor’s sake, that he has made an appoint- 
 ment which dues him credit. When the sun scorches, as it does at 
 present, I feel it pleasant (without a metaphor) to live in the shade ! ” 
 
511 
 
 The Poll at Wigan. 
 
 1295. 1780, September 11. — The poll, with the names of burgesses 
 who polled, taken at Wigan, The candidates were Henry Simpson 
 Bridgeman, 70 votes ; Horatio Walpole, 44 votes, and Sir Bichard 
 Clayton, 24 votes. 
 
 Lord George Gordon to Lloyd Kenyon. 
 
 1295a. 1780, November 22. The Tower. — “Lord George Gordon 
 presents his most respectful conipliments to Mr. Kenyon. As some- 
 thing has occurred since the message delivered to him by Mr. Wallis, 
 Lord George would be very glad to see Mr. Kenyon, Avhenever he finds 
 himself disengaged.” 
 
 Edmund Burke to the Sasie. 
 
 1296. 1782, January 4 (?). Beconsfield. — “ You have done so much 
 more for me than I had any sort of reason to expect from anything 
 but your extraordinary good nature, that I do not know how to thank 
 you for it sufficiently. I should hope that in stating Mr. Story’s business 
 to the Chancellor, that it might be made to stand on the reason of the 
 Union, and the equity of giving the object rather to thirty years’ 
 service than to any sollicitation. The Chancellor is a man very much 
 made to listen to a plea of that kind. If he were not, I do not know 
 upon what pretence I could ever have gone to him with any recom- 
 mendation. I am additionally obliged to you for not mentioning my 
 name.” Holograph. 
 
 Peter Davids to the Same. 
 
 1297. 1782, April 14. Broughton.— “ I now address myself to 
 you as a senator. About twenty -five years ago, it was under consideration 
 of Parliament to enact a law for the appointing of an office in each 
 county, for the regestering of bonds and mortgages. For some reason 
 the Bill was rejected. A most shocking affair which has lately been 
 discovered in the counties of Denbigh and Flint calls aloud for such an 
 office to protect the properties of the ignorant and incautious. If you 
 could, by your interest and abilities, carry such a Bill through the 
 House of Commons, you would procure a most essential and [lasting] 
 blessing, not only to those counties over which [you] preside as Lord 
 Chief Justice, but also to every county in England.” 
 
 M. H[anmer] to Mrs. Kenyon, in Chester. 
 
 1298. [1782,] April 16. Bettisfield Park. — “Arden is said not to 
 give general satisfaction ; he is in too great haste, and hurries things 
 over, so as not to please some people. My cousin complains he cannot 
 keep him in order as to forms ; that he walks away from Barrington, 
 gets before Mr. Kenyon, and runs among the mob in his red gown. You 
 know how absent he is. It is just like Pepper; but there are things one 
 must not comment upon, only between friends.” 
 
 Charles James Fox to Lloyd Kenyon, Attorney General. 
 
 1299. 1782, April 26. St. James’s. — “Mr. Secretary Fox pre- 
 sents his compliments to Mr. Attorney General. He troubles him with 
 a letter he has received from Monsieur CavaHi, the Venetian Resident, 
 and will take it as a very particular favor if Mr. Attorney General will 
 
512 
 
 let him know the state of the business relative to Monsieur Pizzoni, the 
 former Venetian Resident, that he may return an answer to Monsieur 
 Cavalli, who is lately recalled.” Holograph, 
 
 William [afterwards Sir W'illiam] Jones to Lloyd Kenyon. 
 
 1300 . 1782, April 30. Lamb’s Buildings, Temple. — “ I cannot 
 forbear troubling you with a few lines on a subject extremely simple 
 in itself, but deeply affecting my happiness. My happiness does not 
 depend on being appointed to dll the vacant seat on the bench at 
 Calcutta — which I have been four years hoping to attain, by the 
 favour of the Chancellor, to whom I never personally applied, for 
 fear of giving offence — but my happiness entirely depends on being 
 removed from a state of suspense, both painful and ruinous, in a degree 
 not to be described. I am not conscious of having given offence to the 
 Chancellor, nor ever had an idea of obtaining the appointment, except 
 by his sole patronage; yet, if I had insulted or injured him, I could not 
 be more severely punished than by ruin in my profession, where I had 
 begun to prosper, and by *sl total disarrangement of all my domestic 
 plans, for so many years, at the most important period of my life. 
 Chambers, who was then above three years older than I now am, and 
 whose prospects here were not superior, perhaps not equal, to mine, 
 deliberated four months about accepting an appointment, which I have 
 been four years soliciting, without being able to obtain even a negative; 
 and, next to the appointment itself, the highest obligation I could now 
 receive would be a speedy refusal. All England knows your weight 
 with the Chancellor, but I do not even request you to exert it in my 
 favour ; all I pant for, all I solicit, is an answer, favourable or un- 
 favourable, and (though I would not have the Chancellor know that I am so 
 importunate) yet you will greatly add to the obligations under which 
 you have already laid me, by your attention and friendship, if you will 
 endeavour to put me out of suspense by informing me, as soon as you 
 know, either that the vacancy is not to be supplied, or that, whoever may 
 supply it, I am not to be the man, or that no arrangement whatever 
 will take place this year.” 
 
 Charles James Fox to Lloyd Kenyon, Lincoln’s Inn Fields. 
 
 1301 . 1782, St. James’ Street. — “I ought to make you many 
 apologies for the liberty I am taking in venturing to press you to stay 
 in town tomorrow ; but I understand your reason for going is a suppo- 
 sition that Lord North is actually out. Now the fact is, that though 
 I believe he is certainly to go out, yet it is of infinite consequence 
 that the question should be carried tomorrow, for the purpose of forming 
 an administration who shall have the real support and confidence of 
 Parliament. I am the more encouraged to take the liberty of troubling 
 you upon the occasion, because the motion was not fixed for tomorrow 
 till I had heard from Mr. Dunning that you were not to leave town till 
 Saturday, and tomorrow was preferred to this day for the making of it, 
 owing to what you hinted to me, on a former day, of Thursday being 
 {dways an inconvenient day to you for attending the House.” Holo- 
 graph. 
 
 Lord Thurlow to . 
 
 1302 . 1783, January 4. — “ Your Lordship calls upon me to state 
 my objections to the patent proposed for the Duke of Manchester, and 
 I am happy in the opportunity of referring myself to your Lordship, 
 because 1 have the most unfeigned confidence that you have still less 
 
513 
 
 disposition than myself to establish an abuse in so an important a 
 branch of the public revenue, and much more firmness to resist it. 
 The proposed patent imparts a grant of Collector outwards of the 
 Customs in the Port of London, with a variety of other duties specified 
 in it, to hold to the grantee, his executors, administrators, and assignees, 
 for three lives, including his own. 
 
 “ The great extent of the duty and importance of the trust, 
 which your Lordship is more familiarly acquainted with than I am, 
 are the only good reasons why so profitable an office should exist 
 at all; and these seem to militate with equal force against an appoint- 
 ment which may, according to the natural course of events, call into 
 a situation of great confidence, women, children, and other descrip- 
 tion of persons, who may prove neither competent to the office, nor 
 responsible for the abuse of it. Nay, considering the many and various 
 accidents to which men of the most proper description are liable, 
 it seems stranger that such a trust should be reposed irrevocably, 
 even in any single person ; and I remember, in this very office, an 
 instance of misbehaviour springing purely from the duration of it, 
 which embarrassed the Custom Bouse for a great length of time. The 
 wisdom and moderation of the Duke put an end to their trouble at 
 length ; but it was impossible to observe, without regret, the arrange- 
 ment of so great a public concern depend on the personal qualities of 
 the actual possessor of an office, when so many accidents might any day 
 throw it upon persons neither wise enough to take so proper a part, nor 
 capable (as in the case of executors and trustees) to make such con- 
 cessions as might be eventually necessary to the public interest. No 
 instances occur where private men (whose attention is more awake to 
 their own interest) appoint their stewards, bailiffs, and other agents, to 
 hold for their lives, and still less to their executors, administrators, 
 and assigns. 
 
 In the public revenue, however, the abuse is not new ; many old 
 statutes have been provided against it, and, so far as 1 can trace the 
 matter, these had the effect to prevent the mischief done in the reign 
 of Charles the Second. That period was pregnant with too many 
 abuses to serve as a sanction to-day. Under the cover of that prece- 
 dent, however, it has been renewed. But I have thought it indis- 
 pensable to state these samples to your Lordship, in the present hour, 
 when in articles much less important, reformation has been called for 
 so loudly and promised so solemnly. Upon the whole, I submit it to your 
 Lordship, that it would be proper to refer this matter to his Majesty’s 
 Attorney and Sollicitor General. The propriety of the measure (ex- 
 cept so far as it makes an ingredient in the question of its legality), 
 will not come under their consideration, and to that extent your Lord- 
 ship will readily refer it, because I am perfectly satisfied, that neither 
 your Lordship would suffer, nor the Duke of Manchester wish, the 
 King’s favour to be surprised (?) in prejudice to the laws or interests 
 of the country.” 
 
 Lord George Gordon to Lloyd Kenyon, Attorney-General. 
 
 1303 . 1783, January 14. Welbeck Street. — Enclosing the original 
 of a libel, left at his house on the 2nd, by ‘‘ the penny post,” com- 
 meneing : — “ To Lord George Gordon, Welbeck Street. — Your inso- 
 lent letter to Lord Shelburne I have seen. How dare you boast of 
 family, when your silly father ran about the Continent with your coarse 
 and vulgar mother, like a fool ! ” Printed in the Public Adver- 
 tizer^^ of the \^th January 1783. 
 
 73480. K K 
 
514 
 
 Mary Kenyon to Mrs. Kenyon, at Chester. 
 
 1304 . [1783,] January 20. London. — “Since last Saturday", I 
 have done nothing hut think of clothes, and written on no other 
 subject. My own gown was so much admired at Court ; I was so 
 much flattered as was possible for me to be, in any article of dress. I 
 wish I could have exhibited myself to my dear motlier, if it had only 
 been for one minute, to repay all the faddle I went through. It was 
 much the pleasantest Court-Day I ever knew. Lady Ashburton asked 
 me to go with her, which I did. Lady Yates met me by appointment, 
 [and] was very attentive and pleasant. [The] Lady Mayoress 
 (Mrs. Newnham, who presides as Lady Mayoress for her brother) 
 saught my protection. My Lord Chancellor came across to shake 
 hands with me and wish me joy of the children’s recovery. In short, 
 
 1 was quite as conceited as I am likely ever to be by nature and 
 attention. Our neighbour, Lord Willoughby, is always very civil, and 
 Sir Thomas Egerton Was there, but I did notice that she was not. The 
 dresses were very fine, and great profusion of diamonds. 
 
 “ The two Princesses were charmingly dressed, and would be called fine 
 young women if they were of low rank, and the Prince [was] very hand- 
 some. . . . Lady Yates took me to see the little children in the Queen’s 
 drawing-room, which was a charming sight. The Princess Elizabeth was 
 the only one spoke, and she acquitted herself as well as anybody could 
 have done, in point of address ; the two younger princesses, Mary and 
 Sophia, were in the room, and Prince Octavius, in his little buff coat and 
 blue sash, like my Lloyd’s picture, was running about and eating hard 
 
 biscuit Have you heard what a fine way great people 
 
 have got of disposing of old things, or turning the penny At Lady 
 Harrington’s, this winter, she said we must have a pool at Commerce, 
 and you shall play for a gown I had got from abroad, which cost me 
 16 guineas, and as I am in mourning, I cannot wear it ; so 8 of you put in 
 
 2 guineas apiece, and it will just do. They obeyed ; and she is not singular 
 in this style of entertainment. At another house they played for fine 
 muslin ; at a third, I hear the lady proposed half-a-guinea apiece towards 
 some black lace, but one lady said she would measure it first, and see if it 
 was the quantity promised ; it proved two yards short, so then the lady 
 said, well, if you don’t like that, I have some more blon (sec) lace 
 that I am sure will do. Did you ever hear anything so completely 
 wrong ? Woe be to sideboards and husbands’ property, if this becomes 
 fashionable. There is no reason why all the furniture in the house 
 should not be staked at Commerce.” 
 
 Sir William Jones to Lloyd Kenyon, Attorney-General. 
 
 1305 . 1783, January 27. Lamb Building, Temple. — “The Lord 
 Advocate, who takes the lead in India affairs in the House of Commons, 
 having announced a new arrangement in India, both executive and 
 judicial, I beg leave to claim your friendly attentions to my interests in 
 that quarter, on the success of which my speedy marriage and, of 
 course, my happiness will depend. My anxious wish is that you 
 would take some convenient opportunity, some molle tempus fandi^ to 
 place me in a favourable light with the Chancellor. I wish him to be 
 persuaded of a plain truth, that I never conceived the idea of the 
 appointment to the long vacant judgeship residing anywhere but with 
 his Lordship, but was deterred from applying for it to him through a 
 fear of incurring his displeasure. As to my politics, which he has 
 heard much misrepresented, his Lordship may be assured that I am 
 
515 
 
 no more a republican than a Mahomedan or a Gentoo, and that I 
 have ever formed my opinions from what appeared to me, on the 
 calmest inquiry, the true spirit of our constitution.” 
 
 E. P. Arden to Lloyd Kenyon. 
 
 1306 . 1783, April 1. Lincoln’s Inn. — ‘‘ Mr. Pitt resigned the Seal 
 of the Exchequer yesterday, at the Levee, which was delivered to 
 Lord Mansfield. Every thing last night was totally unsettled, but 
 it is universally believed that the coalition must be accepted. Indeed, 
 I believe all other attempts have been given up. What will be the 
 event, the Lord knows ! but there is a great discontent in the House, 
 and, I believe, much regret at Pitt’s going out. Tliat is almost the 
 universal language, both within doors and without.” 
 
 The Same to the Same. 
 
 1307 . 1783, April 8.— ‘‘Yesterday, the Chancellor resigned the Great 
 Seal, which is given to Lord Loughborough, Mr. Justice Ashurst, and 
 Baron Hotham. They have not yet received the seal, but I signed 
 their commission last night, whilst I was dining at Lord Thurlow’s, who 
 had just come from St. James’. You have, by going out of town, left 
 me a very disagreeable office, that of signing the dismissal of my friends. 
 The Chancellor received his letter of dismission from Charles Pox. I 
 have not yet learnt for certain who are to succeed you and me, but it is 
 generally understood, Wallace and Lee. Charles Fox was elected with- 
 out a poll, but with a great deal of hissing and noise. There is great dis- 
 satisfaction in the House of Commons, but what it will end in, no one 
 can tell. For my part, I am heartily sick of politics, and should be very 
 glad never to set my foot in the House of Commons again.” 
 
 Lord North to the Same. 
 
 1308 . 1783, April 13. Whitehall. — “I have his Majesty’s com- 
 mands to acquaint you that, it being his Majesty’s intention to replace 
 Mr. Wallace in the office he formerly held, of Attorney-General, he 
 has no further occasion for your services in that department.” 
 
 E. P. Arden to the Same. 
 
 1309 . 1783, April 14. Lincoln’s Inn. — “I received, this morning, a 
 
 letter from Lord North, informing me that it is his Majesty’s intention 
 to replace Mi\ Lee in the situation he formerly held, of Solicitor-General. 
 I take it for granted you had a letter of a similar nature, with respect to 
 Wallace. . . . lam very well, in good spirits, and appeared in the 
 
 House of Commons in boots, in the character of an independent country 
 gentleman. Lord Thurlow has already growled in the House of Lords ; 
 and, I fancy, does not mean to be quiet, if we may judge by his beginning.” 
 
 Sir Ashton Lever to . 
 
 1310 . 1783, May 29. Leicester Honse.^ — “ All his Majesty’s subjects 
 that have visited my collection having expressed their wish that it 
 should be kept together in this kingdom, the following plan is sub- 
 mitted to the consideration of Government. At present, there being 
 no fund for the support of the establishment of the British Museum, 
 and Parliament being frequently called upon for that purpose, it has 
 been in contemplation to put a price on admission, which idea was 
 
 K K 2 
 
516 
 
 given up on the report of some of its officers that the receipt would 
 not amount to five hundred pounds a year. The receipt at Leicester 
 Hcmse has been encreasing every year, and last year it amounted to 
 two thousand two hundred and fifty throe pounds. There is room in 
 the British Museum for my collection to be added ; and rather than it 
 should be broken up and sold by auction, I am willing to take a sum 
 much less than its intrinsic value, and to receive it in any mode that 
 may be thought consistent wilh the present economical plan. In this 
 case, when joined to the collection now in Montagu House, and the 
 admission for the whole made half-a-crown, there is not the least doubt 
 but it would produce a sum which would enable the trustees to collect, 
 preserve, and pay its establishment for ever. Should his Majesty’s 
 Ministers disapprove of this plan, I humbly request that I may be 
 permitted to disj^ose of my collection in one lot, dependant upon the 
 national lottery as my dernier resource^ to keep it together.” Signed. 
 
 Lord Thurlow to Lloyd Kenyon. 
 
 1311 . 1783, May 81. — “I have offered Scott a seat in Parliament 
 for Weobley. He hesitates. As I know bis delicacy, T am apprehensive 
 that he fancies it is likely to fetter him ; you know my sentiments on 
 that subject perfectly well. If he were embarged (sic) in any of these 
 confederacies, by which knots of men propose to struggle in a body for 
 places, &c., I do not think he would do well to take this, or, indeed, be at 
 liberty to do so. On the other hand, it would be an impudent thing to 
 propose such a circumstance as a place in Parliament to a man of sense 
 and honour, as the price of acting for another man’s opinion against his 
 own. I could not enter into this sort of explanation with him, because 
 it seemed to be indelicate even to suppose that there was any thing to 
 be explained. And all I aim at now is, that, if you converse with him, 
 you should make him understand that there is nothing to explain in the 
 matter.” Holograph. 
 
 Mary Kenyon to Mrs. Kenyon, at Gredington. 
 
 1312 . [1783,] December 5. Peel. — “At Lancaster, Sir George 
 Warren is opposed by Lord John Cavendish, and we did hear Mr. Reynolds 
 would be turned out by Lord Archibald Hamilton, but whether that 
 be true, I cannot say. The Lancaster people are very angry with 
 Mr. Reynolds for selling the borough to Sir George, which they say 
 he certainly did, when they offered to bring in any body he would 
 recommend, thinking he would bring in his own son. At Preston, 
 all sides are very warm ; Sir Frank’s friends say he is before, by fifty 
 votes ; but it is much ... if Lord Strange does not get the better. 
 He keeps open house at this time, and has a great mob on his side ; so 
 have the otlier side, and a violent one too. The other day, when he 
 was in the street, [he] received a great blow on the breast from a brick, 
 which knocked him down, at which he was so much enraged that when 
 he went to his own house (where the mob followed him) he ordered his 
 servants to fire among them, which they did both with ball and shot. 
 The ball went over their heads, as I suppose it was intended to do, but 
 the shot peppered some of them terribly. Everybody’s windows are 
 broke and patched with paper, as well as they can, till the bustles are 
 over. At Liverpool, they have been worse than anywhere. Mr. Gildart’s 
 brother Richard opposed Mr. Penant, but has given up, Mr. Pennant 
 being too well backed by Sir William Meredith, and, as some say, by a 
 Ministerial purse, which there is no contending with. I am very sorry 
 
517 
 
 for Mr. James Gildart’s family, who have suffered much by the mob. 
 They have broke the house to pieces ; all the windows, shutters, and 
 even iron bars are broke ; and [they] cut the window curtains with 
 cutlasses all to bits, tore up and destroyed the palisades and wall 
 before the house.” 
 
 R. P. Arden to Lloyd Kenyon, Attorney-General, at Marsh 
 
 Gate. 
 
 1313. 1784, Januai’y 3. — “ Mr. Pitt is very anxious that you should 
 write to such persons as yoit wrote to before, and such as you can 
 properly address upon the subject, to inform them how important it is 
 that every independent gentleman should be in the House, without 
 fail, upon Monday the 12th ; and to beg they will by no means be 
 induced to pair off. I give you joy of being returned for Hindon. 
 Our friends here say everything goes on very well. The great ditficulty 
 is to get our friends to be punctual to the day, and Fox will be sure to 
 have his troops in order.” 
 
 The Same to the Same. 
 
 1314. 1784, January 9. — The Chancellor is very indignant at the 
 
 auditor’s answer to you, and thinks it a gross insult on the public. . . . 
 Those who ought to know, tell me that things wear a very favourable 
 aspect. I was sorry to find that Charles Robinson’s chambers are not 
 ordered to be got ready, and that his laundress does not expect him till 
 the term. I am sure it arises from his not knowing the pressiug 
 necessity of an attendance on Monday. ... I have had a letter 
 from Sir Thomas Egerton, who will be in town tomorrow. Sir Robert 
 Cotton has written a letter to Pitt, whioh does him much honour, in my 
 opinion, and will certainly be here. . . . My constituents are so 
 
 perfectly satisfied with my conduct in Parliament, that they have 
 unanimously re-elected me. I wish that other gentlemen who have 
 vacated their seats could boast of the same.” 
 
 The Same to the Same. 
 
 1315. 1784, March 26. Lincoln’s Inn, 12 o’clock. — ‘-Mr. Pitt and 
 I are, this instant, returned from Cambridge, where, as far as can be 
 judged from a thin University, he has had a very successful canvass. 
 We left Cambridge in the middle of the night; and not having been in 
 bed.” 
 
 William Pitt to the Same. 
 
 1316. [1784,] March 29. Downing Street.— “ I have received the 
 King’s pleasure for the warrant to be made out for your appointment 
 as Master of the Rolls; and it will be desirable, if it is convenient to 
 you, that you should kiss hands for it on Friday.” Holograph. 
 
 Daines Barrington to [Lloyd Kenyon, Master of the Rolls]. 
 
 1316a. [1784,] July 5. — “ I am as much obliged to you for your kind 
 permission to make use of the Rolls’ garden as if the experiment was to 
 take place there. Kegan, however, and I reconnoitred it, after I had 
 written my note to you, and found it would answer admirably well, 
 except that it was impossible, from the narrowness of Chancerv Lane, 
 to introduce two poles of 60 feet long through the arch. On account 
 of this objection, I have applied to the Duke of Devonshire for Devon- 
 shire garden, which being granted, I will give you notice of time and 
 
518 
 
 place, and will take care to secure two tickets of admission for yourself 
 and Mrs. Kenyon, should you choose to see the experiment. Kegan 
 himself will not give out more than 50 tickets, so that the rest will be 
 left to the Duke. You will be so good as not to mention this to any, 
 as the experiment is intended to be as private as possible.’^ 
 
 Daines Barrington to Lloyd Kenyon. 
 
 1316b. 1784, July 9. — ‘‘ I have just received a letter from the Duke 
 of Devonshire, in which he wishes that his garden may not be made use 
 of for the balloon. The reason which at present weighs with him (as 
 I know by conversation I have had with his Grrace) is the fear of giving 
 offence by inviting a few of his acquaintances and not inviting all, his 
 garden being so large. May I therefore beg that you will permit 
 Kegan to have the use of the Bolls’ garden, and he will wait upon you 
 tomorrow before nine, to receive your directions. I should conceive 
 that, with your permission, he might give 60 or 70 tickets to those who 
 have patronised him. The rest will be those whom you and Mrs. Kenyon 
 may invite to see the sight, and I will take the liberty of begging that 
 Mr. Haworth may be one of them. Most of the spectators will cer- 
 tainly choose to be in the garden. Kegan has reason to expect the 
 Duke and Duchess of Devonshire, as also the Duke and Duchess of 
 Bichmond, will honour him with their presence. The less is said about 
 this matter the better. JP.S . — As the poles cannot otherwise be got into 
 the garden, they must be cut in two and fastened afterwards by irons.” 
 
 F. Norton to the Same. 
 
 1317. 1784, July 10. Edinburgh. — “ The Scotch judges have peti- 
 tioned the King for an increase of salary, of which, to say the truth, 
 they stand in great need, and their petition will probably soon be laid 
 before Parliament. As 1 am much interested in the success of this 
 application, give me leave to ' request, as a very particular favour, the 
 assistance of your influence, both with the Ministers and the House of 
 Commons. It may be necessary to acquaint you that the English Baron, 
 besides the Scotch salary which he receives in common with the other 
 judges, has always, since the constitution of the Court of Exchequer, had a 
 separate warrant for 500/. per annum, but this warrant has never been 
 considered, in any degree, to affect or interfere with his Scotch salary, 
 which was originally the same with that of the other judges, and has 
 always been augmented at the same times and in the same proportions 
 with their salaries.” 
 
 William Pitt to the Same. 
 
 1318. 1784, July 20. Downing Street. — “ If you could have the 
 goodness to call here for a quarter of an hour, in the course of this 
 morning, I shall be much obliged to you. I wish to talk a little more 
 about the India Judicature, and to beg you to take an opportunity of 
 talking to the Chancellor about the alterations in question. If you 
 should be engaged this morning, and can see the Chancellor before we 
 meet tomorrow, it will answer all the purpose.” Holograph. 
 
 Thomas Pennant to Sir Lloyd Kenyon, Bart. 
 
 1319. 1784, August 8. Buxton. — “If there is a possibility of getting 
 a clause into the Pranking Act, to empower members to frank printed 
 papers and prints, under a cover open at both ends, it will be no small 
 use to ^litterature, as well as an amusement to private life, which will be 
 greatly taken away by the necessity of the abolition of the privilege.” 
 
519 
 
 Mary Kenyon to Mrs. A. Kenyon, at Chester.^ 
 
 1320. [1782,] December 24. [London.] — “1 feel a little tired with 
 the bustle, but more with the anxiety of my Mr. Kenyon’s situation, 
 for he is once again made Attorney-General. Mr. Pitt wrote to him 
 this morning. Mr. Kenyon went, and told Mr. Pitt he would mueh 
 rather not accept the place, would support his administration as steadily 
 out of office as in, and should not think himself neglected if he was left 
 where he was. Mr. Pitt said it was impossible to go on without him. 
 Everybody says he must have it, but neither Mr. Kenyon nor I like such 
 popping in and out every month, nor this place, at any rate. I am afraid, 
 too, it will drive us to the Rolls, but this you must not say, nor would 
 Mr. Kenyon accept that place but to escape from the Attorney- 
 General’s.” 
 
 William Pitt to Sir Lloyd Kenyon, Bart. 
 
 1321. 1785, March 20. Putney Heath. — ‘‘The enclosed paper 
 with which I trouble you, contains a sketch of the Bill which I shall 
 move for leave to bring in on Wednesday, and which I am anxious to 
 submit to your consideration. I trust the plan guards against the 
 principal objections hitherto suggested, either with respect to arbitary 
 disfranchisement, or to introducing further innovation. The idea of 
 transferring a certain proportion of representation from boroughs to 
 counties (which is limited by the impossibility of more than a certain 
 number being ever conveniently chosen by counties), and of providing 
 that the boroughs which must continue to elect shall be those best en- 
 titled to it, seems to include all the amendment which our constitution can 
 admit in the frame of Parliament, unless some new principle were to 
 be admitted, for which I see no reason. If, upon casting your eye over 
 it, there occurs to you anything which you wish explained, I shall be 
 happy to see you, or to hear from you, any time before Wednesday. You 
 Avill, I am sure, excuse the trouble I give you on a subject on which I 
 am, for so many reasons, anxious.” Holograph. 
 
 R. P. Arden to the Same. 
 
 1322. 1785, September 21. Pepper Hall. — “I know you will have 
 
 the goodness to excuse the trouble of this letter, which is to satisfy my- 
 self, beyond all doubt, respecting the power of the feofees of the school 
 at Manchester to convey a part of the school estate to a purchaser, in 
 fee, under an annual rent, to be issuing for ever out of the premises con- 
 veyed, and the buildings to be thereupon erected. . . . The terms 
 
 are one penny halfpenny a square yard, the common terms upon whieh 
 ground near Manchester has been granted out for building leases.” 
 
 J. Pemberton to the Same. 
 
 1323. 1785, December 13. Halifax, Nova Scotia. — “We lost no 
 time in sending dispatches to different parts of this province, and to the 
 adjoining provinces, making our arrival known, and giving sucli informa- 
 tion as we thought necessary for expediting tlie business in which we are 
 employed [and] of the manner in which we intended to proceed. The 
 Colonel, my colleague, and myself took a small house for ourselves, and 
 another, not very distant, for our office. In a fortnight’s time we 
 entered upon business, and we have gone on with so much dispatch that 
 we have been forced to stop for want of parties being prepared, or 
 coming in from the country, more than once. ... I am not appic- 
 hensive that the indulgence shewn by Parliament, in allowing new 
 
 ^ This letter is misplaced. 
 
520 
 
 claims, will be productive of any great trouble to us, or of expense to 
 the nation. Of those which we have already received, we shall not 
 retain for examination, above one in ten. The numbers are very small 
 at present. 
 
 “ The loyalists whom we have conversed with appear highly 
 sensible of the generosity of the British Government, and express 
 their gratitude in the warmest terms for this mark of attention which 
 has been shewn them, in giving them an opportunity of having 
 their claims heard abi-oad; and, indeed, had not this been done, 
 many of the poorer claiiuauts must have given up all hope of any sort 
 of compensation. This you may well imagine, from an instance which 
 1 can give you of what passed to-day. We had before us a case where 
 there was a fair claim, but yet we could not allow more than 30/. 
 sterling. Claimants of this description could never have procured 
 money to defray their expences to England, or if they had, notwith- 
 standing the allowance which would have been made them for their 
 expenses, they would have returned poorer than they came, and their 
 new settlements would have been, perhaps, during the time of their ab- 
 sence, neglected and uncultivated. I do not know enough of the new 
 settlements in this and the adjoining provinces to give you a satisfac- 
 tory account of them. 
 
 “ The principal settlement of which we hear the most promising 
 report is that of New Brunswick, on the other side the Bay of Fundy, 
 on St. John’s Biver. The next to it is Shelbourn, in Bos way Bay, 
 on the Nova Scotia coast. The number of settlers in each of these 
 places is very considerable, and increasing ; the ^number of build- 
 ings is astonishing, and, indeed, has been one cause of the poverty 
 of the inhabitants, for they spent, many of them, what money they 
 brought, in building handsom houses. There is said to be a spirit for 
 trade beginning to exert itself in these places, and, in the interior parts 
 of this province, great advances are made in the cultivation and im- 
 provement ol' the lands. I cannot but think favourably of this climate, 
 from what I have hitherto experienced. We had a month of November 
 much pleasanter, probably, than it was in England ; fine chearful weather 
 with a clear unclouded sky almost the whole of the time. We had one 
 or two days when the cold was very sharp and piercing, but quite 
 pleasant and enlivening, as I thought. They tell me, however, that I 
 must wait till after Christmas before I think of judging of a Nova 
 Scotia winter. 
 
 This town is well situated on an easy ascent from the harbour, 
 is extensive, but very ill-built. Several of the houses (amongst which 
 is our own) command fine prospects of the harbour, and the coast 
 on each side of it. The soil in this neighbourhood is craggy, and 
 incapable, I should think, of being made very Ifuitful, different from 
 most of the interior parts of the province. At present there is hardly 
 any intercourse between this place and the United States, which is in 
 great measure stopped by mutual prohibitions, but such, however, as are 
 not strictly attended to, and they are not general in all the United 
 Stales against British ships, though, in these provinces, I believe, 
 generally, there are prohibitions against American vessels.” 
 
 Thomas Hughes to Sm Lloyd Kenyon, Abbey Street, Bath. 
 
 1324. 1785, December 26. Windsor. — “ I had in my mind to ask 
 your ojfinioii upon a subject that concerns my brother and sister, when 
 you were in town, but some way or other it escaped me. My sister has 
 been entertaining some scruples, which only make my brother and my- 
 
521 
 
 self laugh, with respect to the validity of her marriage, because it was 
 not registered in the Mayor’s Court at Madras. You probably know that 
 the ceremony of marriage in India is generally performed at most of the 
 out settlements, where there is seldom or never a chaplain, by the chief 
 of that settlement, and in a thousand instances, with still less sanctity, 
 by any officer, civil or military; and my brother and sister were married 
 at Granjam in October, 1778, by Mr. Smith, the chief, and they have a 
 written attestation of this marriage, signed by him, and witnessed by Mr. 
 Smith and a Mr. Dangly, at whose house they were married. When 
 they removed to Madras, in 1779, they offered this paper to the secretary 
 (I think he is called) of the Mayor’s Court, to be entered amongst their 
 records. But he said it was not usual to make an entry of any marriages 
 in the out settlements ; and there the matter rested, and has never been 
 thought of since. Half the peo])le married in India are exactly in the 
 same predicament, and this fact is at least a ground of presumption that 
 those legal forms which are required in this country are not required 
 abroad. All that I therefore would wish to ask is whether any possible 
 inconvenience may arise from the informality of such marriages, in the 
 case of litigated property, or ol anything else that might concern the 
 children? If any inconvenience in future is possible, may it be pre- 
 vented by any steps to be taken in present ; and if any steps are to be 
 taken, are they to be taken in this country or in India ? 
 
 “ It is generally presumed here, that as the birthday iw put off to the 
 9th of February, on account of Princess Charles’ death, the King will 
 not remove to town till the day before the meeting of Parliament. I 
 should not be surprised if, after opening the session, he should slip his 
 cables and come down here for another fortnight, if he can possibly put 
 off his Monday levees ; for I have heard him declare lately, that if it were 
 in his choice to live either in London or Calcutta, he should prefer the 
 latter, though he hates warm weather. We had the honour of a visit 
 yesterday, in the Equerry’s room, from the Prince of Wales. Pie was 
 come to condole with the Queen, and I thing (sic) his countenance had 
 more of the doleful cast than ordinary. But of this there may be other 
 assignable causes. I never saw his Royal Highness so sedate and so 
 rational. The world will have it that he is meditating that which is not 
 very rational, though it may be very sedate.” 
 
 R. Kenyon to his brother, Sir Lloyd Kenyon, at the Rolls House, 
 
 London. 
 
 1325 . 1786, January 3. Cefn. — “The Wynnstay plays were not so 
 well attended as formerly, though crowded on some of the nights. The 
 performers behaved as well as usual, and Mr. Bridgeman is particularly 
 clever. The elegant ticket of the last year admitted on the present 
 occasion.” 
 
 William Pitt to the Same. 
 
 1326 . 1786, February 21. Downing Street. — “The question to- 
 morrow, respecting the fortifications, in itself is important, and so much 
 relied on by [the] Opposition, that you will, I am sure, excuse my 
 expressing: a wish that your engagements may allow you to attend. 
 May I also beg the favour of you to furnish me, as soon as you con- 
 veniently can, with your opinion respecting the Bill I troubled you with, 
 as the time will soon press.” Holograph. 
 
 Henry Dundas to the Same. 
 
 1327 . 1786, April 14. Wimbledon. — “When we met at [the] Lord 
 Chancellor’s, he expressed a wish that I would pay attention to the laws 
 
522 
 
 which restrain the residence of British subjects, unlicensed, in India. 
 I have done so, and send you some clauses upon the subject. I hope 
 to learn from you when there could be an opportunity of meeting with 
 you and Mr. Bearcoft and Mr. Scott, finally to settle all this business.” 
 
 William Pitt to Sir Lloyd Kenyon. 
 
 1328. 1786, July 8. Downing Street.— “ It is necessary that we 
 should soon have a meeting with the rest of the Commons, appointed by 
 the act of this sesvsion for the reduction of the national debt. Our 
 business, at first, is probably little more than form ; and it will, perhaps, 
 answer the purpose in you doing me the favour of dining here on 
 Tuesday, if you will come half-an-hour before dinner.” Holograph. 
 
 J. Pemberton to the Same. 
 
 1329. 1786, July 11. Halifax, Nova Scotia. — continue to find 
 my situation in America not comfortable only, but pleasant and agreable. 
 The spring was scarce perceivable, and we got at once, almost, from 
 winter to summer. I do not find the heat of the summer at all 
 oppressive ; though the sun is powerful, yet the heat is so tempered by 
 cool sea breezes as hardly ever to be oppressive. But the present state 
 of the country does not allow me to say much more in commendation of 
 it; all that I can say is that it appears to have great natural advantages, 
 and in a course of years, perhaps ages, when well cultivated, may prove 
 a very fine and rich country. We have made a considerable progress in 
 our business, and, as we have given up our whole time to it, should 
 probably have made still greater advances, could we have procured 
 claimants from the other provinces, or even the distant parts of this, to 
 have attended us. We hope to have finished most of the business of this 
 province in the course of two months. We shall go to New Brunswick 
 in the month of September next, and stay there all the next winter. In 
 the summer following, we shall visit Canada. At present, popularity 
 attends us, but I suppose we must lose a good deal of it when the 
 loyalists find how much many of their claims are curtailed (as they well 
 deserve), and how many new claims are rejected, though we are 
 as liberal in the admission of them as we think the last Act of Parlia- 
 ment can possibly admit. A report has arrived here, that an offer 
 would be made me of the Chief Justiceship of this province.” 
 
 Lord Sydney to the Same. 
 
 1330. 1786, August 2. “St. James, 4 o’clock.” — “A woman has 
 attempted to stab the King, but has not wounded him at all. We are 
 assembling a Council to examine her. We wish much for your 
 attendance.” 
 
 Lady Kenyon to Mrs. Alice Kenyon. 
 
 1331. 1786, October 30. London. — “ Mr. Wilson seems very happy 
 in his promotion to the bench ; is to kiss hands as soon as the Chancellor 
 can present him. Tvir. Bearcroft desires Sir Lloyd will not make any 
 resolution against the place of Chief Justice. Some days Lord Mansfield 
 seems just sinking and others, all alive, his head clear as possible, but his 
 nerves bad. vSome say he will not attempt to sit again, but most agree 
 they only conjecture the Lord Chancellor is better. You must prepare 
 your rnouining for the Princess Amelia; she is very bad ; they say an 
 inflamation has taken place in her bowels.” 
 
523 
 
 Robert Kenyon to 
 
 1332 . 1786, December 13. Bank. — I have no objections to Sunday 
 Schools in Salford, provided they are properly regulated, and the children 
 are brought duly and constantly to church; otherwise you are teaching 
 the children this false and wicked principle, that for the sake of learning 
 to read and write, or other worldly advantages, it is law’'ful to neglect 
 the public worship of Grod. But I am convinced, in my own mind, 
 that regular charity schools are much more useful institutions, and had 
 not my ill state of health prevented it, it was my fixed purpose and 
 intention, the last spring, to have solicited your kind assistance, as well 
 as that of the trustees of the different charities in Salford, in establishing 
 two regular charity schools, one for fifty boys and the other for fifty 
 girls.” 
 
 William Wilberforce to Sir Lloyd Kenyon. 
 
 1333 . 1787, May 3. Palace Yard. — ^‘Knowing how your hours 
 are engrossed, I cannot be surprized that the little Bill you had the 
 goodness to undertake for me has not yet made its appearance in the 
 House; at the same time, I flatter myself, you will allow for the anxiety 
 with which I wait for it, being afraid lest the lateness of the session 
 should prevent its being gone through with, this year, and 1 should be 
 reproached by the Mayor of Leeds for having disappointed his wishes 
 of introducing good order and regularity into that populous town, during 
 his mayoralty, which expires in October or November. He is, besides, 
 so worthy a man, and so warm a friend of mine, that public opinion and 
 private motives concur in making me extremely desirous that his good 
 intentions should not be frustrated.” Holograph. 
 
 Lord Camden to the Same, 
 
 1334 . 1787, May 4. Hill Street. — 1 came home yesterday from the 
 Cockpit, very much dissatified with our conversation upon Maclaghan’s 
 cause; for, although that Mooting did produce several matters that 
 are new and not stated m the printed cases, yet the confused discourse 
 of counsel, judges, and solicitors, did .so cloud my understanding that 
 I had almost forgot the great outlines of the cause, at the close of it, 
 And I could wish that my friend Lord Grantly would not be quite so 
 hasty in disclosing his opinion, for that discovery throws the [court] 
 at once into a general conversation, nnd then we get into an altercation 
 upon the separate bills and parcels of the clause, and, oftentimes, being 
 confounded from such confusion of talk, one is apt to forget the great 
 merit of the business. My Lord Grantley has great knowledge and 
 excellent judgment, but his patience is not equal to the other qualities, 
 1 mention this to you, my dear sir, only as a hint, and in confidence to 
 ourselves, and to hope you will assist me when there shall be occasion to 
 check our friend’s hastiness, which I would always attempt in the 
 gentlest way, taking care to give not the least offence in the manner of 
 doing it. I have appointed next Wednesday for our meeting upon this 
 business.” 
 
 G. Hardinge to Sir Lloyd Kenyon. 
 
 1335 . 1787, June 29. — “ I have a serious disagreement with my dear 
 Lord Camden, whom I love and revere with more than filial affection ; 
 
 - but, though in offending him I have made a painful sacrifice to public 
 honour (as 1 feel the demand of it), I cannot repent of my firmness. If 
 you should think I have done right, and would intimate your sentiments 
 to Lord Camden, you would restore him to roe. He has pressed me to 
 
524 
 
 supersede an able and useful officer wbo is Registrar and Marshal, for 
 the sake of a new appointment in favour of a person recommended by 
 him. Usage in modern times (to the honour of them, be it said) is 
 uniform against any such removals. The last and present Chief Justice 
 of Chester, Beard, Hayes, and Barrington, have been quoted by me in 
 vain, and proof adduced as to the last three. I have consulted Scott and 
 Plumer, men of sound judgement. I asked Pool today what he thought 
 of it. All these have said, without one dissenteint voice, that I am right. 
 But Lord Camden will compare it with his Common Pleas and Court of 
 Chancery, where this usage admits and justifies an immediate sweep of 
 the old officers. To say the truth, if usage could justify it upon my 
 circuit, I would not act upon it, but would endeavour to begin a usage 
 the other way.” 
 
 Lady Mary Eleanor Bowes. 
 
 1336. 1787, Michaelmas Term. — Articles exhibited by Mary Eleanor 
 Bowes, commonly called the Countess Dowager of Strathmore, wife of 
 Andrew Robinson Bowes, of Streatlam Castle, in the county of Durham, 
 against the said Andrew Robinson Bowes, her husband, and Edward 
 Lucas and others, she being in fear of death, or of receiving some 
 great bodily harm. 
 
 The articles recount the ill-usage received by the said Lady Bowes 
 from her husband and the others, who carried her into Scotland, and 
 tried to compel her to make certain settlements. 
 
 Philip Yorke to Sir Lloyd Kenyon. 
 
 1337. 1788, January 7. Erthig. — I should have been ashamed of 
 breaking in upon any part of your Lordship’s precious time, had you 
 not expressed some wish and pleasure (when I had last the honour of 
 being with you at Gredington) in collecting the MSS. opinions of old 
 lawyers of rank in their profession ; as such, I send the two enclosed for 
 your Lordship’s acceptance, and if I should find any more, I will venture 
 to send them also. It seems not a little singular that these should be 
 the opinions on the same case of eminent lawyers, both dismissed from 
 great employments, one before, the other at, the Revolution ; and both 
 returning to their practice without the Bar (Pemberton, I believe, 
 Williams, certainly) and giving common opinions, as in the present case. 
 I remember the late Mr. Charles Yorke repaired Lord Chief Justice 
 Pemberton’s monument at Highgate, and that Charles the II. turned him 
 out, upon Lord Russell’s trial. I recollect none such good symptom in 
 Sir William William’s case. I wonder whether Burnet is well founded 
 in saying that Pemberton got all his law in jail ; I believe Serjeant 
 Davy, of later times, certainly did.” 
 
 Enclosures . — Original opinions of Sir William Williams, dated 
 17 February, 1691, and Sir Francis Pemberton, undated, on a question 
 concerning the Dymock property. 
 
 Mary, Lady Kenyon to Lady Manmer. 
 
 1337a. 1788, February 16. London. — “What a pleasant day we 
 had yesterday, at Westminster Hall ; the sight is far more magnificent 
 than even the Abbey, and we were in a charming place. The Chancellor 
 sent to ask how many tickets we would have (I will send you the 
 two notes and beg you will lay them by for me, for I am very proud of 
 them). I asked for four. My sister Jane, Sir Thomas, and I went in 
 with them. This box is placed near the throne, just behind the Duchess 
 of Gloucester’s box, and at the end of the Peeresses’, which enabled us 
 
525 
 
 to see all the great ladies. The Peers were all robed, and came in two 
 and two. The room fine, beyond description, and very full, to hear 
 Mr. Burke, who is a wonderful speaker, though, I fear, a very malignant 
 man. I declare the impression his speech made on me was that I would 
 as soon choose to be the criminal, Mr. Hastings, as the accuser. He 
 seemed to dwell with such pleasure on every thing that was harsh and 
 cruel. We met with Mr. and Mrs. Hay in their box, which holds 24 
 people. Lady Grose and Mrs. Pepys were in the Chief Justice’s, just 
 behind us (for one box is raised behind another to the top of the hall), 
 and behind us sat the Duchness of Gloucester and the Princess Sophia, 
 her daughter, and many more, partly behind the throne, but in a good 
 place to see was the Duchness of Cumberland and Mrs. Fitzherbert, in 
 the same box. The Duke of Gloucester’s son. Prince William, walked 
 in state, immediately after the Chancellor, followed by all the four princes 
 — Cumberland, Gloucester, York, and the Prince of Wales. After it 
 was over, we were taken into the Chancellor’s room, till our coach cam e.” 
 
 William Wilberforce to Sir Lloyd Kenyon. 
 
 1337b. 1788, February 29. Palace Yard. — Perhaps you are not 
 aware that I have been long confined to my house by indisposition, and 
 am still a close prisoner, wholly unequal to such little business as even 
 this that I am now engaged in ; add to which, my eyes are so bad that I 
 can scarce see how to direct my pen, so that on all accounts I must be 
 very brief. I have long wanted to include in our society for carrying 
 the Proclamation into effect, the name of Mr. Scott, having a real respect 
 for him, but when I have seen him he has always been busy, and lately, 
 when the matter has pressed, I have been myself laid fast. Could you 
 mention it to him, and that to-day; indeed, it is possible that doing it 
 to-day may be essential, because I believe the list is to be made out for 
 printing, to-morrow, at 9 o’clock. Kothing is to be annouced to the 
 world of a society, only that the gentlemen mentioned have felt the 
 necessity of attending to his Majesty’s call, and have agreed to assist in 
 carrying the Proclamation into effect. 
 
 William Pitt to the Same. 
 
 1338. 1788, April 11. Downing Street. — ‘‘I find from Lord 
 Stanhope, that he has communicated to you his Bill for a register of 
 freeholders in the different counties, with the alterations lately made in 
 it, which he thinks you approve ; and I flatter myself, from what I hear 
 of it, that it is not likely to meet with much objection. If, upon con- 
 sideration, you should think it unexceptionable, and should have no 
 objection to take a part in introducing it into the House, your authority 
 would give it great weight, in every respect, and particularly as it is 
 connected with legal questions. I consider the object itself of diminish- 
 ing the expense and trouble of election as a very important public object, 
 if it can be obtained ; and this will, I hope, be my excuse for venturing 
 to give you this trouble, and for requesting that you would allow me an 
 opportunity of talking with yon on the subject whenever it is convenient.” 
 
 Lord Stanhope to the Same. 
 
 1339. 1788, April 14. Mansfield Street. — “ Lord Stanhope presents 
 his compliments to the Master of the Bolls, and (by Mr. Pitt’s desire) 
 takes the liberty of sending him, herewith, the Election Bill, for his 
 perusal. As it is the House copy, he begs the favor of the Master of 
 
the T?,olls to make any remarks in pencil on the margin.** The Bill will 
 be too late for the next General Election, unless it be passed this 
 session of Parliament.” 
 
 Lord Mansfield to Sir Lloyd Kenyon. 
 
 1340. 1788, April 14. “ Kenwood.” — ‘‘ Lord Mansfield is not able 
 
 to wait on the Master of the Polls, and therefore is forced to take this 
 method of saying to him, that he thinks he owes it to the great respect 
 and personal regard he has always had for the Master of the Polls, to 
 send him the first communication of his resolution to resign next term. 
 Except Mr. Justice Buller, to whom Lord Mansfield is bound by many 
 ties, there is no man in Westminster Hall by whom Lord Mansfield 
 had rather be succeeded than by the Master of the Polls.” 
 
 William Pitt to the Same. 
 
 1341. 1788, June 5. — “ You will receive to-day from Lord Sydney 
 the formal signification of his Majesty’s intention to advance you to the 
 peerage, for which his Majesty means you would kiss hands to- 
 morrow. You will have the goodness to let Lord Sydney know what 
 title you wish to take. Allow me only to add my sincere congratu- 
 lations.” Holograph. 
 
 Sir P. P. Arden to Lord Kenyon. 
 
 1342. 1788, June 18. — have kissed his Majesty’s hand, and, 
 much against my inclination, been knighted. Mr. Pitt tells me that he 
 has written to the Chancellor. After what has passed, I really know 
 not what to do. Whatever the Chancellor would think the most re- 
 spectful, I would do, for I shall never be wanting in that point towards 
 him, let him treat me as he will.” 
 
 The Lord Chief Justice’s Gold Collar. 
 
 1343. 1788, June 21. — Peceipt given by J. Way, on behalf of Lord 
 Mansfield, for 147/. 35. 3flf. received of Lord Kenyon “for the debit 
 to Lord Mansfield on his late chamber in Sergeant’s Inn ; and also the 
 sum of one hundred guineas for the gold collar of office, as Chief 
 Justice.” 
 
 William Pitt to Lord Kenyon. 
 
 1344. 1788, November 15. Downing Street.--“I sleep tonight 
 at Mr. Dundas’ at Wimbledon, but return to town some time tomorrow. 
 It would therefore suit me equally well to see you, either at Wimble- 
 don or Marsh Gate (if you intended going into the country), or other- 
 wise in town, and I beg you will have the goodness to name whatever 
 hour or place is most convenient to yourself.” 
 
 Mary, Lady Kenyon to Mrs. A. Kenyon, at Chester. 
 
 1345. 1789, January 17. London. — “Last night, in the House of 
 Commons, they sat till two o’clock ; the divission in favour of restric- 
 tions in the Pegency Bill gave a majority of 70. Another divission, 
 proposed to know whether those restrictions should be for a limited 
 time or not, was carried, against limited time, by above 60, but it 
 [is] so certain now where the power will be lodged, that many will 
 go over daily ; the ‘ Rats,’ as they are called^ are all on the watch. 
 Everybody speaks highly of the Chancellor, on all sides. The Oppo- 
 
527 
 
 sition say Mr. Pitt has been personally uncivil to the Prince. T do not 
 believe it. That party have done all they can to throw blame on him, and, 
 in this examination of doctors, on the Queen. The last night, the 
 leaders of their party thought it prudent to say every thing fine of her ; 
 all they pretend to blame her for is that she wishes to have the kingdom 
 believe that the King will get well again. Is there any crime in a wife 
 wishing this, when she is daily told by 5 out of 6 of the physicians 
 that they have not a doubt he will recover ? She is teazed and harassed 
 to death, but this Regency Bill will now soon be settled, and another 
 empowering the Queen to take care of the King’s person, which gives 
 her the command of the household, physicians, &c., [so] that even the 
 Regent cannot remove or alter any body in places about the King’s 
 person. They have coaxed and courted the Chancellor every way, and 
 by every person, but he will not gain them {sic) [written in error for 
 ‘ they will not gain him ’ ?].” 
 
 Lord Thurlow to Lord Kenyon. 
 
 1345a, 1789, January 31. — “ I am sorry Mr. Pitt did not shew you 
 my answer to the paper from the Cabinet. The object is [to] get a 
 Regency, in the only way, I presume, wherein a Regency can be 
 appointed, by Act of Parliament. That Act maybe passed three (sic) 
 ways — by general commission to the usual persons to assent or dissent, 
 or by such commission to the Prince, or by general commission to pass 
 that Bill, directed to the usual persons or to the Prince, or by address to 
 pass it in the name and on the behalf of the King, or to direct a com- 
 mission to be issued for that purpose. When passed in any of these 
 ways, the Act will be good, the enrolment in Chancery being the origi- 
 nal record.” 
 
 William Wilberforce to the Same. 
 
 1346. 1789, February 12. — “You cannot imagine how insipid and 
 vapid our debates are without Fox. They serve us up the same taste- 
 less mess day after day, till one loathes the very sight of it. Your 
 Lordship’s old favourite, Powys, tried his hand yesterday. I under- 
 stand Mr. Francis is to be one of the head cooks today.” 
 
 Lady Kenyon to Mrs. A. Kenyon, Chester. 
 
 1346a. 1789, March 11. London. — “I long to have all my dear 
 sisters here just now, to see how fine we look in this square, all lighted 
 up as brilliant as possible. Mr. Lee has ten candles in each window, 
 four more than anybody else, to make amends for the want of joy within. 
 I think I have made this house pretty ; there is a large candle in each 
 large payn and a small lamp in the little ones .... Mr. Abbot’s is the 
 same, I believe, and we light five stands. The town will be beautiful, 
 for there are more devices than ever I saw. Lord Mansfield’s house 
 has ‘ G. R.’ in little lamps on the outside his house. Many have (at 
 the other end the town) a crown and ‘ G. R.’ ; some the word 
 “ Rejoice” Over the gateway at the Rolls there are 300 lamps to 
 form the crown and ‘ G. R.’ ; always a touch extraordinary there. 
 Lord Chesterfield’s house, they say, is covered with Scripture phrases. I 
 should like to drive about to look at these things, for Jane’s sake, to 
 whom all this is new ; but there will be so many people out, 1 dare 
 neither go nor leave my candles at home. Coaches are flying about at 
 a great rate, and by and by I expect squibs and crackers. Lord 
 Kenyon is dining at the Duke of Richmond’s. He was at Kew on 
 Sunday, found the King vastly well ; stayed with him above an hour, was 
 
528 
 
 most graciously received, and entrusted with as many of his private 
 papers as Lord Kenyon could lift into his coach. The King spake 
 with the highest approbation of the Queen’s conduct, spake of the Duke 
 of Gloucester with affection, of Cumberland with compassion, of some of 
 the ‘ Kats ’ with contempt, but saying they had done as he expected 
 they would if ever they found an opportunity ; some of them will be 
 turned out of their places, and I hope honester men put in 
 
 ‘‘ It is expected the Prince will make a speech to-night in the House. 
 It is well if he does not expose himself. I dare not write all I could 
 tell you about his party, but am thankful I am not nearly connected 
 
 with any of them. Lord Kenyon goes again to Kew on Friday 
 
 There was a sad riot at the Opera House on Saturday ; Lady Brom- 
 ley and Miss Curzon were there, and the latter in tears, with fright. 
 Colonel Phipps and his brother were two of the ringleaders, with three 
 other gentlemen, all very drunk.” (^Extract printed in Life of Lord 
 Kenyon^ hy Hon. G. Kenyon., p. 220.) 
 
 Lord Camden to Lord Kenyon. 
 
 1347. 1789, March 24. Hill Street. — ‘‘ I have sent you the Marine 
 Treaties, but I am not able, at present, to find Douglass’ reports, though 
 I am persuaded the book is in my study ; but such is the litter in this 
 disorderly room, that it will require more time to search for it than I 
 can spare at this moment as I am going to Cockpit to hear Plantation 
 causes.” 
 
 John Scott to the Same. 
 
 1347a. 1789, June 28. East India House. — “Having procured a 
 copy of the question which was referred by the Lords for the considera- 
 tion of the Judges, I have discovered, to my infinite astonishment, that 
 it is dravm up, throughout, upon false grounds, an error into which their 
 Lordships have fallen, from giving credit to what fell from one of the 
 managers in Westminster Hall. The inclosed paper is very accurately 
 drawn up by me, from a strict examination of all the documents. I 
 have taken the liberty to send it, and your Lordship will at once see that 
 the second error (where the Lords affirm certain facts to be in proof, 
 which have really no existence) is owing to their giving credit to Mr. 
 Burke for having truly staled that question which Mr. Hastings 
 brought before the Council on the 11th May, 1778.” 
 
 William Pitt to the Same. 
 
 1348. 1789, September 18. — “lam very sorry to have been pre- 
 vented answering sooner your Lordship’s letter, enclosing one from 
 Mr. Vaughan, respecting the Lieutenancy of Merionethshire. The cir- 
 cumstances which your Lordship mentioned would have given great 
 weight to Mr. Vaughan’s pretensions, but immediately on the death of 
 Sir Watkin Williams, I promised to recommend whatever appointment 
 would be most acceptable to his family, and before I received your 
 Lordship’s letter, it had been agreed that it should be held, for the 
 present, by Mr. W. Williams.” 
 
 Peter Whitehall Davies to the Same. 
 
 1348a. 1789, November 21. Broughton. — “ The very high price of 
 corn in this and the adjoining counties, so very soon after the harvest, 
 alarms us much, and if we are not supplied from abroad long before the 
 next harvest, di-eadful consequences probably will ensue, for the colliers 
 
529 
 
 threaten to rise again ; if they should, I am much afraid the populace 
 will join them, and there is no military force near enough to protect the 
 lives and properties of his Majesty’s subjects. Fatal outrages are much 
 easier prevented than remedied. The high price of corn appears to me 
 to proceed from the following causes : — The great scarcity of it before 
 the harvest and the last wet summer, which has made the quantity 
 produced only as two to three of the usual produce. The constant heavy 
 rains which have fallen the last two months have so much prevented the 
 sowing of wheat in this neighbourhood, that I believe not one tenth part 
 of the usual quantity has been put into the ground. Potatoes, the great 
 support of the poor, are also very dear ; if they could be imported at a 
 cheap rate they would relieve them much. I send your Lordship this 
 intelligence that, if you think it necessary, you may communicate it to 
 the Lord Chancellor, Mr. Pitt, and the rest of his Majesty’s Privy 
 Council, that every thing possible may be done to supply the common 
 people with necessary food.” 
 
 Thomas Pennant to Lord Kenyon. 
 
 1349. 1789, December 1. Downing. — am highly honoured and 
 pleased with the effect of my letter. An inundation of corn has been 
 suddenly poured into Liverpool, and as suddenly engaged. I cannot but 
 suspect the destination, and therefore again humbly suggest the necessity 
 of compelling the collectors at the port, and also the common officers, to 
 be most rigorous in their demand of the highest bonds the law will admit 
 for landing the corn in the places they clear out for. It is also my 
 opinion that correspondence should be kept between the port of clearance 
 and the port of landing, in order to prevent collusion, as, in that case, 
 smuggling can be carried on in only very small vessels, and the officers 
 should attend to the little creeks. Before it was in the papers, I knew — ■ 
 but forgot to mention to your Lordship — that tlie French had offered 
 premium for importation. This is a critical time. It is not inhumanity 
 to wish to see them pinched, It will prevent domestic evils here, and 
 effect political good there. Three or four of us have ordered a ship load 
 of barley to this country, to be sold at prime cost ; and I hope our 
 example will be followed.” 
 
 Samuel Strong to the Same. 
 
 1350. 1 790, February 27. — The Duchess of Kingston being 
 supposed to have died intestate, with respect to her property in France, 
 Mrs. Strong, with four other cousins, being the next of kin, were advdsed 
 to send over a proper person to make enquiries, &c., on their behalf ; but 
 a Mr. Grlover, who stood in a more remote degree of relation to the 
 Duchess, got the start of us, and went to Paris to claim the whole for 
 himself. After disposing of all the property he could get into his hands, 
 and taking every other step he could devise to injure the succession, he 
 began to fear that the issue would be against him, and therefor threw out 
 a proposal to the next of kin that if they would formally relinquish all 
 their claims in his favour, lie would enter into a bond to pay them 
 4,500/-, clear of expenses, except the part that we had incurred by 
 agency. Bather than suffer the whole to be spent and embezzled, we 
 closed with this offer, and the bond was executed accordingly, and mtide 
 payable to Sir Henry Oxenden, in trust for the next of kin, his lady 
 being one of them. The bond, with one year’s interest, becomes due 
 next July ; but I have just now heard that Mr. Glover is returned from 
 Paris, and, pretending that he is a great loser by this business, requests 
 
 73480. L L 
 
530 
 
 that, on his defraying our expenses, which amount to 1,500/. between 
 the five parties, he may have the bond cancelled. This after the treatment 
 we have received from him appears unreasonable in the highest degree, 
 and we are unanimous in refusing to listen to it. But as Mr. Glover 
 may possibly sell his estates in England and quit the kingdom before 
 July, the questions I presume to ask your Lordship are these : Whether 
 the relinquishing of our claims to the Duchess of Kingston’s effects in 
 France, in favour of Mr. Glover, as above stated, would be deemed 
 a legal consideration; and, if so, what steps (if any) can be taken 
 to prevent him from evading the payment of the 4,500/. under the 
 bond ? ” 
 
 Sir William Pulteney to Lord Kenyon. 
 
 1351. 1790, April 1. London. — ‘‘T have long wished to have it in 
 my power to give your Lordship some small proof of the value which I 
 put on your friendship, and of the high regard which I entertain for 
 your talents and character. I have been able, at last, to contrive it so 
 that I can now make you an offer of recommending any respectable 
 independant gentleman, in whom your Lordship interests yourself, to a 
 seat in Parliament, without, his being put to any expense. I am sure I 
 shall be happy to connect myself with any one who has the good fortune 
 to enjoy your Lordship’s good opinion. As I have been obliged to refuse 
 many applications by letting it be understood that my arrangements were 
 made, I trust that your Lordship will let this pass as an old engagement, 
 and that the gentleman you recommend may understand it in that way.” 
 
 James Tomkinson to the Same, at Lincoln’s Inn Fields, London. 
 
 1352. 1790, Juno 18. Bath. — The election here is to come on next 
 Monday, but the conclusion is already known, having been fixed at a 
 meeting of the Corporation yesterday. Lord Bayham and Lord 
 Weymouth are the fortunate candidates. Owing to Mr. Grenville 
 declining, his votes went to Lord Weymouth, which gave him a majority 
 over Mr. Watson, who resigned yesterday, and Mr. Morris, it is 
 supposed, will follow his example, as he has not, I find, the least 
 chance of success.” 
 
 Sentence of Excommunication. 
 
 1352a. 1790, July 22. — Petition to Lord Kenyon of Mrs. Boe and 
 Mrs. Bush, “ two poor helpless women that has experienced a long and 
 painful imprisonment of three years, by virtue of an excommunicato 
 capiendo writ from the spiritual court, for being publickly married in 
 the meeting house at Calverton, seven miles from Kottingham, in the 
 same publick manner and form as quakers do.” They pray that, as they 
 have neither committed theft nor injured anyone, though they may 
 perhaps be thought to have infringed some laws of man, that Lord 
 Kenyon will look on them with an eye of pity, as Pharoah did to his 
 chief butler, and restore them to their former station. What makes 
 their affliction harder is that they and two small children have to sleep 
 in one bed, and have to pay the jailer four shilliugs a week. 
 
 The Bishop of Ferns to Lord Kenyon. 
 
 1353. 1790, August 14. Dublin. — As the election of a Lord 
 Mayor for the City of Dublin has created much clamour and perhaps 
 engaged attention on your side of the water, I enclose to your Lord- 
 ship two papers, one of which I am told gives an authentic account 
 of the Lord Chancellor’s defence of the Privy Council in the House of 
 
531 
 
 Lords ; the other, the reprobation of that defence by the Whig Club. I 
 see that some of the English papers have reprinted these, but if an 
 authentic copy should not fall into your hands, the inclosed, perhaps, 
 -will not be inacceptable. No unlearned man who reads the 33rd of 
 George II., which regulates the election of the Chief Magistrate, can 
 suppose it possible that Alderman James could be duly elected; but I 
 am not accustomed to the construction of Acts of Parliament. The 
 point, however, is now so far given up, that Alderman James has 
 resigned his pretensions, and Howison {?) has been sent down, by the 
 Board of Aldermen, to the Commons for this approbation. I cannot but 
 be glad of the concession, as even with the colour only of right, factious 
 men can at all limes create discontent in this country.” 
 
 Charles Dundas to Lord Kenyon. 
 
 1354. 1790, September 2. Barton Court, near Newbury. — Your 
 Lordship having, on a late occasion, publicly declared the opinion of 
 the Court of King’s Bench on the subject of meetings held for the pur- 
 pose of fighting and boxing matches, which of late have been so frequent 
 and disgraceful in this kingdom, I trust you will forgive the liberty I 
 am now taking of addressing you on a case of this nature, in which the 
 High Sheriff of the county of Berks and myself have endeavoured to do 
 what we could to follow the line pointed out by your Lordship, but 
 w'hich IS now beyond the limits of this county. For some time before 
 the 30th of August, it was declared by newspaper paragraphs, etc., that 
 on that day a battle would be fought at Newbury, between a Mr. Hooper 
 and a Mr. Bryan (two great characters in the art of boxing). The stage 
 was erected on barges, in the bason of Newbury Wharf, and an immense 
 crowd assembled, from places above an hundred miles distant. The 
 Sheriff and myself attended at 8 o’clock in the morning, for the purpose 
 of preventing this fight. Immediately the alarm was given, the com- 
 batants, with their supporters, were secured. Speenhamland, where 
 we were, is surrounded by several different districts, in none of which my 
 warrant could have effect without the endorsement of the Justices be- 
 longing to them (viz., Hampshire, Wiltshire, Oxfordshire, and the 
 Borough of Newbury) and in the three first, the magistrates resided at 
 a distance. 
 
 ‘‘ On my promise that no advantage should be taken of the parties 
 by detaining them if they appeared voluntarily, some of them came 
 before the Sheriff and myself. We endeavoured to persuade them 
 to be bound over not to disturb the peace of this county, which was 
 agreed on, when, by the accidental arrival of Mr. Bigge Wither (who 
 acts as a Justice of the Peace for Berks, Wilts, and Hants), he insisted 
 on their promising not to offend in either of the other counties. They 
 left Newbury soon after, very hastily, with above a thousand of their 
 attendants, declaring they were going to Oxfordshire ; but when they 
 reached Chapel Row, about nine miles from Newbury, they began their 
 fight in this county. A w'arrant, signed by Mr. Wither and myself, 
 followed them there, but their numbers prevented the constable from 
 doing his duty. By the declaration of Lord Barrymore (who appeared 
 to be their director), this contest is to be renewed at Doncaster during 
 the races, it being now said to be undecided, for the purpose of collect- 
 ing a greater mob on that ocasion. Having stated these circumstances, 
 I hope your Lordship will excuse this application. The objection made 
 by these people to their being bound over was the dread they had of 
 the example being followed by other counties ; and we could not (con- 
 sistently with our promise) lay hold of them to bind them over generally. 
 
 L L 2 
 
532 
 
 The warrant is now in search of them in this county, hut they are not 
 residents here. They may be indicted at the next Quarter Sessions, 
 when the Bench warrant would issue against them, which would have 
 effect beyond the bounds of the county; but before that time, their 
 intention of fighting at Doncaster will be executed. This being the 
 case, if the Sheriff and myself dare with propriety ask your Lordship’s 
 directions, we will act accordingly. Considering it as a public good to 
 keep the peace, we trust we are not guilty of either impropriety or 
 indelicacy to the high station of your Lordship, when we lay this matter 
 before that power which extends over the whole kingdom. If, 
 personally, I may be allowed to.- offer a further justification of my 
 conduct, it is that, having had the honor of moving at the Sessions at 
 Beading that the peace officers within the county should be ordered 
 to suppress these tumultuous meetings to the utmost of their power, 
 I was then unanimously supported by fifteen of the most respectable 
 magistrates of this county, several of whom have called on me, on this 
 occasion, to exert myself in preventing this declared breach of the peace 
 in my own neighbourhood.” 
 
 The Bey. W[illiam] J[ones], of N'ayland, to the Honourable 
 Gteorge Kenyon. 
 
 1355, 1790 (?), November 13.^ — Thanks him for a promised present 
 of books. “ This nation seems threatened with the approach of terrible 
 times ; so that they who are ready to depart with age and infirmities 
 wdll be taken from evil that is to come. All I can do now is to watch 
 and to pray that no hour nor moment may find me unprepared. Yet 
 my mind will ever be running on the times, and the Church, and the 
 poor distracted condition of the best religion we have amongst us. My 
 heart is divided between sorrow for myself and the Christian world ; 
 both seem equally hastening to a dying state. But God will always 
 have a remnant. I have by me in MS. a little sort of another Tom 
 Bull, upon religion ; but I know not what to do with it. I have like- 
 wise a piece which I call an Essay on Man, as he is described to us in 
 the Scripture; this has been written out fair above 30 years, and 
 perhaps might do some good, but, alas, my agent is getting old and 
 indolent, like myself. Our next coach comes out on Friday morning. 
 When once I get the next parcel (if I live to get it) I will depend no 
 more on Bivington.” Seal. 
 
 Postscript. — “ The books are come (Keith on Prophecy, &c.), but 
 letters cost me so much trouble that I cannot afford to throw even a 
 false one away, so you must let me speak as a fool.” 
 
 Bobert Barclay to [Thomas Steele ?]. 
 
 1356. 1791, March 21. — ‘‘An event has just happened which, as it 
 may materially serve the interest of this house, compels me to request 
 the favour of your interest with Government, whose influence will be 
 in some degree affected by it. The fact is simply that Mr. Walker, 
 the Marshal of the King’s Bench, is dead, and his place is in the gift of 
 Lord Kenyon, whom we wish so far to influence the intended successor 
 to Walker, as to take his supply of porter from this house, whose pre- 
 decessor, Ml-. Thrale, served it until it was burnt by the riots, 1781; 
 since which, Calvert (a decided friend of the blue and buff interest) has 
 had the supply of it. But a change of Marshal creates a change of 
 interest, and, in case of a contested election, it has been found of use to 
 our cause to have his interest united to our own, which you can vouch 
 honestly to have been on all occasions actively exerted on behalf of the 
 
533 
 
 present administration. I feel more difficulty in asking, even through 
 you, any personal favour ; but as not only in tlie addresses of the Regency 
 business we were chief instruments, but have been recently active [and] 
 successful in returning our old Members, as well as were the first to take 
 up Captain Finch (for the county) in this borough, I hope you will be 
 able to obtain Lord Kenyon’s own interest direct, or through either of the 
 Judges.” 
 
 William Wilberforce to Lord Kenyon. 
 
 1357 . 1791, March 23. — Mr. Henry Thornton called on me this 
 morning, to consult me respecting an application which has been made 
 to him by Mr. Barclay, the great brewer in the Borough. After some 
 little consideration, I advised him to mention the matter to your Lord- 
 ship; but though I did not say a syllable to him which could give him 
 an idea of my troublingyour Lordship on the occasion, yet, reflecting on 
 the kindness your Lordship had always shewn me, being ignorant how 
 far the subject of his request is altogether proper, and that if there be 
 any impropriety in it I am in some degree particeps ci'iminis, 1 have 
 thought it only right to take up the pen. I will only add that my friend, 
 Mr. Henry Thornton, is one of the worthiest of men, and that on this 
 account, added to our having been from our childhood in habits of closest 
 intimacy and affection, 1 am happy, in introducing him to your Lord- 
 ship, bearing my testimony to his character. 
 
 Thomas Steele to the Same. 
 
 1358 . 1791, March* 23. Pay Office, Whitehall.— Your Lordship 
 having lately appointed a successor to the late Marshal of the King’s 
 Bench, I am earnestly requested to apply to you .... to request 
 that he may be desired to authorise the house of JMr. Barclay, under 
 the name of Thrale & Co., in Southwark, to supply, from time to 
 time, the porter which is required for the consumption of the inhabi- 
 tants of the King’s Bench. Mr. Calvert’s house has lately been em- 
 ployed in this service, and will naturally endeavour to obtain a 
 continuance of it. They are inveterate enemies to the present Govern- 
 ment. Mr. Barclay and his uncle, Mr. David Barclay, are the best 
 friends that any government ever had, and we are bound, in gratitude 
 to them for past services, to strain every nerve for the purpose of 
 accomplishing this point, which they have very much at heart.” 
 
 Samuel Horsley, Bishop of St. David’s, to the Same. 
 
 1359 . 1791, April. Bulls Cross. — “I take the liberty to beg your 
 Lordship’s perusal of a short bill, which has been drawn upon a principle 
 suggested by me, for the relief of the Scottish episcopalians. Your 
 Lordship knows that these people now pray for their King and royal 
 family, and take the oath of allegiance. But many of their clergy scruple 
 the oath of abjuration, as containing a retrospective denial of the right of 
 the abdicated famil^^, which they hold to have been indefeasible so long 
 as that family subsisted, though they now consider it as extinct. For they 
 think the only remaining representative of that family, the Cardinal York, 
 has incapacitated himself by the oath of submission as a churchman to 
 a foreign sovereign. But the particular hardship that they labour under 
 is this, that by the 9th clause of the 19th of George II. c. 38, notwith- 
 standing that they were to take the oaths, they would remain subject to 
 the penalties of that Act. The operation of the bill which I enclose will 
 be nothing more than to do away that cruel hardship, and relieve such 
 
534 
 
 of them as can persuade themselves to take the oaths, from the penalties 
 which by that Act would still hang over them. It leaves the delicate 
 question of the validity of their orders quite untouched, and in the same 
 state of ambiguity in which it was left by the statutes of Queen Anne. 
 
 The relief it extends to them will be very considerable 
 
 I think they are deserving of the indulgence of Government, as by 
 praying expressly for the King (which they now do), and recognising 
 his title, they have contributed much towards the extinction of Jacobitism 
 in Scotland.” 
 
 George Rose to Lord Kenyon. 
 
 1360. 1791, May 10. Old Palace Yard. — Mr. Pitt means to 
 recommend Mr. Vaughan, a neighbour of yours, to the King, for 
 a baronetcy. “ I shall be very much obliged to your Lordship if you 
 will tell me whether you happen to know if Mr. Myddleton, the member 
 for Denbigh, is in determined opposition, or whether the complying 
 with a request he has just made to Mr. Pitt would have any chance of 
 conciliating him.” 
 
 Sir W. Pulteney to the Same. 
 
 1361. 1791, May 12. London. — As to a bill for enlarging the term 
 of a patent granted to James Turner ‘‘for his invention of a yellow 
 colour for painting coaches.” Thinks Mr. Turner has been cruelly 
 defrauded of the benelits of his first patent. He is a remarkable 
 chemist, and a person of good character. Lord Dundonald and the 
 Bishop of Llandaff, who are skilled in chemistry, have a good opinion of 
 him. “ 1 do not agree with those who think that patents for inventions 
 are hurtful; I think they have been one of the great causes of the 
 important discoveries which in this country have so much improved our 
 manufactures and trade.” 
 
 William Pitt to the Same. 
 
 1362. 1791, June 25. Downing Street. — “ I was very much obliged 
 to your Lordship for your friendly suggestion respecting the Jersey Com- 
 mission, which I have endeavorde (sic) to make use of, without mention- 
 ing your name. The business originated last year at the Council board, 
 and all the papers respecting it were then communicated to the 
 Chancellor ; and, indeed, I thought the draft of the commission had 
 been likewise. The gentlemen who were thought of to be joined to Mr. 
 Grant, are Mr. Partridge and Mr. Kicoll.” Holograph, 
 
 Francis Plowden to the Same. 
 
 1363. 1791, August 4. Adelphi — “I have, this morning, understood 
 from the Sollicitor General that your Lordship had done me the 
 honor of mentioning me to him ; and, from what I could collect from 
 him, it appeared to me that a sort of specimen or trial would be expected 
 from me, before the heads of the law would choose to recommend me as a 
 proper person to undertake the revision and compression of the statutes. 
 I have already published one tract upon the point of alienage, and have 
 by me a manuscript draft of a bill which is adapted to the subject 
 matter of that tract. I have also published a tract upon the inrolment 
 of deeds and wills, with a draft of a bill upon that subject. I should 
 hope that these two publications would enable your Lordship, and any 
 other person, to form a conclusive judgement of the competency of the 
 writer of them to handle other legal topics, especially under the 
 advantages of the previous directions and subsequent revision of the law 
 
585 
 
 officers of the Crown. But, as the intended plan will comprise much 
 constitutional and political, as well as legal, matter, I am very ready to 
 undertake to give a specimen or trial of my abilities, should it be wished, 
 upon that topic.” 
 
 Lord Erskine to Lord Kenyon. 
 
 1364. 1791, August. — have left you Burke’s pamphlet, which, 
 though perfidious to his friends by imputing sentiments to them which 
 they never held, in order to disgrace them, has 3 'et in it some very 
 splendid passages.” 
 
 Poems. 
 
 1365. 1791, September 1 . Bury St. Edmunds. — Poems by Reverend 
 William Jones, of Kayland : ( 1 ) “A character, by lover of truth”; ( 2 ) 
 “ On seeing some pigeons sitting on a meeting-house.” 
 
 Barthelemy, the French Minister Plenipotentiary in London, to 
 
 Lord Kenyon. 
 
 1366. 1791, December 28. — ‘‘ A person named Charton (?), one of the 
 many unfortunate persons who are victims of the troubles which have hap- 
 pened in France, is a prisoner for debt, in the King’s Bench. He has been 
 strongly recommended to Mr. Franchlyn, of Wei beck Street, by a gentle- 
 man of rank and character in Paris, as an honest, though an unfortunate, 
 manufacturer, who has been imprisoned here for a debt contracted in 
 France. It appears by the enclosed letter, which Mr. Franchlyn has 
 received from him, that he has paid for a chamber, which he fitted up at 
 some expence, and where he hoped to be able to maintain himself well, 
 from the produce of his industry or the assistance of his friends, till he 
 might be enabled to regain his liberty. As he is a stranger both to the 
 laws of this country and to the language, it is not improbable he may 
 experience some hardships, which, if he could explain himself to the 
 marshal, he would avoid. Will your Lordship forgive my taking the 
 liberty to request you would be so good as to make this man’s situation 
 known to the marshal, by any of your officers, or by transmitting the 
 man’s letter.” 
 
 Lord Bathurst to the Same. 
 
 1367. 1792, May 1. Apsley House. — “Permit me to trouble your 
 Lordship with the inclosed Bill which, I trust, will tomorrow be brought 
 up to our House. Your Lordship is well acquainted with the mis- 
 conduct and various grievances of county courts. The Bill is to sub- 
 stitute a less oppressive and less expensive administration of justice in 
 my court, which takes in near a sixth part of the county of Gloucester. 
 It is with the general approbation of the Justices and all persons con- 
 cerned. I got the Master of the Rolls and the Attorney -General to 
 peruse and model it in the Commons, and will be obliged to your Lord- 
 ship for giving me your opinion of it.” Any of Lord Kenyon’s 
 suggestions will be adopted. 
 
 William Pitt to the Same. 
 
 1368. 1792, May 16. Downing Street. — “ I shall be much obliged 
 to your Lordship if you can allow me ten minutes’ conversation to- 
 morrow, at any time that will interfere least with your engagements, 
 and whenever is most convenient to you.” Holograph. 
 
 Note at foot^ in Lord Kenyon' s handwriting . — “ In consequence of this 
 letter, I called on Mr. Pitt, who told me he wished to inform me first, that 
 
536 
 
 in consequence of the Lord Chancellor’s opposing his measures, he had 
 stated to the King that one must go out, and [that] the Chancellor was 
 to go out.” 
 
 William Pitt to Lord' Kenyon. 
 
 1369. 1792, June 1. — I should be much obliged to your Lordship, 
 if your engagements will allow you, to let me have the honour of seeing 
 you for a few minutes any time before four to day, except from two to 
 three, when I shall be obliged to be at St. James’.” Holograph. 
 
 Note, in Lord Kenyon^ s handwriting. — ‘‘ I went to Mr. Pitt, in pur- 
 suance of this letter, on Friday, 1st June, 1792, when he asked me if I 
 would accept the office of First Commissioner of the Great Seal, on 
 Lord Thurlow’s resigning. I told him it was impossible I could take it, 
 and perform the duties of my office as C. J. of the King’s Bench. He 
 then conversed with me about the proper persons to make commissioners, 
 and desired he might talk with me again.” 
 
 The Rev. William Jones to the Same. 
 
 1370. 1792, December 2. Nayland. — “ And now, my Lord, I must 
 inform you, in confidence, that I am in a great bustle, under the character 
 of Thomas Bull. By the blessing of God (for such I account it) I have 
 hit upon a mode of address which has gained the ear of my countrymen, 
 and may be of great use at this critical time. Ten thousand of these 
 papers are already dispersed, and their influence is increasing. In con- 
 sequence of this, some other matters are under consideration, and I have 
 a summons, in such terms as I must not resist, to attend a meeting on 
 Thursday, at London, where nothing effectual can be done without me. 
 We of this place can witness that the cry of ‘ No King ’ comes universally 
 from the Dissenters; and some of my neighbours are considering how to 
 conduct themselves, so as to turn a few of them into public examples.” 
 
 William Pitt to the Same. 
 
 1371. 1792, December 12. — ‘‘I trouble your Lordship with a copy 
 of the speech which his Majesty will deliver tomorrow. Under the 
 present circumstances, I flatter myself we may trust to your Lordship 
 having the goodness to sit as Speaker.” 
 
 Lord Grenville to the Same. 
 
 1372. 1792, December 16. St. James’s Square. — The motion for 
 thanks to Lord Cornwallis stands for Monday ; and my wish is to bring 
 in on Wednesday a bill about foreigners residing in this country.” 
 
 Peter Whitehall Davies to the Same. 
 
 1373. 1792, December 19. Broughton. — “ I take the liberty to 
 trouble your Lordship with another letter, in which I have inclosed an 
 assignat, made payable at Bersham Furnace, endorsed ‘ Gilbert Gilpin ’ ; 
 I am informed he is the first clerk of Mr. Wilkinson, whose sister 
 married Doctor Priestley. With what view Mr. Wilkinson circulates 
 assignats, is best known to himself. It appears to mo that good conse- 
 quences cannot arise from their being made currant, and that very 
 pernicious effects may. Mr. Wilkinson, at his foundry at Bersham 
 (where, I am informed, he has now a very large number of cannon), and 
 in his coal and lead mines, employs a considerable body of men. They are 
 regularly paid every Saturday with assignats. The Presbyterian 
 
537 
 
 tradesmen receive them in payment for goods, by which intercourse 
 they have frequent opportunities to corrupt the principles of that de- 
 scription of men, by infusing into their minds the pernicious tenets of 
 Paine’s Rights of Man, upon whose book, I am told, publick lectures 
 are delivered to a considerable number in the neighbourhood of Wrexham, 
 by a methodist. The bad effects of them are too evident in that parish.” 
 
 Note in the handwriting of Chief Justice Kenyon . — “ This letter 
 occasioned the Act of Parliament, passed in January, 1793, for pre- 
 venting the negotiation of French paper money in England.” 
 
 William Pitt to Lojid Kenyon. 
 
 1374:. 1793, January 2. Downing Street. — “ We have been under 
 the necessity of deferring the report of the Bill respecting aliens, till 
 Friday, but I have very little doubt that on that day we can both 
 report and read it a third time. I hope it may be possible for your 
 Lordship to sit for half an hour on Saturday, in order to receive the Bill, 
 as the amendments made may perhaps make the Lords wish to reprint 
 it, which, in that case, could be done before Monday, and the Bill might 
 then receive the royal consent on Tuesday. I will take the liberty of 
 sending you a copy of the Bill as now amended, as soon as it is printed, 
 which will probably be to morrow evening or Friday morning.” 
 Holograph, 
 
 R. Richards to the Same. 
 
 1375. 1793, January 23. Lincoln’s Inn. — ‘‘Your Lordship knows 
 that Sir William Scott is a candidate for the University of Oxford. 
 Mr. Hall, who used to go the Chester Circuit, has a vote, and will, as I 
 have reason to think from his expressions of the sense which he has of 
 the obligations he owes your Lordship, be very glad of an opportunity 
 of voting in a manner agreeable to your Lordship’s wishes. I should 
 not have presumed to take the liberty of troubling your Lordship 
 with this information if academical delicacy had not, in Mr. Solicitor- 
 General’s opinion, made it improper for him to mention it to your 
 Lordship.” 
 
 Lord Grenville to the Same. 
 
 1376. 1793. January 24. St. James’ Square. — “I take the earliest 
 moment in my power to apprize your Lordship that the King has 
 signified his intention to deliver the custody of the Great Seal to Lord 
 Loughborough, as Lord Chancellor, and that he will take his seat on the 
 Woolsack on Monday, when the House meets again.” 
 
 The Same to the Same. 
 
 1377. 1793, January 26. Whitehall. — “ His Majesty being out of 
 town today, the Great Seal cannot be delivered to Lord Loughborough 
 till Monday; and I am, therefore, under the necessity of requesting your 
 Lordship to sit as Speaker on that day.” 
 
 Sir John Scott to the Same. 
 
 1378. [17]93, June 17. — ‘‘The bit to cure blunders in the bill for 
 issuing Exchequer Bills, and the opposition to the Farnham Hop Bill — 
 which is a bill to compel the impropriater of that parish to take 205 . an 
 acre, where the tithe is worth 505., for three years, to the intent to 
 punish him, and terrify others, in like cases offending — may detain 
 me beyond your Lordship’s dinner hour. If they do, I presume to hope 
 your Lordship will excuse me.” 
 
538 
 
 William Wilberforce to Lord Kenyon. 
 
 1379. 1793, June 28. London. — ‘‘The respect I bear your Lord- 
 ship, and the sense I entertain of the kindness with which your Lord- 
 ship has always regarded me, impose a debt(?) of obligation on me to 
 transmit your Lordship a copy of the case which, with its documents, I 
 am sending to Mr. Dundas. I conceive there can be no impropriety in 
 so doing, when the judicial proceedings are at an end. I am not 
 conscious of any unfair statement ; and, if there be any inaccuracy, your 
 Lordship will do me the justice to believe it is not intentional. I shall 
 be very happy to shew your Lordship any of the other documents 
 referred to, and to explain any pare of the case which may require 
 explanation. I need hardly say that this case is not fit matter of general 
 communication.” 
 
 Justice G-rose to Lord Kenyon, at Gredington. 
 
 1380. 1793, August 7. — “Through all the counties I passed, the wheat 
 was fine, and in many, standing ripe and fit to be cut down, but wanting 
 reapers. There are no hands to get the harvest in. The Portuguese 
 fleet are at Spithead, and make a very respectable figure.” 
 
 Lord Bathurst to Lord Kenyon. 
 
 1381. 1794, January 4. — “The state of the Carmarthen Circuit is 
 this : the two seniors meaning to quit, have declared to Mr. Douglas 
 that they do not wish to succeed him. Mr. Williams is next in 
 seniority, but I am assured that Mr. Douglas and Mr. Plomer (who has 
 just left the circuit) would give their testimony in favor of Mr. 
 Philipps; and I submit to your Loi’dship’s judgement whether it be not 
 for the advantage of the district that their Attorney- General should re- 
 side much among them.” 
 
 The Eev. William Jones to James Boswell. 
 
 1382. 17 94, January 4. Nay land, Suffolk. — “As a biographer of 
 the first character, you have preserved Dr. Johnson to us as a living 
 lecturer upon life and manners ; and I consider your work as a complete 
 antidote to the letters of Lord Chesterfield, under the advantage of which, 
 this nation ought to be wiser upon some subjects than any other in 
 Europe. As a very small and inadequate return for the pleasure I had 
 received, I formed the design of communicating to you a few anecdotes 
 relating to Dr. Johnson, and drew up the following letter, with an 
 intention to shew it first to my excellent friend the late Dr. Horne, 
 Bishop of Norwich ; but he being unfortunately taken from us before he 
 had seen it, I laid my papers aside and forgot them, till a passage in your 
 last edition brought them to my mind, and encouraged me to transcribe 
 
 them for your own inspection In the earlier part of my 
 
 life, I took up and cultivated indofatigably, for some years, certain ideas 
 of nature, not agreeable to the received notions of what is called natural 
 philosophy ; and as soon as I thought myself competent, I threw out a 
 philosophical essay, to clear the ground, and try my strength upon it. 
 
 “ In consequence of what I had done, a friend of Dr. Johnson’s 
 was desirous that he should see me, and a friend of mine was 
 desirous that I should see him, knowing that he had read my book, and 
 would probably have something to say upon it. He was therefore 
 invited to spend an evening at my friend’s house, and came accordingly. 
 After he had seated himself, he sat for a long time musing and looking at 
 his shoe buckles ; at length he began to open, upon such subjects as came 
 
539 
 
 in the way, and soon convinced me that his mind was as great as his 
 gestures were singular. The subject of natural philosophy, with long 
 practice, was so familiar to me, and the ground I was upon had been so 
 scrupulously examined, that I was under no apprehension of being driven 
 out of my strongholds by the force of his words. I had heard, and I 
 need not inform you of it, that it was too much the manner of this great 
 man to assume a sovereignty over ail understandings, and to contradict 
 rather than be silent. My lot, therefore, was common with that of most 
 strangers who fell into his company. But still I thought there were 
 some subjects on which I had a right to exercise the liberty of speech. 
 
 “ So when the subject of nature, on which I had been wriiting, came 
 forward (as I suppose some body took care it should do), finding I was 
 not likely to have a friend in Dr. Johnson, I endeavoured to defend some 
 of my principles with civility and good manners ; and w^hen I say this, 
 I speak the truth to the best of my recollection. You will believe me, 
 when I add, that my adversary, who could admit of no opposition, soon 
 raised his voice, till he roared like a giant ; and I being neither able nor 
 willing to answer him in the same tone, the discourse on that subject 
 was dropped. I freely confess how much I was disgusted with his 
 manner, as Mrs. Boswell also was. His other excellencies wmuld, I 
 make no doubt, have prevailed against all the prejudice I had conceived, 
 but the opportunity, which I never sought, never happened. His report 
 of me afterwards, as I heard from the worthy Mr. Allen of Bolt Court, 
 w^as mtwe favourable than I had any reason to expect ; but his judgment 
 of what I had published in philosophy was very severe, and such as I 
 must understand to have been incompetent and unjust ; for in this line 
 Dr. Johnson was but as one of the people, and had the safe and easy 
 task of holding the popular side of the question. ‘ Sir,’ said he, when I 
 had left the room, ‘ he supposes authors to contradict one another, w ho all 
 mean the same thing. Sir, it is disingenuous to take advantage of their 
 expressions ; sir, you may depend upon it the book will be answered.’ 
 To this a gentleman replied, ‘Dr. Johnson, if you think it a matter of 
 importance to the public that they should be guarded against the ill effect 
 of the work, you would do well to answer it yourself.’ ‘ No, sir, I shall 
 not answer it ; but the book will be answered.’ In his prediction Dr. 
 Johnson was not right ; my book never was answered, as he said it w ould 
 be. It was illiberally railed at and totally misunderstood in a monthly 
 review of that time, and many ill names were laid upon the author, of 
 which I never thought it worth my while to complain to the public ; but 
 this was not what Dr. Johnson meant by an answer. The book, sir, 
 never was answered, nor ever will be, not because I am a powerful 
 writer, but because its principles are those of fact and nature ; and he 
 who shall confute them effectually must be able to make a new world. 
 
 “My first essay for settling of principles was very much condemned. 
 
 However, the ill words I had met with being unmerited, 
 
 and the prejudice against me being rather popular than rational, I 
 resumed my subject with little discouragement, and went on with it 
 
 through a large quarto and as the whole of the edition, 
 
 consisting of 750 copies, has been disposed of, and the work for a con- 
 siderable time past out of print, it must have found many readers. 
 But, wonderful to relate, I do not remember that a single copy was 
 purchased at Cambridge, or that more than one was purchased at 
 Oxford, which went into the hands of the ingenious Dr. Wall, a very 
 
 respectable physician of that place The principles of 
 
 Newton being mathematical, mathematicians are naturally attached to 
 them ; their fame lies in that quarter ; and their reports are generally of 
 great effect, because their science is in few hands, and the public at large 
 
540 
 
 is not qualified to scruple their decisions. This was the reason why my 
 first essay found no reception in Ireland. The whole Irish edition lay 
 dead in the hands of the bookseller, there being in the University of 
 Dublin some leading mathematicians who kept guard for the old 
 system of attraction, more severely than Newton himself did, and would 
 not suffer an heretic to land upon their coast. In Scotland, my last work 
 has been much attended to ; and I suspect that the bulk of the edition 
 went northward. A learned gentleman informed me that it had also 
 found its way to the East Indies, where it was taken for the work of my 
 learned and ingenious namesake. Sir William Jones; but some persons 
 disputing this, supposed it rather to be a posthumous work of his father. 
 
 During a literary evening spent in Dr. Johnson’s company, one 
 of his observations made a great impression upon me ; it was delivered 
 in the true Johnsonian style .... A question was started, by 
 somebody in the company, about the original of the word satyr (sic) 
 in the sense of a sarcastic composition. When some had guessed one 
 thing, and some another and Johnson approved of none of them, I 
 ventured to hazard an opinion of my own, that it was from the Hebrew 
 verb satar to hide; such compositions having always been conceived in 
 obscure expressions, for many reasons, and that the satyrs^ those 
 fabulous beings which were feigned to hide themselves in woods and 
 forests, were of the same family. Here I had the honour of meeting 
 with Dr. Johnson’s approbation. ‘He is right,’ said he, ‘it is certainly 
 derived from satar, to hide.’ The weight of his [Johnson’s] pen, 
 exposing the false wit and chastising the vanity of scepticism, would have 
 been felt by friends and foes, and might have done good as a pre- 
 servative against the evil times which were approaching. The late Mr. 
 Allen of Magdalen Hall, who was a priviledged person, and could say 
 what he pleased to him, addressed him once very freely upon the 
 subject. ‘ Johnson, if you really are a Christian, as 1 suppose you to be, 
 do write something to make us sure of it.’ But I presume he was not 
 very conversant in ecclesiastical history, and that he was a better critic 
 on the sense of Juvenal than on the style of the Bible, on which considera- 
 tions he was not forward to pit himself against an infidel. I found myself 
 much interested in what you relate of Mrs. Williams, whom Dr. Johnson, 
 with singular benevolence, took under his protection ; I once knew her 
 
 well I had also much of the confidence of her father, 
 
 Zachary Williams, the author of a magnetical theory which is now lost 
 . . . At this period of my life, I was a school-boy at the Charter- 
 
 house. Some time afterwards, Mrs. Williams and her father fell into 
 distress ; and I being then unable to relieve it, either by my pocket or 
 my interest, I became shy of making visits.” 
 
 Lord Thurlow to Lord Kenyon. 
 
 1383. 1794, February 8. — “I enclose you Lord Loughborough’s 
 answer to my account of the business causes depending in the House of 
 Lords. I do not thoroughly understand his ideas of Home and Lord 
 Camden ; but if it is to be a ministeral business I shall not attend it, 
 for I do not wish to spend my breath in a vain opposition, and still less 
 do I desire that either House of Parliament should manifest any signs 
 of disloyalty to his Majestie’s Ministers, even by doing justice, contrary 
 to their commands.” 
 
 Lord Grenville to Lord Kenyon. 
 
 1384. 1794, April 12. St. James’s Square. — “ I understand your 
 Lordship entertains some doubt whether a new clause may not be 
 
541 
 
 necessary to be added to the Alien Bill, in order to prevent the evasion of 
 that Act by collusive arrests. As the question was considered by the 
 Attorney-General, when the Bill was before the House of Commons, I 
 should be much obliged if your Lordship could find time to converse 
 with that gentleman upon the subject; and if your Lordship’s doubts 
 should still remain, I should be desirous of proposing to add to the Bill 
 (which is now before the House of Lords) such a clause as may answer 
 the purpose designed.” 
 
 Eichard Brinsley Sheridan to Lord Kenyon. 
 
 1385. 1791, May 12. — “I must trust to your indulgence to excuse 
 the liberty I take in troubling you with a few lines, respecting the 
 appointment of the next day of sitting for the trial after tomorrow 
 (Monday). I would, by no means, wish a single hour to be lost in the 
 week ; but if it be intended to miss one day, and, as I am informed, that 
 Tuesday is the least convenient day for the attendance of the Judges, I 
 have presumed to suggest that, from particular circumstances, it would 
 be a material accommodation to me to speak on Wednesday instead of 
 Tuesday, and my reply will certainly be confined to that one day. I 
 have only again to apologise to your Lordship, not meaning to be in 
 town tomorrow, for directly addressing myself to your Lordship, as I 
 apprehend any other mode of application might be too late.” Holograph. 
 
 Warren Hastings to Lord Kenyon. 
 
 1386. 1794, May 27. Westminster Hall. — I have been within a few 
 hours since informed that Mr. Burke intends to solicit the Lords to adjourn 
 my trial over to another year, for the purpose of affording him time to 
 prepare his concluding reply. This is an occasion in which I think 
 myself justified in praying every one of my own judges to interpose his 
 authority and infiuence to repel so gross and atrocious a v/rong ; and I 
 do most earnestly beseech your Lordship to give your attendance, and 
 to afford me your good offices for this end.” 
 
 John Sinclair to Lord Kenyon. 
 
 1387. 1794, July 24. — ‘‘At the desire of the Board of Agriculture, 
 I have the honor of transmitting to your Lordship a paper, drawn up 
 by John Robinson, Esq., Surveyor- General of the Woods and Forests, 
 respecting the laws now in being for the division of waste lands, 
 commons, and common fields, with suggestions for rendering such 
 divisions more easy and less expensive in future. As this is one of the 
 greatest objects to which the Board can possibly dedicate its attention, 
 it was resolved to send a copy of this paper to the Judges, requesting 
 their remarks upon it, with which we hope to be favourd, as soon as 
 their other important avocations will admit of it. Permit me, at the 
 same time, to request that your Lordship would have the goodness, in 
 the course of the ensuing circuit, to collect as much as possible the 
 opinions of the active magistrates in the diffierent counties, and of other 
 intelligent persons, upon this great subject, and to take any opportunity 
 that may occur of explaining the advantages which may result from the 
 attention that is paid by the Board of Agriculture to this and other 
 great sources of national improvement.” 
 
 Rev. William Jones to Lord Kenyon. 
 
 1388. 1794, September 20. — “I intended to go down to Bath, for 
 which purpose I went up to town, and did actually set forward, but 
 
542 
 
 found myself not well enough to proceed. By this accident, I was at 
 London during the riots, and was walking down Holborn while the mob 
 were in possession of the street, and doing as much harm as they were 
 able. A man in the crowd, who seemed to be an acting member, cast 
 his eye upon me and said, ‘ Hah, what are you there, old Churchman ? 
 You are a passive obedience man, I suppose, you look as if you were 
 of that sort.’ If I had recollected myself soon enough, I should have told 
 him I was a dissenting minister, which might have drawn something 
 more out of him, but I only told him I was one of those plain people 
 that do not love mischief. What this fellow had said seemed to indicate 
 that the tumult, which aimed ostensibly at the Crimping Houses, had, to 
 those who were in the secret, a farther and greater object in the Church 
 and the Grovernment.” 
 
 Mart, Lady Kenyon to the Honourable George Kenyon, at 
 
 Oxford. 
 
 1389. 1794, December 3. London. — I believe Lord Fitzwilliam is 
 to go to Ireland, but should not think it will be so soon as the papers 
 say, for I know Lord Westmorland had not given any orders for any 
 of his houses to be got ready for his family in England, a very few days 
 ago, and two suns cannot shine in the same hemisphere. ... It 
 has been rumoured here that one of the Cleavers would be Primate ; 
 
 some said the Bishop of Chester, others his brother 
 
 Thel well’s trial is going on, and much stranger things are expected to 
 appear against him than those . . . ; but whether enough to convince 
 
 a London jury, time only can shew. 
 
 Charles James Fox to Lord Kenyon. 
 
 1390. 1794, — Understanding from Mr. Taylor that your 
 
 Lordship wished to knowhow far I should be able to go on with the busi- 
 ness of the impeachment tomorrow, I take the liberty of troubling you with 
 this, to let you know that I can go on tomorrow if neccessary, but that 
 I am still indisposed, and that a later day would be more agreeable to 
 me if, as I suspect from the present state of the session, this small delay 
 would not be likely materially to affect the final conclusion of the trial,” 
 Holograph. 
 
 George III. to Lord Kenyon. 
 
 1391. 1795, March 7. Queen’s House. — “The question that has 
 been so improperly patronized by the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland in 
 favour of the Papists, though certainly very properly silenced here, yet 
 seems not to have been viewed in what seems to me the strongest 
 point of view — its militating against the Coronation oath and many 
 existing statutes. I have, therefore, stated the accompanying queries 
 on paper, to which I desire the Lord Kenion will, after due consideration, 
 state his opinion in the same manner, and should be glad if he would 
 also acquire the sentiments of the Attorney-General on this most serious 
 subject.” Holograph, 
 
 Enclosure ; — “ The following queries on the present attempt to abolish 
 all distractions in religion in Ireland, with the intention of favouring 
 the Homan Catholics in that kingdom, are stated from the desire of learn> 
 ing whether this can be done without affecting the constitution of this 
 country; if not, there is no occasion to view whether this measure, in 
 itself, be not highly improper. 
 
 “ The only laws which now affect the Papists in Ireland, are the Acts 
 of Supremacy and Uniformity, the Test Act, and the Bill of Eights. 
 
543 
 
 It seems to require very serious investigation how far the King can give 
 his assent to a repeal of any one of these Acts, without a breach of his 
 coronation oath and of the Articles of Union with Scotland. 
 
 ‘‘ The construction put on the Coronation Oath by the Parliament, at 
 the Revolution, seems strongly marked in the Journals of the House of 
 Commons,^ where the clause was proposed by way of rider to the Bill for 
 establishing the Coronation Oath, declaring that nothing contained in it 
 should be construed to bind down the King and Queen, their heirs and 
 successors, not to give the royal assent to any bill for qualifying the Act 
 of Uniformity, so far as to render it palatable to Protestant Dissenters, 
 and the clause was negatived upon a division. This leads to the 
 implication that the Coronation Oath was understood, at the Revolution, 
 to bind the Crown not to assent to any repeal of any of the existing laws 
 at the Revolution, or which were then enacted for the maintenance and 
 defence of the Protestant religion, as by law established. 
 
 If the Oath was understood to bind the Crown not to assent to the 
 repeal of the Act of Uniformity in favour of Protestant Dissenters, it 
 would seem to bind the Crown full as strongly not to assent to the 
 repeal of the Act of Supremacy, as the Test Act, in favour of Roman 
 Catholics. 
 
 Another question arises from the provisions of the Act limiting the 
 succession to the Crown, by which a forfeiture of the Crown is expressly 
 enacted, if the King upon the throne should hold communication, or be 
 reconciled to, the Church of Rome. May not the repeal of the Act of 
 Supremacy, and the establishing the popish religion in any of the 
 hereditary dominions, bo construed as amounting to a reconciliation with 
 the Church of Rome ? 
 
 Would not the Chancellor of England incurr some risk in affixing 
 the great seal to a bill for giving the Pope a concurrent ecclesiastical 
 jurisdiction with the King? 
 
 “ By the Articles of Union with Scotland, it is declared to be an 
 essential and fundamental article that the King of Great Britain shall 
 maintain the Church of England, as by law established, in England, 
 Ireland, and Berwick-upon-Tweed. 
 
 “ The bargain made by England in 1782, by Yelverton’s Act, gives rise 
 to the question whether the repeal of any of the English statutes adopted 
 by that Act would not be a direct violation of the compact made by the 
 Parliament of Ireland with Great Britain.” Holograph. Seal of 
 Royal arms» 
 
 Thomas Pennant to Lord Kenyon. 
 
 1392. 1795, March 8. Downing. — On Friday I attended the meet- 
 ing respecting our internal defence. In respect to the Yeomanry- 
 Cavalry, nothing was done, and I rejoice to think that nothing can be 
 done, for it will cost more than double the remaining part of our stock. 
 “ My reasons against Yeomanry-Cavalry are inclosed. I may, to your 
 Lordship, add another, which is, that our worthy Dean is warm for it, 
 and would be real commander of this civil-military, as he is, wonderful 
 to relate, of the ecclesiastical government of the diocese.” 
 
 Mary, Lady Kenyon to the Hon. George Kenyon, at Oxford. 
 
 1393. 1795, May 25. London. — “ I need not caution either of you 
 to keep out of the way of entering into election disputes or scrapes ; it 
 is a time that calls for great circumspection and conduct, in talking as 
 well as acting, and yet, when one feels very anxious for or against, it is 
 a difficult thing to keep clear of offence. We have nothing riotous or 
 
544 
 
 troublesome yet, though Horne Tooke and Mr. Fox are busy canvasing, 
 whether together or separate, I cannot tell. Tooke lodges at Hardy’s, 
 near Covent Garden — the man that was tried. This can never help him 
 to good votes, one would think. Harry Tomkinson called here yesterday ; 
 [he] says Sir Eobert Cotton has give up in a pet, for being refused some 
 little place he had asked for, for a Cheshire man. He has given great 
 offence by doing it so suddenly. The other members have not had time 
 to canvas ; this has made Lord Grey give up, and I fancy poor Cholmon- 
 deley will come in, owing to this sudden resolution, which makes Lord 
 Stamford’s party very angry. There are five candidates for Liverpool. 
 Thelwell, we hear, is gone down to stand for Norwich. Martindale, 
 who deals at all the Faro tables, and one Philips, who keeps a gaming 
 house in St. James’s Street, are likewise trying to get into Parliament, 
 but T cannot tell you for what places. There is a violent opposition 
 at Grantham, I fear, against Mr. S. Yorke ; Sir William Manners is the 
 opponant, very rich and so tumultuous. He has already destroyed some 
 houses, and threatens to pull down the market place, and remove the 
 market to his own land in the town. At Preston, there will be an 
 opposition. The county is safe for the two old members ; so, I fancy, 
 Chester will be, but H. Tomkinson says Lord Grosvenor encouraged 
 Cholmondeley to stand for the county, for fear he should be troublesome 
 to him in the city. He likewise said there had been a deal of money lost at 
 Chester races by gaming, but as we never asked by whom, neither heard 
 of winners or losers, we were sorry to hear there had been any. There 
 are sad stories of the Prince’s behaviour to his wife ; so much, that a 
 seperation is talked of, but how that can be I do not know. It is his. 
 Lady J[ersey’s], and Mrs. Pelham’s amusement, to tease, ridicule, 
 and torment her all day. This is what is said, but one would think he 
 could never be such a brute. Mr. (sic) Kenyon must finish at Guildhall 
 to day, because they want the hall for the election.” 
 
 Mary, Lady Kenyon to Lord Kenyon. 
 
 1393a. 1795, July 16. London. — “I feel quite sorry for poor Mr. 
 Burke, and do not wonder at his retiring from the world. 
 
 We had no riot last night at all, but the night before, they were very 
 violent, wanted to get to Mr. Pitt’s house to pull it down, but were kept 
 off by the military. The Duchess of Gloucester was in great danger, 
 returning from the circus ; she was pursued by the mob, crying no 
 Eoyalty, no Pitt, till she got very near to her own house.” 
 
 The Same to the Same. 
 
 1394. [1795.] — ‘‘I met Miss H[annah] More, and her sister, today, 
 and thanked her for her book ; she says she has sold 10,000 copies ; what 
 a deal ! ” 
 
 Sir F. Buller to the Same. 
 
 1395, 1796, March 11. Salisbury. — As soon as the circuit is 
 
 finished, I shall endeavour to get a little rest and take Bath water, but 
 quiet and horse exercise are most likely to prove efficacious ; “ that the 
 leisure of the Common Pleas will [not] fully admit of. And, therefore, 
 though I shall quit your court with great reluctance, I must try the 
 effect of the other; for though I have been a judge 16 years, I dare not 
 yet ask the rude donatum, and I cannot live without it. If I get through 
 the summer well, it may set me up for 6 or 7 years longer ; but if not, 
 
 I shall hardly sit in the Common Pleas for a greater length of time than 
 Yates did.” 
 
545 
 
 Key. William Jones to the Hon. Lloyd Kenton. 
 
 1395a. 1796, July 16. Nayland. — Asking for Lord Kenyon’s 
 
 interest for a prebend. 
 
 William Pitt to Lord Kenton. 
 
 1396. 1796, July 31. Downing street. — “ On receiving your Lord- 
 ship’s letter, 1 took the earliest opportunity to apprise the King of your 
 wishes, respecting the lieutenancy of Flintshire in case of Sir Roger 
 Mostyn’s death, and have received, as I had no doubt I should, the 
 strongest assurances of his Majestie’s readiness to comply with them. It 
 might possibly, however, prevent some embarassment, that the appoint- 
 ment should be given to yourself, rather than to your son ; and, on that 
 ground, I have his Majesty’s commands to propose to you that it should 
 be so arranged.” 
 
 Lady Kenyon to the Same. 
 
 1397. 1796, November 11. — ‘‘The Dean had a little lash at you, for 
 ommitting the usual style of address, in the middle of his speech ; but 
 concluded with a high panegeric on you and } our son. I am sorry you 
 find trouble in your new honours, but as this is, I fancy, rather an 
 unusual thing, and you asked for it, I would not give it up too hastily; 
 
 it will keep these turbulent spirits in order There is a 
 
 sad story, Mr, Davies says, a duel (sic) between Mr. Puleston, Mr. Owen, 
 and Mr. Dodd, of Edge. But things are so much afioat that, Mr. 
 Davies said, it is quite dangerous to talk about it, for fear of making 
 bad worse, so that I could get at no particulars.” 
 
 Thomas Pennant to the Same. 
 
 1398. 1796, November 16. Downing. — “The faction exults 
 
 highly on the neglect of your Lordship’s agent in not producing to the 
 sheriff, on the day of election, the certificate of Sir T. M.’s birth. Mr. 
 Kenyon was advised to it by myself, at Wrexham, and he promised to 
 
 do it In these days, so notorious an affront to the laws 
 
 and constitution should not pass unnoticed; your Lordship’s conduct in 
 putting it in a train, by the offer of your son, had the applause of all 
 good men, and it is to be hoped you will proceed with the perseverence 
 and dignity worthy of yourself. I^he advertisement of thanks by 
 Sir R. W. in this day’s paper, is certainly the Dean’s, by the bad stile 
 and impudence. That profligate man has been the origin of all the 
 mischief, and merits the most exemplary punishment. He had fair 
 warning, by his trial. By the manner he has past his probation from 
 that time to this, convinces every one of his incorrigibility. I inclose 
 words attributed to him last year. One man of character would swear 
 to the words ; I think two. But such is the profligacy of many, that 
 several, I fear, would take a false oath and explain them away. I am 
 sorry to say that the Bishop, seduced by the Dean, has taken a great 
 part in encouraging the unhappy young man to persevere in standing, 
 unqualified as lie is. It is in vain to talk to the prelate, for he has an 
 implied faith in all the Dean says. If there is a possibility of calling up 
 that worthless wretch, for his dialogue, to judgement, as is asserted in 
 Mr. William Jones’s letter, it would be a happy thing. The tenor of 
 his whole conduct, from his trial in 1784, will be a full vindication of 
 the proceedings.” 
 
 73480. M M 
 
54-6 
 
 Thomas Pennant to Lord Kenyon. 
 
 1399. 1797, January 8. Downing. — “We have gone through the 
 greater part of the supplementary militia business, and that with perfect 
 good humour. I am glad to find it reduced to two battallions, one of 
 which my son will be happy to command. I imagine that Sir Thomas 
 Mostyn will take the other. Everything is at present quiescent. 
 
 Within about a week, our worthy Dean had a quarrel 
 
 with a man about a pig, which he said had trespassed on his land. A 
 quarrel arose ; the Dean levelled his gun and shot the man in his face 
 and hands, for, perceiving the attitude of the dignitary, he put bis 
 hands up to save his eyes. Enraged, he ran after the divdne with his 
 spade, but could not overtake him. I am told the affair was made up 
 with a sum of money.” 
 
 Thomas S. Champnets to Kathaniel Jepfereys, M.P., 
 
 57, Pall Mall, London. 
 
 1400. 1797, February 27. Orchard Leigh, Frome. — “ The consterna- 
 tion at Bristol, on the reports from South Wales of the French having 
 landed, is not to be described. I am just called out to head a Volunteer 
 Corps of almost all the inhabitants capable of bearing arms in Frome.” 
 
 W. D. Shipley, Dean of St. Asaph, [to Lord Kenyon]. 
 
 1400a. 1797, March 4. Bolton Street.— “ Many respectable 
 gentlemen and yeomen in that part of the county of Flint which is 
 situated at the extremity of the Vale of Clwydd are desirous of arming 
 themselves and their dependants in support of the Government they live 
 under, and for the more immediate purpose of protecting their families 
 and their property from any predatory incursions that may be attempted 
 by the enemy, on that coast. I am commissioned by them to solicit 
 your Lordship’s advice and assistance, as lieutenant of the county, upon 
 the proper measures to be taken for carrying their design into effect. 
 Whether your Lordship’s authority is sufficient, or whether application 
 must be made immediately to the Crown, and in the latter case through 
 what channel. 
 
 “ It is proposed to muster about fifty cavalry, if each man could be 
 supplied with a sabre and one pistol; and here another difficulty occurs, 
 as to how these are to be procured. Your Lordship’s commands upon 
 the subject shall be immediately communicated to the country.” 
 
 D. Pennant to the Same. 
 
 1400b. 1797, March 9. Mold. — “In reply to your favor which 
 followed me to Mold, where I have performed my duty with much 
 satisfaction from the orderly behaviour of the men, I can only thank 
 you for the honor of seeming to consult me on the purport of the Dean’s 
 letter. It seems to confine itself to the neighbourhood of St. Asaph, 
 unconnected with the association at Holywell, of which my father is 
 chairman, and your Lordship will consider in these times whether advan- 
 tage should not be taken of the infiuence even of bad men, if their self 
 interest coincides with the public good. Sir Edward Lloyd has certainly 
 offered himself to take tlie command of the Holywell Volunteers. If a 
 corps is raised nearer Pengwern, I think he had better act with that, 
 and allow me to say at the same time that if it can be done with honour, 
 
 .D 
 
647 
 
 and my country equally well served, I should be glad to exchange a 
 militia duty, which may carry me far from home, for a service more 
 congenial to domestic life, but not till the militia have gone through their 
 exercise.” 
 
 Thomas Pennant to Lord Kenvon. 
 
 1400c. 1797, March 27. Downing. — “ Do not let your Lordship 
 be surprized when I say that my opinion is much changed as to volun- 
 teer corps in general. Our corps was to be formed by the manufac- 
 turers, tradesmen, and country people, in the neighbourhood. A most 
 respectable head of our cotton manufacturers set the plan first agoing, 
 and he and friends subscribed near a fifth of the money and twenty 
 men. A sudden jealousy seized the trading part of the town and 
 some others, who, on hearing I intended to nominate Mr. Smalley, 
 the cotton manufacturer, as lieutenant, declared they would take their 
 names out of the list. This forebodes such want of subordination 
 and such want of respect to their old friend and neighbour that I 
 sincerely hope that there will be a lack of arms, and so we may be 
 dissolved quietly. Certainly the exercise of two afternoons in a week 
 will never form soldiers. I think Government perceive it, and possibly 
 are wisely damping the spirit of excess of armament ; entre nous, a 
 certain gentleman is arming without permission, and that with pikes ; 
 which, if left in the country people’s hands, may, in cases of riots, be 
 turned against ourselves.” 
 
 The Same to the Same. 
 
 1400d. 1797, April 26. Downing. — “I return with thanks the 
 enclosed; then, with great joy, congratulate your Lordship on the sup- 
 pression of the mutiny of the Port.^mouth Fleet. No calamity during the 
 whole war affected my spirits to lhat degree. Had it been democratical, 
 ruin inevitable must have followed. What could have hindred myriads 
 of Gallic banditti from pouring in on us ? ” 
 
 Lord Thurlow to the Same. 
 
 1401. 1797, June — . — “ Counsel are to be heard for the general 
 body of the surgeons against the bill on Friday next ; but the Bishop 
 of Bangor supposes that your great objection against the bill had 
 been softened, and that you have altered your opinion that the 
 surgeons are a part of the City of London. If that be so, and you 
 mean to take no more notice of it, I wish you would give me your bill, 
 with the notes upon it. I have some general prejudice against it, 
 arising from the quarter which I imagin originated it ; but more 
 seriously, I think the placing the whole corporation, consisting of 300, 
 in the present circumfurence of seven miles, or 500 in the proposed one 
 of 10 miles, under the management of 21, is too much. Perhaps the 
 popular administration of so many would be inconvenient, but I think a 
 select body of 50 or 100 would be a council to select superior officers, 
 and that they should be elected annualy. ... I think separating 
 them from the City of London may not be wrong, but it should be so 
 declared, and a new body, of a more general description, be appointed.” 
 
 Thomas Pennant to the Same. 
 
 1402, 1797, July 13. Downing. — “ From a strange mistake of the 
 volunteers imagining that they had martial law impending over them, 
 
 mm2 
 
548 
 
 we had a defection of near two thirds of the Holywell part. It was a 
 wicked report, studiously inculcated. Yesterday, they all returned true 
 penitents, except one, who knew he ouj^ht not to be received, another, 
 whose health would not permit his return, and a third, who got well 
 thrashed, and his cockade burnt by his fond wife, who would not suffer 
 him to incur the dangers of war ! My son is arrived and is indefati- 
 gable. The mutiny I allude [to] was founded on a republican, levelling 
 principle ; I inclose the infamous hand-bill circulated. The authors 
 were ashamed, and it was soon drawn in. A friend writes me word 
 that it may be a design of government to give volunteers opportunity of 
 continuing themselves ; it will certainly be a prudent measure, even 
 should peace be concluded, for the inveterate enemies of order will 
 exert every nerve to disturb and destroy our excellent constitution.” 
 
 Lord Thurlow to Lord Kenyon. 
 
 1403 . 1797, July 14. — “The surgeons bill comes on Monday next. 
 
 I expect it will take up no time. . . . The Bishops and Chancellor 
 
 are shaken ; a single jog, even your presence, would dissipate it.” 
 
 Lady Kenyon to the Same, on the Oxford Circuit. 
 
 1404 . [1797,] August 3. Peel. — “ This country is so covered 
 
 with smart new houses, all the way from Prescot to this place, it is 
 quite astonishing. St. Helens was a poor little place when I passed 
 through it, 30 years ago, and now is a very neat, pretty country town ; 
 the roads all as good broad pavements as can be.” 
 
 Thomas Pennant to the Same. 
 
 1405 . 1797, August 25. Downing. — “The volunteers of Holywell 
 
 and Whiteford gratefully acknowledge their many obligations to your 
 Lordship for procuring from Q-overnment numberless favors. We 
 received, this week, 100 stand of arms, ammunition, &c., &c. ; and an 
 army of taylors will put the volunteers in full feather, in less than a 
 fortnight. Still, I must lament that our rulers are deaf to our applica- 
 tion for a quantum of officers . . . We really and truly cannot do 
 
 without five officers. We shall have 100 privates besides non-commis- 
 sioned officers . . . . We have two pair of colours, to be carried 
 
 occasionally, besides the other duties of officers to perform ; three 
 officers cannot perform them.” 
 
 The Eev. William Jones to the Hon. George Kenyon. 
 
 1406 . 1797, September 2. [Nay land.] — “ I have left off* my 
 
 doctor and my medicines, for some days . . . It is happy I got 
 
 well, for I have enough to do in making one house answer the pur- 
 pose of two, my neighbour, Whitaker, having taken the adjoining house 
 to his own use. The room over the kitchen is now filled on every side 
 with books. ... It seems there is a son of the Bishop, a nephew of 
 Lord Thurlow, who, by Tom’s description of him, would suit so well 
 with us, that if there should be any chance of his coming, I would put 
 aside every other application and keep one place open for him. If you 
 know of any such thing in the wind, let me know of it, privately. 
 . . . . It is a matter of indifference to me whether I take another 
 
 pupil or not. 
 
 “ The case is this : my friend and pupil, Reginald Cocks, has 
 questioned me about a son of Lord Lyttelton’s, at whose house he 
 
549 
 
 now is. Do you know the young man, or does he know him ? because, 
 for your brother’s sake, and my own comfort, I shall be very tender 
 what sort of person I take into my family. Reginald, if he knows the 
 lad, would not deceive me. He is now at Rugby School, a seminary 
 not upon a level with Cheam, in my opinion, as a preparation for my 
 house .... Now I talk of pupils, I can tell you that, since your 
 brother went home, I have had a female pupil of a very unusual descrip- 
 tion. In the first place, a Quaker ; in the next place, one of the finest 
 and most amiable young women I ever saw ; allied to the first Quakers in 
 the kingdom, and the admiration of them all. Robert Barclay, the famous 
 apologist of the Quakers to Charles the Second, was her grandfather. 
 Pupils I have had, some of whom have been, to be sure, very extraordi- 
 nary, but none more so than this young woman. When I thought her 
 sufficiently instructed, we made her a Christian, by baptism, in Nayland 
 Church, and next week, to my great surprize, our William is to make 
 her his wife. Things are to be well or ill in this world, according to 
 God’s blessing, and not without; so of this, I can only say that it 
 appears well. Her name is Margaret Lindoe, and your brother Tom 
 dined with her at ray table, together with two presbyterians who intro- 
 duced her here, when I knew nothing of what was approaching. . 
 
 So you met with the little obsolete first treatise on philosophy ; I was 
 a bold man to publish it, and lost the gift of a. degree from the University 
 by it, together with some favour and reputation from the world, but — 
 floreat veritas, ruat eceLum — there is a fine prospect which deserves to 
 be opened upon the world by some man more able and more popular 
 than the curate of Nayland. If you would understand that first work 
 better, it should be compared with the introduction to the Physiological 
 Disquisitions. I wrote an Hebrew letter once to your elder brother ; 
 but of philosophy, the best piece, in ray judgment, is yet behind, 
 written in a series of letters to your friend Reginald, which he has 
 never yet seen.” 
 
 Lord Thurlow to Lord Kenyon. 
 
 1407. 1797, December 28. — “ Since I sent you my last note, I 
 have been commanded to dine with the Prince to morrow, which you 
 courtiers have settled must be obeyed. Give me leave, therefore, to 
 hope for the pleasure of seeing you and the family some other day.” 
 
 Rev. William Jones to the Hon. George Kenyon. 
 
 1408. 1798, May 13. — “ A gentleman wrote to me a while ago, from 
 Oxford, whose name is the Honourable Pearce {sic) Meade, and pro- 
 mised me a copy of Lord Clare’s speech, in answer to Lord Moira ; 
 which, as I understood, was to be sent to me through your hands, Mr. 
 Meade himself not knowing the conveyance. But it is not yet arrived, 
 and I am disappointed, for I wished to see it, Ireland being now the 
 chief point to which our attention is turned. It is now evident to me 
 that an Irish insurrection and massacre was to have been the French 
 introduction, and that they have been waiting about their coasts in 
 expectation of it ; but the plot has appeared bottom upwards, a little 
 too soon, God send the government may see an end of it, for it is a 
 perilous business. Providence seems to have been with us as in the old 
 powder plot, and the picture of the eye looking out of the cloud upon 
 the dark lanthorri of Guy Fawkes, often recurrs to my mind, which was 
 greatly delighted with it when I was a child. Thank God, we are as 
 well heie as we can expect. I sometimes remember what Lord 
 
660 
 
 Kenyon said of old Lord Camden, who took his declining years with 
 impatience, and am under some anxiety for myself, lest I should not go 
 down the hill of life with any degree of dignity or prosperity. I have, 
 therefore, good reason to say, in the simple words of Sternhold and 
 Hopkins : 
 
 ‘ Eefuse me not, O Lord, I pray. 
 
 When age my limbs doth take, 
 
 And when my strength doth waste away, 
 
 Do not my soul forsake/ ’’ 
 
 The Kbv. William Jones to Lord Kenyon. 
 
 1409 . 1798, July 1 . Kayland. — “I have just now parted with that 
 fine young man, the son of Lord Lyttelton. From the first of his 
 appearance in this house, your son and I were afraid of him, though it 
 
 was impossible not to admire him Of late, we have 
 
 been among so much of the higher pursuits of Creel?, Hebrew, and 
 philosophy, that we are fallen somewhat behind in common Latin.*' 
 
 The Same to the Hon. George Kenyon. 
 
 1410 . 1798, November 30 [Nayland]. — “The Anti-Jacobin is in 
 earnest, and will have the encouragement of the whole honest party, who 
 
 are now a very great majority I wish the Government would 
 
 lay such a tax on circulating libraries as would amount to a prohibition ; 
 they are among the chief engines of Jacobinism, and do a great mis- 
 chief; we have now got one in this paltry place, undoubtedly set up by 
 the Dissenters. ... I like squire-soldiers better than parson- 
 soldiers, of which sort, how^ever, I believe my son is one of the best in 
 the kingdom, and his corps the best disciplined. ... I rejoice with 
 you at the punishment of the booksellers. Johnson, for years past, has 
 kept the grand shop for heresy, schismatology, and rebellion, and I hope 
 Wakefield will follow in order. That fellow is one of the learned 
 ruffians of the age. If learning does not humanize, it turns man into a 
 demon, and adds him to the pedants of pandaemonium. I am not yet 
 firm enough to think with pleasure of a journey to London. My touch- 
 wood will never be turned into timber, till the resurrection, when all 
 things shall be made new. How I lament that we are never more to 
 see Brother Horne’s Apology, but in the little extracts I have from it in 
 his life ! I then wished that it might be republished, but my wishes have 
 been abortive, and I am not quite master of the reason, for I am still 
 persuaded it must do good.” 
 
 Postscript. — “ I open this letter to reassure you that Dr. Horne’s 
 Apology and Case will soon be out. Brother Stevens sees a new dawn 
 in the hemisphere, and acts accordingly, with hope and spirit. You see 
 I am detected as an author, but I hope I shall not be subject to a pro- 
 secution with G[ilbert] Wakefield. Pray ask Lord Kenyon what he 
 thinks of my case ; for they have put me in for ‘ Tom Bull ’ and ‘ Church 
 and State.’ I am now in for both ; nothing wanting now but a prosecu- 
 tion to make me as great as Horne Tooke.” 
 
 George Hill to Lord Kenyon. 
 
 1411 . 1799, June 15. St. Mary’s College, St. Andrews. — “ We have 
 observed in the newspapers that Hugh Moises, plaintiff, was non-suited 
 in an action for slander which he brought against Dr. Thornton, who 
 had called him a quack, and that on the 8th of this month, the court, in 
 which your Lordship presides, refused to grant a new trial. So long as 
 
651 
 
 the private cause was in dependance, we thought it highly improper to 
 interfere, any further than as we were called upon by the plaintiff, at 
 whose desire we subscribed our names, in presence of a commissioner 
 whom he sent from London for the purpose of authenticating the sub- 
 scriptions, which, on the 13th of April, 1798, we had adhibited to the 
 diploma by which we created him Doctor in Medicine. But now that 
 the private cause is disposed of, we hope we shall not be thought pre- 
 sumptuous if, with a grateful sense of the handsome manner in which 
 your Lordship was pleased to speak of the character of the University, 
 when you gave judgment in that cause, and from an earnest desire to 
 sustain the good opinion of a person whom all good men must honour, 
 we take the liberty of submitting to your Lordship, merely as a matter 
 of historical importance, a simple account of the manner in which this 
 University confers degrees in medicine.” [The account is appended.] 
 
 Lady Kenyon to the Hon. George Kenyon, at Peel, near 
 
 Manchester. 
 
 1412. 1799, July 4. — “ The Chief Justice is still in great danger. 
 . . . Would you believe it, the Master of the Boils sat for the 
 
 Chancellor yesterday, that he might be drilled as a light horseman in 
 the morning.” 
 
 John Walter to Lord Kenyon. 
 
 1413. 1799, July 6. Teddington Grove. — “I am impelled by grati- 
 tude to return your Lordship my sincere thanks for the favourable 
 opinion you entertain, and reported as due to my character, and I defy 
 any man, separate from political opinion, which has no doubt created 
 me many enemies, to accuse me on any act but what will appear to my 
 credit in upwards of 40 years commerce with the world. I received the 
 public thanks of a meeting held of the body of the coal trade, when I 
 resigned being their chairman, after 25 years. I pursued that business, 
 though I raised it at the envy of those I was a competitor with. I was 
 12 years an underwriter in Lloyd’s Coffee House, and subscribed my 
 name to 6 millions of property ; but was weighed down, in common 
 with above half those who were engaged in the protection of property, 
 by the host of foes this nation had to combat in the American War. 
 
 I paid all my private creditors what was due to 
 
 them, before I stopped payment. 
 
 “ I did not resort to false credit ; for such was my character, 
 that I could have raised any sum on my credit, when I stopped pay- 
 ment Neither a single note, bond, or any security, 
 
 were exhibited under the commission, but the policies of Lloyd’s 
 Coffee House. My creditors were my friends. I lived at that 
 time in Queen Square, Bloomsbury, in the house Sergeant Adair left, 
 when he went to Lincoln’s Inn Fields. No messenger was put in my 
 house, as usual under the Bankruptcy Laws. They made me a present 
 of all my household furniture, plate, and effects, which it contained, 
 gave me my certificate the very day of the third meeting, appointed me 
 to collect in above 20,000/. due to my estate, without taking any security, 
 with a per centage for collecting it, made me a present of a freehold 
 share of the Coal Exchange, which had been raised under my direc- 
 tions. With 6 children growi.ag to maturity, I was left to begin the 
 world again ; when, from the large scope of business I had been con- 
 cerned in, I might reasonably have expected an easy fortune to have 
 had the enjoyment of life with. It was difficult for me to establish 
 myself. A memorial was presented to the Minister, stating my case, 
 
552 
 
 signed by 12 of the most respectable merchants of the city of London, 
 for his appointing me to some official situation. I was personally 
 introduced to Lord John Cavendish, the Chancellor of the Exchequer, 
 by Mr. Dent, the banker, and Mr. Robert Palmer, of Great Russell 
 Street, who were trustees for the Duke of Portland, and afterwards by 
 Lord John to him, who made use of the handsome expression, ‘ That he 
 would endeavour to clear the cloud from my brow.’ But nothing 
 happened worth my acceptance, during the short time he continued in 
 administration. ' 
 
 “ Among many other projects which offered to my view, was a plan 
 to print logographically. T sat down closely to digest it, and formed a 
 fount which reduced the English language from 90,000 words which 
 were usually used in printing to 1,500, by reducing all compound words 
 into simple, and by keeping a separate case for particles and terminations. 
 By this means, I was enabled to print much faster than by taking up 
 single letters. I first printed a pamphlet dedicated to his Majesty, 
 which was presented to him by the Duke of Portland, the day before 
 he quitted the administration. I was advised to get a number of 
 nobility and men of letters to espouse it, among whom was Lord Mans- 
 field, then in your situation, to patronize the plan, to which his Majesty 
 was to have been the patron. But happening, unfortunately as it turned 
 out, to correspond on the subject with Dr. Franklin, then Ambassador 
 at Paris, whose opinion I wished for, his name was among ray list of 
 subscribers, and when it was given, among near 200 more, to the King’s 
 librarian, and a fount of the cemented words had been sent there for 
 his Majesty’s inspection and acceptance, I found an increasing coolness 
 in the librarian, and afterwards a note from him, saying the King had 
 viewed it with pleasure, but, there being no room in Buckingham 
 House, he desired I would send some person to take it away. Thus 
 ended royal patronage, and when it [the invention] was used by me in 
 business, the journeymen cabaled and refused to work at the invention, 
 without I paid the prices as paid in the common way. 
 
 “Thus all the expence and labour I had been at for some years fell 
 to the ground. In the course of conducting the printing business, 
 I was advised to publish a newspaper, as my acquaintances were 
 numerous. I succeeded in establishing it, and kept consistent to my 
 opinion to defend the administration during the Regency, when the 
 other papers veered round to the rising son (sic), though many 
 temptations were made me by individuals of the opposite party. 
 I was accustomed to receive communications from the Treasury, with 
 a private mark, by direction of one of the Under Secretaries of State ; 
 by the insertion of one of them, I was prosecuted at the instance of 
 the Prince of Wales, at the suit of the Treasury, for a Treasury offence. 
 Expecting remuneration, I gave up no author, and suffered a long and 
 painful imprisonment, under a delusion of being soon released, though 
 it lasted 16 months ; and after all the promises made me from time 
 to time, years, months, and days, have passed without any appointment 
 to print for Government or any other remuneration, and I now despair 
 of it, though had I disclosed the authors and their employers, I might 
 have escaped prosecution myself, and proved it on others. 
 
 “Now I am brought into a very disagreeable predicament, from 
 an incautious insertion of ray eldest son, on whom I have for several 
 years committed the guidance of the paper. The long confinement I 
 underwent, and want of exercise, produced a corpulence of habit, and I 
 was frequently attacked by fits of the gout. About 4 years since, I 
 gave up the management of the business and retired into the country, 
 intending to enjoy the few years I have to live in otium cum dignitate. 
 
-653 
 
 The Act made last session of Parliament, has disturbed mj quiet, and 
 involved me in difficulties. I cannot help observing, that it was unwise 
 in its formation, as it subjects innocent individuals to punishment with- 
 out intention of guilt, as the law was laid down on the trial against ine, 
 who was utterly ignorant of the paragraph complained of, till I read it 
 in the ‘ Times/ The Act has bound the proprieters, who frequently 
 have no concern in its conduct, and left free the only two persons who 
 are culpable, and should be amenable to the law — the Author and Editor 
 of a newspaper. In this case the Act is unjust, and ought at least to 
 be amended. I never knew, before the late trial, that a person, totally 
 ignorant of a fact could be tried criminally, and that a jury would find 
 a man guilty of wickedly, wilfully, and maliciously, doing an act, of which 
 it was admitted I was wholly ignorant and unconscious. Thirty years 
 ago, I was frequently on special juries, and remember many actions 
 brought civilly against principals, for the acts of their servants, by which 
 injury was sustained, but never criminally ; otherwise, I should never 
 have submitted to a general, but have given a special verdict, as, on 
 my oath, I should have conceived it contrary to every principle of 
 justice and common sense. 
 
 ^‘As for the insertion of the paragraph, it never was my idea 
 to defend it ; but when I am accused falsely by the inuendos of the 
 declaration, I considered it right to clear my character from such 
 aspersions. And there was another strong circumstance which 
 did not appear before the court, on which I mean to apply, next 
 term, for an arrest of judgment, which my counsel were instructed to 
 represent, but it past by, and I hope it will have its force ; but from 
 motives of delicacy for your high station, it would be improper to 
 mention, till it comes before the court. I believe there are few advocates 
 at the Bar who would have advised the friends of Lord Cowper to have 
 pursued the present vindictive prosecution.” Concludes by stating the 
 circumstances which led to the insertion of the paragraph of which 
 Lord Cowper complained. 
 
 J. Kyn ASTON Powell to Lord Kenton. 
 
 1414 . 1799, September 10. Hardwick. — have taken the liberty 
 of enclosing the Curzon case. ... I possess volumes of papers, now 
 properly scheduled ; but I do not wish to trouble your Lordship further 
 than to request your opinion, whether there is ground for me to 
 prosecute my claim to the barony in question. My grandfather was 
 oppressed by Sir Kobert Walpole, and by ill health. He petitioned 
 in 1731. The petition, and the counter petition of the Curzous, were 
 referred, as usual, to the Committee of Privileges. The Committee 
 heard evidence, and then adjourned by order of the House — first from 
 week to week, and then by fortnights, to the end of the session of 
 Parliament. My grandfather did not renew the petition, and the Curzons 
 could not, as their claim was in abeyance.” 
 
 The Same to the Same. 
 
 1415 . 1799, September 18. Hardwick. — “I feel myself highly 
 obliged by the indulgence granted me of leaving the papers. By that, 
 I do not wish to give any unreasonable trouble, but to request your 
 Lordship’s opinion, whether my claim appears to be such as to justify 
 the prosecution of it — that is, that I may not throw away my time, or, 
 what is more valuable to me, my moneyy on a fruitless or wild scheme. 
 Government will not, I trust, cast delays or obstacles in my way, as Sir 
 Robert Walpole did against my grandfather. I shall ask them but for 
 
554 
 
 justice, and to allow me to stand on equal terms with my opponents (if 
 I have any), so that alliance, wealth, and great connections, may not 
 weigh down a country gentleman petitioning for what he conceives his 
 birth-right/’ 
 
 George Rose to Lord Kenyox. 
 
 1416. 1799, October 24. Old Palace Yard. — The second Spanish 
 frigate is taken ; the two have, I really believe, more than 800,000/. 
 worth of silver. It comes very opportunely.” 
 
 Henry Clive to the Hon. George Kenyon, at Clifton, Bristol. 
 
 1417. 1800, June 23. London. — ‘‘Did not Erskine’s apology, for 
 his defending Hatheld, make you smile ? What stuff to say he shewed 
 his loyalty and affection to his sovereign best by complying with the 
 prisoner’s request; I believe he could not refuse. Hatfield has not 
 shewn any symptoms of madness, I think, in chosing one whose elo- 
 quence can touch the feelings of a jury, and another whom we must 
 allow to be best in his profession.” 
 
 Lady Kenyon to Lord Kenyon, on the Home Circuit. 
 
 1417a. 1800, July 19. London. — Referring to the rain, she says : — 
 “We had a deal here, but luckily not to incommode Lady Gray and me 
 in our visit to St. James’s. She was so good to send the coach at half- 
 past one. I called for her, and she brought me back to this door at 10 
 minutes past 3. The King asked where you was (sic), how you did, and 
 whether you had not altered the places on the circuit this year. 1 told 
 him you never thought it right to do so, but wished to keep to settled rules. 
 ‘That is right, that is right,’ [he said]. He likewise asked how Judge 
 Buller did. The Chancellor was surrounded with black gowns. . . . 
 
 Mansfield looked well pleased, and is to set out for the circuit to-day. 
 His Honour says he has been in a great fidget about it, but seems satisfied 
 at last. Sir Richard Arden dines here to-day ; he called this morning, and 
 stayed some time. He tells me Sir John Scott’s title is Lord Eldon ; the 
 one he had fixed on, we heard, gave offence to some noble family it had 
 formerly belonged to — Lord Derwentwater’s, I think he said — and Eldon 
 is Sir J. Scott’s own property in Durham, and can offend nobody. Lord 
 Carlton, of Ireland, Sir William Scott, and the Master of the Rolls, 
 were all at Court, so were the two Lady Elgins ” 
 
 Thomas Erskine to [the Same]. 
 
 1418. 1800, October 15. Hampstead. — “ I have heard of some 
 desponding expressions which fell from you, most naturally, in the 
 moment of affliction, which pointed towards retirement. You may 
 remember that you consulted me, many years ago, before you became 
 Chief- Justice, when I was less your friend, because I knew you less, 
 and when I was less capable, from years and experience, to advise you. 
 
 I now give my advice unasked. Let nothing (whilst your health 
 remains) induce you to quit your station. The sudden transition from 
 great activity to retirement, unless as vigour ebbs and calls naturally for 
 ease, ever has been, and ever will be, mortal to mind and body. You 
 have, besides, great duties to perform. You are perfectly right in the 
 view you have taken of the evils arising from the high prices of pro- 
 visions, and of the law which visits and corrects them. I have looked 
 at the subject since we met, and am sure of what I say. The war, un- 
 doubtedly, and the vast circulation of paper, increases the public suffer- 
 ing ; but, depend upon it, the whole system of trade in provisions 
 
555 
 
 has been entirely changed. There are now only great landholders (the 
 farmers) and great merchants with great capitals, in lines which were 
 not formerly considered as the occupations of merchants. They sweep 
 the whole country before them, in the purchase of the necessaries of life, 
 and they command the markets. I have talked with Fox, who thinks 
 all this is visionary (taught, I suppose, in other days, by Burke), but 
 who has not, in the least, convinced me. I have not found a case, 
 almost, in which I have been consulted, that the common law will 
 not reach; and perhaps that is one of the evils attending the repeal of 
 the statutes ; they served at once as helps and as qualifications of the 
 common law, in cases where its principles might have reached too 
 
 far We have always differed, my dear Lord, upon political 
 
 questions, and, above all, upon that grand'one, which I am affraid, if not 
 attended to, will materially affect us all — I mean this ruinous war. But 
 I have always been steadily your friend, from a thorough conviction that 
 you act frojn your conscience and feelings in all things, and from the 
 recollection that you have never ceased to be mine.” 
 
 William Wilberforce to Lord Kenyon. 
 
 1419. 1801, January 9. ‘‘ Near London.” — Some words which 
 
 dropped from your Lordship, as the newspapers reported, intimated that 
 you conceived it not impracticable to impose and enforce a maximum 
 price for corn. I own frankly, and I have made no secret of my opinion, 
 that I think it would be a perfectly just measure, but I fear it could not 
 be carried into execution. Ever since I heard of your Lordship’s 
 declaration, I meant to request your Lordship to be so kind as to open 
 to me a little on this subject, and I still should be happy to hear your 
 Lordship’s sentiments.” 
 
 The King to the Same. 
 
 1420. 1801, February 13. Queen’s House. — “The King judges 
 that, the term being over. Lord Kenyon probably has a day or two 
 of leisure, previous to his sittings ; should that be the [case], Lis 
 Majesty would be desirous of seeing Lord Kenyon here to-morrow. 
 But if that is inconvenient, on Sunday, at one.” Holograph. 
 
 Lord St. Vincent to the Same. 
 
 1421. 1801, February 15. Mortimer. — “ I have many apologies to 
 make for waiting upon your Lordship at so late an hour last night, but 
 m}^ time is so much occupied (as you may imagine) at present, I cannot 
 command it. The principal object of my visit was to inform your Lord- 
 ship that I am extremely desirous to name my near relation, Mr. Thomas 
 Jervis, to succeed Mr. Percival at the Admiralty, and I only wait your 
 Lordship’s sanction, as to his fitness for the office, to do it.” 
 
 Lord Loughborough to the Same. 
 
 1422. 1801, February 26. — “ It appears to me a possible case, that, 
 in the administration of justice upon the ensuing circuits, a case may 
 occur which would extremely embarrass the several Judges. There are 
 Acts which, being passed for a limited time after the commencement of 
 the next session, may possibly be contended to have expired during the 
 time of the assizes ; and the question, as it seems to me, will turn on the 
 point, what constitutes the commencement of a session, or, as in the 
 present case, of a session of Parliament. This may either be (1) the 
 
666 
 
 day at which, by the writs of proclamation and summons, the Lords and 
 Commons are ordered to be at the place to which they are called ; or (2) 
 the day on which the House of Commons, by virtue of the King’s appro- 
 bation of their choice of a Speaker, is formed into an active body; or (3) 
 the day on which, by the King in person opening* the causes of calling 
 the Parliament, both Houses are constituted deliberative bodies, and 
 each, according to ancient form, proceds to what is stiled opening the 
 session by reading a Bill. 
 
 “ I have only to state the question, and to refer your Lordship to all 
 that I know relative to it, which is in Mr. Hatsell’s Book, vol. ii., 
 p. 288, and to what your own memory will suggest, at the unhappy 
 period of Koven.ber, 1788. I submit to your judgement whether 
 it would not be right to apprize the Judges of the possibility which 
 I forsee, of this question arising when they are separated, and of the pro- 
 priety of their holding some communication upon it, that an equal rule 
 may (if it can) be observed in all places. My constant, zeal for the 
 public service dictates this address to your Lordship. It is no neccessary 
 function of that station from which his Majesty was graciously pleased 
 to permit me to retire, but with which, unfortunately, I still remain 
 charged, and shall, under the most trying circumstances, continue to 
 execute on all necessary points, as long as it is the will of God that 
 I should be so committed. I should have equally troubled you with 
 this notice, had I been entirely and officially discharged, from the zeal 
 I shall ever entertain for the honour of that profession which has ever 
 been so kind to me above my deserts.” 
 
 Postscript. — “ I shall send to Lord Eldon and to the Lord Chief 
 Baron, a short note to the same effect.” 
 
 Lady Kenyon to Mrs. Kenyon, at Chester. 
 
 1423. 1801, March 2. London. — Poor Pepper looks sadly; had 
 
 been very ill the night before, but was better. He has lost his own self- 
 approbation by not exerting [himself] in this great point against Pitt, who 
 has behaved in the most shameful way ; and almost everybody says so, 
 when they dare speak out. But such mincing, foolish things are said to 
 paliate for Pitt’s going out, as disgrace people one never suspected being 
 wrong in so material a point as religious support. My dear Lord 
 is worth a host of them, and has made many look about them by his 
 plain, open-spoken reproof. Do not expose poor Pepper. Leycester is 
 in the same paliating mood, and thinks an oath should be made to suit 
 Pitt’s coming in again, I believe. I have never named this even to Lord 
 Kenyon. Let people get right if they can, and Pitt stay out till he 
 learns to know the value of such a King as he has forsaken, in a most 
 perilous moment. Abbott (would you believe it ?) is to be Secretary of 
 State for Ireland ; live here during Parliament, and in Ireland the rest 
 of the year ” 
 
 “ Young people can hardly guess how far they may be forced to mix 
 in the world. Who would have thought little Abbott would have been 
 a Secretary of State I ” 
 
 Perigrina Kenyon to the Samb. 
 
 1424. 1801, March 9. — “ I am more shocked at 
 
 the loose faith and want of right principles in this kingdom, both 
 in Church and State, than I hoped had been in our Christian Church. 
 I pray God support us steadily in it, and the sooner we get out of this 
 
 world the better Thank God, my brother is firm and right 
 
 as anything can be, and not afraid to declare it, in an open, positive 
 
557 
 
 manner, that does him honour ; says Mr. Pitt has behaved vilely (whicli 
 he has), and is the most ungrateful, unfeeling man that ever was born. 
 But when be deserts his King of Kings, no wonder he forsake[s] his 
 earthly one. Poor Pepper is so wavering, and Pitt bitter, that he frets 
 and wearits (sic) himself that I should think his health will give way. 
 He knows it is wrong, and yet worldly interests, and [the] uncertainty 
 which turn things will tahe, make him net at all know what to do or say. 
 
 “Kow do you know that [the] opposition are rejoicing in the King’s 
 recovery, for they have found out that the Prince of Wales was determined 
 to keep Mr. Pitt in as Prime Minister, as so good a friend to the Roman 
 
 Catholics "J'hey have had a great many meetings, and 
 
 Pitt and many of them would have been glad the poor King could have 
 been proved mad, that there might have been a Regency. But, thank 
 God, the King’s recovery put? an end to this. This day the doctors 
 would have been summoned to give an account, but now he is known to 
 be so much better, they will wait. I supose the Marquis of Bucking- 
 ham and his Lady have been very violent for this imancipation ; so much 
 so, that my brother was told from the first authority, that at Court, when 
 Lady B. should have thanked for the title the King had given her and 
 her eldest son, she would not speak to the King. But do not name 
 this to any one, that it should get out, as you know where it came 
 from 
 
 “ The account to day was not so good; again it was the high fever 
 returned in the night, and was not yet subsided, so what they will do yet, 
 heaven only knows. I hope he will get well, and Pitt keep out. Sure 
 abilities may be found with good Church principles. His letters and 
 arguments were so positively wrong, you would have no patience; but 
 be sure do not betray n»e. I shall be hanged for telling, and the good 
 master, though steady to what was right, spoke with so much kindness 
 and sorrow to part with him, that he was a hard, unfeeling mortal. You 
 would have thought by his stile that he was the master and the other 
 the inferior. Mr. Abbot is to be Secretary for Ireland ; but the 
 papers will soon tell you what they are to be, and who will come 
 in.” 
 
 Margaret, Lady Hanmer to the Hon. George Kenyon. 
 
 1425. 1801, Good Friday. Bettisfield. — “I should be glad to hear 
 
 our good King had been to pay his usual Easter visit to my dear uncle ; 
 when the weather is fit, going to the sea, I should think, would help to 
 re-establish his health I dare say the Marquis of Buck- 
 
 ingham is too great and grand to think as I do ; but to me it appears as 
 if the family of Grenville had much to regret tliat he had married 
 a Roman Catholic, however delightful and charming she may be, as 
 I have always understood she is ; perhaps the more to be regreted, 
 in consequence, from that very reason.” 
 
 Lord Eldon to the King. 
 
 1426. 1801, May 5 , 9 a. m. — “The Lord Chancellor, tendering to 
 your Majesty his most humble duty, offers also Lord Kenyon’s, 
 Sir J. Mitford’s, and his own most grateful acknowledgements for the 
 testimony of regard, which they learn from the communication, trans- 
 mitted through Mr. Strong, it is your Majesty’s gracious purpose to 
 bestow, by appointing them trustees of part of your Majesty’s property. 
 They all hope that 3 our Majesty will find, in a conscientious discharge 
 of their duty as such, a proof of their earnest desire to manifest their 
 gratitude. 
 
568 
 
 ‘‘ Your Majesty’s Chancellor presumes to add, that, highly as he should 
 have thought himself honoured under any circumstances by such a 
 testimony of your Majesty’s regard, he cannot but feel particular 
 satisfaction in being associated in this trust, with persons whose advice 
 and assistance he knows to be highly valuable, with one from whom, in 
 the course of his professional life, he has received marks of kindness 
 almost parental, and with another with whom he has long lived in 
 habits of brotherly regard, and of both of whom he can most truly 
 represent to your Majesty that, in private life as well as in public, their 
 conduct has been uniformly and strongly marked by a dutiful, anxious, 
 afPectionate, and loyal attatchmeiit to your Majesty.” 
 
 Mary, Lady Kenyon to the Hon. Gteorge Kenyon. 
 
 1427. 1801, July 11. — I asked Leger (?) how the Chancellor and 
 Lord Alvanley were liked in their courts ; he says the first is very 
 great in his manner of doing business. His summing up is very 
 instructive and great, but takes too much time, as he gives his full 
 reasons for his judgement, in all cases, which can never get on, and he 
 complains he finds it hard work. Lord Alvanley does extremely well 
 in his business, but talks to the jury and witnesses so much, it lets down 
 the dignity of the court, and as this is more publick than the Rolls, it is 
 much to be lamented.” 
 
 The Hon. George Kenyon to Lady Hanmer. 
 
 1428. 1801, Kovember 8. Lincoln’s Inn. — Mr. F. Filmer was 
 one of the callers ; he pointed out to me an excellency in his coat, 
 which 1 should not have discovered (it looked as other coats do), 
 that it was waterproof ; and said that there was a method used by a 
 man at Chelsea which would make muslin or the thin bank note paper 
 waterproof. 
 
 Mary, Lady Kenyon to her sisters. 
 
 1429. 1801, November 29. London. — “I was most kindly received 
 on Thursday. The King asked how my dear Lord did, hoped business 
 was of use to him, said he was doing all he could to keep these 
 forestallers in order, and thought they would feel it ; seemed pleased 
 
 with what he had done about Waddington I never felt 
 
 Court so oppressive and unpleasant as this week.” 
 
 M. Lee to the Dowager Lady Kenyon. 
 
 1429a. 1805, September 20. Staindrop.^ — By the death of Sir 
 
 William Pulteney, 40,000/. per annum devolves on our neighbour. Lord 
 Darlington, and since, that excellent Miss Lowther, after a long and most 
 severe suffering from a cancer, is released, and she has left Lady 
 Darlington 40,000/. Lady Darlington is at a hunting place near 
 Doncaster. She is said to be better than she was last year, but I am afraid 
 she is in a very delicate state of health. Hears that Lord and Lady 
 Darlington intend to fit up, each year, two rooms in their venerable 
 old castle ; “ this year they have fitted up a drawing room and a bed- 
 chamber and dressing room, the former in the Chinese stile, the latter, 
 I suppose, the same as the furniture, in chintz ; the bed has something 
 the appearance of a Persian tent. This appartment is stiled ‘the Prince’s,’ 
 and is not to be used until his Royal Highness has occupied it, which, it 
 is said, he means to do next summer. In the bedchamber are an arm 
 
559 
 
 chair and sofa ; in the dressing room, a sofa and a small chair, the back 
 upright (this is called a dressing chair), and I think there is a stool or 
 two. The drawing room is so full of various articles, painted glass, 
 transparent lamps, china, furniture, etc , that there is no describing it ; 
 the paper is India, the curtains blue (chintz they call it), with scarlet 
 drapery, the carpet plain mulberry cloth, with a scarlet cloth, about a 
 yard wide, with a small pattern black border, laid over the carpet, loose 
 both length ways and across ways ; the toute ensemble is certainly very 
 handsome. I hope, however, they will not entirely adopt this newly 
 adopted eastern stile, but will fit up some of the apartments in what 
 seems to old fashioned folk the true taste of that Pile Gothick.” 
 
 Lord Kenyon to Lady Kenyon. 
 
 1430. 1806, May 28. — “ 1 am not sure, however, that 
 
 I shall feel justified in leaving town before the case of Miss Seymour 
 is considered, I feel so extreme a horror at the Prince’s intentions on 
 that subject.” I met at dinner at Mr. Percival’s, Mr. Leycester, who 
 brought me home in his carriage as far as Pall Mall. We were talking 
 all the way about Lord Melville’s case, about which he is quite a 
 partizan. I am afraid there are but few persons in the House who 
 intend to endeavour to do strict justice in that business. I do not 
 expect that there will be a perfect acquital, though I am not sure 
 whether that may not turn out to be the only mode of not doing 
 injustice. From the framing of the articles of impeachment, I understand 
 people will endeavour to drive conscientious persons away, by including 
 a good number of charges in different articles, and persuading folks they 
 cannot justly vote not guilty, without being convinced that there is no 
 ground for any charge. I for one will not be so barafoozled {sic^. If they 
 choose to reduce it to distinct charges, that a vote may take place on 
 each ground, which in itself may constitute a charge, I shall be very 
 well satisfied to vote guilty to a certain extent ; but if they will not do 
 that, then I shall not hesitate to vote ‘ not guilty,’ as nothing can be 
 more unjust than to drive away those voters who do not allow of the 
 charges to a high extent, by mixing up the articles. 1 think that there 
 can be no question but that if you do not think a person guilty of the 
 article to the extent alleged in it, that the just course is to vote that he 
 is ‘ not guilty ’ of it. That, at least, is my perfect conviction on the 
 subject.” 
 
 The Same to the Same. 
 
 1431. 1896, June 1. London. — “I have had a long and very 
 pleasant walk to day with Mr. Illingworth, in Kensington Gardens, and 
 saw all the extreme crowd there about 3 o’clock, and between that and 4. 
 The most conspicuous figure was Mr. Skefiington, with Miss Duncan 
 leaning on his arm. He is so great an author that all which is done is 
 thought correct, and not open to scandal. To be sure, they looked 
 rather a comical pair, she with only a cap on, and he with his curious 
 whiskers and sharp sallow face.” 
 
 The Same to the Same. 
 
 1432. 1807, March 6. ‘ Warrens.’— ‘‘ The^ Prince of Wales was 
 at the concert on Wednesday, [and] looks extremely altered, and it is 
 said is really in a very bad way. Lord Curzon was there, looking very 
 well; said he had that morning seen the Prince’s apothecary, Mr. Walker, 
 
who said he did not drink a drop of wine. Lord C. told him that would 
 not do, after all his full habits ; he said it would. . . . He and the 
 
 Chancellor have completely quarrelled.” 
 
 Lord Kenyon to Lady Kenyon. 
 
 1433 . 1807, March 21. ‘Warrens.’ — Is coming to Shropshire, but 
 fears his stay will be short, as he must be in London again to attend 
 
 Parliament “ if they try to pass the K[oman] Catholic Bill 
 
 I hear Sheridan says he has heard of people running their heads 
 against a wall, but never knew, till now, of people making a wall to run 
 their heads against ! ” 
 
 Kobert Howarth, of the 95th “ Rifle Regiment,” to his father. 
 
 1434 . 1807, September. — “I shall give you an account of what 
 has happened since I left England. I embarked on board the Urania^ 
 transport, at Harwich, on the 25th of July, and remained in harbour 
 till the 1st of August, when we set sail and arrived safe on the coast of 
 Denmark, on the 9th, and anchored close under Elsinore Castle, one of 
 the strongest places T ever saw in my life. We remained there till the 
 16th, when we lauded within a few miles of Copenhagen and marched 
 up the country. Early the next morning, the 17th, we came within 
 about two miles of the city, when we were ordered to halt at some 
 small villages to get some refreshment. About two o’clock, our regiment 
 was ordered to advance upon their outposts, which were about one mile 
 from the town. We marched down upon them without firing one shot ; 
 but when they perceived we advanced, they began to fire upon us with 
 their artillery very smartly, but without effect. We gained our position 
 within one mile of the city and remained there till the 21st, during 
 which time the enemy kept up a brisk fire from their battery upon us, 
 and we had severe skirmishes with their outposts and piquets ; but early 
 in the morning of the 21st, our regiment was ordered out to drive them 
 all into the town if possible. We marched down upon them with as 
 little noise as possible, and was (s 2 c) ordered not to fire till we came close 
 to them, when we fired a few shot at them. When they perceived us, 
 they gave way, and we took up our position over the first drawbridge, 
 and drove them over the second. 
 
 “ On the 25th, the whole of the array was ordered under arms, 
 about two o’clock in the afternoon, and received orders to advance 
 upon the town. We all thought that we were going to make the grand 
 attack, but we only drove them all from their batteries, and made 
 them to fly into the city, the only place left them to go to, for we had 
 the possession of the suburbs, and the action lasted about two hours, 
 during which time the enemy lost a great number of men, killed, 
 wounded, and prisoners. Our regiment had only one man wounded and 
 none killed, for we have always the best chance, although we are 
 always in front of the rest of the regiment, being riflemen. On the 
 26th, the light brigade, consisting of 9 companies of our regiment, the 
 43rd, 52nd, 92nd, and two brigades of artillery, with four troops of the 
 Grerman legion light dragoons, was ordered to the rear of the army to 
 attack an army of the enemy that we heard was coming to attack our 
 army in the rear ; their strength was reported to be between 8,000 
 and 9,000. We marched three days, and could hear nothing of them till 
 late on the 28th. On the 29th, we marched early in the morning to a 
 town called Kioge, where we were informed the enemy was. About ten 
 o’clock we came in sight of the town, where we halted, and sent the 
 
661 
 
 artillery and light dragoons in front of the town. When the enemy 
 perceived them, they began to fire on them from their batteries. We 
 were then ordered to fall in, and marched up to the town. Our 5 com- 
 panies of the first battalion, which I belong to, were ordered out to the 
 front of the other regiments. The action began a little before eleven 
 o’clock and continued till about five in the afternoon. When we began 
 to advance upon the town they fired very smartly both great and small 
 guns. When we came within 50 yards of the enemy, our five companies, 
 that were in front, were ordered to the rear of the other regiments to let 
 them charge, but they would not go, so we gave three cheers and 
 charged them ourselves, with three companies of the 92nd and two 
 troops of light horse. We drove them all out of the town with great 
 loss on the enemy’s side. We pursued them for two or three miles into 
 the country. 
 
 “ When all was over, we found ourselves in possession of 9 pieces of 
 cannon, besides a great number of ammunition and provision waggons, 
 and fifteen hundred prisoners. That day, and the two following days, 
 their own account of their killed, wounded, and prisoners, are, 
 840 killed and wounded, and 3,100 prisoners. On the 6th of Sep- 
 tember, the city of Copenhagen surrendered, after being burning two 
 days and nights, and the same day there was a great quantity of money 
 taken that they were sending away. The whole amount of money taken 
 is twenty one millions and some thousands, but you will hear more in 
 the papers than I am able to tell you in a letter. Do not write again, as 
 we expect to leave this place in a short time, as we have nothing more to 
 do here, and British soldiers must not lie idle at this time.” Copy. 
 
 John Gifford to Lord Kenyon. 
 
 1434:A. 1807, October 18. Penge Cottage, Bromley. — I have, for 
 some time, been busily engaged with the political life of Mr. Pitt, which 
 I have undertaken to finish by the month of April. The task is a 
 laborious one, and requires constant attention. Mr. York had originally 
 engaged to write one half of it, but after some months, at a time when I 
 thought he was considerably advanced in the work, he declined to write 
 it, and the whole burden was thrown upon myself. I am pretty far 
 advanced in the second volume (it is to extend to four), but the difficulty 
 I have experienced in obtaining information, even from some of Mr. Pitt’s 
 bosom friends, has rendered the task extremely irksome to me ; indeed, 
 nothing but the prospect of pecuniary emolument could have led me 
 to persevere in it under such dispiriting circumstances. You will 
 scarcely believe that the Bishop of Lincoln refused to give me the 
 smallest information respecting the last moments of Mr. Pitt, or even 
 to assign the motives lor his conduct. Lord Chatham, too, never 
 answered the letter which I wrote to him on the subject. On the other 
 hand, the Marquis Wellesley, Lord Melville, and Mr. Charles Long have 
 been as friendly and communicative as I could wish them to be. 
 
 Lord Ellenborough to the Same. 
 
 1434b. 1811, November 7. St. James’ Square. — The writer of the 
 inclosed letter is entirely a stranger to me. I find he has written a 
 similar letter to several of the judges, in respect to which they all think 
 as I do. I shall not answer him myself nor, perhaps, should have 
 noticed his application at all, if it had not been for the mention he has 
 introduced of your lordship’s name. As I feel an anxiety, second only 
 to that of your lordship’s, that so delicate and important a subject as 
 
 73480. K N 
 
562 
 
 the writing of the history of the life of my virtuous and very learned 
 predecessor should not be committed to any but the most able, judicious, 
 and respectable hands, I am induced to request that your lordship will 
 pause, and inquire very fully respecting the fitness of the proposed 
 biographer for the work he is desirous of undertaking, before he receives 
 any more avowed countenance from your lordship on this subject. 
 Your lordship may recollect how very little Lord Mansfield’s celebrity 
 was advanced by the indiscreet life of him by Holliday. I am not 
 aware that Mr. Blagdon is at all likely to perform his task better. The 
 lives of the most distinguished persons in the law contain little of 
 interest for the world at large. Their history is best to be found in 
 their judgments and in the other recorded memorials of the courts in which 
 they sat. If, however, your lordship should, from motives the most 
 respectable, still incline that a life of your excellent father should be 
 published, I am sure your lordship will forgive me when I suggest the 
 propriety of considering well the description and character of the person, 
 his talents and means of knowledge upon such a subject, before he is 
 handed forth to the world as the authorized biographer of the late Lord 
 Kenyon.” 
 
 H. Hanmer to his father. 
 
 1435. 1813, June 22. Salvatierra. — “Yesterday was gained one 
 of the greatest victories of our country and one, perhaps, of more im- 
 portance in its consequences than any hitherto in the Peninsula. The 
 battle of Vittoria will ever be esteemed another proof of British superiority, 
 and a lasting monument of the talents of our great general. Vittoria is 
 situated in a valley about four miles in breadth but the ground is 
 uneven and intersected with ditches. The hills on our right are con- 
 siderable and woody ; on the east is an unfordable river protected also 
 by hills. The enemy had taken up an excellent position, their right on 
 the river, their left on the heights. Our army advanced in three 
 columns — the right commanded by Sir Rowland Hill, the left by Sir 
 Thomas Graham, the centre by Lord Wellington. The action was 
 begun [by] Sir Rowland Hill attacking along the heights, and the enemy, 
 though retiring, fought resolutely for some hours, especially in the 
 village, which was charged and carried by the light division. Owing 
 to some impediments in the roads, General Graham’s column was an 
 hour or more behind its time, which caused some loss to General Hill. 
 However, it came up about 11 o’clock, and immediately attacked and 
 turned the enemy’s right ; now the action became general. 
 
 “ We advanced by the great centre road and the enemy retired to their 
 second position, suffering immensely from our artillery. This they main- 
 tained but a short time, and after driving them through Vittoria to their 
 east, it became a complete rout, and nothing but night saved them from 
 annihilation. Though the longest day in the year, we thought it too short 
 for our successes, and never saw the sun go down with such regret. The 
 progress of our brigade I have marked with red ink, in the hasty plan I 
 have sent you of the battle, though in the midst of the enemy. Neither 
 their Imperial Guards nor infantry would wait our charge, but fled 
 immediately at our approach. We lost some horses by the cannonade, 
 but, fortunately, had only one man wounded. The distance we drove 
 the enemy during the action was upwards of three leagues. We have 
 taken 132 pieces of cannon, all they had but two howitzers, the military 
 chest, containing an immense treasure, the whole of King Joseph’s 
 baggage, plate, diamonds, carriages, and other valuables, together with 
 that of all the other generals and officers of that immense army. The 
 
563 
 
 number of prisoners I have not yet heard. Our loss has been consider- 
 able, upwards, I fear, of 3,000. 
 
 We are now following up our successes, and shall inevitably cut off 
 two more corps of the enemy that were coming to support the defeated 
 army. Marshal Jourdan commanded, but his dispositions and arrange- 
 ments were overruled by the King, who thought himself quite secure 
 in his position, and bears now all the blame of the defeat. It is the 
 opinion that Spain will be entirely liberated from the French in three 
 months. I can only add that I am quite well, and that the brigade 
 obtained the approbation of Lord Wellington, for its behaviour and 
 activity in all parts of the action.” 
 
 Lady Kenyon to her Son, at Christ Church, Oxford. 
 
 1436. [1814,] November 17. Marlborough. — “Now for my jour- 
 ney, but it is well you do not name any difficulty to your father, as I 
 have not yet told him, nor mean to do so, in full. We set out at ^ past 6, 
 with William Thor})e’s two horses, and John to drive, and the .... 
 mare for Charles ; us three in the chaise. We left London in such 
 peaceful repose it grieved one to think what a tumult it might be in, in 
 a few hours. We went on well, met a large party of ‘ Blues ’ going to 
 town, and before we got to Cranford Bridge, our poor horses smoked 
 and sweated so sadly (with over feed, I fancy) I feared they would not do 
 well. There we got hay and water, and got to Salt Hill at past 10 
 and stayed two hours, and got well to Reading before five. We met 
 another strong party of soldiers before we got to Maidenhead, which 
 were sent for to quell a riot at Iver and Slough, about corn. ... I 
 never left your father with so much regret as now. I thought there 
 was danger of riot from so full a meeting as was expected at West- 
 minster ; but, thank God, all was quiet at 4 yesterday, and [I] trust 
 remained so.” 
 
 Rev. W. Allen to Lord Kenyon. 
 
 1437. 1815, April 22. Bolton. — “ As for Mr. Jones, I am sure that 
 our venerable establishment never had a firmer friend than he was. The 
 very name of ‘ Nayland Jones ’ makes all the Unitarians and Methodists 
 tremble.” 
 
 Robert Southey to 
 
 1438. 1816, November 12. Keswick, — “I am glad to hear of your 
 safe return and of your good progress on the Continent. Lord Kenyon 
 has sent me one of your letters (that from Yverdon, Aug. 1), and I 
 am looking with some eagerness for another, which is to tell me concern- 
 ing Pestellozzi. Do not fail to let me see your correspondence with the 
 French authorities, and all the minutes which you have made upon your 
 travels. You know how much these (?) things interest me, and the 
 knowledge may be made useful. We have had Mr. Nash with us during 
 the summer — the artist who was our fellow traveller in the Low Countries 
 and made my Waterloo drawings. If when you return to town, and are 
 in the neighbourhood, and will call at No. 6, George Street, Hanover 
 Square, he will show you a drawing of the twins, with which you will 
 be pleased, and sundry other memoranda of this house and its inhabi- 
 tants. The Beaumonts were also in Keswick, but the birds of passage 
 have all taken their departure now ; premature winter has set in, and I 
 am settled to my desk for the dark season, with little heart to stir from 
 it, or set foot beyond my own threshold, for there is an end to my 
 
 N N 2 
 
564 
 
 morning walks. My spirits carry a fair outside, and are, indeed, as well 
 as they will ever be ; nor do I, nor ought I, to complain of them. Not 
 an hour passes in which I do not feel the change. Scarcely a circum- 
 stance occurs that does not bring it home to my heart ; but the result is 
 a composure of mind, a livelier faith, and an habitual aspiration after 
 that state of existing in which our enjoyment shall be permanent. 
 
 Part of that paper upon the lower classes, which you are pleased to 
 commend, came from my own immediate feelings. If it was the system 
 of our Church to admit volunteers, I should gladly becom.e one. And I 
 am inclined to think that something of the kind would be the best means 
 of preventing her overthrow. Very easily might she have Methodists 
 of her own ; all of them would else be enlisted against her. But I 
 think seriously of girding up my loins for an arduous undertaking — that 
 of writing upon the present state of things — fully, unreservedly, and 
 with my whole heart. What I have done in the Quarterly has been by 
 piecemeal, and has generally suffered something by repression on my 
 part, and much afterwards by the editor’s mutilations. But knowing 
 as I do what has been in the world and seeing, as I believe, farther 
 before me than most of my contemporaries, it may be in my power 
 to produce such an estimate of the wants as might possibly avert great 
 danger, or lead to great benefits \ and, if I have the power, the sin of 
 omission would in this case be a heavy one. Another month or six 
 weeks will clear off immediate business and provide for my ways and 
 means. Meanwhile, these thoughts will ferment and ripen. All here 
 desire their love. Believe me, my dear sir, most truly and affectionately 
 yours. Holograph. 
 
 Christopher Wordsworth to Lord Kenyon, at Gredington. 
 
 1438a. 1816, December 5. The Rectory House, Lambeth. — “ So far as 
 I understand Mr. Southey’s views, from the partial disclosure contained 
 in his letter, I apprehend his inclination leads him to set about the giving 
 an estimate of the religious, moral, and, perhaps, political (in the more 
 elevated sence of the term) state of the country, particularly with 
 regard to the deficiencies in these several respects, and to such remedies 
 as might be suggested. The term ‘ estimate,’ used by him, leads me to 
 suppose that he may have had in his thoughts what was done by Dr. 
 Brown, something more than half a century ago, in his ‘ Estimate of the 
 Manners and Principles of the Times.’ To a work of this kind Mr. 
 Southey would come with more singleness of aim, and with incalculably 
 more talents, than Dr. Brown did. And, judging from the paper on 
 ‘ The Poor,’ in the Quarterly Review, which is evidently written from 
 the heart, I doubt not he would produce a very interesting and impres- 
 sive work. Still, unless Parliament are likely themselves to buckle to 
 the difficulties of the times, in good earnest, and especially to treat [the] 
 most important of all objects, the provision of an increased number of 
 churches, I can hardly feel a wish even that Mr. Southey’s pen should 
 be engaged. If nothing is to be done, the most impressive appeal would 
 only increase our national responsibility, and further tend only to render 
 us callous and insensible. If we are to act, then I would say, ‘ O for a 
 tongue of fire and for a prophet’s voice.’ But if Government will not 
 act, then I would rather have the friends of the Church, and even the 
 moving eloquence of Mr Southey, to be silent The doing nothing, in 
 the midst of so many moving cries, begets a habit of despair, even in the 
 best disposed, and a kind of lurking feeling that there must be some- 
 thing of unseen lurking (?) difficulty, some kind of fatal necessity, 
 against ^ hicb it is vain to struggle. The only help the Church wants 
 
565 
 
 is fair play and more churches ; but, while dissenters are at liberty, and 
 the Church, by its connection with the State, completely tied up and 
 handcuffed by the very increase of population, things must grow worse 
 and worse, and the activity, even of the most able advocates of the 
 Church, inevitably tends to the increase of the malady. Their appeals 
 increase the aggregate of religeous feeling; but then the Church has no 
 receptacle for that feeling, and the very animation of those appeals 
 increases the vigilance and zeal of the enemies of the Church, who 
 have no such impediments and bars to their proceedings as we are 
 shackled by. 
 
 The Methodists studiously conform in, the service in the numerous 
 chapels which of late years they have erected, to a resemblance in form 
 and substance with the service of the Church of England, which is a 
 decisive proof that the people would have the Church service if they 
 could get it. Nay, the very alterations which the Methodist introduces 
 into the liturgy are not so much from principle, as to enable them to 
 open their chapels under the plea of dissent, which, if they avowed 
 themselves to be Churchmen, they could not open. After all, anything 
 that they can do, and anything that all the other sects of dissenters can 
 do (even if it were free from all other objections), is, and will be 
 utterly insufficient to the supplying to the people at large, the oppor- 
 tunity of public worship and public instruction, in places of public 
 worship, on the Lord’s day. Here then, is the field which Parliament 
 ought to occupy, and they ought to do it in connection with the Church ; 
 for one reason, among others, that they will not let the Church do it for 
 its self. Who can wonder that there should be faction, bloodshed, and 
 rebellion, where there is no religion ; and how can there be religion 
 when, amid thousands of temptations to evil, the great bulk of the 
 people, especially in the metropolis and in large towns, are living in a 
 state of excomunication and necessary separation from all religious 
 exercises and religious instruction? We are doing well with respect 
 to schools ; but, unless churches are added, nothing will be effective. 
 Nay, schools themselves would be much larger and more numerous then 
 they are, had we any possibility of giving them accommodation on Sun- 
 days. In one word, my Lord, I think the religious responsibility of the 
 legislature and the government of this country, at this time, is tre- 
 mendous. If they would permit us, I think we might be a religious and 
 happy people.” 
 
 Memorandum by Lord Kenton. 
 
 1439. 1821, February 5. — “The Bishop of Salisbury (Dr. Fisher) 
 has just left me ; he mentioned to me the following instances of con- 
 versations which took place at the table of the Princess of Wales, the 
 Princess Charlotte sitting between her and Sir W. Drummond. Sir 
 William Drummond told Princess Charlotte he understood she was 
 reading history, and asked what history it was that most interested her ; 
 without waiting for her reply, he went on, and said that he had latterly 
 been in the habit of reading Oriental history, as the most amusing, and 
 added, as to what is called Scripture history, I can assure your Royal 
 Highness there is nothing in it, it is all an allegory, and norhing more. 
 The next time of his being by Princess Charlotte, he brought forward 
 several of Paine’s objections against Christianity, which she met and 
 confuted, and Lady E. Lindsay said she never saw any man in her life 
 so completely thrown on his back. The third time of their meeting. Sir 
 William Drummond was beginning again in the same style, by saying 
 that the education of the nobility and of all ranks, even the highest in 
 
666 
 
 this country, was oh a very bad plan, all in the hands of priests ; and, 
 addressing her Royal Highness, he said, you know that priests have 
 always been the most corrupt and contemptible of mankind. She replied, 
 
 ‘ Sir William, you are now for the third time so good as to be giving me 
 instruction in the same way ; I do not know what your object can be; 
 you seem to be an Atheist, or at least a Deist, and I must beg to refrain 
 from holding any more such conversation with you. I will, therefore, 
 take my leave, and have only to thank you for the pains you have been 
 so good as to take to enlighten my darkened understanding,’ and so with- 
 drew.” The anecdote is marked as communicated to the Bishop of 
 Salisbury by Lady E. Lindsey and Lady de Clifford, and confirmed by the 
 Princess Charlotte, then about 14 years old. The Bishop informed the 
 Prince, and the intercourse was lessened.” 
 
 «K — , an English gentleman,” [Lord Kenyon?] to the Earl 
 
 OF Liverpool. 
 
 1440 . 1821. — “ As a gentleman of England, I am inclined to request, 
 for a few moments, the attention of the Prime Minister of my Sovereign. 
 Were that minister not an Englishman, I should neither waste my time 
 nor his in so doing ; were he not a Minister, in my judgment sincerely 
 attached to the welfare of his country and to its constitution in Church 
 and State and imbued with true English feelings, I should not intrude 
 myself on his notice ; were a certain noble Marquis in his lordship’s 
 place, I should despair of producing the slightest impression on his all 
 Irish mind. 
 
 “ My Lord, I much regret that my King is again quitting the British 
 shores. After the convulsive state in which the public mind has been for 
 the last 15 months, at least after the happy change which the coronation, 
 for a short interval, appeared to produce, I cannot but think that the 
 retifrning spirit of loyalty and affection in Engand well deserved the 
 fostering smile and encouragement of royalty. The selfish, insidious 
 huzzas of Irish popery, industriously stimulated by the pure promoters 
 of the Irish Union, by the celebrated invention of the two stringed bow, 
 are not — never can be — to a monarch with a truly British heart, such as, 
 we doubt not, beats in the breast of George IV., of a tenth part the value 
 which must be attached to the genuine affections of honest John Bull, by 
 the general and generous attachment of the gentry, yeomanry, and 
 population of England. 
 
 “ My Lord, it is much to be regretted that the King could not be 
 dissuaded from visiting Hanover this year. It will be deeply to be 
 regretted if, in addition to Hanover, in which kingly duty and attachment 
 have some part, his Majesty should visit Vienna and Paris. The 
 interests of the British Empire can nowise be promoted by the King of 
 England travelling incog. ^ and forming personal attachments to foreigners 
 or to foreign manners. Nothing contributed so much to fix George the 
 Third in his people’s hearts as his being altogether English ; of him it 
 could justly be said, as of Nelson, 
 
 ‘ O thou, in whom no thought of self had part. 
 
 But thy lov’d country filled up all thy heart.’ 
 
 “ The visit to Ireland will soon lose all its grace, if other visits for 
 pleasure’s sake become the royal habits. The most popular of actors, 
 though known as such, and valued as an imitator only, in time loses his 
 popularity by his frequent appearance. I should regret that my Sove- 
 reign should (by making it be thought he affected popularity rather than 
 followed the gracious dictates of his heart) lose that attachment of his 
 
567 
 
 subjects, which, coming from their hearts, should be worn in its newest 
 gloss, and not capriciously be forgotten for newer and valueless applause. 
 
 “ Our country, my Lord, is in a state of great delicacy and danger. 
 The loyalty of the yeomanry I trust will never fail, but their distress is 
 very far greater than your lordship knows, or will believe ; the prevalent 
 opinion that great official characters, like the Jews of old, wish that 
 there should be told to them ‘ smooth things, and that there should be pro- 
 phecied deceits,’ prevents your lordship’s hearing and knowing the 
 truth. 
 
 “ My Lord, the mass of landlords are now in debt for interest, to the 
 extent of from one quarter to one half of their incomes ; and the mass of 
 tenants are at least one half of their rents in arrear, and have greatly 
 reduced their capital, to enable themselves to be more so. 
 
 “ My Lord, be pleased to inquire, from those who have honesty to tell 
 you the truth, if this be an exaggeration respecting tenants at rack-rent, 
 or who have taken leases within the last ten or fifteen years. Be pleased, 
 then, to look forwards. If foreign corn be imported in November or 
 February next, what will be their condition, and what must their feelings 
 be as to warmth of attachment to the Government ? My Lord, the 
 sympathy of the great has deep effect on the distresses of their more 
 humble countrymen. What then will be the effect of the supposition 
 that there is no feeling of sympathy towards them, that foreign gaities, 
 pageants, feastings, and perhaps cabals (for the author of ‘the Union of 
 Ireland ’ is there), possess the royal thoughts, and England, the source of 
 his power and glory, is — forgotten I will not say — but deserted. 
 
 “ My Lord, we live in times that no one can say what a day may bring 
 forth ; the day of the Queen’s funeral brought forth rebellion in the 
 metropolis. Is the spirit crushed ? My Lord, it is not dead, and some 
 question whether it even sleepeth. No one can say when the aid of 
 Parliament may be wanted ; and that George IV. may be excited to 
 hallow his blessed father’s memory by treading in his steps and applying 
 all his thoughts and energies to promote his country’s welfare, is prayed 
 at your lordship’s hands.” 
 
 Lady Eleanor Butler and Miss Sarah Ponsonby^ to Lord 
 
 Kenyon. 
 
 1440a. 1822, January 1. Llangollen. — “Most sincerely and most 
 fervently do we pray that many and many happy years may dawn upon 
 your lordship with intelligence equally gratifying to your feelings as 
 that, with which you have honoured us by this morning’s post, has been to 
 ours. We intreat you, dear Lord Kenyon, to accept a thousand, thousand 
 thanks, and to believe that, important as such an addition ot income will 
 be to our comfort — and there are circumstances which, indeed, make it 
 most materially so — its value is more than doubled, in our estimation, by 
 being indebted for it, solely and entirely — as we must ever gratefully 
 acknowledge — to the interest and friendship of a nobleman whose 
 character, conduct, and principles stand so high in our esteem and 
 respect, and whose kindness has such claim upon our affection. We 
 can only repeat our earnest hope that our obligations may be repaid with 
 the most abundant interest, by the amiable persons who, as we calculate, 
 at this moment surround the best of fathers. We truly rejoice in the 
 report you indulge us with of their good health, mingled with some fear 
 that, if you could have accompanied it with one equally satisfactory of 
 your own, it would not have been withheld from those to whom it would 
 have been so infinitely acceptable. 
 
 ' The Ladies of Llangollen. 
 
668 
 
 ‘‘We return the two letters so kindly entrusted to us, without a 
 moment’s delay, but cannot do so without offering additional acknow- 
 ledgments for a favour of which we are so deeply sensible as that of the 
 manner in which, under your representation, Lord Sidmouth has been 
 pleased to express himself on our subject. It is appreciated much 
 beyond what, had his lordship been in the Minister’s place, we can 
 have no doubt he would have granted us, through your lordship’s 
 patronage. But, with that, and the good opinion of such a character as 
 Lord Sidmouth, we hope that we can truly acknowledge ourselves more 
 proudly content than we should be with treble the pecuniary emolument 
 obtained through a different protection.” 
 
 Mart Anne Kenyon to Mrs. Kenyon, at Peel. 
 
 144:1. 1826, May 30. P[ortman] Square. — “ I sit down to give you 
 an account of our evening on Saturday at the Hayraarket, where we were 
 very much amused with Liston, who acted in two very droll things — 
 Quite Correct and Paul Pry Paul Pry is a regular busy- 
 
 body, who just ‘ drops in ’ at every house he goes by, and says, ‘ I hope 
 I don’t intrude,’ and then begins asking all sorts of impertinent ques- 
 tions. . . Lord Stowell went with us, and enjoyed it very much.” 
 
 Ernest, Duke of Cumberland, to Lord ICenyon. 
 
 1442. 1832, November 3. Kew. — “ Naturally, both the Duchess 
 and myself have been in the greatest misery about our darling boy, who 
 originally met with an accident, about tw’o weeks ago, and give {sic) 
 himself a violent blow on the left eye, which occasioned him much pain ; 
 but he perceived no consequence from it for the first 24 hours, and made 
 light of it, nay, he even went out and shot a rabbit, and wounded 
 another ; but towards the evening of the 2nd day, he lost the vision of 
 
 his left eye We all go, in a few days, to Hastings, 
 
 and I trust, by the aid of that salubrious air, and under Divine Pro- 
 vidence, whose mercy is so great, that he will take pity of our beloved 
 child, and restore him the blessing of sight — the greatest blessing of all. 
 Though he is my child, yet, I must say, never did I see any one bear his 
 misfortune with greater patience or resignation. Never has he uttered 
 one single murmur, and, knowing him as you do, his activity of mind 
 and body, you must own it is a severe trial.” Holograph. 
 
 Robert Southey to Lord Kenyon. 
 
 1443. 1834, July 16. Keswick. — “ The condition of this distracted 
 country is such that, at this time, I know neither what to expect, nor 
 what to wish. That any Conservative administration could go on with 
 the present House of Commons, seems impossible. A new election might 
 throw out many Whigs, but they would mostly be replaced by 
 Radicals. I do not say this would be casting out devils by Beelzebub, 
 because it is difficult to say which of the two parties is worst. Perhaps 
 Lord Althorp might be the best Premier that could, at this juncture, be 
 chosen. His tried and proved incapacity would draw more disgrace 
 upon a set of men who could find no better head ; and, if it be not 
 the will of Providence to punish us by such a revolution as we most 
 righteously have deserved, nothing is more likely to avert it than 
 the continuance in authority, for a little while longer, of men who have 
 no pretensions to talent, and are fast losing all pretension to character. 
 
569 
 
 It is far better that they should go on bringing contempt and odium 
 on themselves than that we should see a pseudo-Tory administration 
 treading in their steps, and thereby deserving both.” Holograph, 
 
 Egbert Southey to Lord Kenyon. 
 
 1444. 1835, May 20. Keswick. — The enclosed letter is for 
 Mr. Bamford, if you see nothing to disapprove in it. Tue temper in 
 which his notes were written has been my reason for entering so fully 
 into the character of our late friend. If you had seen his papers, you 
 would clearly perceive how desirable it is that I should endeavour 
 to bring him to a better man (?), and this seemed the best, or, at least, 
 the most inoffensive way in which it could be attempted. You may 
 believe that I have written with extreme care and caution. 
 
 “ I have heard from Mr. Cook, who expresses a disposition, on the 
 part of the Edinburgh Trustees, to be guided by Murray’s opinion ; but 
 he had not heard from Murray, neither have I received the farther com- 
 munication which the bibliarch promised. I will rub up his memory in 
 a few days.” Holograph, 
 
 The Same to the Same. 
 
 1445, 1836, January 11. Keswick. — “ Yours was the first greeting 
 that reached me at the opening of the New Year, and I am fully sensible 
 of its kindness. Seasons of festivity become seasons of melancholy when 
 those with whom we formerly enjoyed them are removed from us by dis- 
 tance or death, 'Uhis I was made to feel early in life, and expressed, in 
 consequence, reflections in a New Year ode, two and forty years ago, 
 which are brought home to my heart now. 
 
 “ A man of great, but crazed, genius, whom I was once well acquainted 
 with, chose to cast my nativity. He promised me, on the faith of the 
 stars, great good fortune, either at Berlin or Algiers, and pronounced 
 that 1 possessed, according to my horoscope, ‘a gloomy capability of 
 walking through desolation.’ Were he alive, he would probably say that 
 I have lost the good fortune by not going to look for it where it was to be 
 found. But if he had known me as well as I know myself, he would not 
 have predicated gloominess of one who has no such ingredient, either 
 extant or latent, in his nature. Glod has left me with a cheerful and 
 contented spirit, and lays on me no burthen which He has not given me 
 strength to bear. I have enjoyed a larger portion of happiness than falls 
 to the lot of most men. Whatever may be the complexion of my 
 remaining years, they cannot be many, nor can they be miserable, while 
 I am capable of employing myself, and retain that faith of which 
 nothing can deprive me. 
 
 ‘ ‘ The printers are pressing on me at this time. In the course of a few 
 weeks, I hope to work my way to some leisure, which will be employed 
 in bringing up the arrears of other business and in beginning new. My 
 motto is In Lahore Quies. I borrowed it from the Spanish historian 
 Garibay.” Holograph. 
 
 The Same to the Same. 
 
 1446. 1836, January 22. Keswick. — I take the liberty of enclos- 
 ing a note for Davies, in reply to a letter of his, received this morning. 
 You will see by it that Professor Haldane has written to me, and the 
 substance of my answer. I am glad to hear that the Madras College at 
 
570 
 
 St. Andrews is going on prosperously, but the University (thanks to Sir 
 John Campbell) was probably never before in so distracted a state, except 
 during the storms of a religious revolution.’’ Holograph. 
 
 Lord Eldon to Lord Kenton. 
 
 1447. 1836, September 3. Encombe. — After again reading the 
 King’s Speech, I am still to say that there is nothing in it. The papers 
 intimate that he read it well. I was once joked by Gleorge III. ; whilst 
 unrobing after a speech, in the House of Lords, he said to me, ‘ I hope 
 I read it well.’ My answer was, ‘Yes, sir.’ ‘ That,’ replied he, ‘is not 
 sincere. How could I read well what had nothing in it ? ’ ” 
 
 Kobert Southey to the Same. 
 
 1448. 1836, September 21. Keswick. — “ If no mishap should inter- 
 vene, I hope to leave home on Monday, the I7th of October, and 
 to reach Gredington on the Wednesday following ; Friday, to pay my 
 respects to Mr. Parker, and on Saturday to halt with my son-in-law’s 
 parents at Crickhowel (?) We are bound for Bristol and the West 
 of England. I wish to show my sou what no one else can show him — 
 the scenes of my childhood and youth, and to introduce him to a few 
 old and dear friends, whom it is most likely I may never again visit in 
 this world, and whom hereafter he will be glad to have seen. To lay up 
 stores for memory, is the next best thing to laying up treasures in 
 heaven.” Seal of arms. Holograph. 
 
 The Same to the Same. 
 
 1449. 1837, December 5. Keswick. — “In my case, a deliverance 
 from what might truly be called ‘ the body of this death,’ was to be de- 
 sired, when it became no longer possible to entertain a hope of mental 
 restoration. Yet, when the separation took place, I felt how verily we 
 had been one, during the far greater part of our lives, and, consequently, 
 how great a change has now taken place in my own condition. My dear 
 Edith had been so long the chief object of my thoughts, as I had been 
 of hers, that it seems as if I had lost part of myself. But all losses will 
 be restored in God’s good time. It behoves me to be thankful for 
 a greater portion of happiness than falls to the lot of most men, and for 
 the unusual length of time that I was permitted to possess it. And it is 
 with thankfulness alone that I would recall the past, if it were possible 
 to exercise a complete control over our own thoughts.” Holograph. 
 
571 
 
 EXTRACTS FROM A MEMORANDUM BOOK, IN THE 
 HANDWRITING OF VARIOUS DATES. 
 
 A News Letter. 
 
 £. 1. [1588.] The names of the writer and of the person to whom 
 it is addressed, do not appear. The first part is torn away. 
 
 “ Some saye the King of Spain’s fleete was at sea three weeks past, 
 but our 106 shippes that then were owt with the Lord Admyrall and 
 Sir Francis Drake, colde heare of none, though they, against wynde, 
 b 3 ^d forthe on the Coaste of Brytaine 7 daies, but now are at Plom- 
 mouthe [Plymouth] and readie to goe out with 14 more, and vyctualled 
 till the last of Auguste. The Lord Henry Somerset feared them muche 
 when hee ryde afore Graveline with 36 greate shippes, till my Lofd 
 your father, att the great entreatie of the Commissioners for the King 
 of Spaine, wryte hys letter to the Lord Henry that they were well used, 
 yet desyred him to departe, which he presentlie did, with protestation if 
 the Earl Darby or the Lord should not be well used, hee wolde returne 
 and batter their towne on their heades. 
 
 “ From thence hee wente to Dunkirk and shewed the like force, and 
 from thence before Slewse, to shew her Majesties readiness to defend 
 them. The forces at home are now called to be readie, for that her 
 Majestie will staunde upon her garde and have sea . . . army with 
 
 oflicers apointed forthwith to resist invasion. 
 
 “ The Frenche King, as is reported, is agreed with the Duke of Guise 
 by artycles [to] the King’s dishonnoure, the certaintie not yet knoune 
 which by the ne sende. 
 
 “ Mr. Bodlye, sende to him, returned with great thankes, since Sir 
 
 Thomas Layt[oun] to him and returned this morninge, 
 
 leaving the King at Rowan and the Paris. 
 
 “ Daniel Rogers going to condole the death of the King of Denmarke 
 
 and a messenger the Emperoure of Muscovia, who 
 
 is Doctor Fletcher. And one Folkes to be there residente for the 
 marchaunts, as her Majesties Agente. 
 
 ‘‘ So with my humble dewtie to your Lordship tyll the nexte, when 
 your more and more particuler. 
 
 (JPostcript .) — “ Since the wrytinge hereof, this more is knowen unto 
 
 me, which amisse to lette your Lordshipe know. Sir 
 
 Thomas Laytoun brings bathe of the King, and that 
 
 shee hath done more then all the Princes which he 
 
 hathe unfaignedlie protested, he to requite in like to h 
 
 and that he will not put upp the injuryes the Duke of Guise offers 
 
 ^‘The Spanish fleete sett owt, as is said, 500 shippes, the fyrste 
 
 the 20 of Maye after our accompte, and are at a 
 
 haven in Biscaye Zarmin’s dyrections, the haven 
 
 called Calbone. 
 
 “The resolutions heare, that 2,000 souldiars shall come out of the 
 Low country . . . with ther leaders to be her Majesty’s garde. 
 
 “ The shippes are to sea and all the forces on the costes to be . . 
 
 to be tended. 
 
572 
 
 “ The noblemen and Bishopps, by Letters from her Majestie, for to 
 
 enforce with horses and men, to withstande the 
 
 invacion. 
 
 “The pensioners send for all to with horse and 
 
 armour. 
 
 “ A newe bande of horse of all her Majesties servauntes, ordinarye 
 and extraordinarye, to attende att Courte. 
 
 “ The Lyetennants to have ther force in all readines to marche. 
 
 “ To assure Scotland to be at her Majesties devotion by money, to 
 that end privie seals to be out of a losane [loan ?]. 
 
 “ The cytye of London to be full mustered and to have ther 6,000 men 
 
 to courte at dies warninge and they to garde the 
 
 cytye for a reall army to be appointed by her 
 
 Majestie. 
 
 “ The chief recusants to be to [the] Tower, and a new constable 
 thereof, and the seminaries and practizers, with other persons, under 
 a garde. 
 
 “ A proclamation to putt doun all letters or bookes to seduce the 
 people to rebellion. 
 
 “ The Commissioners to returne, if the season be not to ther desyre, 
 and all other thynges. 
 
 “f. Id. The namysof them that commytted the disorder in Burye, on 
 Sondaie, beinge the xiiijth daie of June.” 
 
 “ Of Leeze [Leeds]. — Paul Ogden, Thomas Travis. 
 
 “ Of Oldham . — James Tayler, Peter Bexwicke, William Hall, the son 
 of Robert Jackson, the wife of Edmund Oreave, Alice Taylor, Alice 
 Tetlawe, Margaret Hopwoode, George Tetlawe. 
 
 “ Of Chatterton. — [E]llis Whitaker, Richard Thorpe, four daughters 
 of John Goddard [names torn away], Henry Whitaker, of Old- 
 ham, one Bowtree, one Nylde, and the eldest son of John Whitaker, 
 all of Hollinwoode.” 
 
 E[dmund] H[opkins] to . 
 
 f. 2. 1588, July 21. — On the 14th, being Sunday, “there was, by 
 certain of Oldham parishe, in tyme of divine service, gallowpinge of 
 horses in the streete of Burye, showtinge and pypinge, with other fowle 
 disorders, in the forenone of the same daie, a lamentable spectacle in 
 the place of preachinge ministerye, of all good men to be pytted and 
 reformed.” Hopes the offenders may be apprehended and punished. 
 
 Weaving. 
 
 f. 2d. The Vycare of Leedes sente for Rauf Mathewe, who ys very 
 skelfull in all thinges apperteyninge to his trade of clothinge. 
 
 “ Instruments : — Wheels, cardes, combes, leades, swinginge, combe 
 stocks, loomes, sheares, handles, tassells, tenters. 
 
 “Threescore persons are thus to be devided : — xii for sortinge, 
 dressinge, and lyttinge the wolle; xxx*^® for spinninge and cardinge ; 
 xii for weavinge and shearinge ; the odd vj persons to helpe the reste, 
 as to goe to the myllne and tourle, &c. 
 
 “ Syx stone of undressed woole will make ij dqssens, or a whole 
 clothe, contayninge xxiij yardes in lengthe and vij quarters in 
 bredgthe. 
 
573 
 
 “ Twelve stone woolle will serve lx persons in a week. 
 
 “Four gallons of cyvill [Seville ?] oyle will serve to xij stone of 
 woolle, and looke what the wool doth cost after the maner of makiiige 
 clothe at Leades, the cost wilbe as much more before it can be converted 
 to good and perfect cloth. 
 
 “ One stone of woole spinninge, xxc?. ; weavinge a dossen, iij^. iiijc?. ; 
 walking a stoke, viijc?. ; shearinge and dressinge, xc?. ; and this after the 
 use of Leades, where only brode clothe is made. 
 
 “ Threscore persons are thus to be devided : — Sorting and dressinge, 
 vj ; spinninge and cardinge, xl; weavinge, viij ; sheremen, vj ; whereof 
 ij maye be to helpe the rest. 
 
 “Two stone beinge xxviij/i. will make xviij yardes, yarde broade. 
 
 “ One stone spinninge, ij^. iiij<i. ; weavinge a peece, xxc?. ; walkinge, 
 iij^. ; burteicg, ij<^. ; dressinge, xg?. And xl spinners will spinne in the 
 weeke xx stone. One gallon cyvill [Seville ?] oyle will serve to iiij stone 
 of white woolle. 
 
 “ The woole about Sciptoun (Skipton) will make no carsies, excepte 
 it be very pure white ; and at Hallifax there is no clothe made, but 
 yearde broade carseis. 
 
 “ If the stuffe that is to be bought for lyttinge were cheape and easie 
 to be gotten, brode clothe were the beste kinde of clothe that is to be 
 made aboute Sciptoun, bycause it is course woolle. 
 
 “ Hallifax men occupie fyne wolle most owt of Lincolneshire, and 
 there corse wolle they sell to men of Ratchdeall (Eochdale). 
 
 “ To beginne this trade, some persons must be broughte from Leeds or 
 Hallifax, or from some other towne of that facultie, for the teachinge of 
 all these particular offices appertenginninge to it. 
 
 “ There lawes and customes for punishinge of offendours are none 
 other than the statutes and lawes of this realme allowes of, and appoincts, 
 savinge that [at Hali[faxe] there ancyente custome of beheadinge such 
 
 as are taken with seemethe to be raised of necessitie 
 
 in the beginninge of there which without treuth 
 
 woulde not stande, neyther in that rude place time 
 
 were so good meanes of justice as nowe the lawes affiorde.” 
 
 “The Duke of Norfolk’s submission to Her Majestie.” 
 
 f. 3. 1571, September 10. — “O my deare and dreadfull Soveraigne 
 Lady and most gracious Majestie. When I consider with myself 
 howe farre I have transgressed my dutie towardes your moste 
 excellente Majestie, I dare not once presume to looke up, or hope 
 of your gracious favoure. I confesse myself so farre unworthye 
 thereof ; but againe, when I looke unto your Highness’ manyfoulde 
 mercies and moste pitefull nature, of the which so manie have so 
 abundauntlie tasted sithence your Majesties moste gracious raigne, 
 I am emboldened with a moste penitente and sorowefull harte to 
 make this my tremblinge hand offer unto your Highness my most 
 humble and lowlie submissione, havinge no other meanes to ease myne 
 oppressed minde. I am, for my sinnes and disobediences, to aske 
 pardone, that ys of the Allmightie God and of your moste excellente 
 Majestie, with a newe harte and full minde of amendement, and double 
 me not, but, asking mercye, to receave yt, accordinge to the Scripture, 
 hee that knockethe at the doore shall have yt opened unto him. Nowe 
 doe I at your moste Highnes graces {sic) feete offer my poore children 
 and all that 1 have, hopinge more in your Majesties moste gracious 
 clemencie then in mine unadvised desert. I seeke to excuse myself no 
 
574 
 
 waie, but whollie to submitte mjself to what beste yt shall please your 
 most mercifull harte, 
 
 ‘‘ O moste gracious Soveraigne Ladye, mariye men have runne astraie 
 who, fyndinge mercye, have afterwardes, with good service, redobled ther 
 former follies. O noble Queene, yt ys in your moste gracious hande to 
 make of my wretched moulde what yt pleasethe you, my bodie beinge 
 allreadie your humble subjecte and prisoner, by due desartes. I dedicate 
 my harte and minde for ever as yt shall please your Majestic to dyrecte. 
 I doe not seeke favoure at your Majesties handes for former true service. 
 I confesse my undnetifullnes nowe hath blotted the same, nor I dare not 
 remembpr, which heretofore was my greateste com forte, by cause I 
 deserved [no]t that honoure, which was, that yt pleased your Highnes 
 to accompte me your (indeed unworthye) kinseman ; woe worthe the 
 daie that I entred into that matter w[hich] hathe made suche alteration 
 of your most gracious favoure unto me, and h[ath] heaped unto myself 
 these untollerable troubles. 
 
 “ O unhappie wretche that I am, which, in all the daies of my lyffe, 
 coveted nothinge but a quiet lyffe, I take God to wytnesse, whatsoever, 
 and yf yt please your Highnes, some have judged of me otherwise. I 
 was unhappy to give eare to that which e hathe done and ever was lyke 
 
 to bringe me to this I dare not presume too 
 
 longe to trouble your excellent Majestie with my harty repentable and 
 pytiefull lamentation, but I shall not cease to make my most humble 
 praier to Allmightie God that yt woulde please him of his most 
 mercifull goodnes to put into your [heart] most gracious clemencie, and 
 then, I doubt not, but my service in time comminge shalbe suche as your 
 Highnes shall have no cause to repente your mercy extended unto me ; 
 and so most humblie prayinge God to continue your Majestie longe to 
 raigne over us, yf yt be his will, to Nestor’s yeares, with all felicitie 
 and prosperitie, with an overwhelminge harte and watered cheekes, 
 gy ven most lowlie upon my knees, 1 most humbly take my leave. From 
 your Highness’ woefull Tower. By the handes of your Majesties servant 
 and moste sorowfull prisoner. — T. N[orfolkJ. 
 
 The Taxation of Middleton Parish. 
 
 f. 3d. 1590, April 20 — Document setting out that there had been, 
 heretofore, disagreement between the inhabitants of the parish of 
 “ Mydleton and the toune and hamelles ” of the same, as to the repair 
 of the parish church of Middleton, taxes for furnishing the Queen with 
 soldiers, the repair of bridges, &c., the fifteenth, when granted by 
 Parliament, only excepted. The said persons have caused the said 
 parish to be “ measured and throughly surveighed ” ; and according to 
 the “ quantity and goodness of every towne and hamell,” have agreed — 
 with the consent of Richard Assheton of Middleton, Ralph Assheton of 
 Great Leaver, Francis Holt of Gristelhurste, Edmund Hopwood of Hop- 
 wood, Esquires ; Edward Assheton, parson of Middleton, Robert Holt 
 of Asheworthe, Owen Radcliffe of Langley, and Thomas Ainsworth of 
 Ainsworth, gentlemen — that from henceforth all taxes, galdes, and 
 laies ” should be made as follows : — For every taxation, galde, or laye 
 of 405., levied on the whole toune, hamells, and parish, Middleton hamlell 
 to pay 6-9. 2c?., Hopwood hamell 6s. 6d., Thurnham hamell 6s. 7d., 
 Pillsworthe hamell 6s. 3d., Ainsworth hamell 45. 8Jc?., Byrkle and 
 Camford (?) hamell 45. 6^c?., Ashworth hamell 35. 4c?., and Leaver 
 hamell 25 . 11c?.,” and so in proportion for smaller or larger taxations. 
 
575 
 
 ‘‘ The manner of the Scottishe Queene’s deathe, owt of a lettre wrytten 
 by Mr. Doctor Fletcher, Deane of Peterboroughe.” 
 
 f. 4. [1586-7, February 8.] — ‘‘ Shee was verie confident and reso- 
 lute in deathe, uppon Wednesdaie, beinge the viijth of Februarie, 
 beinge forewarned ij or iij daies before. Shee was broughte downe 
 into the greate halle of the castell, where was sett upp a schaffolde 
 thre foote highe and xij foote square, all lade and covered with 
 blacke, — stoole, pillowe, blocke and all, aboute x of the clocke in 
 the forenoone, where, after the commissione redde, I was appoincted 
 by the Lordes Commissioners to speake to her, they syttinge upon 
 a stage ; but assoone as I begane shee cried, ‘ Mr. Deane, trouble 
 me not, I will not heare you, I am resolved in the Romaine Catho- 
 lique faithe.’ I stryved to have proceeded, but shee cryed out 
 againe vehementlie, and woulde not suffer me to proceede. Soe 
 the Lordes Commissioners, viz., Therles of Shrewsburie and Kente, 
 seinge shee refused obstinatelie to praye with us, willed me to goe on, 
 soe I prayed for her, and the rest repeated ; all which time shee, upon 
 ber beades, babied aloude, in Latine, to drowne me and the reste. Praier 
 beinge doone, shee kneeled downe, and, havinge a crucifixe of a spanne 
 longe betweene her handes, shee praied often to yt, kissinge the foote of 
 yt. Her praier was chiefile that God would give her pardone for her 
 sinnes, for her sonne, for the Queene’s majestic, and, so rysinge, was by 
 the executioner disrobed. ‘ I was not woonte (quod shee) to have my 
 clothes plucked of by suche groumes,’ and so standinge in her peticote, 
 barenecked, shee blessed her owne companie and badde them farewell, 
 kissed her women, and badd them not lamente for her, and then verie 
 boldlie and without all feare, shee kneeled downe towardes the blocke, 
 and one of her women put a napkine, wroughte all with golde, aboute her 
 face, her piriwigge and white coife remaininge on, then shee saide the 
 psalme, in Te Domine corifido, in Latine, and so laid downe her heade ; one 
 of the executioners holdinge her downe, thother strok harde, and yet cutte 
 not halfe of, yet did shee move neyther bodie, hande, nor foote ; so hee 
 stroke againe. All her owne people cryde out uppon the hangeman, and 
 yetyt hunge by the skinne ; beinge quyte otf, hee helde yt upp out of the 
 periwigge and clouthes Q), yt was a greaye powlled heade like a boyes 
 heade, newe powlled, save two lockes, at each eare one, and [he] cryed — 
 ‘ God save the Queene,’ and all the people aunsweared, ‘ Amen.’ I added, 
 ‘ so perish all thy enimies, O Lord,’ &c., and againe they shoutted ‘ Amen.’ 
 Then the Eaide of Kente spake and saide, ‘ this be the end of all the eni- 
 mies of the ghospell and her Majestic’ ; and they cryed againe, ‘ Amen.’ 
 No man was suffered to touche her bloude. Certaine bloudie clothes, 
 with the blocke, w^ere burned, and the hangema]i not suffered to have so 
 muche as a pinne, nor there owne aprons, till they were washed. His 
 rewarde was in money. Shee confessed in her praier to be saved onlie 
 by the bloude of Christe, and yet praied all the Saintes in heaven to 
 praie for her, and added shee woulde sheede her bloude at the feete of 
 the crucifixe. The daye beinge verye fayre did, as y t were, shewe favoure 
 from heaven and commended the justice. The viijth of Februarie, that 
 judgment was repayed home to her, which the tenthe of the same 
 monethe, xx yeares paste, shee measured to her husband, &c.” 
 
 “The Earle of Arundell’s lettre to the Queene’s Majestie.” 
 
 f. 4d. 1585. — “ May yt please your moste excellente Majestic. As the 
 displeasuie of a prince ys a heavier burthen to beare then the harde 
 conceipte of a meaner and inferioure persone, so yt ys not lawfull for 
 
576 
 
 any, and lesse conveniente for them, to settell ane oppinione of mislike, 
 before eyther there appeare some cause suffyciente to procure yt, or 
 there be a faulte commytted worthie to deserve yt. I speake not this 
 that I doubte of your Majesties disposition or that I feare you con- 
 dempne me without juste and evydent proof e. For yt agree the with 
 the honoure of your estate, and I can wytnesse y t bathe bene the manner 
 of your proceedinges, to knowe the cause before you give your censure, 
 and to heare the matter before you condemne the persone, but I speake 
 with all humilitie that I male receave this favorable and indifferent 
 dealinge at your Majestie’s handes, because as I am moste desirous to 
 conserve youi* gracious and good opinion©, soe am I most carefull to 
 remove all impedimentes that male hinder or withdraw© the same. 
 
 “And besides, for that manie actions at the firste showe male seeme to be 
 rashe and unadvised which, after rype and suffyciente consideration ol‘ the 
 cause, doe appeare to be juste and necessarie, and in allowing© me this, 
 which ys no more then your Majestie’s place doth© requyre you to bestow© 
 upon the meanest© subjectes and the graciousnes of your nature bathe 
 allwaies moved you to grant© unto every sutter, your Majestie shall doe 
 a thinge which© ys pleasing© in the sight© of God, and honourable in the 
 eyes of the world© ; you shall take a course which ys worthie of yourself, 
 and doe that justice which pertainethe to your estate. To be short©, I 
 doubte not but by this meanes both© your Majestie shall rest© satisfied in 
 seinge a true and full defence of my dealinge, and I remain© happy at 
 being© delivered from all feare and suspicion of your displeasure. 
 
 “ And by cause the course of my former lyffe maye, in some parte, 
 express© the reasons of my present faite, I moste humblie beseeke your 
 Majestie that, by your favour, 1 maie put you in remembraunce howe, 
 since my firste coming© to the Court©, which is ix or x yeares paste at the 
 least©, yt bathe bene my cheifeste care to please your Majestie and my 
 greatest desire to perfourme that which I thought© might© moste content© 
 you ; howe I have bene allwaies readie and ever willing© to doe you that 
 service which eyther duetie requyred at my handes, or the smalenes of 
 my abilitie woulde permitte. And for proof heerof, 1 will [not] appeal© to 
 anie other judge but yourself, though© I coulde justlie call a great parte 
 of your realm© to wytnesse heerin. And soe happie was 1 before some 
 yeares to have your Majestie to accept© my service in gracious parte and 
 to conceave a favourable opinion© of mine actions, as I accompted my 
 labour© I tooke, a pleasure, and all the paines 1 sustained, a comfort©, I 
 made myself a stranger to mine owne house, to be a continuall wayter 
 uppon your Majestie, and liked better to lyve, in a sorte, at the Court© 
 then to lyve in the best sorte at home ; for I thoughle myself most happie 
 when I was most neere unto your Majestie and my time best employed 
 when I bestowed yt in doing© of your service. 
 
 “ But at the laste, whether the mallice of my adversaries, by reason© of 
 your Majesties good countenance towardes me, begunne to be greater then 
 yt was, or their credytte with your Majestie (for my mishappe) did grow© 
 to be more then in times paste yt hath© bene, I knowe not, but I found, 
 by litell andlitell, your good oppinione decaying©, and your favour©, as I 
 thought©, somewhat estraunged from me. I harde, from time to time, 
 howe your Majestie, in wordes, tooke exceptions to manie of my actions, 
 and howe yt hath© pleased you daylie in your speech© to bewraie ane 
 harde and evill conceipte of me. I sawe that suche as you had ever 
 mcste misliked in your harte, and those whom© before you had never 
 favoured, did enjoye your Majesties good countenaunce, which (till that 
 time) they coulde by no meanes obtain©, and besides that, receaved pro- 
 tection and assistaunce from your Majestie, in all their actions against© 
 me, presentlie after they had offered me wrong© and were become my 
 
577 
 
 adversaries ; notwithstanding all this, I, knowinge my conscience to be 
 cleare, came at convenient times to doe my dutie to your Majestie, and 
 thoughe yt pleased you at sometimes to talke with me, yet your Majestie 
 never charged me with the leaste faulte or offence to you, and those 
 adversaries of mine which did barke behinde my backe, durste never 
 accuse me or open there mouthes to my face, soe as I accompted my hap 
 verye evill in that I was wrongfullie accused. But muche worse, because 
 I could at no time be charged, wherby I mighte have had a fytte occasione 
 bothe to have shewed mine owne innocence [and] to have satisfied your 
 Majesties suspicion. For, firste seinge your Majestie to countenaunce 
 my adversaries in my owne sighte of purpose to disgrace me, and that 
 you woulde manie times, in there presence, not vouchsafe so muche as 
 once to bende your eyes to the place where I did stande. 
 
 “ Secondlie, fyndinge them e[nga]ged to doe me injurye, manie waies, 
 by the helpe of your favoure, and that I was unhable to defend myself 
 anie waies by the reasone of your displeasure. 
 
 ‘‘ Lastlie, perceavinge by your Majestie’s open disgraces, which all men 
 did note, and by your bitter speeches, whiche moste men did knowe that 
 I was generally accompted, naye, that I was in manner poincted at as 
 one whome your Majestie did leaste favoure and moste disgrace, and as 
 a persone whom you did deeplie suspecte and speciallie mislike, I 
 knewe this smoke did bewraie a fire, and I sawe those cloudes did fore- 
 tell a storme; therefoie, I prepared myself, with all patience, to endure 
 whatsoever yt was that the will of God, by the meanes of your Majesties 
 indignation, should laye uppon me, beinge assured that my faultes 
 towardes you were none, though my offences againste Him were manie. 
 And havinge thus resolved to endure whatsoever shall happen, I con- 
 tynued some monethes in these deepe disgraces, withowt eyther knowinge 
 what was the grounde of your Majesties displeasure, or hearinge what 
 shoulde be the ende of my owne misfortune, till at laste I was called, by 
 your Majesties commaundement, before your Councell at two soondrie 
 times, wherin manie thinges were objected againste me, and some 
 of them suche triffles as they were ridiculous, others of them soe unlikelie 
 as they were incredible, but all of them soe untrue as no one of them 
 collide be justified. And yet, notwithstandinge that my innocence did 
 soe evideiitlie appeare by my answers, as my greatest enimies coulde not 
 reprove me of the smalleste offence or unduetifiillnes towardes your 
 Majestie, I was commaunded to keepe my howse, wherfore I sawe yt was 
 resolved by the course of this dealinge, that howe cleare or manifeste so- 
 ever myne innocencie was, mine adversaries shoulde receave the triumphe 
 of the vyctorie, as havinge what they woulde. And I feele that disgrace 
 of my owne misfortune, induringe that which I had no waie deserved. 
 And myne enimies to maintaine there doinges by some coulorable showe, 
 since they coulde not justifie there accusations by any sufficiente proofe, 
 procured your Majestie to sende some of your noble Councell, iiij dales 
 after my restrainte, to examine againe of newe matters that were of 
 greate weighte and importaunce but as improbable as the former, and I 
 discharged myself as clearly of them as of the other before mentioned, 
 soe as my innocencie did more plainlie appeare, althoughe my restrainte 
 did still continue, for after this, which was my last examination, I 
 remained in the same state xv weekes at the leaste, no man charginge me 
 with the leaste offence, nor my conscience beinge able to accuse me 
 of the smalleste faulte. 
 
 “And, at the laste, when eyther my adversaries coulde not, for shame, 
 longer contynewe in theire unconscionable proceedinges, for that your 
 Majestie was enformed by some of my friendes that I had too longe 
 endured this undeserved punishmeiite, I was restored to my former 
 
 73480. O O 
 
578 
 
 libertye, withowt eyther hearinge any juste cause of your Majesties harde 
 conceipte, or any suffyciente reasone of my longe restrainte, naye, 
 withowt eyther understand inge any good collor why I was commytted, 
 or but the shadowe of a faulte wherwith I mighte be touched, wherfore, 
 after I had safelie escaped these storraes, and when I was clearlie 
 delivered from all my troubles, T beganne to remember the heavie 
 sentence which had lighte upon those thre of mine auncestors which 
 iminediatelie wennte before me. 
 
 1 . The firste beinge my greate graundfather, who was so free from all 
 suspicion and showe of anie faulte as, bycause they had no color of 
 matter to bringe him to his trial!, they attainted him by Acte of Parlia- 
 mente without callinge him to his aunsweare. 
 
 2 , The second, beinge my graundfather, was broughte to his trial!, 
 condempned for suche trifiles as amazed the standers by at that time, 
 and ys rydiculous at this dale to all that heare the same ; naye, hee was 
 soe fault! es in all respectes that, as the Earle of Southampton that 
 then was, beinge one of his greateste enimies, fearinge leaste his inno- 
 cencie woulde be a meanes to save his lyffe, toulde Sir Christopher 
 Haydon, beinge one of the jurie, beforehande, that, thoughe hee sawe no 
 other matter weightie inoughe to condempne him, yet yt was a suffycient 
 reasone to make him saie guiltie, for that hee was an unmeete man 
 to have in the commonewealthe. 
 
 “ The laste, beinge my father, was arraigned accordinge to lawe, and 
 
 condempned God forbide I shoulde thinke but tliat his 
 
 triours did that wherunto there cons[ciences] did leade them. And yet 
 give me leave, I moste humblie beseeke your Majestie, to saye thus 
 much, that howsoever hee mighte be unwittinglie and unwillinglie 
 drawne into greater daunger then himself did eyther see or imagine, yet 
 all his actions did plainlie declare, and his greateste enimies must of 
 necessitie confesse, that hee never caryed any disloyal minde to your 
 Ma;jestie, nor entended any unduetifull a[ct] to his countrie; and when I 
 
 had sorte, bothe fullie and throwlie considered the fortune 
 
 of these iij which was paste, I called to minde mine owne, which was 
 presente, and did thinke yt impossible, by the showe of this roughe 
 beginninge, but that I might as well folio we them in there fortune, 
 as I had .succeeded them in there place, for I considered the greatnes of 
 mine enimies’ power to overthrowe me, [and] the weaknes of my abilitie 
 to defende myself. I perceaved by my late trouble, howe narrowlie my 
 lyffe was songhte, and howe easilie your Majestie was drawen to carrye a 
 suspicious minde and a harde opinione of me. I sawe, by the example 
 of my auncestours, and by my passed daunger, howe innocencie was no 
 suffyciente warrante to protect me in safetie. 
 
 “ I knew myself, and, besides, was charged by your Counsell, to be of 
 that relligione which they accompte odious and daungerous to your State. 
 Lastlie, but principallie, I wayted in what miserable and dolefull case 
 my sowle had remayned, yf my lyffe had bene taken awaie, as yt was not 
 unlike in my former troubles; fori proteste, the greateste burthen that 
 rested in my conscience at that time was by cause I had not lyved 
 accordinge to the prescripte rule of that which I undoubtedlie did 
 belecve, and assuredlie persuade myself to be the truthe, wherfore, beinge 
 somewhat induced by all these reasons, but chieflie moved by the laste 
 argumente, I thoughte that the not perfourminge of my duetie towardes 
 God in suche sorte as I knewe woulde please him beste, woulde be 
 a principall occasione of my late punishmente. Therfore I resolved, 
 whiles I had opportunitie, to take the course which mighte be sure 
 to save my sowle from the daunger of shipwracke althoughe my bodye 
 were subjecte to the perill of misfortune ; and ever since the time 
 
579 
 
 I followed and perfourmed this ^ood entente of mine, thoughe I 
 have perceaved somewhat more daunger to my estate, yet I hnmblie 
 thanke God I have founde a greate deale more qnyette in my minde. 
 And, in this respect, I have occasione to thanke my mortalleste enimies 
 as ray cheifeste frindes, naye, I have juste occasione to esteeme my 
 passed troubles as my greateste felycitye, for bothe of them were 
 (thoughe endirectlie) the meanes to leade me to that course which ever 
 bringethe perfecte quyette and onlie procurethe eternall happines. And 
 i3eing resolved rather to endure any punishmente then willinglie to 
 decline from the good beginninge I had made, I did lende myself 
 whollie, as neare as I coulde, still to contynewe in the same, without 
 yealdinge to anythinge that mighie danger my sowle, or doinge of 
 any acte that was repugnaunte to my faithe and professione, and by 
 meanes hereof, I was compelled to doe manie thinges which mighte 
 procure perill to rnyselfe and be an occasione of mislike to your Majestic. 
 
 ^‘For, the first dale of this Parliaraente, when your Majestie, with all 
 your nobilitie, was hearinge a sermonein the cathedral churche of West- 
 minster, above in the chaunsell, I was dryven to walke by myself alone 
 belowe in one of the yles. And one day this Lente, when your Majestie 
 was hearinge another sermone in the chappell at Green wiche, I was 
 forced to staie all the while alone in the presence chamber. To be 
 shorte, when your Majestie wente uppon Sundaie or holidaie, to the 
 greate clossette, I 'was enforced eyther to staie in the privie chamber or 
 not to wayte uppon you at all or elles presentlie to departe assone as I 
 brought you to the chappell. These thinges, with manie mo, I coulde 
 by no meanes escape, but onlie by suche an open and plaine discoverie 
 of myself in the eye and oppinione of all men, as the true course of my 
 refusall coulde not longe be hidden, althoughe for a while yt were 
 generallie noted and observed ; wherfore, since I sawe that, of necessitie, 
 yt muste shortlie be discovered, and withall remembred what watchfull 
 and jelous eye was carryed over all those which were known to be 
 recusauntes, naye, callinge to minde howe all ther lodginges were 
 contyuuallie searched, and to howe greate daunger they were subjecte 
 yf anie Jesuite or seminarie prieste where founde within there howse, I 
 begann to consider that eyther I could not serve God in suche sorte as 
 1 had professed, or elles I must encurre the hassarde of greater 
 punishmente then I was willinge to endure. I stoode resolute and 
 unremovable to contynue in the firste, thoughe yt were with the 
 daunger of my lyffe, and therfore did imploye my minde to devise 
 what meane I coulde for avoydinge of the laste, 
 
 “ Longe I was in debatinge with myself which course to take, for when 
 I considered in what continuall daunger I did remaine here in Engla[nd], 
 both by the lawes heretofore established, and by a newe acte nowe latelie 
 made, I did thinke it my safeste waye to depart owte of this realme and 
 abide in some other place where I mighte lyve without daunger to my 
 conscience, withowt offence to your Majestie, without the servile sub- 
 jection to mine enimies, and without this dailie perill to my lyffe. 
 And yet I was drawen by so forcible persuasions to be of another 
 opinione, as I could not easilie resolve on which parte to grounde 
 and settle my determination, for, on the one side, my natyve countrie, 
 my frindes, my wyffe, and my kinsfolkes, did invyte me to staie ; on 
 the other side, the misfortune of my house, the power of my adver- 
 saries, the remembraunce of my former troubles, and the knowledge 
 of my presente daunger, did haste me to goe ; and in the ende, fyndinge 
 no middle course, but eyther I must ventre to lyve in extreame povertie 
 abroade, or be faine to remaine in continuall daunger at home, I 
 regarded more the hassarde of myself wherein I stoode, then the perill 
 
 o o 2 
 
580 
 
 of my state, and I rather soughte the preferrlnge and preservinge of 
 my lyffe then the possessione of my lyvinge. Wherfore, after I had 
 wayed as manie daungers as I coulde remember, and was persuaded 
 that to departe the realme was the safeste waie I could devise, I did 
 resolve to take the benefyte of a happie wynde to avoyde the violence 
 of a bytter storme, and knowinge by experience that the dealinges of 
 all suche as goe beyond the seas are hardlie enterpreted, thoughe 
 there intentes be never so good and duetifull, I presumed to wryte 
 this letter unto your Majestic, and in yt to declare the two reasons 
 and causes of my departure, bothe to remove all occasione of doubte 
 and suspicion from your Majestie, which otherwise the sodaine de- 
 parture of mine might perad venture procure, and allso to seeke, 
 asmuche as lyethe in me, the retayninge of your gracious and good 
 oppinione, which as I have bene ever moste desirous to enjoye, so 
 will I be moste willinge to deserve. 
 
 And because mine adversaries maie not take this as a fytte opportunitie 
 to bewraie there owne mallice and to kindle your Majesties indignation 
 againste me, I moste humblie beseeche you to aske those which you thinke 
 doe hate me moste, whether, beinge of that religione which I doe professe, 
 and standinge every waie in that state and condition wherin I did remaine, 
 they woulde not have taken that course for safetie of ther sowles and 
 dischardge of there consciences, which I did, and eyther they muste 
 tell you directlie that they woulde have done the same, or elles 
 plainlie acknowledge themselves to be meere atheistes, which, how- 
 soever they be affected in there hartes, I thinke they woulde be 
 lothe to confesse with there mouthes. And when they have satisfied 
 your Majestie in this poincte, whiche ys the firste, I beseeche you 
 aske them of the seconde, which ys the laste, whether, havinge had 
 there howse so fatallie and successivelie touched, and fyndinge them- 
 selves to be of that religione which was accompted odious and daun- 
 gerous to the presente state, whether, havinge bene hardlie handled, 
 longe restrained, and openlie disgraced, heretofore, for nothinge, and 
 mighte nowe justlie be drawen, for there conscience, into greate and 
 continuall daunger, whether, havinge some in cheifeste creditte with 
 your Majestie there mortall and professed enimies, and standinge sus- 
 pected persons in your Majesties oppinione, bothe in respecte of my 
 father, who was taken awaie in your time, and of myselve, who have 
 bene since manie times wronged and in juried, and besides for beinge 
 of that relligione which your Majestie dothe moste deteste and of 
 which you are moste jealous and doubtfull. — to be shorte, whether, 
 havinge had one of there auncestors taken awaie, withowt anye shadowe 
 of faulte, but onlie for this cause, that hee was thoughte ane unmeete 
 man to lyve in the commone wealthe at that time; knowinge myselve 
 to be soe reputed att this time, of those which nowe doe beare moste 
 swaic in your Majesties governmente. 
 
 “ Lastlie, whether, not beinge able to doe any manner of acte or 
 dnetie wherunto there religione did bynde them, withowt incurringe 
 the daunger of felonie, by a newe Acte latelie made, they would not 
 have departed owt of this realme as I have done ; and eyther they 
 muste saie that they would joyfuliie have rimne uppon there owne 
 deathe and hedlonge have throwen themselves into open and ymy- 
 nent daunger, which ys repugnaunte to the lawe of God, contrarie 
 to the lawe of nature, and, as I thinke, fiatlie againste there owne 
 conscience ; or elles they must acknowledge that they woulde have 
 
 soughte the same meanes which I have used for escapinge 
 
 And then I hope your Majestie will not hardlie conceave of this my 
 dealinge .... leste enimies, yf they speake not contrarie to all 
 
581 
 
 truthe and reasoue, rauste .... confesse to be juste, conveniente, 
 and necessarie ; besides, to confirme your Majestie .... of mine 
 innocence heerin, yourself maie beste remember howe .... de- 
 parted longe before this time, yf I had bene guiltie of anye cry[me] 
 . . . . stond to the uttermoste triall [and exjamination of all my 
 
 dealinges, and thoughe I have tasted all the time, since my laste restrainte, 
 your Majesties open and publique disgraces, bothe dailie and howrelie, 
 withowt any hope or likelihoode of ever reservinge your favor and good 
 opinione. And yf my protestation, who never toulde your Majestie 
 the leaste untruthe, maye carrye any credytte in your oppinione, I 
 heare call God and His aungelles to wytnesse that I woulde not have 
 taken this course, yf I mighte have staled still in Englaunde withowt 
 daunger to my sowle and perill to my lyffe. 
 
 Wherefore, as yt ys the true token of a noble minde, and bathe all- 
 waies bene noted for a certaine argumente of your Majestie’s gracious 
 disposition in that that yt hathe ever pleased you to take pitie of those 
 which are in miserie, and to respecte with the eye of your favor all 
 afflicted persons, soe can I not be broughte anye waie to feare your 
 Majestie will make me the firste example of your severe and rigorous 
 dealinge, in layinge your displeasure uppon me who am enforsed to 
 forsake my countrie, to foregoe my frindes, to leave my lyvinge, and to 
 loose the hope of all worldlie pleasures and earthlie commodities yf 
 eyther I will not willfullie consente to the certaine destruction of my 
 bodie, or willinglie yealde, to the manifeste endaungeringe of my soule, 
 the leste of which are intollerable for any Christian man to endure, as I 
 hope yt can be thoughte no unduetifullnes in me yf I seeke, by good and 
 lawful meanes, to avoyde soe greate an inconvenience. And thoughe 
 the losse of temporall commodities be so grievous unto fleshe and bloude 
 as I could not desyre to lyve yf I were not comforted with the hope of 
 eternall happines in an other worlde, and with remembrance of His 
 mercye, for whom I endure all this, and who endured ten thousande 
 times more for me ; yet I assure your Majestie that your displeasure 
 shoulde be more unplesaunte unto me then the bytternes of my other 
 losses, and more greater grief then the greateste of all my misfortunes. 
 Wherefore, remayninge in assured hope that myself and my cause 
 shall receave that favourable conceipte and rightfull construction att 
 your Majestie’s handes which I maie justlie challenge, bothe bycause 
 the triall of my good dealinge heertofore hathe suffycientlie deserved 
 the same, and allso for that the confessione of my mortall enimies att 
 this time muste needes acknowledg my innoceneie heerein, I doe 
 humblie crave pardone of my longe and tedious letter, which the 
 weighte of the matter enforcethe me unto, and beseeche God, from the 
 bottome of my harte, to sende your Majestie as greate happines as I 
 wishe to mine owne soule.” 
 
 Richard Holland to Richard Assheton, James Assheton, and 
 
 Edmund Hopwood. 
 
 f. 7. 1590, March 30. — The Lord Lieutenant of Lancashire has com- 
 manded him to see that “ diligente watche be laide in places likelie 
 thoroughout these partes of the shire ” for the stay of those persons, 
 described in an enclosure, whom Lord Scroope states did on Sunday, the 
 22 inst., “ break ” Mr. Myddelton’s house in “ Carleile,” and took from 
 him 300/. in money. A general search for strangers is also to be 
 made. 
 
582 
 
 [Enclosure.] 
 
 ‘‘ The markes and notes of the men and there horses and apparell. 
 
 ‘‘ Firste, Christopher Mydletone ys of a middle stature, and a slender 
 man, of the age of xxiij yeares, withowt any heare on his face, the 
 heare on his heade somethinge longe. Hee hathe a newe vyolette sadd 
 coloured frisado jerkine, gathered in plaites upon the backe, and the 
 sleeves cutte downe all alonge the overside of the arme and tyed with a 
 silke lace ; and rydethe on a baye horse. 
 
 John Webbe ys a man of small stature, blacke heare, bothe of his 
 head and beard, the heare of his heade somethinge longe, and of the age 
 of yeares, and wearethe a blewe coate, beinge my Lorde Scroope 
 
 his lyverie, and hathe for his cognoscentes a Oornishe choughe. Hee 
 rydethe upon a blacke nagge, and hathe a hole in his eare to hange a 
 pearle. 
 
 “ William Allan ys a man of reasonable tall stature, and somethinge 
 grosse made, his heare blacke, and hathe a hole in his eare to hange a 
 pearle att, his cassocke of russette clothe. Hee rydethe upon a graye 
 geldin, and ys of the age of xxxi yeares. His cassocke hathe broade 
 buttons upon the breste, with a lace upon the same cassocke. 
 
 Profaning the Sabbath. 
 
 f. 10. Undated. Presentment that in Bury parish, William Key, of 
 Elenfield, had an ‘‘ alle and minstrells ” who ‘‘ plaied uppon the Sabbothe 
 daye.” 
 
 The Same. 
 
 f. lOd. 1588, April 15. — Presentments within the parish of Kochdale. 
 “Adam Stolte, gentleman, uppon the Sabbothe daye, in the eveninge, 
 beinge eyther the last Sundaye in December or the fyrste in Januarie, 
 had a minstrell which plaied uppon a gythorne a[t] his howse, with a 
 greate number of men and women dauncinge.” 
 
 The wife of Lawrence Collendge “ had a minstrell playinge uppon a 
 gythorne at hys (sic) howse, uppon a festivall daye in Christenmas laste, 
 in the eveninge, and many yonge folkes dauncinge.” 
 
 Presentments follow of persons suspected of keeping disorderly 
 houses. 
 
 Names of the Jurors for Manchester : Thomas Byrom, Henry Hardy, 
 Ralph Haughton, Richard Nugent, John Dawson, Ralph Jephson, 
 Robert Kenyon. Those for Oldham, Ashton, Eccles, Dean, Bury, 
 Rochdale, Middletoim, Radcliffe, Prestwich, and other places appear. 
 
 These Juries are to present assults, or those who keep “wakes, 
 fayres, markettes, bearebaites, bull baites, greenes, alles, maye games, 
 pypinge and dawncing, huntinge and gaminge, uppon the Sabothe daye.” 
 
 The names of those who absent themselves from church in Eccles 
 are: — The wife of Hamlet Nollcroft, gentleman, in Woden in Barton; 
 the wife of Ralph Slade, yeoman, in Clifton ; Mrs. Worsley, dwelling at 
 Wardley ; Mrs. Ellen Holland, widow, in Clifton; the wife of George 
 Latham, gentleman, in Ireland; the wife of Thomas Holden, of Eccles, 
 husbandman. 
 
 Absentees from Church. 
 
 fo. lid. 1588, April 15. — Presentment by the churchwardens for 
 Manchester. For negligent absence from church for a month or more, 
 none. “ For causing a bayre to be bayted upon Sundaie, beinge the 
 xviith of March 1587[-8] att the bullringe neere the conduyte in 
 
583 
 
 Manchester, William RatlclifFe of Manchester, gentleman, Robert 
 Radclif, James Radcliffe, Thomas Radclilfe, William Batesonn, Edward 
 Prescot, Greorge VVollsencrofte, John Lees, smith, Robert Bridg- 
 howse, Rychard Moreton, the younger, with diverse others wee know 
 not.” Several persons presented for being in alehouses, or in the street, 
 during service or sermon time on Sundays. Presentments follow of the 
 names of all the alehouse keepers in Manchester and Salford, and in 
 Ashton and Oldham parishes. 
 
 Justices of the Peace for Lancashire. 
 
 fo. 16. A.D. 1595. — “ The names of all justices of peace within this 
 county of Lancaster resydent.” 
 
 Blackburn hundred, 
 
 Thomas Walmersley, one of the Justices de banco ; Thomas Talbot, 
 esquire, now sheriff ; Ralph Assheton of Whalley ; Nicholas Banester 
 of Altham ; Edmund Towneley of Royle. 
 
 Derby hundred. 
 
 Sir Edward Fitton, knight; Sir Richard Molyneux, knight; Peter 
 Leigh, esquire ; Richard Bolde, esquire ; Cuthbert Halsalle, esquire ; 
 Henry Eccleston, esquire ; Thomas Tyldesley, esquire ; Thomas Ireland, 
 esquire ; Barnaby Kytchen, esquire. 
 
 Amounderness hundred. 
 
 Richard Houghton, esquire ; Thomas Hesketh, esquire ; Edward 
 Walmersley, esquire ; Edmund Fleetwood, esquire ; Thomas Barton, 
 esquire. 
 
 Lonsdale hundred. 
 
 Thomas Preston, esquire; Francis Tunstall, esquire; John Bradley, 
 esquire ; William Fleming, esquire ; Miles Dodding, esquire. 
 
 Leyland hundred. 
 
 Edward Standish, esquire ; William Farrington, esquire ; Richard 
 Fleetwood; James Anderton, esquire; Johu Wrightington, esquire; 
 Thomas Lathom, esquire ; J ohu Cuerdeu, esquire. 
 
 Salford hundred. 
 
 John Byrom, esquire ; Thomas Holcroft, esquire ; Richard Assheton, 
 esquire; Richard Holland, esquire; Richard Brereton, es([uire; James 
 Assheton, esquire ; Edmund Hopwood, esquire ; Alexander Redditche, 
 esquire; John Bradshaigh, esquire ; Henry Radcliffe, esquire ; Thomas 
 Leigh, esquire. 
 
 Lancashire Place-Names. 
 
 f. 17. Names of all the vills within the hundreds of Lonsdale, Amoun- 
 derness, Blackburn, Leyland, West Derby, and Salford. 
 
 Edmund Assheton. 
 
 f. 19d. Memorandum that Edmund Assheton of Chadderton, esquire, 
 died at Hopwood on Wednesday, 19 August 1584, “ circiter horam 
 noctis sexta.^^ 
 
 Richard Holland to the Constables of the town of Middleton. 
 
 f. 2 Id. 1592, May 20. — The Earl of Derby — by the advice of the Bishop 
 of Chester, Sir Richard Molyneux, knt., and other justices of the peace 
 for Lancashire, for the good keeping of armour and weapons provided 
 
584 
 
 at the charge of the county, “ for the furnyture of 600 trayned souldiers 
 and 700 selected souldiers ” for the Queen’s service in the north parts 
 and in Ireland, and also for the repair of beacons, and watching the 
 same in time of danger — has ordered a general taxation throughout 
 Lancashire, for raising 260/. : 47s. l\d. of this sum is imposed upon the 
 town of Middleton, which sum the constables are directed to collect, 
 and bring or forward it to Holland, or his deputy, ‘‘ att the parishe 
 churche of Manchester,” by 10 o’clock in the morning of the 10th of 
 June following. 
 
 “A Guylded Twelvpence.” 
 
 f. 22. 1594, September 7. — Memorandum that -“John Nowell of 
 Ardsley, in the countye of Yorke, husbandman, commynge to Burie 
 fayre, and buying a yoake of oxen of an unknow ne man, delivered 
 in parte of paymente, a guylded twelivpence in leawe of a royall, and 
 havinge annother peece of goulde, seeminge to bee an angell, payed the 
 
 same to the same man in parte of paymente for the sayd oxen 
 
 asked where he iiadd the guilded shilling, sayeth hee hadd yt of one 
 Thomas Hill of Broughton in Craven, in a litle toune called Adwaltoun, 
 about six weekes ago, in exchange for a mare, rece} ved the same peece 
 for tenn shillinges.” . . . Bobert Bradley confessed that Nowell 
 
 “ showed him a peece of goulde seeminge to be a guilded twelvepennce,” 
 and advised him to return it “ where he hadd yt, yf possiblie he coulde.” 
 
 Papists in Lancashire. 
 
 1595, October 28. — Entry of an unsigned letter, commencing, “ The 
 love you here (Righte Honourable and my especiall good Lord) for 
 the furtherance of Ciiriste his glorious gospell, the most comfortable 
 tydinges of our salvation, with the honourable and manifold favors you 
 ever have vouchsafed mee in regarde to the same.’'’ The writer states 
 that there are many abuses in Lancashire which require redress, an 
 account of which he sets out in an enclosure. A copy of the enclosure 
 follows : — 
 
 In the parishes of Garstang and St. Michael’s are as many farmers, 
 notorious recusanttes, as will make two graunde jureys ” ; the names 
 of such should be given to the churchwardens of these parishes, who 
 should see if they attended the parish church according to the law, and if 
 they did not, would give them warning to reform, at their dwelling 
 houses, once in six weeks at the least. I'he writer also advises the prose- 
 cution of “ all of them knoune to be riche (and not havinge manye 
 children) accordinge to the statute of 20/. a monthe ; and the pourer 
 sorte, accordinge to the statute of anno primo^ for 2^. everie Sondaie and 
 holidaye.” If such a course were taken in every parish in Lancashire 
 for the space of two years, it would discover the number “ of obstinate 
 and maskinge subjects, as also take awaye all colourable and cunninge 
 dealinge from the churchwardens, which, for the moste part, are infected 
 withe papistrie, or placed by papistes, or their favorites of the baddeste 
 sorte.” 
 
 There are in the same parishes the following gentlewomen who are 
 recusants : — 
 
 Elizabeth Tyldesley, widow, late of Merscoe [Mierscough ?], and 
 sometime residing at Morley or Entwistle. 
 
 Dorothy, wife of Thomas Brockeholes, esquire, of Claughton. 
 
 Anne, wife of Mr. Travers, of Natbie. 
 
 Jane, wife of Mr, Twinge, of Kirkeland, when he lives in 
 Lancashire ; he has a house near York. 
 
585 
 
 Anne, wife of Walter Rygmayden, esquire. 
 
 Anne, wife of Henry Butler, esquire, of Bowcliff. 
 
 Elizabeth, wife of William Butler, son and heir of the said 
 Henry. . 
 
 Isabel, wife of William Kirk by, esquire, of Bowcliff. 
 
 The husbands of these persons attend church, perhaps not so much as 
 monthly. The churchwardens of Garstang and St. Michael’s should 
 warn them to conform once a month. If they still remain obstinate, 
 “ then the gentlewomen, withe their husbandes, should bee removed to the 
 severall howses of gentlemen knoune to be well affected, and resolute in 
 [the] religion established, there to be honestlie and well used with all 
 pleasures and recreations conveniente during their obstinancie ” ; so 
 shall they neither “ frequente shryvinge, massinge, nor releve papishe 
 preestes or seditious serainaryes, to the perill of their soules, great danger 
 of theyr husbandes, and utter spoyle of their husbandes simple seduced 
 tenants and neighbours.” 
 
 Since 1592, many who submitted themselves before the Justices of 
 Assize for Lancashire, “ refrayne ” from church, except “for one Sun- 
 daye or two before the Assizes,” whereby they “ shadowe their hypo- 
 crasie.” If the clerk of assize was to deliver the names and addresses 
 of such “submitters” — so that they were, in the end, given to the 
 churchwardens of the different parishes — a report might be made as to 
 the attendance of those persons at church, and their behaviour at 
 service. 
 
 The writer then recommends as commissioners for carrying out his 
 proposals ; — Richard Shuttleworth, tlie King’s Justice of Chester, 
 Thomas Hesketh, esquire, the Queen’s Attorney-General for Lancashire, 
 the sheriff for the time being, Edmund Fleetwood of Rossall, William 
 Farrington of Werden, Richard Fleetwood of Penwortham, James 
 Anderton of Clayton, John Wrightington of Wrightington, Nicholas 
 Bannister of Althome, John Bradshaigh of Bradshaigh, and Edmund 
 Hopwood of Hopwood, esquires. 
 
 If James Anderton, Nicholas Bannister, or John Bradshaigh (assigned 
 for the hundreds of Derby, Ley land, and Salford) “ follow affection or 
 zeale more than sounde judegment or reason, Mr. Anderton wyll 
 moderate their hote humors ” ; Mr. Farrington would do the like for the 
 remainder of those named above, who were to act for the hundreds of 
 Blackburn, Amounderness, and some part of Lonsdale. 
 
 The writer suggests the arrest of such as are suspected of being 
 messengers or carriers of letters amongst recusants, and concludes : — 
 “ I dare not geve my voyce to any commissioners, concerninge taking of 
 preestes and seminaryes, &c., excepte Edmund Fleetwood, Nicholas 
 Bannister, John Bradshaigh, John Wrightington, and Edmund Hop- 
 wood ; and I am in conscyence perswaded that everie peculier of theise 
 would speude all the buttons att their doublettes to purge Lancashyre 
 from idolatrie, papistrie, seditious seminaryes, and theyr favorytes.” 
 
 A Conversion from Popery. 
 
 fo. 24. 1595, November 24. — “This bearer, right honorable and my 
 verye good Lorde, was fyrste broughte into Lancashire by an olde 
 preeste called Laykin, alias Knylye, and was, for the space of twentye 
 yeares, an obstinate recusant, and of great credytt amongste that crewe, 
 tyll yt pleased God Almightie to call him to the knowledge of His 
 Iruthe, whiche he no sooner professed but they cried ‘ crucifice,’ by 
 meanes wherof hee was glad to leave those partes, and place him- 
 selfe with a sonue-in-lawe of myne, to teache his children playe and 
 
586 
 
 singe, and to reade service upon Sondayes and holidayes at a lyttle 
 Chappell, within two myles where I dwell. And for his sincere conver- 
 sion, I can saye of knowledge, that suche papistes as are in some sorte 
 my deare famyliares, greeve and frett when they heare speeche of iiym, a 
 stronge motyve to perswade mee to thinke the dearlier of hym. And 
 further,. this last Assize at Lancaster (where I was fyrste acquainted 
 withe hym) hee prosecuted, in the face of the cuntrye, by waye of in ■ 
 dictmente, one Charneleye, for rescuinge a semynarie preeste from hym 
 this last somer. And this is the messenger I unfeanedlie love and truste, 
 and have sent to enforme your honor of some few particulers, and 
 humblie to crave your lordship’s directions concerninge my letters of 
 the laste October.” 
 
 Lancashire Freeholders. 
 
 ff. 25-d3d. 1578. — “The freeholde booke for Lancashire.” This 
 contains the names of the free tenants within the hundreds of Lons- 
 dale, Blackburn, West Derby, and Salford. 
 
 Inhabitants of Manchester. 
 
 IF. 34-37. 1571. — Return of the payment of a subsidy in the hundred 
 of Salford. The following is the return for Manchester : — 
 
 Edmund Prestwiche 
 
 - 
 
 in lands 
 
 - 
 
 - 
 
 13/. 
 
 Mary Slaundishe - 
 
 - 
 
 >5 
 
 - 
 
 - 
 
 10/. 
 
 Dorathie Brewrtoun 
 
 - 
 
 
 - 
 
 - 
 
 1005. 
 
 John M aider 
 
 - 
 
 
 - 
 
 - 
 
 405. 
 
 Thomas Willote - 
 
 - 
 
 
 - 
 
 - 
 
 605. 
 
 William Radcliffe 
 
 - 
 
 
 - 
 
 
 405. 
 
 Robert Holme 
 
 - 
 
 
 - 
 
 - 
 
 605. 
 
 Robert Clayden - 
 
 - 
 
 
 - 
 
 - 
 
 4/. 
 
 John Gregorie 
 
 
 J? 
 
 - 
 
 - 
 
 41(?)5. 
 
 John Chethome - 
 
 - 
 
 >5 
 
 
 - 
 
 405. 
 
 The heirs of Ralph Culchethe 
 
 
 - 
 
 
 205. 
 
 Thomas Trafforde 
 
 - 
 
 
 - 
 
 - 
 
 405. 
 
 Thomas Hyde 
 
 - 
 
 » 
 
 - 
 
 - 
 
 405. 
 
 George Byrche 
 
 - 
 
 
 - 
 
 - 
 
 3/. 
 
 Lady Elizabeth Byroun, widow 
 
 
 - 
 
 - 
 
 3/. 
 
 Anne Bocke 
 
 - 
 
 in goods 
 
 - 
 
 - 
 
 3/. 
 
 The wife of William Edge 
 
 - 
 
 
 
 - 
 
 31. 
 
 Frauncis Pendletoun 
 
 - 
 
 
 - 
 
 - 
 
 1005. 
 
 William Baggerley 
 
 - 
 
 
 - 
 
 - 
 
 1005. 
 
 Humphry Houghton 
 
 - 
 
 
 - 
 
 - 
 
 71. 
 
 George Pendletoun 
 
 - 
 
 
 - 
 
 - 
 
 61. 
 
 John Houghton - - • 
 
 - 
 
 >5 
 
 - 
 
 - 
 
 6L 
 
 Christopher Graunt 
 
 - 
 
 
 - 
 
 - 
 
 4/. 
 
 George Travis 
 
 
 
 - 
 
 - 
 
 4/. 
 
 James Rydellsonne 
 
 - 
 
 
 - 
 
 - 
 
 4/. 
 
 Mylles Willsonn - 
 
 - 
 
 » 
 
 - 
 
 - 
 
 1005. 
 
 Richard Fox 
 
 - 
 
 
 - 
 
 - 
 
 31. 
 
 Ralph Prowdeloofe [Prowdlove] 
 
 55 
 
 - 
 
 - 
 
 31. 
 
 Robert Langley - 
 
 - 
 
 55 
 
 - 
 
 - 
 
 31. 
 
 John Davie - - - 
 
 - 
 
 55 
 
 - 
 
 - 
 
 41. 
 
 Richard Gee 
 
 - 
 
 55 
 
 - 
 
 - 
 
 1005. 
 
 Robert Marler 
 
 - 
 
 5> 
 
 - 
 
 - 
 
 41. 
 
587 
 
 John Radcliffe - - in goods - - 4/. 
 
 Hugh Shaclocke - - - - - 3/. 
 
 James Chowtertoun - - „ - - 3/. 
 
 George Worall (?) - - „ - - Si. 
 
 George Prowdlove - - „ - - 4/. 
 
 Subsidy. 
 
 £P. 38-43d. — Sums of money levied by subsidy. [No names of 
 persons.] 
 
 Persons chargeable for Horse and Arms. 
 
 ff. 44-47. 1569. — Return by a Jury of persons chargeable with the 
 maintenance of horses, armour, and weapons, within the hundred of 
 Salford. 
 
 Sabbath Breaking. 
 
 f. 47d. 1574, April — Orders taken at Manchester by eiglit of the 
 
 justices of the peace for Lancashire. Amongst them is one which 
 directs that “ every churchwarden, cunstable and sworne man shall, 
 everye Sondaye and holydaye, take the names of suche persons as doe 
 walke in places ordeyned for divine service, in the time of sermons or 
 divine services ” ; the names of such, or of those who go out of churcli 
 before the end of the services or sermons, are to be presented to the 
 justices. 
 
 Archers in Lancashire. 
 
 f. 49.~The appointment and taxation of 200 soldiers, all archers, 
 levied within the county of Lancaster, to serve the Queen, under Sir 
 Robert Worsley and Edward Tildsley, esquire, in 1556 ; every archer 
 had 105. allowed to him besides “ his furnyture ” : and the taxation of 
 300 men (whereof 78 were archers) within Lancashire, in 1559, to 
 serve the Queen at Berwick, under Sir John Sowth worth. 
 
 Soldiers in Leigh. 
 
 f. 49d, — Soldiers appointed to serve the Queen at Leigh, in 1559, under 
 Thomas Butler, esquire : — Soldiers, 200 ; pioneers, 267. 
 
 Archers for Ireland. 
 
 1567. — The taxation in Lancashire for 50 archers for Ireland. 
 “ Memorandum, that everye of the said archers was furnished with a 
 cassocke of blewe clothe, garded with two small gardes of white clothe, 
 a view bowe, a sheaffe of arrowes in a case, a skull in a redd cappe, a 
 jerkin of a stagge or bucke skinne, sworde and dagger; and everye one 
 in hys purse had in redye moneye 135. 4d., besides 45. to evei'ye of 
 them, delivered for their coate and conducte money, at their cominge to 
 Chester. And for the furnishinge of the said souldiers, the countrye 
 [county ?] was taxed at the rate of 605. for everye the said archers or 
 souldiers.” 
 
 Soldiers for Ireland. 
 
 1574, Feb. 13. — Taxation of the county for sending 100 soldiers 
 (“ archers, byllmen, and qualy vers ”) into Ireland. Every archer to 
 have a bow, a sheaf of arrows, ‘‘a stile cappe or a skull,” a sword 
 and a dagger. Every billman to have “ a byll, a coat of plate, a sallette, 
 a sworde, and a dagger.” Every “ caliver ” to have a caliver furnished 
 morrian, or burgonette, a sworde, and dagger.” Every man to have in 
 
588 
 
 his purse, besides his ‘‘furniture,” 16^. 8d. For the “furnishing” of 
 every archer 3/. 10^. 8d. was levied, for every billman SI. 16«. 2d., and 
 for every “ caliver ” 4/. 10s. \0d. “ Allso the Queen’s Majestie did 
 
 alio we for conducte moneye to everye souldiare, a half penie a myle 
 from the hundred where they dwelled unto the toune of Lyverpoole, 
 and 2s. a peece for their tr an spor tinge.” 
 
 Taxation of Lancashire. 
 
 f. 50. 1575. — A taxation, within Lancashire, for the “ levyinge, 
 makinge, and setting furthe ” thirty labourers and soldiers to serve in 
 Ireland ; from each hundred, one of the men is to be a “ smithe.” They 
 are to be at Chester on 10th May ; each is to have for his “ whole furni- 
 ture,” 30s. “There coates are to be redde, of 6s. 8«:?. the yarde, 
 gascoine fashion, tyed under the arme with whitte incle,^ everye one to 
 have a sworde, dagger, and gyrdle.” 
 
 The Same. 
 
 f. 50d. 1576, June. — Taxation made within the same county for 
 “ makinge of 6 masons, 6 carpenters, and 12 labourers,” to be sent into 
 Ireland. A note states that these never went. 33s. 4c?. was to be levied 
 towards their “ furniture,” with which was to be provided for each man 
 “ doblette, hose, showes, dagger, and a coate of whytte clothe made of 
 the fashione of a cassocke, garded with two laces of conies [?], the one 
 of the coller of redde, and the other grene.” 
 
 Parochial Armour. 
 
 f. 51. — List of “ common armour ” delivered to the several parishes in 
 Salford hundred ; the articles are chiefly “ coarslettes,” “ morrianns,” 
 “ flaxboxes,” “ moldes,” and “ calivers.” 
 
 Cost of Soldiers’ Outfits. 
 
 f. 53. 1577, January 30. — Taxation of Lancashire, made at Ormskirk, 
 “ for the making readye of 300 men within one houres warniiige.” 
 The cost of “ furniture ” for an armed pikeman was 
 
 Hys dublette of white homes {sic) fuscion - 
 Hys hose of watchet kersaye, venisioned fashione, 
 2 yardes and a halfe 
 
 Thre quarters of whyte kersaye netherstocke 
 Two yards and a halfe of course canvas for lynninge - 
 One yard and half a quarter of flaxoun, for straite 
 lyninge --------- 
 
 For makyng hys hose ------ 
 
 Hys shyrte ..---- 
 
 For hys showes -------- 
 
 Carters and poincts - - - - - - - 
 
 Hys coate of watchet, fashione gascoine, of Yorkshire 
 broade clothe, one yarde and three quarters 
 Y elowe or redde broad clothe for two gardes about the 
 coate, two gardes douue the hose, two fingars broad, 
 one quarter and a halfe ------ 
 
 6«. 8c?. 
 
 5^. 10(?. 
 I8d. 
 15J. 
 
 15c?. 
 8d. 
 Ss. 4c?. 
 2s. 
 
 Qd. 
 
 1 1 8d. 
 
 2s. 6c/. 
 
 ^ A sort of tape. — Bailey . 
 
589 
 
 Hys corslett furnished 
 
 Pike ---------- 
 
 Hys sworde and dagger, and sword gyrdell - 
 Moneye in hys purse, over and besydes suche moneye as 
 her Majestie shall allowe for coate and conducte 
 money 
 
 335 . 4d. 
 
 2s. Sd. 
 Ss. 
 
 105 . 
 
 “ Furniture ” of a billman : — 
 
 f. 52d. — For hys apparell, armoure, byll, sword, dagger, 
 
 money in hys purse, and in all sortes as the pikeman - 41. lU. 2d. 
 
 “ Furniture ” of an archer ; — 
 
 Hys apparell, allowed as a picke, vew bowe - 
 Hys sheaf of arrowes and a case to the arrowes - 
 Hys coate of plate ------- 
 
 Hys skull and Scottishe cappe to cover the same - 
 Hys sworde, dagger, and sworde gyrdell to the same 
 Hys shootinge gloves, bracelette, and stringe 
 Money in hys purse besides hys conducte monye, as her 
 Majestie shall alow, ys ------ 
 
 The ‘‘ furniture ” of a pioneer • 
 
 Hys cassocke watchette, 1 yard 3 quarters - 
 Hys shyrte 
 
 Hys doublette, whytte 
 
 Hys hose of whyte, two yardes - - - - - 
 
 Makyng and lyuinge ------- 
 
 Hys showes 
 
 Garters and poincts ------- 
 
 Hys sculle cappe - = 
 
 Hys sword, dagger, and sword gyrdell 
 Mony in hys purse over and besides suche money as her 
 Majestie shall allowe for coate and conducte money - 
 
 5s. 
 
 35 . 4d. 
 
 135 . 4d. 
 
 3s. 4d. 
 
 Ss. 
 
 I2d. 
 
 [blank] 
 
 85. 9d. 
 2s. 9d. 
 
 os. 
 
 5s. 4d. 
 
 16d. 
 
 2s. 
 
 6d. 
 3s. 4d. 
 
 8s. 
 
 IO5.” 
 
 Lancashiric Hundreds. 
 
 f. 55d. 1582, April 5 . — A “ divisione ” of the hundreds of Lanca- 
 shire, taken at Wigan. 
 
 Fireman’s Dress. 
 
 “ The pike’s ” coat was of ‘‘ broade blewe ” at 85. the yard, each coat 
 containing one yard and a quarter. The billman’s “jacke or coate of 
 plate” cost 135. 4d.j and the bowman’s “shootinge glove, bowe stringes, 
 and braselettes ” cost 1 6d. 
 
 Thomas Preston to the Justices of the Peace within the 
 Hundred of Salford. 
 
 f. 59. 1584-5, January 9. — Has received the Privy Council’s direc- 
 tions for “ ellectinge ” 50 soldiers to be employed in Ireland, out of the 
 200 before appointed by the Queen’s letters of 16 August last. The 
 50 men are to be at Chester on 15 February, furnished and sorted as 
 follows : — 20 with “ calivers,” 10 with “ corslettes and pykes,” 10 with 
 
590 
 
 bowes and arrows, and 10 with “ halberts or good black bills.” He 
 therefore desires the Justices to direct the Constables to bring before 
 him, at Preston in Amounderness, on the 21st January, all the 200 sol- 
 diers, that he may select therefrom 50, according to the order given him, 
 “and withall, to have the raonye ther readie, accordinge to the rates sett 
 doune att the time, for their furniture and allowance for the fourthe 
 parte of the said 200 men being then sessed.” 
 
 Suggestions for reforming “ the Enormities of the Saobothe,” signed by 
 Henry, Earl of Derby, and Sir Francis Walsingham. 
 
 f. 63d. — “ Wakes, fayres, markettes, bayrbeytes, bullbaytes, ales, 
 maygames, resortinge to alle howses in time of divine service, pypinge 
 and dauncinge, huntinge, and all manner of unlawfull gaminge. 
 
 “ The meanes how to reforme the same. 
 
 “1. To give charge, att the publique Quarter Sessions, to all mayores, 
 bailiffes, constables, and other civill offycers, churche wardens, and other 
 offyceres of the churche, to suppresse, by all meanes jawfull, the said dis- 
 orderes of the Saobothe, as allso to present the said offendours at the 
 Quarter Sessions, that they maye be dealt with for the same, so farr as 
 lawe will beare. And for the present time, to apprehende the minstrelles, 
 bearewardes, and other suche lyke cheif authores of the said disofderes, 
 and them to briuge imediatlie before some justice of peace, to be 
 punished att ther discretion. 
 
 “2. That the churchwardens and other churche offyceres be enjoyned 
 to appeare at the Quarter Sessions, and ther to make presentmente of all 
 that neglecte divine service upon the Saobothe daye, by absence or 
 otherwise, that they may be indycted upon the statute which imposethe 
 a penalltie of xij*^ for every suche offence. 
 
 “3. To abridge the immeasurable multitude of allehowses to the 
 poincte of the statute. 
 
 “ 4. To take order that the allehowses shall utter a full quarte of alle 
 for a pennye, and none of any lesser sysse. 
 
 “ 5. To bynde the allehowse keepers by speciall terms in the condition 
 of ther recognizaunce, for receiptinge (sic) any that are chief maintainers, 
 partakers of thafforsaid disorderes of the Saobothe, as sellinge alle and 
 other victualles, in time of dyvine service. 
 
 “6. That constables and other civill offyceres, and churchwardens and 
 other the churche offyceres, be enjoyned, at the Quarter Sessiouns, to 
 make presentmente to the justices of the peace of all those allhowse- 
 keepers that have broken the condition of ther recognizaunce, and the 
 justices to take orders with the clarke of the peace, or otherwise, for the 
 further presentinge of the said forfaitors, accordinge to the righte 
 course of lawe. 
 
 ‘*7. That the saide officeres be enjoyned to make presentmente allso 
 att the Sessions of all those that sell alle, havinge therto lyceaunce. 
 
 “ 8. That your worshipps woulde take order amongste yourselves that 
 no lycence be given to any to keepe allehowse, but onlie in publique 
 Sessiouns. 
 
 “ 9. That your worshippes would enjoyne the aforesaid offyceres of 
 the churche and comone wealthe that they make due presentmente att 
 the Quarter Sessiouns of all bastardes borne or remayninge within ther 
 several! precinctes, and that, therupon, a straite course be taken for the 
 due punishmente of the reputed parenntes, accordinge to the statute, as 
 allso for the conveniente keepinge and relief of the said infauntes. And 
 allso for vacaboundes, accordinge to the statute. — Henry Derby, Francis 
 Wallsingham,” 
 
691 
 
 Suggestions for the Eeformation of Defaults of Lancashire Freeholders 
 and others, signed by the abovesaid Earl of Derby and Sir Francis 
 Walsingham. 
 
 f. 64d. No. 6 reads : — Concerning justices of peace, yt were con- 
 veniente that a sermond should allwaies be had, at everye quarter sessions, 
 and att a conveniente howre of the daye, whereat the presence of justices 
 of peace, and other otfycers of that courte, were especiallie to be re- 
 quyred, wherefore yt were good they endeavoured to come to the place 
 of justice sette betime of the daye.'’ No. 8 reads : — “ To the end they 
 may more willinglie bestowe their continuall attendaunce in this so 
 necessarye a service and so properlie belonging to their charge, the 
 Chauncler will take order they shall enjoye the allowance owt of the 
 fines and issues for the ease of ther chardge, according to the statute.” 
 It is considered expedient that the sessions should begin at Man- 
 chester and thence proceed to Wigan or Ormskirk, then to Preston, and 
 end at Lancaster, ‘‘ which rightlie maye falle owt for the conveniente 
 placinge of the records of all proceedings before hadd in the severall 
 sessions, as beinge a place generallie assigned therunto.” 
 
 The Council to the Sheriff and Justices of the Peace for 
 
 Lancashire. 
 
 f. 75d. 1584, August 17. Oatlands. — Wheras the Queue’s Ma- 
 jestic, at this presennte, sennte her letters unto you, for the levyinge of 
 200 able men in that County of Lanncaster for her service in her warres in 
 the realme of Yrelaunde, albeit ther ys suche truste reposed as that you 
 will, with all your indeavoure, further suche service, yet to thintente 
 ther may be noe defaulte therof, wee have thought good to recomende 
 the same unto you, upon conference amongste yourselves, howe the same 
 nomber ys to levyed in every particuler divisione of that county, to have 
 an especiall care that choise be made of able personns meete for this 
 service, and that the furniture of them be suche as maye not by the cap- 
 taine, or any other that shall have the view and charge of them, uppon 
 juste cause, be misliked, so as the said nomber be in a readiness to 
 marche towardes Chester by the day of September, as you shalbe 
 dyrected by us, there to be imbarked ; againste which time wee have 
 allreadye given order that conveniente shippinge shalbe provided for 
 ther transportation. 
 
 “And wher heretofore information hathe bene given, bothe to her 
 Majestic and us, that in suche lyke services, by reasonne that the 
 men were in this realme, or in Irelaunde, commytted to straunge cap- 
 taines, who for the moste parte have not used ther souldiours with 
 that love and care that appertained, ther was not so good choise made of 
 them as was fytte ; and allso the furniture of the shire never returned, 
 so as the souldiours have bene therby greatlie discouraged in the 
 services, and the countrye wher the levyes have bene made, more 
 burdened; and yet wee have done what wee can for the redresse 
 of ther disorder, thoughe our care therin hathe lytell or nothinge pre- 
 vailed : her Majestic, therfore, for the avoydinge of the lyke incon- 
 venience hereafter, and for the benefytte of that countrie and en- 
 couragemente to the souldiaurs, hathe thoughte good that some gentle- 
 men of that countrye and shyre shoulde be the captaine under whom 
 they shoulde serve, and not to have them committed to any other 
 straunger, neyther here nor in Yrelaund ; and for that purpose her 
 Majestie hathe, by her letters, recommended unto you the eldeste sonne 
 of Edmunde Trafibrd, knighte, to whom her pleasure ys you shoulde 
 signifie so rnuche as to make him privie to your saide choise and levie of 
 
592 
 
 men, changinge suche of the men and furniture as he shall, uppon juste 
 cause to be shewed unto you, mislike and desire to have yt altered, so as 
 hereafter hee maye have noe excuse or exception, y£ defaulte shalbe 
 founde to the contrarie. 
 
 “ It ys allso thoughte conveniente that yf the said nomber of soul- 
 diars shoulde be certified, with ther severall kindes of weapons, as 
 ys prescribed in Her Majestie’s said letters, and that they shoulde 
 be furnished with swordes and daggers, and lykewise conv^eniente 
 doblettes and hose, and allso a cassocke of the same motley or other sad 
 greene color, or russette, and lykewise, upon the deliverie of them 
 to the said captaine or his lyvetenaunte, to be [by] hym or hys lyve- 
 tenaunte conducted to the seaside, and so over into Yrlauiide ; which 
 wee thinke meete to be done by true perfytte byll indented betwene you 
 and the captaine specified, bothe names of the men, and the manner of 
 ther furniture, wherof the one copie to be sente unto us and the other to 
 remay ne with you, and the third with the saide captaine. It ys allso 
 thoughte requisite, and so wee praye you procure, that there maye be 
 delivered unto hym, for every souldiare beinge harquebussed, two 
 poundes of good powlder, with conveniente matche and bullette, for use 
 of hys peece. And lykewise, for every souldiar, v® of mony, to provide 
 a mantell for him in Yrelaunde, besides hys lyverie coate, when he 
 shalbe ther arived. Wee praye you allso, upon the computation of the 
 myles, to cause so muche mony to be delivered to the said souldiaurs as 
 shalbe conveniente for ther journey, the charge of whiche coate and con- 
 ducte monye, accordinge to her Majestie’s usuall rates, shalbe repaied 
 by the maior ther to suche as you shall appoincte to receave the same. 
 
 “ Finallie, wheras upon the vew of the late certificate of musters of 
 that countye wee doe not finde the same furnished with suche proportion 
 of armoure, especiallie of calivers and corslettes with pickes, as wee 
 thinke were conveniente for her Majesty’s service and defence of this 
 realme ; so as yf any parte ther shoulde be sennte owt for this presente 
 service yt woulde growe therby the worse furnished, wee therfore thinke 
 yt beste ther shoulde so muche mony levyed within the said county 
 as maye suflG.ce to provide the calivers and corslettes for the nomber 
 appoincted ther to be levyed, for which purpose wee have caused a 
 certaine proportion of bothe corslettes and calivers to be sente to the 
 porte of Chester, which, before wee sennte them downe, wee appoincted 
 certaine of skill to view the same, to see them good and servicable, 
 havinge allso agreed with the owner of the said armoure to be uttered 
 and delivered to the captaine at the rates contained in the scedule 
 enclosed.” 
 
 The Council to [the Sheriff and Justices of Lancashire]. 
 
 1584, August 27. Oatlands. — “Wheras the Queenes Majestie hathe 
 occasione, for this presente service in Yrelaunde, to sende certaine 
 horsrnen into that realme and understaundinge that ther be within your 
 county certaine gentlemen and others that [are] recusantes, who, not- 
 withstaundinge that in poinctes of relligion they do not shewe themselves 
 so conformable as appertainethe and her Majestie most earnestlie de- 
 syrethe, yet in all ther matters, when they are chardged wdth undewti- 
 fullnes, they doe professe all dewtifull affection unto her Highnes, so 
 farre furthe as to adventure bothe ther lyves andgoodes in Her Majestie’s 
 service ; shee therfore, beinge desirous, upon this occasione, to make 
 some profe therof, hathe thought meete that those whose names wee 
 send you here, which are contayned in a scedule subscribed by us, 
 shoulde by you be dealte withall in that behalfe, and for that purpose 
 
593 
 
 ehee bathe comaunded us that wee shoulde dyrecte you to repaire to the 
 places wher the recusantes doe reside, takinge with you two of the 
 commissioners for musters or any two justices of peace within the said 
 countye neere to the residentes of the said parties ; and, after you have 
 acquainted them with the contentes of these our letters, to requyre them, 
 in her Majesties name, as so dyrected by us, that they give order owt of 
 haunde for the preparinge, by the xv*^ daye of September, so manie 
 horse or horses as are taxed upon eche of ther names, in suche sorte 
 furnished as ys contained in the said scedule, lettinge them understande 
 that, in case her Majestic shall finde them conformable in that behalf, 
 they shall give her cause to use them with more favoure, and to qualifie 
 some parte of the extremitie that otherwise the lawe dothe laye upon them ; 
 and for that wee doubte that they maye not so convenientlie, and within 
 the time apoincted, provide the men and horses furnished, accordinge as 
 in that scedule ys expressed, you shall offer unto them that on paymente 
 of xxiiij**, which ys the leaste some that maye be to serve that proportion, 
 to be paide within tenn daies after knowledge given to them by you 
 of her Majestie’s pleasure, that then you will see them dischardged. And 
 in case any of them shall refuse to doe eyther one or other, then yt ys 
 her Majestie’s pleasure that you shall cause the parties soe refusinge to 
 sett downe under ther haudes the causes of ther refusall and to certifie 
 the same unto us, as allso to deliver into our handes so manie of 
 them as by this notice siiall dewtifullie assente or yealde therunto ; to 
 the end that therupon wee may take such order therin as shalbe thoughte 
 meete.” The Schedule : — 
 
 “ The names of suche personns as are apoincted to fynde lyghte 
 horsemen within the countye of Lanncaster, every one to be 
 furnished with a good, large, and servicable horse or gelldinge, 
 a lyghte horseman’s staflfe, a jacke, a burhonette, scleeves of male, 
 a case of pistolettes, and a cassocke of suche a color as shalbe here- 
 after signified from the Lordes of her Majestie’s moste [honourable] 
 Previe Counsell, or elles to paye so muche money as shalbe sufly- 
 ciente for the furnishinge of the same. 
 
 Alexander Barlowe, j. 
 
 Sir John Sowthworthe of Sainsbury, j. 
 
 Thomas Clifton, j. 
 
 John Talbotte of Salebury, ij. 
 
 Ry chard Blundell, j. 
 
 William Orrell, j. 
 
 Thomas Singleton of the Tower, j. 
 
 William Thornborough, j. 
 
 Thomas Assheton, j. 
 
 William Haydock, j. 
 
 Albaine Butler, j . 
 
 John Westby of Molebrigge, j. 
 
 William Hesketh, j. 
 
 John Rygmarden, j. 
 
 Peter Stanley, j. 
 
 Robert Blundell, j.” 
 
 John Byron to . 
 
 f. 76d. 1587-8, February 20. Knowsley. — Has received letters 
 lately from the Earl of Derby, “ her Majesties lyvetennaunt of these 
 partes, to Sir Richard Sherborne and me dyrected,” stating that “ a 
 gentleman, an experensied souldiaure of credytte, shall presentlie come 
 
 73480. P P 
 
694 
 
 downe into this Countye of Lancaster, by apoinctmente of the Lordes of 
 her Majestie’s moste honourable Privie Counsell, by her Highness’ 
 speciall comaundemente, to take a full and perfecte viewe in what redines 
 he fyndeth all the forces, aswell horsmen as footmen, within this shire 
 furnished. These ure, therefore, forthwith, with all speede possible, to 
 requyre you and every of you the justices of peace and gentlemen, with 
 the freholders within the Hundred of Derby, to put in a readines all your 
 forces, aswell demilaunces, lyghte horses as footemen, with your tennantes 
 and folowers, furnished with armoure and weaponne, to serve her 
 Majestie as staundethe with your credyte, so as you have them all 
 readie to be showed within these viij daies nexte cominge, yf need 
 so requyre. Thus hopinge hereof you will not faile to use your best 
 diligences as you tender her Majestie’s service and your owne credytte.” 
 
 The Council to Lord Straunge, the Bishop of Chester, the 
 Sheriff of Lancashire, and the Justices for the County. 
 
 f. 77. [Undated.] Bequiring improvement in the system employed by 
 clmrch wardens in levying and bestowing penalties for not attending 
 church ; “ the said churchwardens being in manie places (as wee heare) 
 men of meaneste qualitie.” 
 
 Instructions as to taking Musters. 
 
 ff. 77d-80. [Undated.] Instructions, given at the Queen’s com- 
 mand, by the Council to the Commissioners for taking the general 
 musters in Lancashire; one of the instructions is that “ none suspected 
 in religion have the chardge of any nomber of soldiaurs.” 
 
 Further Instructions as to the Same. 
 
 £f. 8l-83d. [Undated.] Instructions, given at the Queen’s command, 
 by the Council to the late Commissioners appointed for taking musters 
 in Lancashire. They commence, ‘‘ Her Majestie’s clemencie ys not to 
 charge the poore.” 
 
 Orders howe every personne that shalbe trained, shalbe taught to 
 handle hys ])eece.” 
 
 f. 84. ‘‘ Fyrste, that every harquebushire, utterlie voide of the know- 
 ledge of the use of hys peece, be instructed in maner and forme 
 following : — 
 
 ‘^Imprimis, that every such personne be instructed how to handle and 
 carrye hys peece, flaxe, and touche boxe. 
 
 Then to teache him how, in handsome maner, hee shall charge hys 
 peece, and after, how to laye yt on hys cheike ; and beinge once 
 acquainted how to charge them, to teache him to carrye and to shoote off 
 hys peece att raundome, and afterwardes to be taught to shoote at a 
 marke certaine, the same to be distaunte the uttermoste levell of the 
 peece. Item, after beinge, at the two fyrste meetinges, experienced how 
 to handle and charge hys peece and to shoote at a marke, att the laste 
 meetinge, they are to be trained further how, uppon a small staye, 
 either in marche or in skirmishe, tliey maye moste readilie shoote and 
 speedilie chardge and dischardge ther said peeces. 
 
 “ Item, att every daye appoincted in the instructions for ther trayninge, 
 that the gentlemen appoincted to this chardge shall give order that the 
 private personnes appoincted to be trained shall not use any disorderlie 
 shootinge, but discharge and shoote off hys peece att suche time and in 
 suche order as hee shalbe comanded so to doe ; provided that att every 
 
595 
 
 suche time of meetinge hee shall not shoote above tenn shootes of the 
 com on allowaunce of bullettes and powder allotted unto him by the 
 charge of the countrye. 
 
 “ Item, that the peeces, before there traininges, be vewed by gentlemen 
 to be good and meete for the purpose, and not suche as are lyke to breake 
 or doe any harme. 
 
 ‘‘ Item, good care to be hadd and greate charge to be given, that in the 
 time of the skirmishe or exercize at ther last meetinge, no peece be 
 laden with bullettes, or otherwise to be shotte of, wherby any personn 
 may be maymed or put in hassard of lylfe or lymme. 
 
 “ Twentye bullettes for the caliver of the Tower ys juste a pounde 
 weighte, and one pounde of powder will make xxv*^® shootes, allowinge 
 three quarters weighte of powder to every bullette, and the overplus, after 
 that rate, ys fyve shoote more, which ys for tuche powder ; so that, in 
 the whole, xx*‘® bullettes are to be made of the pounde, and thirtye shootes 
 to the pounde of powder, whereof fyve allowed for tuche powder.” 
 
 The Wool Trade in Rochdale. 
 
 f. 86d. 1588, June 26. An order taken by Sir John Byron and Edmund 
 Hopwood, esquire, at Rochdale. Recites that sundry informations have 
 been exhibited in the Court of Exchequer against sundry the inhabitants 
 of Rochdale (and process was served upon them to appear at the Easter 
 term last past) for dealing in wool, contrary to the statute 5 Edward VI. 
 Supplication was thereupon made by the writers, and other justices of 
 the county, to the Master of the Rolls, “ signifyinge that yf the same 
 statute were executed in this countrie, where the poor clothier ys not 
 able to go to the grower of the wooles, neyther the grower able to 
 come hither, ther were thousandes of poore people utterlie undone.” 
 The matter was considered and referred back to the writers to see that 
 there was no forestalling, regrating, nor engrossing, ‘‘ neyther that 
 the wooles were sold oftener than to buy yt of the grower and sell it to 
 the maker of clothe, which libertie the men of Hallifax have.” 
 The writers, therefore, order that no man inhabiting in Rochdale 
 parish shall buy wool therein and sell it again, nor use any forestalling, 
 regrating, nor engrossing of wool, neither sell it, except in the market 
 town there ; and that none buy wool to sell it again except of the 
 grower, nor sell it except to the cloth maker. ‘‘ Provided allwaies that 
 the northren men shall have libertie to sell woolle in the toune of 
 Ratchdall to any person or persons which will buyethe same, bycause he 
 knowethe not the clothe makers. But let the same buyer be well 
 advised he sell not the same again, but converte it into clothe.” 
 
 An “ Easter- Book.” 
 
 ff. 93d-97. 1569. — The Easter booke” of the hamlets of Middleton, 
 Hopwood, Thurnham, and Pilsworth, gives the names of the inhabi- 
 tants, and the tax on “ house, hay,” &c. 
 
 Examination of Myles Rosse and John Brindley. 
 
 f. 97d. 1595. — Notes of the examination of Myles Rosse of Man- 
 chester, goldsmith, and John Brindley, “ tinker or plummer.” Rosse 
 says that John Brindley, a “ tynker,” showed him certain “ lytell 
 portions of plate,” and that he afterwards bought of him the “ bottome 
 of this silver tunne, now shewed him,” and other small portions of plate, 
 to the value of 3 ounces of silver, for 13^. 
 
 P p 2 
 
596 
 
 Henry, Earl of Derby to . 
 
 f. 98d. 1589-90 (?), February 20. — By means of the death of sundry 
 gentlemen and the departure of others out of the county, ‘‘ upon the 
 troubles latelie fallen owt in this shire,” he is forced to alter, in some 
 places, the first rate for furnishing the 25 (?) demi-lances specially 
 required. Co'py, 
 
 The Same to the Gentlemen of Sallford Hundred.” 
 
 f. 100. 1590, June 2. “^^'ew Parke, my house.” — ‘‘By letters 
 
 which this laste nighte were delivered me from there lordships 
 of her Majestie’s most honourable Privie Councell, I understand of 
 an attempte entended againste Lancashire, Cheshire, and Anglesey, 
 wherupon I am straitelie required to put in a readines, and see pre- 
 sentlie furnished with armoure and weapon, my whole lyvetenancie. 
 These therfore, are, on her Majestie’s behaulf, to chardge and comaunde 
 you that, accordinge to the tenor of my late letters, you presentlie (for her 
 Majestie’s service and your owne defence) see furnished with sufficiente 
 armoure and weapon, yourselves, servauntes, tenantes, and followers, in 
 suche warlicke maner as, upon an hour’s warninge, you and they dare and 
 will adventure to withstande any and all attemptes that shalbe proffered 
 or made, eyther againste these two {sic) shires or any other parties of 
 this realme. Hereunto faile not, but have suche regard as standethe 
 with your duties towardes God, her Majestie, and the realme.” 
 
 Kichard Holland to Eichard Assheton, Eichard Brereton, 
 
 and others. 
 
 f. lOOd. 1590, June 4. Heaton.— “For better preparation and warn- 
 ing of the country againste some newe entended invasions upon these 
 partes, especiallie as by my Lord Lyvetenante his letters, which here- 
 withall I have sente you, maye partlie appeare, and for the enterceptinge 
 and discoverie of suche intelligences or devices as in this dangerous time 
 may be sente from one lewde persone to another, — his lordshipe hathe 
 comaunded that presente order be taken for watchinge of the beacons in 
 every place throughout his lyvetenancie, and in like maner, for straite 
 watche and warde to be kepte in places usuall and of moste importaunce. 
 These maie be, therfore, in her Majestie’s namf‘, to lequyre you, with all 
 speed and dilligence, to [see] the same his lordship’s order and comande- 
 mente fullie accomplished within your severall divisions, untill suche time 
 as you shall be warned to surceasse or forbeare the same. And withall, 
 that you comaunde all and every the cunstables that, in there watch and 
 warde, no suspitious or unknowne person be suffered to passe eyther by 
 daie or nighte, untill suche time as hee hathe reudred a lawfull and due 
 accompte of his order of lief and the presente occasione of his travell, 
 before you or suche discrete person as in every place of watche and ward 
 you shall appoincte for better assistinge of the constable in that behaulf, 
 where suche assistaunce shall seeme requisite.” 
 
 Eichard Holland and E[dmund] Hop wood to the 
 Bishop of Chester. 
 
 f. 101 1590, July 19. — The bearer, Ealph Holland, by order of the 
 Bishop and other the Queen’s Commissioners, “hath done all his penance, 
 saving the inninge (?) of his bodie prisoner to the castell of Chester, 
 certaine daies,” which he is ready to do, as by certificate of the vicar of 
 Eochdale appears. He is bound by recognizance to perform the order, 
 
^597 
 
 and not frequent the woman’s companie hereafter, by whom he had the 
 bastard childe.” The woman is a bad character, and if, hereafter, she 
 should wron^fullie father a childe upon him, and hee, by reasone of this 
 former offence not able by the lawe to purge himselve thereby (though 
 in no faulte), should forfaite his recognisance.” The writers, therefore, 
 beg the Bishop to accept his abjuration and cancel his recognizance, 
 and — after being for one day and one night in the castle — to discharge 
 him ; particularly as Holland ‘‘ hathe worne papers in Ratchdall 
 markette, which never none did heretofore to our knowledge, althoughe 
 this be his first offence.” 
 
 to Lord Burghlet. 
 
 f. 102. 1590, September. Wigan. — Miles Gerrard, esquire, of Ince, 
 was lately indicted for fourteen months absence from church, and is 
 “estreated into the Exchequer, without any tryall of jury,” though he 
 traversed and pleaded for the same. The “commone voice of his 
 country ” imputes this to the negligence of his attorney. The truth is, 
 he was most part of the time “ so extreame sicke that he was, nexte under 
 God, preserved by drinkinge of goates milke,” and for rest of the time 
 too weak to “ come aud abide one houre in ihe churche.” The writers 
 certify that the said Miles, under ordinary circumstances, is a regular 
 attendant at church. 
 
 Oliver Carter, “ preacher, of Manchester,” Edward Fleetwood, “ parsone 
 of Wygan,” William Leighe, “ parson of Standishe,” Edward 
 Assheton, “ parson of Mydleton,” Peter Shawe, parson of Bury, 
 Edward Welshe, “vycar of Blakeburne,” William Langley, “par- 
 son of Prestwiche,” John Buckley, “ preacher att Manchester,” 
 John Hill, “preacher at Prestwiche,” Thomas Hunte, “ preacher 
 at Oldham,” and Richard Mydgley, “ pastour of Ratchdall,” to the 
 Archbishop [of York]. 
 
 f. 103d. 1590, October. — At the Archbishop’s late visitation, they 
 
 were commanded by “ Mr. Doctor Gibson ” to appear before the Bishop 
 [of Chester], at Manchester, and give evidence as to their conformity. 
 This they did, and were enjoined to make answer to the Bishop, by 
 November 1, as to their future action with regard to conformity. As 
 they understand that this action originated with the Archbishop, and as 
 it is to “receive its end” before him, they think it their duty not only 
 to return their answer to the Bishop, but also to send it to the Arch- 
 bishop, and beg he will require no “ more particular ” answer than that 
 set down, because none of them, so far as they can perceive, were pre- 
 sented at the said visitation for not using “ the commone booke,” or for 
 refusing “ to weare the surpleasse att any tyme, beinge duelie tendered 
 unto us,” or for preaching “ againste the commone booke or any parte 
 thereof” ; and, moreover, because it “ woulde requyre a more particular 
 consideration of all poinctes in the common booke then the tyme lymited 
 unto us ” would afford. 
 
 They ask the Archbishop — in considering their actions— to remember 
 “ the generall state of the people amongese who wee live, standinge of 
 two sortes : the obstinate papists and the zealous professours of 
 relligione. The one sorte beinge (as St. Paule speaketh of the 
 Athenians) in all thinges too superstitious, and therefore make every 
 ceremonie of our churche, but especiallie that of the crosse, as an idoll 
 of their churche ; the other sorte, so farre carried into scandall at those 
 thinges which so greatlie are drawen into abuse by the papists, that 
 
^98 
 
 plainlie many of them woulde in sondrie places leave us and our 
 ministration, yf wee shoulde be broughte under the power of the same, 
 whome to grieve in any thinge of that kind, it maye seem no small 
 matter to such of their pastours, especiallie by whom they have been 
 reclaimed from poperie and broughte to the ghospell, in respecte of bothe ; 
 which, howsoever otherwise they may be thoughte lawfull and toiler- 
 able ells where, yett assuredlie in these partes of our country, they 
 may seem lesse expediente then in any other parte of the realme/’ 
 The Archbishop is also reminded that, for many years, the writers 
 have been called — both by the Ecclesiastical Commission, ‘‘ when it 
 was,*’ and by the civil authority, since the former has ceased — to make 
 presentment of the “ papists ** amongst them, by which means many 
 have been reformed, but the greater part ‘‘ styrred up in rancour and 
 mallice againste us ” ; these persons, taking advantage of the present 
 proceedings ” against the writers, and thinking all protection to be 
 taken from us,” begin ‘‘ to make revenge of our former dutifull ymploi- 
 ments againste them by briiiginge ijs in questione att the Assizes and 
 •sesses, for these matters of inconformite.” The writers also feel “a 
 grievous smart ” at their prosecutions, by those “ whom wee hould for 
 reverend fathers and protectours.” 
 
 Consideration of all this has hitherto led their own bishop to deal 
 favourably with them in such matters, and they do not doubt that, of 
 himselfe,” he intends to continue so to do ; they also presume that like 
 considerations have drawn similar favour from the Archbishop him- 
 self and his predecessors; therefore, as their latter dealings have not 
 altered from their former, they trust to receive similar favour to that 
 which they have before received, by which they “ doubte not but your 
 lordshippe shall finde a farre greater blessinge to the good refor- 
 mation of our country from the grosse idolatory and heathenish propha- 
 nations which yet contynue with many amongste us, then yf a more 
 strycte course were taken in these smaller matters of inconformity in 
 the preachers.” In this behalf they have requested Mr. Hopwood, a 
 justice of the county, one of the Ecclesiastical Commission, and “ an 
 earneste favourer of the preachers and the worke of the mynesterie,” 
 to attend the Archbishop with the present letter, that the Archbishop 
 may be by him more fully informed of their doings. 
 
 Postscript . — For satisfaction of the Archbishop’s order proposed to the 
 writers in the College of Manchester, on September 2, their joint answer 
 is, that they have “ heretofore generallie used the commone booke in all 
 dyvine service and none other ; and in all other thinges which concerne 
 our public mynistery have so peaceablie carried ourselves, as well in 
 practyze as doctrine, that the adversaries of religione amougeste whom 
 wee live are not able justlie to charge us to have bene contemners of 
 authoryty or recusants of any thinge by lawe prescribed, [and] so wee 
 meane (by God’s grace) hereafter to contynue.” 
 
 to Bunny, forwarding the foregoing letter. 
 
 f. 105. 1590, November 14. StainclifF. — I receaved upon Mundaye 
 laste this letter, dyrectedto my Lord Archbishop, and beinge acquainted 
 with his purpose to wryte to our bushoppe, and hopinge his Grace will, 
 the xvj*^ or xvij^^ of this instante, be in Yorke, I thoughte yt my duety 
 to sende this bearer to you, entreatinge you to deliver the same to his 
 grace, yf hee be in Yorke; yf not, then helpe this bearer, and I praie 
 that you will deliver them to my Lorde of Yorke. 
 
 “ I have delivered to Mr. Fleetwood that his Grace woulde, att the 
 returne of Dr. Gybsoune (which in fewe dales, hee expected) wryte to 
 
699 
 
 the Bushoppe of Chester his pleasure concerninge the letters re- 
 ceaved by me, and that his Grace charged me, in his name, to desire 
 them to be carefull of themselves and not give their adversaries cause to 
 rejoyce by withdrawinge ther dueties from ther gratious Prince, in 
 matters of endefferencie, but rather of ther owne accordes to take some 
 time betwixte this and nexte Candlemas to put on the surpleasse, eyther 
 by themselves or ther curates, and yf any of them did thinke yt not 
 a matter endifferente, that then they would take ther journey to 
 Yorke, and conferre with his lordshipp, who was in good hope to 
 persuade them to conform! tie, as all the preachers within the diocesse of 
 Yorke are, excepte one onlie man. And this is the effecte of my 
 speache from my Lord his Grace to them. 
 
 ‘‘You knowe, Mr. Bunye, his Grace’s respyte was till our Lady daye 
 in Lente, but I have not acquainted any therwith, excepte Mr. Fleet- 
 wood, by cause I would have them to come on speedilie in this action, 
 and I meane, this nexte Christetyde, to admonishe all and every of them 
 which have not then done as ys required and desired, to be mindfull 
 of his Lordshipp’s milde dealinge towardes them, and yf this course 
 have no goode effecte, I will, JDeo volente, nexte Candlemas, chide with 
 them severelie, and yf that take no good successe, I will, before our 
 Lady daye in Lente, exclame and in sorte braide against them. And 
 now, Mr. Bunny, yf I might, by your good meanes, be so boulde with 
 my Lord Archbishop as to begge att his Grace’s handes the enlargeinge 
 of this tolleration for one syx weekes longer then our Ladye daye in 
 Lente, then woulde I frame myselve to deale by all courteous 
 persuations with them, as att the fyrste I begunne, and yf then I can- 
 not prevaile, I wil leavel them to taste the fruites of there owne 
 humoures.” 
 
 Postscript . — “ I praye you deale earnestlie with my Lord Archbishop 
 for the tolleration for one syx weekes, bycause some of them have bene 
 planters or founders of religion in these partes, contynuall well users of 
 ther lyberty so many yeares enjoyed, and therfore yt behovethe me to 
 use all goode meanes I maye, that this corner of my country mighte 
 still enjoy e them, excepte they shall endirectlie cutte of themselves, and 
 I feare none of them more then your and my old friend, that moste 
 honeste natured gentleman, Mr. l.<angley ; and for the ould vycar you 
 knowe 1 doe not knowe what to sale, but leave him to Jesus Christe.” 
 
 John, Archbishop of York, to [Edmund Hopwood]. 
 
 f. 108d. 1590, December 7. Cawood Castle. — Upon conference with 
 Doctor Gibson, he understands that the order taken with the preachers of 
 Manchester deanery was taken with others in his visitation “ where the 
 like occasion was offered.” Nearly all those who signed the letter sent to 
 him, were presented for not wearing the surplice ; their conduct on that 
 point was “evydent” and “ complained of.” They allege that they did 
 not speak against the common book, but their “ actions and exemplers ” 
 are witness to the contrary. “ Yf any doubte aryse in the common 
 booke, the preface of the same doth apoincte an order for the resolution 
 thereof, so yt be not contrarie to the booke.” In their other allegations, 
 he sees no reason for breaking the “ order of the churche, established by 
 authority, and not being contrary to God his worde.” He, therefore, 
 requires that divine service be celebrated in their churches according to 
 the order of the common book, and “ the sacraments administered in a 
 surpleasse.” If any of them desire conference with him, “ they shalbe 
 moste hartilie Wellcome.” Desires to know what is done herein. 
 
600 
 
 Edmund Hop wood to the Archbishop op York. 
 
 £. 112. 1590-1, January 15. — Has signilied the Archbishop’s pleasure 
 to the preachers above referred to. Perceives that some of them will 
 “ repaire to your grace ” for conference. If they do not, before the 
 end of the next February, he will certify what he thinks of every of 
 them in particular. Sends a note of the “ enormities of the Saboathe, 
 used in these parts,” and suggests means for repressing them. ‘‘ Wee 
 have in our service booke, thirteen daies appointed for fastinge, but no 
 frequentinge of publique praier, service and sermone, upon those daies.” 
 If the Archbishop could procure ” that yearly on those days, “ or some 
 twoe or three of them,” all or the greatest part of the householders 
 dwelling within two miles of their parish church should send on each of 
 those days “ one person of their particular families ” to such services, 
 and — for want of a discreet preacher” — to hear one of the homilies 
 “ distinctely and plainlie read ” ; this would be a good means to work a 
 “ continuall and holly sorrowe for our sinns.” Asks favour for Mr. 
 Hunt, curate and preacher at Oldham^ ; does not know what is 
 ‘‘ enformed againste him,” but hopes the Archbishop will find him a 
 
 discreet, peaceable, and honeste man ; ” begs that, so long as he seeks 
 the peace of the church, he ma,y continue in his ministry. 
 
 Articles to be observed by the Clergy in the Diocese of 
 
 Chester. 
 
 f. 109. 1590-1, January 22. — ‘‘Articles to be observed in every 
 churche, chapell, and parishe, throughoute the diocese of Chester, by tlie 
 persons, vycars, curates, and churchwardens.” 
 
 (1.) The names and addresses of those who absent themselves from 
 church are to be returned by the churchwardens of the different parishes, 
 and fines for non-attendance are to be given towards the relief of the 
 poor. 
 
 (2.) The clergy are to use all diligence to reclaim such as be 
 “ recusants or non-communicants,” as they shall think best. 
 
 (3.) Every parson and vicar having two benefices, or being absent 
 from his benefice by dispensation, or that is impotent, or that will keep 
 any curate to assist him in his church, is, before the next midsummer, 
 to provide “ suche a learned preacher or other sufficiente minister ” to 
 serve in his said church and parish, as the Bishop or his officers shall 
 allow. None to be appointed till they have received the said Bishop’s 
 authority. 
 
 (4.) The inhabitants of every chapel[ry] of ease — other than such as 
 have a curate found by the parson or vicar of the parish — are to provide 
 either a learned preacher or sufficient curate to serve in such chapel ; 
 such person to be examined and allowed, as aforesaid. 
 
 Provision of Surplices. 
 
 f. 110. 1590-1, January 22. — Directions by the Bishop of Chester, 
 inter alia^ that all churchwardens shall provide, at the charge of their 
 several parishes or chapelries, before the following Lady Day, for each 
 of their parish churches and chapels, “ two surpieasses, the one to be 
 made in decente, usuall, and comely manner, of whyte lynnen clothe, 
 the pryse thereof to be 2s. Gd. the yard at the leaste, for the parson, 
 
 ^ Hunt is one of the signatories to the letter to the Archbishop on the subject of 
 conformity. 
 
601 
 
 vycar, or curate, of that churche or chappell to weare in the administra- 
 tion of comon praier, of the sacraments, and other rytes and ceremonies 
 of the Churche of England; and the other to be for the clarke of everve 
 churche or chappell aforesaid, to be made of whyte lynnen clothe allso, 
 the pryse whereof to be att the discretion of the said churchwardens in 
 their severall churches and chappells.” The churchwardens are also to 
 make quarterly returns, stating if the surplices are used in accordance 
 with these directions. 
 
 Thomas Etch, dean of the deanery of Manchester, to ‘‘Mr. Midgley, 
 parson of Rochdale,” and all Curates and Churchwardens of the 
 same parish. 
 
 f. 111. 1590-1, January 26. — Commanding them to attend at the 
 church of Bury and learn the directions imposed on them by the Queen, 
 Privy Council, and Archbishop of York. 
 
 The Bishop of Chester to [the Clergy and Church Officials of 
 
 his diocese]. 
 
 1590-1, January 22. — Urging diligent enquiry after recusants, and 
 the dealing with them “by learned, wise, and gentle enstructions, 
 exhortations, admonitions, and reprehensions, and partly by ecclesiastical 
 censure.” 
 
 [Edmund Hopwood] to [the Archbishop of York]. 
 
 f. 112d. 1590-1, February 23. — “Your honour doeth knowe how 
 destitute Lancashire is of preachers, and therefor I will spare the dis- 
 coverie thereof ; but bycause the harvest ys greate and the labourers 
 too (?) fewe, I beseche your Lordship, in Jesus Christe crucyhed, to tinde 
 out some good meanes to relieve these moste greate aiid pytiful wantes.” 
 
 Two preachers should be continually resident in Lancashire one at 
 
 Liverpool and one at Preston in Amounderness ; the first place being a 
 “ haven toune ” and the other “ a very great raarkette toune as any 
 within Lancashire, and is within 10 myles of the sea coaste.” Liver- 
 pool is “ a chapell belonging unto the parishe churche of Walton.” The 
 parson there is Alexander Mollyneux, uncle to Sir Richard Mollyneux 
 of Seiphton [Sefton ?], “a yonge gent not inferiour to any of worship 
 in Lancashire,” but he is unlearned, and not used to “ say service or 
 administer sacraments.” Suggests that he might bestow 20/. a year on 
 a preacher. Preston is an impropriation belonging to the Queen. The 
 farmer is “ Mr. Houghton, or his mother, Mrs. Houghton, who is a 
 recusant of seven yeares standinge.” The vicar is “ an old grave man 
 of simple persuatione in dyvinity and one that in his youthe hath used 
 sondrie callinges, and now at laste settled himself in the ministery.” 
 Suggests that Houghton or his mother should yield 36/., and the farmer 
 of the vicarage 4/. a year, to support a resident preacher at Preston- 
 knows no place in Lancashire “ more fytter for a weekly lecture.” 
 
 The “ enormoties ” of the Sabboth, in Lancashire, which require sup- 
 pression are these: — “ Fay res, marketts, wakes, ales, maye-games 
 pypinge and dauncing, bear-beates, bull-beates, resorting to ale-howses 
 in tyme of dyvyne service, huntinge, hawkinge, and all manner of 
 unlawfull gaminge.” 
 
602 
 
 The charitable and honourable respite your Grrace did give ” to the 
 preachers in this corner of Lancashire,” has not wrought the good 
 effect desired, as neither they nor their curates use the surplice. 
 
 Refusers of the Surplice. 
 
 f. 113d. — Memorandum about those who refuse to use the surplice. 
 Amongst these are Rychard Mydgley, vycar of Ratchdall, a contry 
 scholler, yet discrete, sober, and very peaceable, the only first planter of 
 sounde religion in this corner of our contrye, in her Majestie’s tyme, 
 and sythence his first entraunce, hath not used the surpleasse in his 
 churche ; yet hath used his myuistrey very peaceablie, and had at his 
 monethlie communions above eighte hundred communicantes that 
 zealouslye cryd ‘ Thy kingdom come.’ ” The writer of the memorandum 
 [Edmund Hopwood ?] continues that he thinks this vicar will conform 
 “ or elles peaceablie give over his ministery and praie for the simplesete 
 in authority.” Continues with several quotations from Bishopp 
 Jewel], of blessed memorye,” and concludes by setting forth that the 
 then Bishop of Winchester, when Bishop of Lincoln, preached and printed, 
 in the year 1580, sermons against the “fryndes and favourers of the 
 Churche of Rome,” in one of which he says : — “ As for the controversie 
 of apparell, as ther ys in yt some diversitie of judgment, so ys there 
 no seperation of Christian faithe and charity ; for sure I am, that 
 neyther they that doe refuse the appointed apparell doe condemne us 
 that wear [it] — I speake of them that be learned — neyther we, that at 
 the Prynce’s order receave yt, doe hate them that, of conscience for 
 certain consyderations, think they may not safelie use it, although in this 
 matter wee wishe that they would do as we doe.” 
 
 The Archbishop of York to [Edmund] Hopwood. 
 
 f. 115. 1590-1, February 26. Bishopthorpe. — Thanks him for his 
 friendly letters. Has good hope the preachers will conform ; will wel- 
 come Mr. Fleetwood and Mr. Leigh, who are Godlie learned men.” 
 Bishop Jewell, in the passages quoted by Hopwood, “ dothe not con- 
 demne the orders of our churche, nor maketh the use of them ungodlie ; 
 the opinione of that singular man in those points ys very well knowne.” 
 
 The Same to the Same. 
 
 Ihid. 1591, September 12. Bishopthorpe. — Hopes the ministers 
 
 about him have conformed. Has been rebuked by the authorities for 
 “ slack dealinge ” with regard to these matters. 
 
 [Edmund Hopwood to the Archbishop of York.] 
 
 f. 119. Undated. — Answer to the foregoing. Did not think the 
 Archbishop expected further answer than that made by the writer on 
 February 23. “ Our preachers and ministers here contynue the same 
 
 course they did when I attended your Grace att Cawood. I have 
 sondrie times signified to suche of them as I thoughte not affected to 
 the conformity requyred, that yf all or any of them were desyrous of 
 conference ” they would be welcomed by the Archbishop. Is sorry his 
 — the Archbishop’s — mylde proceedings ” have not wrought better 
 effect. 
 
603 
 
 Richard Sherburn and Richard Holland, Deputy Lieutenants of 
 Lancashire, to Sir Richard Shuttleworth, Richard Assheton, 
 Ralph Assheton, Christopher Anderton, Edmdnd Hop wood, 
 and John Bradshaw, Esquires. 
 
 f. Il7d. 1591, May 24. — The Privy Council has informed them that 
 the King of Spain “ hath a navy allready come to the seas, uppon the 
 costes of Brytaine,” and therefore required the due watching of beacons, 
 reviewing of the county forces, and the placing under arms of the 
 “tenaunts, servants, and wellwishers” of those addressed in this letter. 
 A postscript mentions that “ Mr. Asheton, of Leaver, doe dwell neerest 
 unto the beacon upon Ryvington Hill.” 
 
 to the Bishop op 
 
 f. 120. 1591, October 6. Middleton. — Last year, Mr. Henry Stanley, 
 “of good accounte and of the best estimation in our countrie,” died 
 intestate and seized of certain tithes in Ireland ; he left no issue. His 
 wife is entitled to a reasonable third part of his possessions, and to 
 obtain this has sent her brother, Mr. Richard Southworth, into Ireland, 
 she being unable to travel. Begs the Bishop to be to him “ a sure 
 friend,” whilst in Ireland. 
 
 The Earl of Derby to . 
 
 f. 123. 1591-2, February 7. Lathom. — In order that the same course 
 be held in the execution of the Queen’s commission as to recusants in 
 Lancashire, lets him know the plan already adopted and to be followed 
 “ uponWednesdaye nexte,” which is that all who persist in their recusancy 
 — “ knightes’ and esquires’ wives and daughters only excepted ” — shall be 
 committed to gaol and not only have the oath tendered to them as set down 
 in “ the instructions,” but also answer certain questions, now enclosed, 
 which only concern allegiance, and not religion or conscience ; “ to all 
 which, what the two Blundells and Lathom of Misseberowe (?) have 
 answered, whome I have comytted, I have now sende you for your 
 better satysfaction.” The persons above excepted are to be “ removed 
 from ther dwellinges and to be comytted to the keepinge (att there owiie 
 charges) of some gentleman, their kinsman, or other well given in 
 relligione, ther still to be furthcoming, tyll further order be taken ; ” such 
 as conform are to undertake the continuance of their conformity. 
 Questions enclosed : 
 
 (1.) “Doe you thinke her Majestie lawfull Queene of these her 
 dominions, or no ? 
 
 (2.) “ Do you thinke, and be fully assured, that she hath as much power 
 over the person and goodes of all her subjectes as any kinge christened 
 {sic) hathe ? 
 
 (3.) “ In case of warres betwixte her Majestie and the Pope, or Kinge 
 of Spain e, for any cause or quarrell whatsoever, whose parte would you 
 take ? ” 
 
 Recusants in Salford and Blackburn Hundreds. 
 
 C 124-126d. 1591-2, January 26. — The names of persons in Salford 
 and Blackburn hundreds, presented at Bury as obstinate recusants, with 
 a memorandum of such as have produced proof of their conformity. The 
 return for Manchester is “ bene,'' but the following persons were in the 
 Fleet there : — “ John Lee, gentleman, and Mary his wife, Christofer 
 Hankes, preste, Rauffe Scott, preste, William Willsoun, preste, Raphe 
 
604 
 
 Walker, scholemaster, Umfraye Cartwright, master in arts. Luce Siges- 
 wike, Oatheren Marshe, [and] Ellyn Chaunce/’ Throughout the list, 
 many men and women are shown to have been committed to prison for 
 “ obstinacye/’ 
 
 Commission to enquire after Recusants. 
 
 ff. 127-1 29d. 1590, November 23. — Copy of the Queen’s Commission 
 concerning the diligent enquiry after recusants, and of the articles 
 thereto annexed “ for the further instruction ” to the Commissioners, how 
 to proceed in the execution thereof. One of the questions to be put is, 
 “ Whether have you bene att Rome, Rhemes, or in Spaine, at any time 
 within these fyve yeares ? ” 
 
 Recognizance of Conformity. 
 
 ff. 130d-135. 1591-2, February 9. — “The recognizance of con- 
 formity taken at Burye,” and forms of warrants to gaolers, for receiving 
 convicted persons, to church-wardens, and others. 
 
 The Council to [the Earl of Derby]. 
 
 f. 135. 1592, March 25. Whitehall. — They commend his late zealous 
 public proceeding as to recusants, and also the steps taken by himself, 
 “ privately, in refermation of your oun tenauntes, for their wyllfullnes in 
 not resortinge to ther parishe churches,” and refusing to assist in the 
 general reformation of Lancashire, “ which was allmoste overflowed ” 
 with obstinate persons. 
 
 Richard Holland to Richard Assheton, High Sheriff of 
 
 Lancashire. 
 
 f. 141. 1593, October 26. Manchester. — For answer to the late letter 
 from Council touching the execution of the Act for the relief of aged 
 and maimed soldiers, states that the sum directed was duly rated on the 
 different parishes, but that, as yet, no soldiers have come to demand the 
 benefit of the Act, with proper certificates from the “ generalls or 
 captaynes ” under whom they served, though divers soldiers not so 
 furnished have applied for relief. 
 
 The Council to Richard Holland, of Denton, and others in the 
 Commission of the Peace for Lancashire. 
 
 f, 145d. 1595, August 5. — Upon petition lately exhibited to them by 
 “ the shermen ” of Manchester and 8aIford, they referred to the Chancellor 
 of the Exchequer and the Master of the Rolls the hearing of a matter 
 in controversy between those persons and the “traders and clothiers of 
 those partes,” concerning “ the cottoninge of all cottons, rugges and 
 fryzes, made within the county of Lancaster.” Certain orders were 
 thereupon drawn up, which the Council now desire those addressed to see 
 properly executed. A joint complaint was also made by the said 
 clothiers and traders against the searchers of London, concerning a 
 seizure, lately made by them, of a great quantity of cotton, supposing the 
 same to be . . . . being “ fryzes ” and, as they thought, not sealed. At 
 the hearing by the Chancellor of the Exchequer and Master of the Rolls, 
 above referred to, bond was taken of the traders to stand by such award 
 as the Council, the Lord Treasurer, and the Chancellor of the Exchequer, 
 should make ; for the better understanding of the matter, the “ know- 
 ledge ” of those addressed is now requested. 
 
606 
 
 The Award referred to in the Foregoing. 
 
 f. 146. 1595, August 1. — “ Whereas upon the petition exhibited to the 
 Lordes of her Majestie’s most honorabell Privie Couiisell bj William 
 Sorocold, for and in the names of the shermen of Manchester and 
 Salford on the one party, and the traders of Manchester, Bolton, and 
 Bury, on the other party, yt pleased their honors (by their honors’ 
 letters') to committ the hearinge and examination of the cause to the 
 right honorabell Sir John Forteskew, knight, Chauncellor of Her Majes- 
 tie’s Court of Exchequier, and the B;ight Woorshippfull Sir Thomas 
 Egreton, knight, Master of the Boles. 
 
 “ The saied Committees havinge hard and examined the cause, this first 
 day of August 1595, they have, with the assent of the sayed parties, set 
 downe these articcles as notes of orders which they thinke convenient to 
 bee established, touchinge the same, viz : — 
 
 “ 1. Whereas the saied Sorocold, in the names of the said shermen, 
 demaundeth the cottoninge of all such cottones, rugges and fryzes, as 
 are used to bee within the County Palantine of Lancaster, the said 
 tra lers affirming against yt that yt would bee greate hurte to the 
 makers thereof in the countrey, beinge the greater number, yt ys agreed 
 by both the saied parties, and thought good by the saied Committees, that 
 Buche order shalbe sett downe therein as might redownd to the releive 
 and contentment of the greatest number of peopill that live thereby, to 
 thend the most store or quantetie thereof might bee vented or saved for 
 theire benefite. 
 
 “ 2. Therefore yt ys thought meet by the saied Committees, and con- 
 sented unto by the sayed Sorocold, and those parties that answere for the 
 saied traders, that the trade or occupyinge of cottons, rugges, and fryzes, 
 shall still go forwarde (as ys accostomed) till further order be taken 
 therein, to thend the poore peopell shall not exclaime for want of woorke. 
 
 “ ,3. Also yt ys thought good by the saied Committees, and agreed unto 
 by the saied parties that appeared beefore them, that in consideration 
 the cottones fittinge for London might comonly [be] rowed as they were 
 accustomed before this complaint made, the shermen shall have eight- 
 pence a peece for the well rowinge and burlinge of everie peece thereof 
 to be done by them, in respect they neyther shere them nor cotton them 
 as they doo other cottons fittinge for forraine trade beyonde the seas and 
 elswhere, as the partyes desire to have them. 
 
 “ 4. Also yt ys thought convenient by the saied Committees that, for the 
 oversight of this rowinge and burlinge to bee^ done for the good of the 
 cloth, there shalbe appoincted and chosen in Manchester and Salforde 
 yerely, from yeare to yeare, twoo persons of judgment and knowledge 
 therein, to bee vewers and overseeres thereof, the one a trader, thother a 
 Sherman, and the lyke in everie other towne where suche other clothe ys 
 made, to the end that suche as fynde themselves greived that theire 
 clothe shall not bee well wrought as yt ought to bee, male complaine to 
 the said overseeres of the parties not doinge theire dutyes in theire 
 woorke, and that the offendours maie receyve punishment accordinge 
 to the qualety of theire offence, and the saied overseeres to bee ap- 
 poincted by Mr. Bichard Holland, Bichard Asshetonof Midleton, Balph 
 Assheton of Lever, and Edmund Hop wood, esquires, or any one of 
 theym. 
 
 “ 5. Also yt ys thought meet by the saied Committees that no trader 
 useinge to buy clothe within the saied county to carry or cause to bee 
 carry ed out of the same, shall or maie rowe, pirche, shere, or cotton the 
 same within his owne hcwse or elswhere, eyther by himselve or any other 
 by his procurement, but shall cause the same to be rowed, shorne, and 
 
606 
 
 cottoned, by suche shermen or woorkmen as the owner of the cloth shall 
 bee thought fitt and woorthLe to have the doinge thereof, in respect of 
 theire good woorkmanshipp, and shall bee so accompted of by the twoo 
 overseeres afforesaied, respectivelie, in the places of their office and charge. 
 For that yt ys thought there be diveres who, for the tyme, use to take 
 into theire howses suche persons as they neyther give meate nor drinke 
 unto, and but very small wages for the present tyme.” 
 
 Further, whereas by a petition exhibited in the names of the clothiers 
 and traders “ of the County Palantyne of Lancaster, complainte was made 
 of the searcheres of London for that they had made seazure of a greate 
 quantetie of cottones, rugges, and fryzes, whereby the saied traders were 
 prohibited there ordinary markett in London ; these searcheres pretend- 
 inge a forfeyture of the moste parte of the saied cottones, affirmiage 
 them to be fryzes and not sealled (as they ought to bee), neyther by the 
 owners nor the awlnager. 
 
 “ To which pretence yt ys answered and affirmed, on the behalve of the 
 saied traders, that they are cottones, and sealled accordinge to there 
 nature, bothe by the owners and the awlnager, and so shall be prooved by 
 the makers and owners thereof, for that they differ nothinge in sub- 
 stance, spinninge, \veavinge, mylninge, nor any other woorkmnnshipp, 
 neyther in waight nor length, but onely in cullonr, which cullour was 
 lately deceased for the greate good of the couritrey and releive of the 
 poore therein ; for the trade of the oulde sorte of cottones which 
 were sent into France, Spayne, and other places, was cleane overthrowne, 
 by reason of warres and trobeiles that happened in those countryes where 
 they were usuallie vented and soulde, so that these graye collonred 
 cottones (beinge fitt for England) were putt in use and made, to the 
 great good of many peopell and releive of greate nombers of familyes 
 and howseholdes in the countrey, which otherwise had [been] given to • 
 greate wante and misery yf the cullour had not bene altered and devized, 
 as nowe yt ys used. 
 
 “ Uppon the hearinge of this cause betweene the saied traders and 
 searchers by the sayed Sir John Forteskew and Sir Thomas Egerton, 
 as afforesaied, It ys ordered that the saied traders and clothiers 
 shall put in suerties, to bee bound in fower hundred powndes, to 
 stande to the awarde and judgmente of the Right Honorable the Lord 
 High Thresorer of England and of the saied Sir John Forteskew, 
 touchinge the saied matter and controversie that for theire Honors’ 
 better information therein, reporte or certifficate shall bee made from 
 the worshipful justices of peace, Mr. Richard Holland of Denton, 
 Mr. Richard Assheton of Middleton, Mr. Ralph Assheton of Lever, and 
 Mr. Edmund Hopwood of Hopwood, which justices shall trie and 
 certefy, from the clothiers and makers of the countrie where the saied 
 cottones and frizes are made, wether they bee cottones or fryzes that bee 
 in controversie as aforesaied. For that the saied traders affirme that they 
 have fryzes made in the countrey, accordinge to the statute provided for 
 them ; but that these graye cottones are cottones in waighte and length, 
 accordinge to the forme of the ould sorte of cottones made in the same 
 cuntrey, accordinge to the statute in that behalve. And therefore, the 
 awlnager and seallers do continewe theire seallinge as they were accus- 
 tomed, untill furder order be taken in the cause.” 
 
 A Subsidy. 
 
 ff. 148-152. Undated. — ‘^The whole subsidie for landes and goodes 
 in Derby hundreth ” in Lancashire. A long list of names. 
 
607 
 
 A Subsidy. 
 
 ff. 152d.-156d. 1591, September 26. — A similar return for the 
 hundreds of Blackburn, Amounderness, Leylood, and Lonsdale. 
 
 Memorandum of the arraignment, at Newgate, of William Hacket, 
 of Northamptonshire, for high treason. 
 
 f. 159d. 1591, July 26. — There were two indictments found by the 
 great inquest against him. (1) For these traiterous words against the 
 Queen : “ that her Majestic was no longer Queene of Englande, but 
 deposed and deprived by the spriritte and the dyrector of the crowne of 
 Englande ; the same spiritte referred to the absolute disposicion of the 
 saide Hackett,” and that he “ did trayterouslie debruze and deface her 
 Majestie’s armes in one Kaye’s house, by London Bridge, inveighinge then 
 and there bytterlie againste her Majestie, in most trayterous and despite- 
 full manner.” (2) Plotting with Coppinger and Ardington for the “ pre- 
 tended reformation of the abuses of the Churche of Englande,” and 
 determining to carry out their resolution by force of arms. Hackett was 
 to “ usurpe the name of the highe prophette, participatinge the nature of 
 the Almighty Sonne of God,” and Coppinger and Ardington were to be 
 his “ prophetts to preparre his waies ; the one of them to be called 
 the prophett of Justice, the other of Mercye.” These two were to 
 “ preache repentance in the streets of London, of purpose that the 
 bretheren of the/action coming together in tumulte, mighte possesse 
 themselves of the Cytie of London ” and then proceed to depose the 
 Queen. Ardington and Coppinger began their preaching at theBlacke 
 Fryers, throughe the high streets in London, and continuing ther course 
 untill they came to Cheapside,” announced the day of Judgment to 
 be at hand, and that confusion was present upon all, unless they 
 repented. 
 
 “ Having reached Cheapside, and the people being gathered to hear 
 them, they went into a cart “ and then and there did bytterlie 
 inveighe againste the present government, the Lord Archbishop of 
 Canterbury, and the Lord Chancellor of England, as traytours to the 
 state and the churche, advising the people to undertake to themselves 
 the reformation of those abuses and the restitution of Christian purity.” 
 Besides this, Hackett, seeing the Queen’s picture in Kaye’s house, “did, 
 with an iron instrument, villainouslie and trayterouslie defaee the pycture, 
 and especiallie that part of the picture which repi’esented her Majestie’s 
 harte, raylinge most traiterously againste her Majestie’s personne.” To 
 the first indictment he pleaded guilty, “ swearinge most horriblie, and 
 blaspheminge the name of Allmightie God, in most odious maner, to the 
 great terror of all that harde him.” When asked to answer to the 
 second indictment he answered the Court “ in gybinge manner,” that 
 “ they were wise inoughe to know what they had to doe withowthis advise, 
 and therefore he would not direct them.” At last, when pressed to 
 answer, he pleaded not guilty. The Clerk of the Crown thereupon 
 asked him if he would be tried by God and the Jury, and he answered 
 “ that he would be tryed by the Jury onlie, utterlie, in plaine tearmes, 
 renouncinge Allmightie God in such damnable manner as ys unfiytt to 
 be repeated.” 
 
 “ Upon this the Court purposed to have found him guilty of default 
 of answer ; but “ Mr. Attorney Generali — perceivinge this pollicie, 
 that to the indictment which only touched his traytrous speeches which 
 he had uttered before sundrie of her Majestie’s privie counsell and divers 
 others, he pleaded guilty,” and that to the other indictment, “ wherein 
 
608 
 
 was contained the very ground of this treasone, he would not directly 
 confess it,” but answered ‘‘ in such scoffing manner as though he were 
 then franticke ” — intreated leave, “ for satisfaction of everye man, and 
 that the matter shoulde not be carried awaie in the cloudes — with this 
 apparante exception, that in all appearancie Hackett was franticke, and 
 therefore his confession, or not answering, on conviction to others that 
 are questioned in the same cause — that he mighte make it evydente to 
 the worlde uppon what grounde and ententione this presente action had 
 been undertaken and performed by the saide Hackett and his fellowe 
 traytours.” 
 
 This obtained, the Attorney General pointed out that any “ franticke 
 humours lately contrived ” should have no influence upon this con- 
 spiracy, which was very carefully planned, so as to obtain from the 
 Queen by “ plaine strengthe, what they could not obtain by their tray- 
 terous petycons,” in proof of which he urged : — 
 
 (1) That Hackett, Coppinger, and Ardington, were as ‘‘inward 
 and familiar” with Cartwright, Wiggington, Udall, and Newman, 
 as any other “ of that faction.” 
 
 (2) That on Cartwright’s imprisonment, Hackett and the others 
 “ procured a solemne meetinge in a woode, where great consultation 
 was had concerninge the deliverye of ther restrained bretheren.” 
 
 (3) That Coppinger, in the previous Hilary term, after the said 
 conference, wrote to Udall “ then and nowe in Newgate,” who had 
 been convicted, the year before, of felony. At that time Coppinger 
 was not suspected of lunacy, but “ had as good accesse to some 
 nobles of her Majestie’s privie counsell as any person of his qualitye 
 had,” the tenor of the letter being as follows : — “ As far furthe as 
 I coulde note yt, being redd by the clarke of the crowne. Right 
 Reverend Saint in the Lord, my fovbearinge to visit you and the 
 reste of our bretheren, who suffer for righteousness’ sake, mighte 
 give you just cause to suspecte that I should have forsaken my 
 first love to our cause ; but you are endowed with the guif te of dis- 
 cerninge spiritts, and, therefore, may easilie understaunde that my 
 coming unto you mighte procure me more daunger then yt coulde 
 pleasure you, notwithstandinge assuring you and the reste of our 
 bretheren, of my settled contynuance in the faithe, these are to 
 entreate your brotherhood to joine in praier that yt wolde please 
 the Lorde to blesse the labors of me and others who have taken 
 another course for the furtheraunce of the common cause, that ys 
 the building up of Syon and destruction to Babell, &c.” Udall 
 received this letter and concealed it, and afterwards, upon search of 
 Wiggington’s chamber, copies of divers letters and pamphlets were 
 found, to the purposes following: — (1) Copies of 200 letters were 
 dispersed on July 13, two days before “the action in the streets,” 
 directed to divers brethren, “ but especiallie to the sisters of that 
 faction, as to the weaker vessells,” signifying that the brethren of 
 their church had undertaken a course of reformation to which 
 they must put “ their helping handes,” which action was “ prentlie ” 
 to be put in execution. (2) Printed pamphlets, to the number of 
 1,000, in bundles, to be sent to the brethren in Warwickshire, 
 Northamptonshire, Essex, and Hertfordshire, of which some are 
 already abroad, to satisfy the brethren “ in the reason of this 
 course taken for reformation.” In these pamphlets the doctrine of 
 predestination was grossly abused, to this purpose, that the saints 
 of God were pre-elected and pre-destined to join in this action, and 
 therefore, the doing of it was warranted and not to be refused, because 
 they were forechosen by God’s providence for accomplishing His 
 
609 
 
 pleasure. A second sort of printed pamphlets for the laity were 
 in rhyme — in this manner : — 
 
 ‘‘ Yf you in youthe will learne 
 A courtier for to be, 
 
 Then must thou first come knowe 
 Thy lessen true of me ; 
 
 A Christian trew, althoughe he be a cloune, 
 
 Shall teache a prince to wear his scepter and his crown.” 
 
 There was also printed an order to the privy council and all the 
 Queen’s officers, not to leave their houses during the tumult, in 
 order to appease it, till Hackett and his confederates had possessed 
 themselves of the city ; in return for which favour it was promised 
 that the rioters would ‘‘ not proceed to the question of her Majes- 
 tie’s lyffe or of any her privie counsel’s,” though there was never 
 a good man amongest them.” There was, however, to be ‘‘ some 
 personall correctione, as well of her sacred Majestic as of her honor- 
 able counsellors ” as a precedent, for fear of a relapse thereafter.” 
 The printer of these pamphlets died, for sorrow,” two days after 
 his arrest. 
 
 The Attorney did not go into the rest of the evidence, as it concerned 
 others not as yet impeached, and as he considered that brought out 
 sufficient to prove treason. 
 
 “Mr. Sollicitor” then followed with “a most excellent discourse,” 
 saying that “ no treason was so dangerous to the estate as that proceed- 
 ing from so base puddelles shaddowed with the glosse of a pretended 
 holliness, forasmuche as yf a nobleman rebell, his meaninge ys onelie to 
 usurpe the Crowne, not impayringe the governmente ; but ther can be 
 no means to these peasants to accomplishe ther purpose, excepte by the 
 absolute extirpation of all governmente, magistracy, nobility andgentrye, 
 with the utter subversione and ruine of all lawes that should suppresse 
 these ther trayterous actions.” This he exemplified with the rebellions 
 of “Cade, Taylor, and them of Norfolke” in the reign of Edward VI., 
 but “the verye paterne of this conspiracy, Mr. Sollicitor remembered in 
 Sleidon’s {sic) comentaries, and practysed in Westphalia by one John 
 Leydone, the Archana baptiste, who with his adherency, by this very 
 practize, surprised ther the most famous cytye of Mounster, as I thinke 
 hee named yt ; and no difference in the worlde betwene that action and 
 this conspiracie. And, therefore, most plainlie and evidentlie, yt was 
 never complotted by men possessed with frency or lunacies. And, 
 further, Mr. Sollicitor protested, to his comforte, that howsoever there 
 was some questione in the churche of Englande for ceremonies and other 
 unnecessary mattres, yet a true Christian mighte have the free and 
 whole practize of his Christian religione in the churche now established, 
 and therefore noe occasion to any good subjecte to mutine againste this 
 her Majestie’s most absolute and blessed government.” 
 
 After Hackett’s default of answer had been recorded, Mr. Recorder 
 pronounced sentence of high treason, and Hackett was accordingly 
 executed in Cheapside on the Wednesday following, being the 28th of 
 July, “continuing, to his laste breathe, his blasphemous course of 
 raylinge.” 
 
 “The mannar how my Lord Lieutenaunte and Governour 
 Generall proceded in his jorny for the victuallinge of the 
 Forte of the Lesse, and so to divers other places.” 
 
 f. 162d. 1599, May 9. — “ Uppon the nynthe of M aye, his Lordship 
 advanced forwardes from the Castell of Dubbline towardes the victual- 
 
 Q Q 
 
 73480. 
 
610 
 
 linge of the forte of the Lesse, being attended with many honorable 
 personages, gentlemen, and souldiars. The armye lodged this nighte at 
 the Nasse. 
 
 10th. — “ This daye, the armye remooved. His Honor lodged at Castell 
 Marty n, and part of the armye was quartered in severall townes there 
 adjoyninge. 
 
 1 1th. — This daye, the armye marched to Kilrusshe, where the generall 
 rendevous was appointed ; the wholle force then beinge mett, his Honor 
 appointed the vawwarde (sic), the battell, and rearegarde of bothe foote 
 and horse; all which beinge advaunced forwardes, intelligence was 
 broughte that the enemye was in his lordship’s waye before hime, where- 
 uppon hee sent forthe his lesse shotte and pitche uppon eyther syde of his 
 battelleres. They were 100 in number, but at the firste chasinge of our 
 men, they runne awaye. The army lodged, this nighte, a myle shorte of 
 the bridge of Athey, at which place the Lorde of Ormonde came unto 
 his lordship and broughte with hime Vicomte Mumgaratt, who was 
 leifetenaunt to Terrone of all his forces, and the Lord of Clare, bothe 
 which had been in this rebellione. They, uppon theire knees, submitted 
 themselves withowte conditione. 
 
 12th. — “ This daye James Fitz Pearce, a rebell, havinge a castell upon 
 the bridge of Athey, delivered the same unto his lordshipp, submittinge 
 himsellfe withowte conditione, and also delivered upp the howse called 
 Woodstorkle, which was neare adjoyninge, at which place the army lodged 
 that nighte. 
 
 13th and 14th. — “ These dayes the armye removed not, but my Lord i 
 lodged those nightes at Captain Lea his howse. Uppon the 14th, the 
 rebells neare to his howse offered skyrmishe to us. My Lord Graye, 
 goinge contrarye to my Lord of Southampton’s comandement, hee 
 beinge General of the Horse, was that night comitted to the Marshall. 
 
 15th. — “This daye, the armye removed ; my Lord lefte in the Castell 
 
 of ^ and Castle Woodsuche, souldiars, 50 apeece. In our march 
 
 towardes the Blacke Porde, the rebells offered skirmishe, but would not 
 stand, but fled before us. This night, wee encamped at Stradburye, 
 neare Cosbie’s howse. 
 
 16th. — “This daye, the armie removed. My Lord victualled the forte 
 of the Lesse, knighted Sir Fraunees Rialie (?), Captain of that fort of 
 Lesse, added unto his number 500 solldiers more, and soe retourned to 
 the campe, which was neare unto a howse of Sir Thomas Coldouphes(.^), 
 not fare from which place the rebelles likewise encamped in our sighte. 
 Onye Macke Rorie was there chiefte comaunder. Hee sent challenge to 
 my Lord to fight 100 to 100, which by his Honor was excepted, but in 
 the morninge the villaines would not performe it. 
 
 I7th. — “ d^his daye, the armye marched throughe the of 
 
 were the rebelles fought with us ; Captain Boswell and Captain Gardener 
 were slaine. Boswell had no comaund. My cossen, Heugh Dove, 
 behaved himselfe valliauntly, slew a rebell and hurt another, and made 
 the hole retret. 3 or 4 of our men were slaine, 13 hurt. Of the rebells, 
 
 slayne. We encamped this night at the market towne. 30 rebells 
 
 set uppon our quarter-maister, who whas but . The rebelles 
 
 slayne, amongest whom Donell Knagge, a chiefe man sent thether by 
 Terrone, was slaine. Mr. Bushell, one of the gentlemen ushers, only 
 hurt. The rest of the enemies fledd. Nedd Hidde was in this companie. 
 
 18. — “ This daye the armye removed, and my Lord sent 1,000 men, 
 under the commaund of the Marshall, in the morninge before the camp. 
 
 ^ “ My Lord Gray, leader of all the valiant gentlemen.^’ 
 ^ Blank in original. 
 
611 
 
 dislodged to possesse a passe neare adjoyning, which wee after marched 
 throughe with some light skirmishe, and came to the Castell of Bailie 
 Raggac, wich was my Lord Vicont Mountgrivalie’s, where my Lord 
 Leeftenant placed a garrison of iOO men under the comaunde of Captain 
 Folliot, and that night the army lodged within ij niilles of Killkennye. 
 My Lord Leeftenant laye with my Lord of Ormaunde that night. 
 
 19. —“This daye the armye removed and lodged at Killaghe, but my 
 Lord Leeftenant stayed at Killkennye, at which the Lord Rotche (?) 
 beeinge a rebell, submitted himselffe.” 
 
 “ The copie of a lettre sent from the Queue’s Majesiie unto Sir 
 Amias Powlette, governoure and keeper of the Queen of Scotes, 
 wrytten with her Majestie’s own hande.” 
 
 f. 136d. Undated [1586, August]. ^ — “Amias, my most carefull 
 and faithfull servaunte, God reward thee triple fould in the double, 
 for thy most troublesome chardge, so well discharged. Yf you 
 knewe (my Amias) how kindlie, besides duetifullie, my gratefull 
 harte acceptes your double labours and faithfull actions, your wise 
 orders and safe regardes, perfourmed in soe daungerous and craftie 
 a chardge, that would ease your travaile and rejoyce your harte, in 
 which I chardge you carie this my most juste thought, that I cannot 
 ballaunce in the weighte of my judgment the value I price you att, and 
 suppose no treasure to countervaile suche a faithe, and shall condemne 
 myselve in that thoughte which yet I never commytted, yf I rewarde 
 not such rewardes, yea, lette me lacke when I moste neede, yf I acknow- 
 ledge not suche a merytte with a rewarde non omnibus datum, Lett 
 your wicked murtheresse knowe howe, with hartie sorowe, her vile 
 desertes compell these orders, and bid her from me, aske God forgivenes 
 for her treacherous dealinge towardes the saver of her liefe, manie yeares, 
 to the intollerable perill of her ovvne. And yet not contente with so 
 manie forgivenesses, muste falle againe so horriblie, farre passinge a 
 woman’s thoughte, much lesse a prince. Insteede of excusinge whereof^ 
 not anye can salve yt, beinge soe plainlie confessed by the aucthores of 
 my guiltles deathe. Lette repentance take place, and lette not the feind 
 possesse her soe as the better parte be loste, which I praie with handes 
 lyfted upp to Him that maye bothe save and spill. With my lovinge 
 adewe, I praie for thy longe lyfe. Your assured and loving soveraigne 
 as harte by good desert endued. To my faithfull Amias. — Eliz. Reg.” 
 
 Trial and Execution op Babbington and his Accomplices. 
 
 f. 164. 1586, September 13. — By virtue of a commission of oyer 
 
 and terminer, a precept was directed to the Lieutenant of the Tower, 
 commanding him to have the bodies of “ Anthonie Babingtone, esquire, 
 Cheadyoke Tychburne, esquire, Thomas Salsburie, esquire, Robert 
 Barnewell, gentleman, John Savage, gentleman, and John Ballard, 
 clerke,” before the commissioners. It was decided to arraign Savage 
 first, “ forasmoche as hee medled firste in these mattres.” 
 
 The account of their trial is given as it appears in Howell’s “ State 
 Trials.” The account of their last confessions and executions is as 
 follows : — 
 
 “ The Confession of Barnewell. 
 
 “Firste, bee praied in Latine, and beinge willed of Dr. White to 
 confesse his faulte, and aske forgivenes of the Queue, hee said, I aske 
 
 ^ See State Papers, Scotland (Mary Queen of Scots), vol. 19, No. 55. 
 
 Q Q 2 
 
612 
 
 the Queue and all others whom I have offended, forgiveues ; and said 
 hee would not djssemble, for I was drawen into this action, as 
 Mr. Babington before this time hathe declared, but I did it not for any 
 worldlie comoditie, but for my conscience sake. Then Mr. Shereif 
 Topclyff damaunded of him why hee concealed the matter so longe ; 
 and hee said hee thought it to bee an offence to bewraie a catholique, 
 and said hee wished aswell to the Quene as to his owne soule, and 
 praie she mighte be converted to be a catholiquf^, and desired all catho- 
 liques to praie for him. Then the shereif asked him whether hee were 
 att the Courte of Rychmonde, walkinge in the grene, and that there the 
 Quene’s Majestic espied you, so that yf others had had knowledge as 
 well as her Majestic, your dales had bene shorter. But att that time I 
 had no suche pretence, for I had matters att the Courte for to dispatche, 
 and so praied that God woulde grante him patience in that agonie. And 
 said other praiers in Latin e, and so ended his lyffe. The rope did slippe 
 so sone as hee was turned off the ladder. 
 
 “ The Confession of Tychbourne. 
 
 “ First, hee praied in sorte aforesaid, and said, O my good country- 
 men, you looke for a large discource of me, beinge a badd orator and 
 havinge a worse texte, but lette me, beinge a yonge man, be an 
 example to all preeertim generosis adolescentibus. I am sorie I have 
 offended the Quene, and I have offended more then I shall receave 
 punishment for, and yet I never entended the death of her 
 Majestie, but I was privie to all there actions; and so proved 
 that olde proverbe true qui tacet consentire videtur, for I will 
 not make the faulte lesse then yt ys. Yt was Mr. Babington, my 
 deare friend whose heade here standeth, that made me privie of all these 
 matters. I maye very well compare the state of Mr. Babington and 
 myselve to the estate of Adam before his falle, to whose subjection all 
 thinges were obediente, onlie the tree of lyffe forbidden. So wee havinge 
 the world at will, were accompted the happiest that were ever dwellinge 
 or abidinge in London ; no place forbidden us, no one thresholde to 
 stoppe us, the streetes as we passed by admired us; only her Majestie’s 
 lyffe was the tree that we oughte not to have towched. Adam, with a 
 lytell lycourousnes, was brought to offende his Lord, and so procured his 
 owne destruction. Wee, I knowe not for what consideration, have 
 wroughte our owne over thro we. Adam, after his sinne was discovered, 
 soughte to hide himselve in the garden amonge the trees, but all in 
 vaine, for he coulde not escape from the sighte of the Lord. We 
 endeavoured to harbour ourselves in woods, but the carefull and vigilant 
 watchmen of her Majestie’s true subjectes had espied us. The griefe 
 we sustaine ys no lesse then the griefe of Adam ; but these yearninges of 
 sorowe proceedinge from me, ought to move teares of joye aboundantlie 
 to distill from you. Praie for her Majestie, all true subjectes, for she 
 loveth you well, and I perfectly knowe shee ys no nyggarde of her 
 mercye ; but the quallitie of mine offence deserveth yt not. What 
 thinges att any time heretofore did enter into my heade lesse then 
 matters of estate. I am descended from an house which was 200 yeares 
 before the Conquest; there bloude was never stained before now. But 
 my deare wiefe (O Lord), yf I shoulde thinke on earthlie thinges, shee 
 woulde grieve me more then I can speake of. But lette me not deceave 
 you ; I have offended, and am a true catholique, and now cannot 
 chaunge. I expected some favour, althoughe I deserved none. I lefte 
 a note of my debtes with my wiefe. I beseche you that it maie be paid. 
 And then he spake to one Mr. Fulwell, one of Sir Christopher Hatton’s, 
 gentlemen, that he woulde commende him to all his fellowes, and aske 
 
613 
 
 them all forgivenes. And lette not these my unnatural dealinges be 
 any waie offensive unto them, and thoughe yt maye be said that one of 
 Mr, Vice-chamberlaine’s men had attempted her Majestie’s destruction, 
 yt can be no sclander to them that be free from yt. I desire his honoure 
 to forgive me. Yf yt please the people to praie for me, I am willinge. 
 
 “Dr. White willed him to saie theLorde’s praier in English, and hee 
 saide hee woulde hrste saye yt in Latine and then in Englishe, that you 
 may all knowe that I understande the Latine. And then they were 
 somewhat hastie with him, and hee willed tliem to staie, not that hee 
 feared deathe, but that hee might thinke on God, as hee said, and said 
 manie praiers in Latine and so ended his lyffe. Hee hanged longe, and 
 yet was alyve when they rypped him. 
 
 “ The Confessione of Tillney. 
 
 “ Hee firste praied as afforesaid, with manie crosinges said : For my 
 owne parte, I am come not to argue, but to dye. Dr. White willed him 
 to aske the Queue forgivenes, and hee said, I aske the Queue and all 
 other forgivenes whom I have offended, and desire all catholiques to 
 praie for me, and said hee trusted to be saved in the bloudsheade of 
 Jesus Christe. Dr. White willed him to acknowledge his offences to 
 God, and so beganne to praie in Latine, and ended his lyffe very obsti- 
 natelie. After hee was turned off the ladder, the rope brake or hee slipte, 
 for hee hanged never a whitte.” 
 
 “The Confessione of Ballard. 
 
 “ Praie for me, T beseche you. I desire all those that came with me to 
 saie the Creede for me, for that ys a speciall meanes to strengthen our 
 beliefe. Dr. White willed him to acknowledge his faulte, and confesse 
 his sinnes. Then hee said. For the matter for the which I was con- 
 demned, I am guiltie. Dr. White willed him to aske the Quene for- 
 givenes. Then hee said, Yf I have offended her I aske her forgivenes. 
 Dr. White would have had him made a confessione of his faithe, but 
 hee said, I have allreadie talked with you aboute that matter. And 
 so desired so manie as were of the catholique churche to praie for 
 him, for 1 hope, said hee, within this halfe houre, to be with the 
 angeiles of heaven. Then the Shereif of London asked whether hee 
 was guiltie of that matter for which hee was condemned, and hee said, 
 I am justlie condemned. And Dr. Whyte willed him agaiue to make a 
 confessione of his faithe. Then hee said. There is not one poincte of 
 the catholique faithe, but I confesse yt. And then said his praiers in 
 Latine, the most parte privatelie, and so ended his lyffe. 
 
 “ The Confessione of Babingtone. 
 
 “ Firste, hee kneeled on the ladder, and praied privatelie to hiraselve, 
 crossinge him and knockinge himselve manie times on the breaste. 
 Since yt hathe pleased God to bringe me to this, that my offence ys 
 suche that nothinge can satisfye yt but the sheadinge of my harte’s 
 bloude, I protest that my entraunce into this action was not for any 
 temporall promotion, but for matter of religione. Dr. White willed him 
 to aske the Quene Majestie’s forgivenes, and hee said, I aske forgive- 
 nes of all those I have offended, especiallie all those of the catholique 
 churche. And so desired his debtes might be paide, and said hee lefte a 
 note thereof with Sir Owen Hopton, and said hee had a poore man in 
 the easte country whom he meant to imploie in the trade of mer- 
 chandize ; hee ys att wante of manie thinges. I have a wyffe and 
 child and knowe not howe theye are lefte, but her friendes are righte 
 nought. I woulde humblie desire that favoure mighte be shewed them. 
 
eu 
 
 And then did requeste all his friendes to praie for him, bothe att this 
 presente and after his death; and then the people murmured att that, 
 and hee said, I am sure you will confesse that these praiers after I 
 am dead can doe me no harme. And then he begane to praie in 
 Latine. But Dr. White willed him againe to aske the Queue £or- 
 givenes, and hee said, I aske God forgiveues and the Queue, and I praie 
 that my death maye doe her good bothe in bodie and soule ; and 
 praied in Latine, privatelie, and departed. 
 
 “The Confessione of Savage. 
 
 Firste, he praied in Latine, kneeling on the ladder, as Babingtone did, 
 and said, I muste confesse I was guiltie of this treasone for which I am 
 condemned, and I did yt not for any worldlie benefyte, but for reso- 
 lution of my owne conscience. Dr. White willed him to aske the Queue 
 forgivenes, and hee desired all catholiques to forgive him, and said that 
 hee had done the Queue good service for his owne persone, but all 
 that I have offended by my weaknes I aske forgivenes. White willed 
 him to confesse his faithe, and hee said, I believe in the catholique 
 faithe. And so praied in Latine, and then was turned beside the ladder, 
 and when his bowelles were in cuttinge furthe, hee cried, Lorde have 
 mercy on me. 
 
 ‘‘ The Confessione of Sallesburie and otheres, att their execution, 
 
 the xxjth of September 1586. 
 
 “ When Sallesburie wente uppon the ladder, hee beganne with his 
 ancyente countenance, but his voyce somewhat altered, in sorte follow- 
 inge : Yt hathe pleased God to call me that I shoulde ende my lyffe 
 here, and therfore I thank the Lord God ; firste, that hee hathe redeemed 
 me, and secondlie, that hee hathe ellected me and chosen us. I confesse 
 I have grievouslie offended her Majestie through ignoraunce. I beseche 
 her to forgive me for the same, and I counsell all catholiques to lave no 
 violente handes on her Majestie, but to beare patientlie this cross of 
 tribulation. Then said Dr. White, Sallesburie, call to God for mercie, 
 for hee ys mercifull and readie to forgive. Then said Sallesburie, 
 I hope in his mercie, and I doe penitentlie confesse I am a grievous 
 sinner, and I praie all catholiques to praie for me, and I beseeche God from 
 my harte to blesse her Majestie and all her Counsell. And then hee 
 said his praiers in Latine, and crossed himselve. Then said Dr. White, 
 Whoso ys ashamed to confess God before men, God will be ashamed of 
 him in his kingdome. Wherefore doe not dallie with the world for any 
 vaine ostentation, but cleave unto God with a true faithe. Then said 
 Sallesburie, I have lyved a catholique, and so will I dye. And the 
 hangman thrust him off the ladder, where he hanged till hee was allmoste 
 utterlie deade, and cutt then, accordinge to his judgmente, and so ended 
 his lyffe, as yt seemed, penitentlie, accordinge as his religione woulde 
 permitt him. 
 
 “ The Confessione of Dunne. 
 
 “ Nexte unto Sallesburie proceeded Dunne, who was condemned the 
 second daie with Sallesburie. First, when he came to the schaffold, hee 
 kneeled on the ladder and said his praiers softlie to himselve ; then he 
 ascended the ladder, and with a black visage, for so was his counte- 
 nance, a cheerfull and a sorowfull minde, hee demaunded whether the 
 people expected anythinge, and answeare being made that they did, hee 
 uttered these speaches : No soule more sorowful then my soule, firste 
 unto God, nexte unto her Majestie, and thirdlie, unto all, for that I have 
 offended all, and I confesse there lyveth not one man more sinnefull 
 
615 
 
 then myselve. Allso, I beseche all catholiques to beware howe they 
 attempt anything againste the Quene, whom I beseeche God from the 
 hot tome of my harte to blesge. Then one that stood on the schaffold 
 saide, yf thou meane Quene Elizabethe and none other, God blesse her. 
 Then hee said, Yes, her and none other, and I beseeche God to blesse 
 her. Then Dunne proceeded and said, I lyved here joyfullie and 
 pleasauntlie under her Majestie, and ten weekes agoe I mette with 
 Anthonie Babington, who toulde me of all his treasons and devises, and 
 urged me thereunto to give my consente, but I refused him, and dis- 
 swaded him allso. Then hee toulde that T was one whom hee loved 
 well, and so urged me againe, and, to confesse a truthe, I said I woulde 
 doe the beste I coulde, and consented. And afterwardes, when Babington 
 grewe rype in these treasons, hee made me privie to all, and I said that 
 I woulde doe nothinge but that which shoulde be to the glory of God. 
 Dr. White then said. Why, dideste thou think that murther of the 
 Quene would be to the glory of God ? No, no, said Dunne, I never 
 thoughte yt woulde be to the glorye of God. Then Dunne proceeded 
 further and said, I owe some money and am endebted, and I knowe 
 not howe to paye yt. I beseche them moste hartely to forgive yt me. 
 But I professe I came endebted by reasone of others, and by others’ pro- 
 curemente. Thirdlie, I am sorie — I am noo more sorowful, more sorowe- 
 ful then ever I was in all my lyffe — for Mrs. Bellamie’s house, whome 
 Babington hathe brought to this, for hee never rested till hee had gotten 
 us entertaignement when wee tledd. Laste of all, I hartilie aske my prince 
 forgivenes, and I praie that shee and you all may be eternized with 
 eternall blessednes. Then Sir Frauncis Knowelles desired him to saie 
 the Lordes praier in Englishe, that all the people mighte praie with him ; 
 but Dunne aunsweared, I have bene allwaies of this religione and 
 broughte up in yt, and therfore I beseche you pardone me in that, but 
 I will saye yt in Latine, for I understande yt, and so saide yt in Latine ; 
 and when hee had done hee said, Domine miserere mei, Domine miserere 
 mei, and so was throwen off the ladder, where hee hanged till hee was 
 thoroughlie deade, and so humblie (exceptinge his religione) and 
 bouldlie finished his tragedie. Hee was of a milde [sic, middle ?] stature, 
 a broad visage and broade blacke eyes, and blacke beard which grewe 
 somewhat thicke ; of speache hee had reasonable good deliverie, and was 
 of melancholy complexione as yt seemed. 
 
 ‘‘ Jones, his Confessione. 
 
 When he had ascended the schafibld, after some speaches passed be- 
 twene those on the schaffold, which was Sir Frauncis Knowles, Sir 
 Rychard Knightley, Sir Drew Drurie, the Shereiffes, and him, hee said, 
 I will confesse a truthe as I shall answeare att the dreadfull daie of 
 judgemente. I will conceale nothinge ; howe farre I was of myselve from 
 commyttinge these treasons, God doth knowe, for I was prepared to 
 have gone into Flanders when my Lord wente, and I was readie, and 
 my horses were in the towne. Then he spake in blame of my Lord of 
 Leycester for not payinge 15 hundred poundes, which hee shoulde have 
 had to have kepte him, and one that was on the schafibld answeared, 
 retorrninge the blame upon Sallisburie himselve. And Jones said. Well, 
 I knowe not in whome the faulte ys, but yf yt had bene as yt was, wee 
 had not come to this. Furthermore, said liee, two daies before I was 
 taken, I was readie to have gone into Scotland, eyther of which thinges 
 yf had happened, I had escaped this ende. Then hee said, Agnns Dei, 
 qui tollis peccatum mundi, miserere mei, and said so thrise ; and then 
 said in English, O lambe of God, that takeste awaie the sinnes of the 
 
616 
 
 worlde, &c. And so hee wente up the ladder and spake louder then bee 
 did before, for his speache on the schaffold fewe coulde heare, and said, 
 I am come hither for to dye, beinge adjudged for to dye, and therefore 
 nowe muste I speake truthe, for in this worlde I speake no more. 
 
 “ In Trinitie terme laste, some speache was passed betwene Babington 
 and others ; myselve was conversante amonge them, but I proteste they 
 durste not make me privie or acquainted with yt, nor call me to counsell, 
 onlie Sallesburie mentioned unto me the deliverie of the Queue of Scottes, 
 desiringe my ayde, and I tould him yt was Babington’s badd minde 
 onlie, and praied him to refraine his companie. Att laste hee even urged 
 me, and I said. Well, Tom, thou maieste comande anythinge. Herein 
 I have offended her Majestie, and beseche her to forgive me, and I 
 beseche God with all my harte to blesse and preserve her. And when 
 Sallisburie came to his countrye to keepe him att home, I kepte house 
 anewe, havinge kepte no house before, onlie to keepe Thomas Sallisburie 
 att home, meaning to bringe him from his former lyffe and make him 
 leade a settled lyffe. Allso because myselve would lyve quietlie. I 
 made meanes to Mr. Secretarie that I mighte have conference, bycause 
 I woulde not be obstinate, and I had bene with Mr. Goodman of Chester, 
 and I was prisoner with Sir Edward Erytton (sic). I confesse, I concealed 
 these treasons, and when a note came to my sighte that Babington, 
 Sallesburie, and others were soughte for, as they that would have killed 
 the Queue, then I thoughte that even hee, Thomas Sallesburie, woulde be 
 my destroier. And then hee wepte, but recoveringe his former alacritie, 
 hee proceeded, and said hee (meaning Sallesburie) came to my house att 
 midnighte, and takinge a candle owt of one of my men’s handes, hee 
 came to my chamber where I laye, and said, Ned, howe doest thou ? 
 Then I tould him that hee was soughte for, pytyinge his case. But hee 
 said there be manie catholiques that be as deepe in these actions as 
 myselve. Thus farre have I offended. But sithence I was a catholique 
 I allwaies bare a loyall minde to her Majestie, and 1 proteste here that 
 shee ys the onlie prince that hathe righte and tytell to this crowne and 
 realm.e. And I proteste before God I would have spente my lyffe in 
 her Majestie’s service against Frenche, Spanish, or whatsoever. I aske 
 her Majestie forgivenes, then you all. And with you. Sir Frauncis 
 Knowlles, I have lefte a note of all my debtes. 1 owe thre hundrethe 
 threscores odde poundes, whereof I owe to my [brother] Type 40/., for 
 when hee had my sister, yt was concluded that eyther hee shoulde have 
 certaine landes convayed unto him, or elles so muche money ; and I have 
 borowed of my mother 300/. The debtes owinge me, whosoever 
 seekethe shall finde a greate rablemente, and some of them by bill paye, 
 saving 40«., 3/., or suche like. The summe that ys owinge me ys a 
 thowsande six hundrethe and odde poundes. And I beseche her 
 Majestie my debtes maye be paide. And I praye you that some man of 
 conscience maye have the accompte of my goodes, for a greate deale of 
 my landes ys mortgaged landes, and that onlie by worde of mouthe. [I] 
 beseche you yf they pay the money yt may be redeemed. 
 
 “ And then, beinge moved to saie his praiers in Englishe, hee said, I 
 understande the Latine, and I will saie nothinge but that which shall be 
 to the glorye of God. My profession e was a catholique that acknowledged 
 my duetie to my prince, and I beseche all catholiciues to praie for me. 
 Then hee said the Lordes praier in Latine, and then in Englishe, and 
 that finished hee said, 0 Jesu, esto mihi Jesu, 0 Jesu esto, &c., non 
 secundum peccata nostra^ sed secundum misericordiam tuam. Then 
 spake Mr. Whyte, willinge him to laye houlde of salvation by Christe 
 Jesus alone. And Jones said, I confesse my carcasse can doe nothinge. 
 Yt ys a lumpe, a piece of claye, not able to doe anythinge ; I believe, 
 
617 
 
 withowt a true faitlie, I can doe nothinge. And then hee said, Agnus 
 Dei, qui tollis peccatum mundi, miserere mei, and said yt thrise, and 
 then in Englishe thrise, and then after, Propitius esto mihi peccatori, 
 and said so thrise, and then in Englishe thrise. Be mercifull unto me 
 a sinner. Laste of all he said. In manus tuas, Domine, comendo 
 spiritum meum, and then was throwen off the ladder and hanged till hee 
 was deade, and then quartred accordinge to his judgmente. And so 
 dyed penitentlie and pitifullie to the behoulders, and as one that was 
 more faithefull to his friende then provident for himselve, and one that 
 was rather misled by the ambitious minde of others, then caried head- 
 long by his owne bad nature. 
 
 “ The Confessione of Charnocke. 
 
 ‘‘ When hee came uppon the ladder, hee beganne and said, Ave 
 Maria, gratia plena. Then Sir Drew Drurie answeared, What can 
 Mary doe shee cannot heare thee. And White said, O Charnocke, 
 when Mary was alive this was but a salutation, and nowe when shee ys 
 deade, when shee cannot heare thee, what can yt bee nowe ? Then said 
 Charnocke, I beseche all catholiques praye for me. Then answeared 
 Dr. White, Wee be all true catholiques. I beseche you all pray for me, 
 and then said. Pater noster, inLatine, and then said, Ave Maria, gratia 
 plena, &c., againe. And being mOved to aske her Majestie forgivenes, 
 hee said, Yf I have offended her I desire her to forgive me. I muste 
 confesse I concealed these treasons when I knewe them. Then Sir 
 Frauncis Knowlles said, Therin thou didste offende againste her, and 
 comraytted highe treasone. Then said Charnocke, I beseche her to 
 forgive me. And then Dr. White, movinge him to beleve in Jesus 
 Christe alone, hee said, 1 beleve in Jesus Christe, and 1 truste hee will 
 save me. And then arysinge, hee said, 0 Jesu, esto mihi Jesus, O 
 Jesu, esto mihi Jesus. And so was throwen off the ladder and hanged 
 till hee was deade, and after wardes used as the others, and so dyed fear- 
 fullie and obstinatelie in his relligione. Hee had bene a good souldioure 
 and a talle fellowe, and onlie drawen to playe the butcher, as yt seemed, 
 in these actions; for so yt appeared by his arraignement. Hee was a 
 proper man in his apparell, somewhat talle and verye stronge, his visage 
 somewhat wanne and pale, a lytell bearde hee had, betwixte blacke and 
 browne, his skinne appeared to be scurvie and scabbie, hee had a foule 
 botche in his lefte legge, whether of a wounde or of some badd disease I 
 knowe not, onlie this, that hee lived like a hardy souldioure and dyed like 
 a fearefull tratoure. 
 
 The Confessione of Travis. 
 
 “ As for Travis, his superstitione was so greate as nothinge more was 
 whatsoever said unto him hee neglected, onlie hee seemed to regard his 
 idolatrous opinions ; for before hee came to the ladder hee ceased not 
 continuallie to crosse himselve. Then Dr. White, movinge him to crye 
 upon Jesus Christe onlie, hee said, I crye on Jesus in faithe. And 
 when hee had ascended the ladder hee said hee was never guiltie of any 
 treasone in his lyffe. And when they on the scha,ffold shewed invin- 
 cible argumentes to prove his guilte by confessione voluntarie of his 
 companions, hee gave no eare, but was whollie given to his owne 
 willfullnes, onlie hee said, I doe dye a true catholique and doe beleve all 
 that the true catholique churche dothe. And then hee said his creede in 
 Latine. Then Dr. White bade him aske her Majestie forgivenes, but 
 hee regarded yt not, but besoughte all catiioliques to praie for him. 
 And when Dr. White toulde him that all were true catholiques that were 
 
61 ^ 
 
 there, hee fell ymediatlie to his Ave Maria gratia, and that donne, hee 
 beganne, Omnes martyr es, and then Signum crucis est necessariwti 
 omnibus corporihus nostris. And hee was fallinge besides the ladder, and 
 Dr. Whyte prayed God to deliver thy soule from the errors of poperie. 
 So hee hanged in all men’s sighte till hee was deade, and when the hang- 
 man had his harte in his hande, yt leapte and panted. Even this con- 
 cluded the laste parte of this obstinate fellowe, who had fullie purposed, 
 as yt was to be conjectured, to lyve a seditious persone, and resolute to 
 dye a papisticall traytour. 
 
 ‘‘ The Oonfessione of Gage. 
 
 “ Gage came hartilieand willinglie to the ladder, and when they moved 
 him to aske forgivenes of the Queue for his offence againste her, hee 
 answeared, I aske all forgivenes whom I have offended. And when Mr. 
 Shereife toulde him this was the fruicte of their religione, to comytte 
 suche abominable treasons, hee with vehemente and woonderful earnest- 
 nes replied, O Mr. Shereife, said hee, condemne not the whole religione 
 for a fewe bad men ; and when yt was tould him howe muche his father 
 was behoulden to her Majestic for speciall greate favoure, hee 
 answeared, I confesse shee has bene as gratious a prince and mistress to 
 my father as ever was any. Then Sir Erauncis Knowlles would have 
 proved his offence to be accordinge as hee was adjudged, but heehastelie 
 interrupted him, sayinge, O Sir Erauncis, take me with you; when I 
 wente awaie with Babington 1 knew nothinge of these treasons, but 
 afterwardes hee toulde me therof, and after that time I soughte occasions 
 to escape from them, and when I was taken, I was out of there companie. 
 Then Topcliffe, a justice of peace, toulde him hee had confessed that a 
 prieste came unto him and said yS anythinge be to be done lette yt be done 
 quicklie, after that Ballard was taken. I confesse this [he said], but j^^t 
 ys no argumente to prove me guiltie. And when yt was suffyciente to 
 prove his treasons, hee answeared. Why then I confesse I am guiltie in 
 that seiice. And when yt was objected hee attended on Ballard as his man, 
 when Ballard wente into the northe to move rebellione, hee answeared, 
 I did so, I will waite on anie suche prieste in the world. I did y t, saythe 
 hee, and I confesse yt. And I confesse further, when Ballard came 
 furthe of the northe hee wryte certaine letters into Eraunce and desired 
 me, because I wryte a fayer hand, to wryte yt fayrer, and I did so, but 
 the superscription or subscription I sawe not, but yt was some greate 
 name, for this worde gratious was in, but nowe yf yt be treason to keepe 
 companie with traytours, then have I commytted treasone ; but I 
 proteste, as I shall dye, I never had malicious mind againste her 
 Majestic. Then he fell to his praiers in Latine, Ave Maria gratia 
 plena, &c., Sancta Maria, ora pro nobis, with such like rablementes, 
 insomuche that Sir Francis Knowlles said, Hee knowethe not what hee 
 sayethe, and yet will not bee advised. Last of all, hee concluded, Averte 
 faciem peccatis meis. And so was thruste off the ladder and permitted 
 to hange till ihee was deade. His hearte did leape in the hangman’s 
 hande, and so dyed. 
 
 “ Gage — resolute, obstinate, and altogether unlearned ; of personage 
 hee was a proper man, lalle and sclender, but yonge in years and yet 
 rype in abhominations ; of visage sometbinge a pale countenance and 
 a prowde looke. To conclude, his personage required farre better 
 actions, and his actions deserved farre greater punishmente. 
 
 “ Bellamie’s Oonfessione. 
 
 “ Hee talked with the Shereif and others upon the schaffold, concern- 
 inge his guilte. Hee expressed his offence by ignoraunce that hee 
 
61 ^ 
 
 knewe not they were traytoures. Then hee ascended the ladder and 
 desired Mr. Shereife to shewe him some favoure. Dr. Whyte answeared, 
 Aske mercy of Grod, and hee and they will shewe thee favoure. Then 
 Bellamie said, I have bene a catholique, and I desire all true catho- 
 liques to pray for me. Whyte : Beseche all true Christians to praie for 
 thee, for here be no suche catholiques as you meane. Soe he desired 
 leave to sale his praiers, and when yt was graunted hee praied privatlie 
 with himselve. Laste of all he was throwen of the ladder to abide the 
 covenaunte of deathe, and there hanged till he was deade. 
 
 “Hee was a bigge man, broade sette and talle, of mightie limmes ; the 
 colour of his skinne was dunne, broade visuged, a brownishe bearde, 
 which grewe withowt curiositie. And when hee was deade, his counte- 
 nance was wonderfull blacke. Finallie, he semed rather to have bene 
 wearied with houlding the plowe then overlabouringe with studyinge 
 of a booke ; and rather to have bene nurced in papistrie by others, then 
 able to maintaine his erronious opinions by his owne wysdome or 
 learninge.” 
 
 Ed.ward Glover and others, described as “ inhabitants of Manchester 
 
 and Salforde,” to Dr. John Dee, Warden of Manchester College. 
 
 f. 182d. 1597, April 5. — “ The uncharitable and malitious pro- 
 ceedinges of Mr. Palmer against oure godlie and learned preacher, 
 Mr. Heaton (Bight Worshipful) have beene so many and manifest, 
 as well by open invectyves in the pulpitt as by secreate practyzes 
 otherwise, and that (as wee are fullie pers waded) withowt any occa- 
 tion given by him, that wee can no longer endure the same, and 
 therefore are in conscience mooved to joyne together in this oure 
 earneste and instant requeste that, for the glorie of God and 
 generall good of this people and place, you will vouchesafe to laie to 
 your healpinge hande, or rather to use your lawfull auctoritie to 
 represse the contention likelie to ensue, and take suche speedie order, 
 that eyther Mr. Palmer maie bee broughte to the sighte, acknowledge- 
 ment, and reformation of his disorder (which were to bee wished), or, if 
 youe find him wilfull and incorrigible, which wee greatelie feare, that 
 then you will judiciallie proceede and remoove him, that oure preacher 
 maie be no more molested, nor his godlie travayls hereafter, by suche 
 ungodlie courses, impeached. Soe shall youe doe a deed beseeminge 
 your callinge, righte acceptable to God, moste necessarie for the quiett of 
 this place, and shall bande us theereby to a thanckfull acknowledgement 
 of your tender consideration of our estate, where otherwise wee shall 
 bee enforced to complaine further, as not myndinge to see or suffer his 
 godlie endevours thus crossed, or the man himselfe, for his good will 
 towardes us, thus grossley abused amonge us.” 
 
 Complaint to the Council by an Anonymous Preacher. 
 
 f. 183. [Undated.] — “Imprimis, Maiester Pagett hath sundrie tymes, 
 openlie, in the pullpitt at Barnestaple, termed your Majestie’s injunctions, 
 the dreggs of poperie, and those Statute Protestants, who like such 
 raggs of Rome and tayles of Antechriste. 
 
 “ Item, hee constantlie affirmed in the hearinge of dyvers persons of 
 sufficient creditt, that your Majestie commauuded idolatrie and super- 
 stition, and that hee would prove the same by the booke of common 
 prayer. 
 
 “ Item, where the people, being sore devyded by his meanes, have 
 beene perswaded to dewtifull obedience and Christian charitie, hee 
 
620 
 
 hath, in the pullpitt, called that doctrine unitie with a mischeife and 
 unitie with a verie vengeance. 
 
 “ Item, one of his adherentes, one Bryan, parson of Pairecombe, in lyke 
 sort impugned the doctrine of obedience, and grew verie farr that, in 
 effect, hee compared your Majestic with Pharao, Nabucodonezer 
 (^sic), Darius, and other persecutors, affirminge that because yt was 
 lawfull for there subjectes to disobeye them then, thearefore your 
 Majestic might in lyke sort bee disobeyed of us no we. 
 
 “ One Robert Dillon, gentleman, came into the parish churche of 
 Barnstaple aforesaid, and there brake and spoiled the orgaues, and the 
 next day abused the Maior in his owne howse, puttinge him in greate 
 feare, so that the whole towne was forced to rise to his reskewe, and 
 thereby great occation given of upprore amonge the people, and murder 
 lyke to have ensewed. 
 
 “ These, with divers other articcles, are to bee proved and vouched by 
 the Maior, Aldermen, and inhabitautes of the towne of Barnstaple, who 
 feare (withowt speedie reformation) further inconteinence by theese 
 meanes then, of themselves, they shall bee able to redresse.” 
 
 The Examination, at Rochdale, of Robert Holt, servant to Sir 
 John Byron, Knight, before Charles Holt and Edmund 
 Hopwood, Esquires, Justices of the Peace in the county of 
 Lancaster. 
 
 f. 184. 1588, July 3. — “Yesterdaie, in the morninge, beinge att 
 breakefaste att Badger Yate, in Marchden, in the Countye of Yorke, in the 
 com panic of James Marchden, hys hoste, Thomas Butter worth, and 
 Anthonie Hamer, the saide James Marchden asked of them what newes ; 
 wherunto the said Anthonie saide that there was a man which did over- 
 take him and the saide Butter worthe, and one Thomas Chethame, there 
 neighboure, aboute 2 myles from Barnsley, as they were cominge from the 
 markette the dale before, who seemed to be of acquaintaunce with the 
 saide Chethame, but hee was a straunger to the saide Anthonie, which 
 man saide to the said Thomas Chethame, after salutations had betwene 
 them, these wordes, or the lyke in effect : — Yt ys reported that the Earle of 
 Derby ys turned from us, or shrunke awaie from us; and that the saide 
 Anthonie and Thomas Butterworth answeared. By the grace of God yt 
 was not soo, neyther ever woulde be soo. And that the said straunge 
 man then saide hee trusted y t was not so ; but yet suche newes were tolde 
 abroade.” 
 
 Thexamination of the said Anthonie Hamer, the daie, time, and at 
 the place afforsaide. 
 
 “ The said examinant deposethe and saithe, that as this examinant, 
 Thomas Chethame and Thomas Butterworth were coming from 
 Barnesley afforsaide, upon Wednesdaie laste, in the afternoone, ther 
 overtooke them a straunge man, abowte two myles from the said 
 Barnsley, who, takinge acquaintance to the saide Chetham, after some 
 talke passed between them, asked the said Chetham, what newes in 
 Lancashire. The saide Chethame said, none but good ; and then the 
 saide straunger saide that yt was reported that the Earle of Darbye was 
 turned from us, or shrunke awaie from us (meaninge from hys country, 
 as this examinant then tooke yt), to whom the saide Anthonie saide, 
 Yt ys not so, by the grace of God. So I truste, said the said straunger, 
 yet yt ys so reported, suche newes are tolde abroade. And the sai(l 
 straunge man then saide, Roberte Holte, your neighboure, ys behinde 
 you. And this examinant further saithe that the examination of the 
 
621 
 
 saide Roberte Holte, as yt ys bafore sette downe in these presents, ys 
 true; and further saithe, that when the speaches were uttered, as they 
 were at breakefaste, at Badger Yate, as afforsaide, that the saide Roberte 
 Holte said he knewe the said straunge man very well, and that hys 
 name was James Barneby, servaunte to Mr. Barneby, of Barneby, in 
 the county of Yorke, Esquire. 
 
 “The said Thomas Butterworthe deposethe and saithe as the saide 
 Anthonie Hamer hathe before saide. 
 
 “ Item, the said Robert Holte beinge examined ho we hee knewe the 
 said straunger’s name, saithe that the man which hee mette in Barnsley 
 towne f elide was James Barnebie, servaunte to the saide Mr. Barnbie, 
 and that the saide James Barnby did then ryde uppon a graie nagge, 
 withowt any bootes ; and because the said Anthonie and Thomas Butter- 
 worthe told this examinant that the said straunger saide that he was 
 behinde them, and that the said stranger saide hee had lefte hys nagge 
 uppon a common, neere where they mette with the said straunger, 
 therfore, the said Robert Holte takethe yt to be the said James Barneby, 
 bycause he mette him as afforsaid, and mette not any other man to hys 
 remembraunce. 
 
 “ The said Roberte Holte, beinge examined what speaches passed 
 betwene him and the said James Barneby, in Barnesley towne fielde, 
 uppon \Yednesdaie last, saithe that the said James Barnesby offered 
 this examinant hys nagge to sell, and said that hys master had forty 
 stone of woolle which hee woulde sell to this examinant, and sette the 
 same at 7s. the stone. And further speaches passed not betwene them at 
 that time.” 
 
 Sydall Moor. 
 
 f. 184d. Undated. — Memorandum as to common rights, &c., on 
 Syddall Moor. 
 
 “ The Conference or Commyssone between the Quene of Scottes 
 and the Lordes, concerninge her examinacion.” 
 
 f. 196. 1586. — “ Upon Wednesdaie, the 12 of October, the Lordes 
 Commissioners for hearinge the Scottishe Quene came to the Castle of 
 Fotheringhey, in the County of Northampton, aboute nyne of the clocke 
 in the morninge, at which houre, in the chappell of the said castle, the 
 Deane of Peterboroughe preached before them. From the sermone, they 
 wente to Councell, in the Counsell Chamber of the same house, and from 
 thence sente Sir Walter Myldmaye and Sir Amias Pawlette, Grovernoure 
 of the house to the Scottishe Queue, to kno we whether shee woulde appeare 
 or no. There was aUso delivered unto her a letter from her Majestie, to 
 that elfecte. After which summons shee refused to appeare, and stoode 
 all that daie, beinge oftentimes required therto by some of the Commis- 
 sioners sente in unto her. Upon Thursdaie there wente unto her, in 
 her lodginge, the Lord Chaunceior, the Lord Treasourer, the Earles of 
 Oxforde, Shresburie, Rente, Worcester, Viscount Montague, the 
 Lordes Zouche, Graye, Lumley, Sir Raphe Sadler, Sir James Crofte, 
 Mr. Vicechamberlaine, Sir Amias Pawlette, the two Chief Justices of 
 England, Doctor Dale, and Doctor Forde, Barker, and Wheler, notaries, 
 who I emained with her allmoste the space of two houres, signifyinge 
 unto her that yf shee woulde not come furthe before the Commissioners 
 they woulde proceede againste her accordinge to ther Commissione. 
 That whole daie was spente in Councell and sendinge unto her. 
 
 “ In the morninge, upon Frydaie, shee resolved to appeare, and so 
 aboute 9 of the clocke came furthe into the presence chamber, which 
 
622 
 
 was prepared and hanged with clou the of state in the upper parte and 
 downe alonge bothe sides. There were formes covered with grene for 
 the Earles and Lordes on the righte side, and for Barons on the lefte side. 
 vSomewhat below the middle of the chamber was a barre sette, and 
 within the barre a foarme for the Knightes of the Privie Counsell, and 
 before there fourmes was a chair with a quishione and a foote carpett, 
 for the Quene of Scottes, dyrectlie againste the seate belowe. In the 
 middle of the chamber was a table, wherat sate the Quene’s Attorney 
 and Sollicitor, the Quene’s Sergeaunte, the Clerkes of the Orowne, the 
 two notaries, direetlie above the table. In the middeste of the chamber 
 were two fourmes, wherupon sate, on the righte side, the Lord Chief 
 Justice of England, the Lorde Chief Baron, Doctor Dalle, Doctor Forde. 
 Over againste them sate the Lord Chief Justice of the Common Pleas, 
 Justice Piream ; belowe the barre sate suche gentlemen as came to see 
 the action. 
 
 “ On the righte side were [On the left side.] 
 
 these lordes : — 
 
 The Lord Chauncelor ^ 
 The Lord Treasourer 
 Earle of Oxford 
 Earle of Shrewsburie 
 Earle of Kente 
 Earle of Derby 
 Earle of Worcester 
 Earle of Rutlaund 
 Earle of Cumberland 
 Earle of Warwick e 
 Earle of Lincolne 
 Earle of Penbrooke 
 Viscounte Montague 
 
 Sir James Crofte 
 Sir Walter Mildmaie 
 Sir Baphe Sudler 
 ^ Sir Frauncis Wallsing- * 
 ham 
 
 Mr .V ic!e-ch amberlain e 
 
 ' The Lord Aburga- 
 veny 
 
 The Lord Zouche 
 The Lord Morley 
 The Lord Stafford 
 The Lord Graye 
 The Lord Sturton 
 The Lord Sandes 
 The Lord Wentworth 
 The Lord Mordant 
 The Lord St. John of 
 Bletso 
 
 The Lord Compton 
 ^ The Lord Chenie. 
 
 “ The Lordes beinge thus sette and all thinges readie, the Quene of 
 Scottes was broughte in, haviiige a waie or a lane made with halbardes 
 from her lodging doore, which was in the lower corner of the chamber. 
 Shee was in a gowne of blacke velvette, covered over with a white vaile 
 of lane, a very bigge woman and talle, beinge lame, and supported by 
 the one arrne with Melvine, her gentleman, and by the other arme with 
 her phisician. One of her women caryed up her traine, three other 
 attainded her, one of her servauntes broughte her a chayre covered with 
 crirnsone velvette, and another broughte a quishione of the same. A 
 lytell before her coming her chaire was removed from the bottome of 
 the chamber to the upper parte beilowe the state, and set, as yt were, 
 cornerwise towardes the side of the lordes barons. 
 
 Scilence beinge made, the Lord Chauncelor stoode up, and, beinge 
 uncovered, spake to this effecte ; — 
 
 “ Madame, the Quene, beinge stronglie enfourmed of sondrie practizes 
 made by you againste her, hathe caused this our meetinge,as hatlie bene 
 signified unto you. You have reade the Quene’s letters certyfyinge the 
 same ; and I muste sale thus much unto you from her Majestie’s mouthe, 
 that havinge borne soe manie thinges att your handes, shee cannot for- 
 beare any longer but proceede againste you, not for the perills which 
 may befalle her, for God, she trustethe, who hathe ever defended her, 
 will still deliver her from them ; but there dependethe more upon yt. 
 Shee saith that you are the foundation of all practizes againste her, and 
 yf shee shoulde neglecte yt, shee shoulde forgette the cause of God, and 
 beare the sworde in vaine. Yt ys not mallice, Madame, nor regarde of 
 
623 
 
 her persone, that causethe her to doe yt, albeit shee mighte doe otherwise 
 aad proceed againste you, that you shoulde not be hard speak for 
 yourself. 
 
 “ The Quene answeared to this effecte, by waie of protestation, that shee 
 was a free prince, borne a quene, not subjecte to any but to Grod, 
 to whom shee muste give accompt, and, therfore, her appearinge should 
 not be prejudicial! to other kifiges or princes, nor her allies, nor her 
 sonne. And thereupon desired an Acte to be made, and required her 
 owne people to beare wytnesse of yt. 
 
 ‘‘ The Lord Chauncelor againe protested againste that protestation, 
 and said in nowise yt should be prejudicial! unto the Quene’s Majestic, 
 nor to the Crowne of Englande, and that they all, on the behalf of her 
 Majestie, required it to be enacted. 
 
 “ Then Mr. Poole, Gierke of the Crowne Office, did reade the Com- 
 mysyone, grownded upon the Statute of anno 27. 
 
 “ The Quene answeared, I proteste that this lawe is insuffycient, and, 
 therfore, 1 cannot submit myselve unto yt. 
 
 “ The Lord Treasourer avouched and justified the lawe to be sufiyciente 
 to proceede againste her. 
 
 “ To wjiom shee answeared, that that law was made against her. 
 
 ‘‘ The Lorde Treasourer said, wee have commissione to proceede, and 
 yf you will not heare and answeare, wee will therin proceede againste 
 you. 
 
 “ Then shee said, I will heare and answeare yt. 
 
 “ Then arose Sergeaunte G-awdie, and declared firste the Statute, and 
 then enferred that the Quene of Scottes, there presente, had offended 
 againste bothe the branches therof, viz., that shee had bene bothe 
 privie to the conspiracie of killinge the Quene’s Majestie, and allso had 
 herselve practized and compassed yt, and so rypped the whole matter 
 complete, from Ballarde’s cominge into the realme. When the Sergeaunte 
 said that the Quene was bothe a mover and a compasser, she bowed her 
 bodie and smiled. 
 
 “Her firste letter to Babington, to renewe the intelligence, was 
 reade. 
 
 “ Then Sergeaunte Puckeringe perused the reste of Babingtoh’s letters 
 unto her, and her answeare to him againe. 
 
 “ To the which the Quene answeared that shee had never seen 
 Babington, nor ever had speache with him, nor ever receaved letters 
 from him, and that shee coulde stoppe noe man’s goinge beyond the 
 seas ; but lette any man in Englande come and sale that I did ever any- 
 thinge againste the Quene’s lyffe. 
 
 “ Then Sandes, Gierke of the Crowne, reade Babington’s confessione, 
 and Sergeaunte Puckering opened the poinctes. 
 
 “ The Quene said that, beinge kepte from intelligence of her friendes, 
 and of her sonne, yt mighte be shee desired intelligence, but yf any other 
 man have done or practized anythinge, yt ys no matter to this purpose ; 
 ther be some that send me letters, and I knowe not from whence they 
 come nor what they are. 
 
 “ The Gierke of the Crowne reades againe Babington’s confessione. 
 
 “ The Quene said againe, I wote not of any suche letter. 
 
 “ Then was reade againe her letter to Babington. 
 
 “ To the which shee said, Yf Babington said yt, and all the world, 
 they lye in yt. I will see my owne handwrytinge. And to Babington’s 
 letter to her, shee said, I never sawe that letter, nor ever harde of yt. 
 
 “ The Lord Treasourer proved the receipte of Babington’s letter. 
 
 “ So the Sergeaunte shewed an answeare to Babington’s letter from 
 her by the same cypher, by a servinge man m a blewe coate, and so 
 
624 
 
 opened the poinctes of her answeres to Babin^ton. When mention 
 therin was made of the Earle of Arundell, she wepte and blobered out, 
 sayinge, Woe ys me, that your house hathe suffered so muche for my sake. 
 
 “ And after weepinge a time, shee said, Y£ ever I made any suche 
 device againste the Quene, my sister, I praie God I never see God 
 in the face. I have written, I confesse, aboute my deliveraunce, as any 
 prince kepte captive as I mighte doe, but never againste the Quene. I 
 confesse I have sente for the catholiques deliveraunce from persecution, 
 and I will worke ytt, yf I coulde, with my bloude, to save them from 
 destruction. I wolde, and yf yt maie be soe, I praie you laye yt upon 
 me ; and therwith wepte accordinge to her guise. 
 
 “ The Lord Treasourer said, Madame, the Quene puttes none to 
 deathe for ther conscience ; but they mighte enjoye the libertie of there 
 conscience yf they woulde lyve as duetifull subjecte ; and therefore, 
 Madame, reforme your opinione therin. 
 
 “ The Quene of Scottes said shee had reade yt so in a booke. 
 
 The Lord Treasourer said, They that doe wryte so, Madame, wryte 
 allso that the Quene of Englande ys no Quene. 
 
 “ Then pyked shee a quarrell againste Mr. Secretary e, that hee had 
 bene her sore enimie, and her sonne’s, and practized with certaine 
 persons againste hir. But, Mr. Walsingham, I thinke you are an 
 honeste man, and I praie you saie, in the worde of an honeste man, 
 whether you have bene so unto me. 
 
 “ Mr. Secretarie rose up, and came to the end of the table, standinge in 
 the middeste before his seate, and said, Madame, I am charged by you 
 to have practized somethinge againste you. I call God, and all the 
 worlde, to wytnesse I have done nothinge, as a private man, unworthie 
 an honeste man, as a publique person unworthie my callinge. I pro- 
 teste before God that, as man carefull of my Mistress’ safe tie, I have 
 bene curious, and yf Ballard had offered me his service, I proteste 
 I woulde have used him, and yf hee had done service, I woulde have re- 
 warded him ; but yf hee were practized with by me, why did hee not 
 pleade yt for his liefe. 
 
 “ Here, againe, shee wepte, and protested shee would not make shipp- 
 wracke of her soule in conspiringe againste her good sister, and that 
 these spies whom Mr. Secretarie had sette over her, were spies for her 
 againste him, and had likewise toulde her things of him. 
 
 “ The Queue’s Attorney proves that the Queue of Scottes was privie 
 to the conspiracie, and gave the enstructions to her Secretarie to wryte 
 by ; her Secretarys, not constrained, not imprisoned, wrote copies of the 
 original!, upon theire oathes, some in cypher, some translated, by her 
 dyrectione, into Englishe. Her Secretaries were Jaques Maw [and] 
 Gilbert Carle. 
 
 “ The Sollicitor proves bothe the poinctes of the Statute, agreinge with 
 the poinctes of the Commissione ; hrste, and that shee was privie to the 
 conspiracie, she receaved Babington’s letters wherin the conspiracie was 
 contained to kill the Quene. Shee givethe answeare to yt, diposed by 
 her Secretaries, who, besides ther othes and voluntarie confessione, did 
 sette downe, accordinge to ther memorie, the contents and poincts of 
 Babington’s letters to the Quene, and her ansvreares to Babington, wher 
 especiallie shee rernembred the poinctes of the conspiracie, particularlie 
 by Babington, before hee was apprehended and att large, when he had 
 thought to have executed yt, and have bene advaunced by yt, shee 
 shewed her letters and her answeares to Ballard, Savage, and Tychburne, 
 as they confessed yt. 
 
 Secondlie, he proves that shee herselve did compasse and conspire 
 againste the Queue, for besides the provinge of Babington’s plotte, shee 
 
625 
 
 addeth in a letter of her owne, for the maner and order of the execution 
 of the designment, &c. 
 
 The Secretaries, at the viewe of her letters, doe wryte thus : per le 
 expres commandement de la reigna ma Matressa — at the expresse 
 commandmete of the Quene my mistress. Maw and Carle. 
 
 Shee beinge asked whether ytwere ther handes, shoe confessed shee 
 knewe yt to be ther handes, and that Carle ys an honeste man, but shee 
 would not be judged by him ; and that Maw was the King’s Secretarie 
 of Fraunce, and that hee had bene Secretarie to the Cardinall of 
 Loraine. 
 
 When shee said shee knewe not Babington nor Ballard, 
 
 The Lord Treasourer said : Madame, I will tell you whome you 
 knowe ; you knowe Morgan that hyred Parrie to kill the Quene, and after 
 you knewe yt you gave him pension — you gave pension, madame, to a 
 murtherer. 
 
 “ Shee said, hee lost all for my sake, but you gave pensions in Scot- 
 land to my sonne againste me. 
 
 The Lord Treasourer said. The Quene, by cause the reveneue of the 
 Crowne of Scotland ys diminished, givethe a benevolence to the Kinge, 
 her kinsman. 
 
 “ The second daie, att her first cominge, shee renewed her protestation, 
 sayinge, I am a sacred and anointed Prince, and oughte not to be judged 
 by the lawe. I am a free prince, and owe no more to any prince then 
 they doe to me. I come hither for the justification of my honoure, and 
 that which ys laid to my charge againste my sister. Her oration was 
 very longe here, and of manie thinges. Shee said the Quene was so 
 dealt with when the matter of Wyatte was laid to her chardge, and yet 
 not founde guiltie of yt. I like not to take this course, thoughe I 
 desire the catholiques deliverance from ther persecution. I had rather 
 play the part of Hester then Judith, to deliver my people. God forbidd ' 
 I shoulde deserve to be denied of Jesus Christe before his Father. 
 
 They gave yt owt I was of no religione, for ther was a time when I 
 tendred myselve, but then cared not for my soule. But my Lordes, 
 when you have done all that you can, and have put me from that I 
 would have, yet shall you not obtaine your cause for Mary Stuarte. 
 
 ‘‘ And here shee wepte and blobered, that they coulde not conceave 
 her speach. I desire, said shee, that another Assemblie maie be called, 
 where I may have my Counsell. I appeale to God firste, who ys the 
 wise judge, and to princes my allies. 
 
 “ Here the Lord Treasourer said. Wee have, Madame, sett downe your 
 protestation under a notaries hand, and againe wee have protested that 
 your protestation be not prejudicial! to the Crowne of Englande. 
 
 “ The Quene said, Indeed, my Lord, you take no Commissione but 
 what shall serve your turne beste ; you have done the worste you can. 
 
 I have ofte offered, yf I mighte be att lybertie, that I woulde doe all 
 dueties and laboures to quenche the troubles that are made, and I coulde 
 not be harde. I was made to beleve that I shoulde be att lybertie, and 
 I promised hostiges for my securitie, my owne sonne and my cosine 
 Guise’ sonne. 
 
 The Lord Treasourer said it was true that the Quene was contente, 
 and so was the Counsell. You offered hostiges as you saie, and yt ys 
 as true that the Lords of Scotland woulde not consente that the Kinge 
 shoulde come. 
 
 “ The Quene of Scottes : I toulde you yf I were att lybertie I woulde 
 effecte yt. 
 
 ‘‘ Madame, said the Lord Treasourer, the Quene shall sette you att 
 lyberty, and you shall seeke her destruction, for all this practize of your 
 
 73480 . ^ ^ 
 
626 
 
 enlargemente was nothiiige elles but a plotte againste the Queue, for 
 even then, when this was doinge, your man Morgan hyred Parry to kill 
 the Queue. 
 
 ‘‘ My Lord, quothe shee, you are my enimie. 
 
 ‘‘No, said my Lord Treasourer, I am enimy unto the Queue’s 
 enimies. 
 
 “Was yt not said, say the shee, that the Queue shoulde never be free 
 from practizes untill I was sette att lybertie ; therfore I desired that 
 the occasione mighte be taken awaie. 
 
 “ Then was reade a letter to Mendoza, the Spanishe Embassador in 
 Fraunce, wherin shee promisethe to give the Kinge of Spaine the king- 
 domes of England and Scotland, yf her sonne woulde not be reclaimed 
 from that heresie wherin shee sayed hee was misled. 
 
 “ A letter allso to Doctor Allen, wherin shee callethe him reverente 
 father in God, and dealethe with him aboute the invasion, and his letter 
 to her. 
 
 “ Theire was likewise reade, her letters to the Lord Pagette and Sir 
 Frauncis Englefield, wherin to everyone shee saith that shee hathe 
 given dyrectione to the catholiques on this syde to dispatche her. 
 
 “ Shee beinge pressed with truthes of the conspiracie, bycause her 
 owne man had sworne yt, shee said that shee thoughte no conscience of 
 an oathe given to them. 
 
 “ Wherat the whole house murmured. Concerninge the givinge awaie 
 the Kingdomeof Englande to the Kinge of Spaine, wrytten to Mendoza, 
 shee advisethe him thus : — Lette not this be knoAvne, for yf jt shoulde, 
 yt would be in Fraunce the losse of my dowrie, in Scotlaunde the breach 
 with my sonne, in England my totall and utter destruction. Here 
 the Sollicitor remembred the Lords that yf a forraine prince had the 
 Kingdome as shee woulde assigne yt, what should become of ther 
 dignities and estates. 
 
 “ Madame, said the Lord Treasourer, the successione of the Crowne, 
 whosoever hathe yt, cannot give yt to a strainge prince, yt muste goe 
 by the lawes of the realme. Your enimies in Scotland threatned to 
 kill you, and her Majestie said shee would then revenge yt, and so your 
 lief was assured. 
 
 “ Att her risinge first upp, shee talked longe with the Lord Treasourer, 
 cominge to him to his seate, after to Mr. Yice-Chamberlaine and to Mr. 
 Secretarye, excusinge herselve unto them, and like a serpente to winde 
 herselve unto them. Shee said unto the Earle of Warwicke that shee 
 hard hee was an honourable gentleman, desiringe him not to beleve all 
 thinges that hee hard of her, desiringe him to comende her to my Lord 
 of Leycester, sayinge that shee wished him good successe in all his 
 affaires. 
 
 “To the judges and lawiers shee said, I praie God blesse me from 
 you, for you have sore handes over them that come under you ; and to 
 Mr. Phillipps, thou never readeste any good thinge towardes me. 
 
 “ And so the Lordes brake upp on Saturdaie, att one of the clocke, 
 and adjorned the Commissione to the Starre Chamber, the xxij^^ of the 
 same monethe.” 
 
627 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 A 
 
 Abbot, Abbott : 
 
 — , Secretary of State for Irclanfl ; 
 
 556, 557. 
 
 John; 380. 
 
 Mr. ; 233, 527. 
 
 Thomas, of Adlin^ton ; 116. 
 Aberdeen; 21, 460. 
 
 Abergavenny, Aburgaveny, Lord. (1586) ; 
 622. 
 
 Abingdon, Abbington ; 124. 
 
 Abington, Lord (1714) ; 456. 
 
 Abney, Sir Edward ; 399. 
 
 Abram, co. Lane. ; 109. 
 
 Accounts, Commissioners of ; 399, 400. 
 Accrington, co. Lane. ; 10. 
 
 copyhold tenants of ; 24. 
 
 Acholme, co. Lane. ; 8. 
 
 Acton, Ann ; 277. 
 
 Bailiff ; 443. 
 
 Mr., of Crewe ; 223. 
 
 Acts of Parliament : 
 
 Alien Bill; 536, 537, 541. 
 disbanding army ; 67, 114. 
 Bankruptcy, Statute of ; 289. 
 Capitation Bill (1696) ; 401, 413. 
 to redress the misemployment of lands, 
 &c., given to charitable uses (Stat. 
 43 Eliz.), proceedings before the 
 Commissioners appointed by ; 262. 
 for building the City ; 84. 
 coinage (1695-6) ; 387, 394, 396, 397. 
 bill for enclosing of commons (1697) ; 
 416. 
 
 bill of comprehension (1668) ; 81. 
 of confirmation ; 70. 
 against conventicles ; 84-86. 
 Coronation Oath Bill ; 543. 
 Corporation Act ; 116. 
 for regulating Corporations ; 123, 
 
 125. 
 
 annexing Dunkirk and Jamaica ; 67. 
 for continuing duties upon spirits ; 
 396. 
 
 for preventing expenses in elections ; 
 396, 397. 
 
 East India Bill (1697) ; 415. 
 
 Election Bill (1788) ; 525. 
 
 Exclusion Bill (1681) ; 125. 
 
 (1714) ; 455, 456. 
 
 for her Majesty’s Fleet (1706) ; 436. 
 Franking (1784); 518. 
 to prevent the negotiation of French 
 paper money in England ; 537. 
 
 Acts of Parliament — coni. 
 
 of general pardon (Charles II.) ; 74. 
 Habeas Corpus Bill (1758) ; 495. 
 bill for lessening interest money to 
 4 per cent. ; 83. 
 against Irish cattle ; 80. 
 
 Statute concerning Jury panels ; 340, 
 341. 
 
 the Lottery Bill ; 446. 
 
 Statute of Maintenance (1 9 Hen. YII.); 
 138. 
 
 confirming Isle of Man to William, 
 Earl of Derby (7 James I.) ; 73. 
 Mersey and Irwell navigation ; 500. 
 Militia Act; 202, 501. 
 
 Nullum Tempus hiW] 501. 
 
 of Oblivion ; 84. 
 
 for disarming Papists ; 225. 
 
 Plate Bill (1696) ; 401. 
 a bill to discover lands employed to 
 Popish uses; 124. 
 
 Property Qualification (1714) ; 454. 
 Regency Bill (1789) ; 526, 527. 
 revision and compression of ; 534. ' 
 Bill of Rights ; 542. 
 
 Roman Catholic ; 509, 510, 560. 
 Scotland, articles of union with ; 543. 
 of Supremacy ; 542, 543. 
 the surgeon’s bill (1797) ; 547, 548. 
 Test ; 411, 542, 543. 
 
 Treason Bill (1696) ; 396, 397. 
 Triennial, bill to repeal (1716) ; 460. 
 Triennial Bill (1758) ; 495. 
 Uniformity ; 543. 
 
 statutes concerning writs in Lanca- 
 shire and Cheshire (1 and 6 Ed- 
 ward VI.) ; 68. 
 
 Yelverton’s ; 543. 
 
 Yorkshire commons enclosure bill 
 (1713) ; 451. 
 
 Adair, Serjeant ; 551. 
 
 Adams, John, letter from; 170. 
 
 , pupil at Manchester ; 467. 
 
 Adcroft, Robert; 467. 
 
 Addison, George; 239. 
 
 Adkynson. See Atkinson, 
 
 Adlington, [co. Lane.] ; 47. 
 
 Admergill; 192. 
 
 Admiral, the Lord (1588); 571. 
 
 Admiralty Board, the ; 429. 
 
 the (Commissioners of ; 112, 1 32, 396, 
 401. 
 
 , Secretary to. See Brisban, Mr. 
 
 the Register of ; 502. 
 the Sergeant of ; 347. 
 
 Office ; 250, 397, 555. 
 
 Advocate, the Lord ; 514. 
 
 R R 2 
 
628 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Adwalton, [co. York] ; 584. 
 
 Africa ; 432. 
 
 African Company, tke ; 458. 
 
 Agard, Sir Henry, letter from ; 52. 
 
 letter to; 51. 
 
 Agriculture, Board of ; 541. 
 
 Aighton, co. Lane. ; 109. 
 
 Ainger, J., letter from ; 93. 
 
 Ainsworth, [co. Lane.] ; 574. 
 
 Ainsworth, Aynesworthe, Ainesworthe, 
 Ainseworthe : 
 
 John; 69. 
 
 letter to ; 69. 
 
 his cousin Nowell ; 69. 
 
 Mr.; 8. 
 
 Thomas, of Ainsworth ; 574. 
 
 Aintree, co. Lane. ; 109. 
 
 Aire, Ayre (in France), nunnery of 
 St. Clare in; 218. 
 
 Alanson, Edward. See Allanson. 
 Albemarle, [George Monk, 1st] Duke of ; 
 79, 84, 214. 
 
 Duchess of, her funeral (1670) ; 84. 
 [Christopher Monk, 2nd] Duke of; 
 100, 105, 136, 141, 177, 186, 210. 
 
 letter from ; 179. 
 
 letter to ; 178. 
 
 Alberoni, Cardinal ; 463. 
 
 Alcazor, Alcaid of; 129. 
 
 Alcock, Dr.; 134, 223. 
 
 John; 495. 
 
 Stephen; 194. 
 
 Aldborough, co. York ; 407. 
 
 Aldem, J. ; 57. 
 
 Alden, Mr., letter to ; 19. 
 
 Aldingham, co. Lane. ; 7, 159. 
 
 rectory of ; 282. 
 
 Alehouses ; 16, 132, 216, 274. 
 
 Alexander, John ; 182. 
 
 Kohert; 182. 
 
 Algiers (Argier) ; 262, 569. 
 
 the Consul at; 276. 
 
 Alienation Office, charges on ; 276. 
 
 Alker. See Altcar. 
 
 Allabone, Justice ; 191. 
 
 Allanson, Alanson, Edward, curate of 
 Newton; 229. 
 
 George, letters from; 152, 196, 215. 
 Allegiance and supremacy, oath of; 96, 
 533. 
 
 Allen, Allan, Allin : 
 
 Alderman ; 277. 
 
 Dr.; 626. 
 
 John ; 195, 196. 
 
 letter from ; 73. 
 
 Mr.; 505. 
 
 of Bolt Court ; 539. 
 
 of Magdalen Hall ; 540. 
 
 Richard, of Wallasey ; 355, 359. 
 
 Sir Thomas ; 78, 168. 
 
 Thomas, of Smallbrook ; 359. 
 
 Rev. W., letter from ; 563. 
 
 William ; 582. 
 
 Sedgwick, and Co.’s bank ; 505. 
 Almaine. See German. 
 
 Almanacks ; 90, 93. 
 
 Alms ; 38, 39, 45, 46. 
 
 Alredd, Aired, Allred, Alrued : 
 
 Abraham, letter from ; 280. 
 
 -; 111 . 
 
 James ; 280. 
 
 his wife ; 280. 
 
 Jeremy ; 232. 
 
 Altcar, Alker, Allcarr, co. Lane.; 13, 135, 
 136, 137, 138, 195. 
 
 Altham, co. Lane. ; 10, 48, 228, 231. 
 Althorp, Lord (1834) ; 568. 
 
 Altrincham ; 205, 206. 
 
 letter dated at ; 111. 
 
 Alvanley, Lord (1801) ; 558. 
 
 Ambassador : 
 
 from the Alcaid of Alcazor; 129. 
 Dutch; 203. 
 
 English, to Holland ; 78. 
 
 to Spain. See Buckingham, 
 
 Duke of. 
 
 from France ; 82. 
 to Germany. See Taffe, Count. 
 Hada, from the King of Morocco ; 
 133. 
 
 at Paris. See Franklin, Dr. 
 of Portugal; 113. 
 
 Sardinian ; 509. 
 
 Spanish ; 98, 99, 404. 
 
 — — priest of. See Lacy, Mr. 
 
 See also Gondomar. 
 
 — in France. See Mendoza. 
 Swedes ; 78. 
 
 Ambrose, Mr. ; 1 3. 
 
 Amelia, Princess (daughter of George III.) ; 
 474, 522. 
 
 America ; 56, 162, 522. 
 
 Court of Justice in ; 502. 
 
 United States of; 520. 
 
 American Indians, the ; 56. 
 
 Loyalists ; 520. 
 
 War, the ; 551. 
 
 Ammunition ; 62. 
 
 Amounderness, deanery of ; 9. 
 
 Hundred; 48, 50, 152, 319, 583, 585, 
 607. 
 
 - bailiff of ; 28. 
 
 chief constables for ; 29. 
 
 clergy in (1604) ; 8, 9, 13. 
 
 Justices (Commissioners) of the 
 
 Peace for ; 248, 583. 
 
 Ampthill ; 25. 
 
 Amsterdam ; 251, 401, 429, 462. 
 
 letter dated at ; 462. 
 
 Amy, Parnell, letter from ; 96. 
 
 Amye, Mrs. ; 64. 
 
 Ancram, Earl of (1683-88) ; 169, 210. 
 Anderton, Andertone : 
 
 — , ofEuxton; 152. 
 
 Sir Charles; 110, 115, 159, 194, 195. 
 
 letter from ; 167. 
 
 his mother. Lady Anderton ; 
 
 167. 
 
 Christopher; 167,314. 
 
 letter to ; 603. 
 
 Francis; 167. 
 
 James (1588) ; 583. 
 
 James (1604) ; 11, 12. 
 
 James (1634), letter from ; 53. 
 
 James (1688-98); 196, 425. 
 
INDEX. 
 
 629 
 
 Anderton, Andertone — cont. 
 
 James of Clayton ; 585. 
 
 James of Lostock ; 12. 
 
 John; 167,316. 
 
 Laurence ; 139. 
 
 Mr. ; 8, 359. 
 
 Mrs., of Bardsey ; 133. 
 
 William, of Euxton ; 3 14. 
 
 Andrews, Andrewes : 
 
 Captain ; 213. 
 
 John; 195. 
 
 letter from ; 81. 
 
 Mr.; 134. 
 
 Samuel ; 194. 
 
 W., letters from ; 111, 116. 
 
 Angier, J., letter from ; 92. 
 
 Anglesey; 493, 596. 
 
 Anglesey, Lord (1710-14) ; 444, 455. 
 
 Lady (1710) ; 445. 
 
 Angus, Angusche, gentlemen of ; 20. 
 
 Anne, Queen : 
 
 as Princess (of Denmark); 143,217, 
 276. 
 
 as Queen ; 436, 437, 439, 448. 
 
 her death ; 457. 
 
 Annesley, Arthur ; 445. 
 
 Ansly, Mr. ; 445. 
 
 Anti Jacobin, thQ; 550. 
 
 “ Antimoniall cup,” an ; 55, 57. 
 
 Antrohus, John ; 182. 
 
 Jonathan, the King’s officer in the 
 Isle of Man ; 261, 262. 
 
 Antwerp ; 253. 
 
 Apethorpe [co. Northampton] ; 25. 
 Apleton, Mr. ; 149. 
 
 Apulton, John, letter from, 242. 
 
 Arberton, Peter ; 263. 
 
 Archbishop, the ; 94. 
 
 Archduchess, the ; 27, 29. 
 
 Archers ; 4. 
 
 Ardee ; 240, 243. 
 
 Arden, Ardern, Sir John ; 380, 385. 
 
 Richard Pepper, afterwards Sir R. P. ; 
 508, 511, 554, 556, 557. 
 
 letters from ; 515, 517, 519, 526. 
 
 Arderne, Mr. ; 464. 
 
 Ardington, — ; 607, 608. 
 
 Argiers. See Algiers. 
 
 Arklee Head ; 264. 
 
 Arlington, [Henry Bennet], Earl of; 89, 
 98, 99, 142. 
 
 Armetriding, Thomas, clerk ; 230. 
 
 Arms, College of; 104. 
 
 Armstead, Daniel ; 229. 
 
 Armstrong, John ; 228. 
 
 Lady, her daughters ; 276. 
 
 Sir Thomas ; 149, 264. 
 
 Army, the ; 61, 62, 107, 204, 239, 252, 253, 
 460, 486, 560, 562. 
 
 See also Regiments. Soldiers, 
 accounts ; 250. 
 disbanding of the ; 80. 
 in Ireland ; 243. 
 
 for James II., in England ; 297, 299. 
 of James II., in Ireland; 243. 
 the King’s (Charles I.) ; 63, 64, 
 Paymaster-General of. See Ranelagh, i 
 Richard, Earl of. ! 
 
 Arran, Lord (1688-89) ; 209, 218, 
 
 Arrell, Earl of (1617) ; 22, 23. 
 Arrowsmith, Arrowswith : 
 
 Jane ; 470. 
 
 her son John ; 470. 
 
 Mr.; 103. 
 
 Simon ; 319, 380. 
 
 Artillery, the ; 73. 
 
 the brigades of ; 560. 
 
 Arundel, Earl of (1585-6) ; 624. 
 
 letter from ; 575. 
 
 his great grandfather ; 578. 
 
 his grandfather ; 578. 
 
 his father ; 578. 
 
 Lord, of Wardour ; 108, 297, 300, 
 369. 
 
 Ascough, Sir G. ; 78. 
 
 Ashbary, Ann ; 277. 
 
 Ashburton, Lady (1783) , 514. 
 
 Ashby, [co. Northampton] ; 25. 
 
 Ashby, — ; 329. 
 
 Ashcroft, James ; 137, 138, 
 
 Ashden, Mr. ; 67. 
 
 Ashley, [Sir Anthony Ashley Cooper, 1st] 
 Lord, afterwards Earl of Shaftes- 
 bury, q.v. ; 79, 89. 
 
 letter from ; 76. 
 
 Thomas ; 467. 
 
 Ashton. See Assheton. 
 
 Ashton, co. Lane. ; 582, 583, 
 
 Chapel, CO. Lane. ; 13. 
 in Makerfield, co. Lane.; 109, 232. 
 Ashton-under-Lyne ; 64, 196, 201, 228. 
 Ashurst, Captain ; 202. 
 
 Justice ; 515, 533. 
 
 Mr. ; 55. 
 
 Mr., of London ; 102, 103. 
 
 Thomas ; 194. 
 
 Sir William ; 399. 
 of Ashurst, the family of ; 447. 
 Ashworth, [co. Lane.] ; 574. 
 
 letter dated at ; 141. 
 
 Aspinall, Peter ; 231. 
 
 Robert; 467. 
 
 William; 232. 
 
 letter from; 412, 
 
 Assheton, Asheton, Ashton, Aston : 
 
 Adam, letter from ; 40. 
 
 Anne; 122. 
 
 Arthur ; 71. 
 
 letters from; 93, 144, 149. 
 
 — ; 147. 
 
 Colonel; 178-180, 222. 
 
 Dol. ; 427. 
 
 Dorothy, letter from ; 141. 
 
 Edmund; 77. 
 
 letter from ; 79. 
 
 Edmund, of Chadderton ; 583. 
 
 Sir Edmund ; 178, 241, 242. 
 
 — — (E.), letters from; 100, 177 
 Edward, parson of Middleton ; 574. 
 
 letter from ; 597. 
 
 James (1588) ; .583. 
 
 James (1590-1607), letters to; 14, 
 581. 
 
 James (1682-85) ; 142, 177. 
 
 John ; 29. 
 
 John (Jack) ; 179, 194, 196, 281. 
 
630 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Assheton, Ashetoa, Ashton, Aston — cent. 
 John, bailiff of Clitheroe, letters from ; 
 372, 378. 
 
 letter to ; 383. 
 
 Lewis ; 92. 
 
 letters from ; 66, 79. 
 
 his sister Elizabeth ; 66, 
 
 his brother William ; 66. 
 
 his cousin Worsley ; 66. 
 
 Lieutenant ; 359. 
 
 Margaret, of Abram ; 460. 
 
 Mr. (1604) ; 10. 
 
 Mr. (1763) ; 499. 
 
 Mr., a preacher ; 12. 
 
 Mr., examination of (Lancashire 
 trials) ; 335, 336. 
 
 Mr., of Chadderton (Chatterton) ; 11. 
 Mr., of Leaver ; 603. 
 
 Mr., of Middleton ; 58. 
 
 Mr.,'parson of Prestwich ; 422. 
 Parson; 464. 
 
 Sir Kalph (1629-34) ; 38, 40, 42, 48, 
 50, 53. 
 
 letters from ; 51-53. 
 
 letters to ; 43, 44. 
 
 his cousin Braddill ; 52, 53, 
 
 wife of ; 53. 
 
 Ealph, Eeceiver- (General for Eich- 
 mondshire, Durham and Northum- 
 berland ; 17,24. 
 
 letters from ; 24, 36, 46, 49, 59, 
 
 60. 
 
 letters to ; 17, 25, 37. 
 
 Sir Ealph (1678-97); 110, 196, 
 
 282, 284, 286, 289, 413. 
 
 letter from ; 238. 
 
 order by ; 235. 
 
 Ealph, (J.P. for Lancashire) ; 411, 
 451. 
 
 letter from ; 451. 
 
 Ealph, of Great Lever ; 574, 605, 606. 
 
 letter to ; 603. 
 
 Ealph, of Whaweleye ; 583. 
 
 Sir Eichard ; 12. 
 
 Eichard, High Sheriff of Lancashire ; 
 583. 
 
 letters to; 581, 596, 603, 604. 
 
 Eichard (1672-94) ; 92, 196, 289. 
 Eichard (1761) ; 498. 
 
 Eichard, of Middleton ; 574, 605, 606. 
 Theophilus, letters from ; 15, 16. 
 Thomas (c. 1587) ; 593. 
 
 letter from ; 383. 
 
 Sir Walter; 32. 
 
 William; 195,218. 
 
 letters from ; 141, 150, 153, 171, 
 
 176, 217. 
 
 his son Eohert ; 176. 
 
 William, clerk ; 195. 
 
 Aasignats; 536. 
 
 Association, the ; 406. 
 
 Astcroft, Henry; 29. 
 
 Astley, [co. Lane.] ; 48, 202, 228. 
 
 letter dated at ; 116. 
 
 A stley. Captain ; 213. 
 
 Aston, Sir Ealph, &c. See Assheton. 
 
 Sir Willoughby ; 199, 388. 
 
 Astrologers ; 37. I 
 
 ! Aswarby ; 115,148. 
 
 I letters dated at; 113, 146. 
 
 I Atheism ; 14. 
 
 Atherley, Captain : 211. 
 
 Atherton, co. Lane. ; 228. 
 
 letter dated at ; 4. 
 
 Atherton, — ; 30. 
 
 Edward, curate of Eufford ; 230. 
 John, letter from ; 4. 
 
 Squire ; 154. 
 
 Athey (? Athea), bridge of, (Ireland) ; 
 610. 
 
 Athlone, Earl of (previously General 
 Ginkell, g.^;.) ; 407. 
 
 Atkins, Baron ; 156, 157. 
 
 Edward; 112. 
 
 Sir Eichard ; 405. 
 
 Atkinson, Adkynson : 
 
 Agnes ; 231. 
 
 — ; 15. 
 
 Miles, letter from ; 57. 
 
 Miles, minister at Ellenbrook ; 229, 
 417. 
 
 Eobert; 14. 
 
 Thomas ; 93. 
 
 Atterbury, — ; 343. 
 
 Attorney General, the, (Mr. Attorney) ; 
 75, 100, 127, 133, 155, 158, 169, 
 234, 26.5, 266, 357, 382, 385, 386, 
 458, 491, 499, 503-505, 507, 508, 
 513, 535, 538, 541, 542, 607-609, 
 622 (the Queen’s Attorney), 624 
 (the Queen’s Attorney). 
 
 See also Sawyer, Sir Eobert. Ward, 
 Sir Edward. Thurlow, Lord. 
 Kenyon, Lloyd.- Wallace, Mr. 
 Atwell, James ; 183. 
 
 Audley End, [co. Essex] ; 84, 89. 
 Aughton, CO. Lane.; 7, 13, 110, 195, 228. 
 Augier, Samuel ; 231. 
 
 Aulezargh, co. Lane. ; 380. 
 
 Austrians, the ; 472. 
 
 Auverquerc, Henry D’ ; 276. 
 
 Aylesbury, Earl of (1696) ; 408. 
 
 Aylmer, Admiral ; 402. 
 
 Ayloffe, Ayleffe: 
 
 Benjamin, letters from ; 72, 85. 
 Guicciardini, letters from ; 7 1, 73, 78- 
 84, 86, 87. 
 
 Mr.; 407, 408. 
 
 Aynesworthe. See Ainsworth. 
 
 Ayre. See Aire. 
 
 B 
 
 B., W., letters from ; 233, 234 
 Babington, Anthony ; 611, 612, 614-616, 
 618, 623-625. 
 
 the confession of; 613. 
 
 Bacon, Captain ; 77. 
 
 Edward; 23. 
 
 Francis, of London ; 23. 
 
 John ; 23. 
 
 Joseph ; 183. 
 
 “ Badgers ” ; 55, 57. 
 
INDEX. 
 
 631 
 
 Badger Yate, co. York; 620, 621. i 
 
 Baggerley, William ; 586. i 
 
 Bagnell, Randle ; 359. 
 
 Bagsliaw, Mr. ; 323, 367. 
 
 Mr., of Derbyshire : 292. 
 
 Tom ; 458. 
 
 Bailey, co. Lane. ; 109. 
 
 Bailey, Bayly, Bayley : 
 
 Francis ; 282, 283. 
 
 letter from ; 27 1. i 
 
 his wife ; 283. 
 
 James; 410. 
 
 Thomas; 263,305. 
 
 Baker, — ; 360, 372. 
 
 John ; 467. 
 
 Captain John ; 277, 309, 319, 324, 
 328-330, 332-343, 351, 361-363, 
 365, 368, 372, 388-390, 392-394, | 
 402, 405. 
 
 Mr; 308. 
 
 Bald, Mr. ; 425. 
 
 Baldersto we ; 81. 
 
 Baldron, Mr. ; 129. 
 
 Baldwin, Mr. ; 504, 505. 
 
 Roger ; 232. 
 
 Baley, Henry; 182. 
 
 Balfell, Robert ; 230. 
 
 Ball, Mary, letter from ; 156. 
 
 Mr. ; 337, 342. 
 
 Balladoule, (Isle of Man), letters dated 
 at; 269, 280. 
 
 Ballard, John; 611, 618, 623-625. 
 
 the confession of; 613. 
 
 Bally garret. Bailie Raggac, Castle of ; 6 1 1 . i 
 Balshaw, William ; 421. 
 
 Baltic, the; 463. 
 
 Baltimore, Lord ; 297, 299, 
 
 Bamber, John ; 195. 
 
 “ Barney ” Castle ; 24. 
 
 Bamford, Mr. ; 569. 
 
 Banck, William ; 229. 
 
 Bancroft, J oseph ; 467. 
 
 Bandy, — ; 360. 
 
 Bangor ; 62. 
 
 Bangor, Bishop of, (1797) ; 547. 
 
 Deanery of ; 180. 
 
 Banister. See Bannaster. 
 
 Bank, letters dated at ; 434, 523. 
 
 Bank of Credit, the ; 160, 
 
 Bank of England, the ; 414. 
 
 Bankers; 156. 
 
 Bankes, Bancks, Banks : 
 
 — ; 238. 
 
 — , Mayor of Wigan ; 247. 
 
 Leigh; 323-327, 329-332, 335, 344- 
 346, 366, 367, 391-393, 399, 402. 
 
 letter from ; 381. 
 
 Lieut.-Col. ; 297, 299, 369. 
 
 Mr. ; 443. 
 
 Mr., clerk to George Kenyon, letter 
 to; 466. 
 
 Ralph ; 424, 425, 447. 
 
 William; 425, 
 
 William, of Winstanley; 194, 196, 
 200, 210, 227, 236. 
 
 letters from ; 128, 145, 189, 191, 
 
 204, 210, 216-219, 221, 226, 227. 
 
 his sister.^ See Leigh, Betty. 
 
 Bankruptcy Laws, the ; 551. 
 
 Bannaster, Banaster, Banester, Banister, 
 Bannister, Bunastre: 
 
 — ; 143. 
 
 — , nephew of Henry Nowell ; 80. 
 Kit; 101. 
 
 Mr. ; 13, 26, 188, 330. 
 
 Nicholas, of Altham; 583, 585. 
 William; 57. 
 
 Banne, Dr. ; 419. 
 
 Banquet to James I. at Edinburgh ; 23. 
 Barbadoes ; 128,162. 
 
 Barber, John ; 449. 
 
 Robert, letter from ; 131. 
 
 Barcelona ; 422. 
 
 Barclay, David ; 533. 
 
 Robert, the quaker ; 549. 
 
 Robert, the brewer ; 533. 
 
 letter from ; 532. 
 
 Barker, — , a notary ; 621. 
 
 John; 281. 
 
 Mr.; 7. 
 
 Mr., Clerk of the Crown ; 187. 
 
 I Barkley, Lord. See Berkeley. 
 
 Barlow, Barlowe : 
 
 Alexander ; 593. 
 
 Anthony, letter from; 461. 
 
 Captain; 472. 
 
 Edmund; 418. 
 
 James ; 467. 
 
 .John ; 182, 195. 
 
 John, curate of Church ; 229. 
 
 Mr.; 240. 
 
 Mr., of Barlow; 314. 
 
 Samuel; 183. 
 
 William ; 467. 
 
 Barnardiston, Sir Samuel ; 264. 
 
 Barnby, Barneby, Barnesby: 
 
 James ; 621. 
 
 Mr., of Barnby ; 621. 
 
 Barn Elms ; 420. 
 
 Barnes, Barns, — ; 326. 
 
 — , a tailor ; 402. 
 
 Barnet; 107. 
 
 Barne well, Robert ; 611. 
 
 the confession of ; 611. 
 
 Barnsley ; 620,621. 
 
 Barnstaple ; 430, 619, 620. 
 
 Mayor, Aldermen, and inhabitants 
 of; 620. 
 
 Baron, Laurence, of Sephton ; 137. 
 Barratry; 77, 87. 
 j Barrett, AVilliam ; 229. 
 
 [ Barrington, — ; 511, 524. 
 
 Daines, letters from; 517, 518. 
 Barrow; 101. 
 
 Barrow, Barrowe : 
 
 — ; 339. 
 
 Dr., Bishop of Man, afterwards of 
 St. Asaph; 84-86, 91. 
 
 John; 459. 
 
 Mr. ; 465. 
 
 Mr., an attorney ; 332. 
 
 Robert, mayor of Wigan ; 25. 
 
 Thomas ; 467. 
 
 William ; 467. 
 
 William, M.A. ; 103. 
 
632 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Barry, John ; 485. 
 
 Mr. ; 500. 
 
 Hon. Kichard ; 493. 
 
 Barrymore, Barramore, Barimore, James 
 Barry, Earl; 369, 448-453, 455, 
 457, 458. 
 
 Lord (1790) ; 531. 
 
 Bart, — du ; 402. 
 
 Barthe, Andrew de la ; 258. 
 
 Barthelemy, — , the French Minister 
 Plenipotentiary in London, letter from ; 
 535. 
 
 Bartie, — . See Bertie. 
 
 Bartle, Sir William; 77. 
 
 Bartley, Judge ; 60. 
 
 Barton, letter dated at ; 62. 
 
 Henry, of Ormskirk; 137. 
 
 James ; 263. 
 
 John; 182. 
 
 letter from ; 251. 
 
 Mr.; 241. 
 
 Barton, Bartone, Thomas ; 583. 
 
 , letter from ; 45. 
 
 Barton Court, near Newbury, letter dated 
 at; 531- 
 
 Barwick. See Berwick. 
 
 Basell, Mr. ; 369. 
 
 Baskervile, Laurence ; 248, 
 
 Baskervill, — ; 133. 
 
 Bass, Mr.; 277. 
 
 Bassett, Mr., a goldsmith ; 296. 
 
 Bastards, presentment to be made of ; 590. 
 Basteene, Mr., of Dover ; 299, 370. 
 
 Bast House, co. Lane. ; 232. 
 
 Bastwick, Baswick, [John] ; 59, 60. 
 Bateman, George ; 229. 
 
 Bateson, Thomas ; 150. 
 
 Bateson, Batesonn, William ; 583. 
 
 Bath; 71, 305, 382, 420, 541, 544. 
 letter dated at ; 530. 
 
 Abbey Street ; 520. 
 
 Bath, Earl of (1694) ; 276. 
 
 Bath and Wells, [Ken], Bishop of ; 190. 
 Bathurst, Lord, (1792-94), letters from; 
 535, 538. 
 
 — ; 499. 
 
 Battersby, John, minister at Astley ; 228. 
 John, curate of Hoole; 229. 
 
 Mary ; 495. 
 
 Battle, CO. Sussex ; 243. 
 
 Batts, Dr. ; 14. 
 
 Batty, Henry ; 229. 
 
 Baxter, Mr. ; 10. 
 
 Bayham, Lord (1790); 530. 
 
 Bayley, Bayly. See Bailey. 
 
 Bayuard, Dr. ; 420. 
 
 Edw., letter from ; 131. 
 
 Baynes, William, of Preston ; 485. 
 
 Bay nton, .lames ; 182. 
 
 Beaconsfield, letter dated at; 511. 
 
 Beak, — , a messenger; 362. 
 
 Bear baiting; 17. 
 
 Bearcroft, Mr. ; 522. 
 
 Beard, — ; 524. 
 
 Beathaven ; 224. 
 
 Beaumaris’ school ; 492. 
 
 Beaumonts, the ; 563. 
 
 Beck, — , a cooper ; 261. 
 
 William ; 183. 
 
 letters to ; 65. 
 
 Beckett, Francis ; 232. 
 
 Thomas (St. Thomas the Martyr) ; 
 58. 
 
 Beckford, — ; 495. 
 
 Bedford, co. Lane. ; 110. 
 
 Bedford, Mr. ; 456. 
 
 Beech, Thomas ; 455. 
 
 Beggars and rogues ; 18, 28, 39. 
 
 Belfast ; 80, 239, 243. 
 
 Bell, Jane ; 277. 
 
 John ; 467. 
 
 Thomas ; 229, 
 
 Bellamie, — , the confession of ; 618. 
 Mrs.; 615. 
 
 Bellamount, Lord ; 333, 334, 347, 348, 387. 
 Bellasis, Sir Henry ; 79. 
 
 Mr.; 184. 
 
 Belleisle, Belisle, — ; 472, 496. 
 
 Sellers, — ; 502. 
 
 Bellingham, Captain ; 220, 238. 
 
 Bellot, Sir Thomas ; 244. 
 
 Belviere (? Belvoir, co. Leic.) ; 25. 
 
 Bence, Alderman ; 249. 
 
 Bennett, Arthur ; 236. 
 
 Mr.; 11. 
 
 Thomas, rector of Winwick ; 230, 
 265. 
 
 Benson, George ; 231, 232. 
 
 Matthew ; 93. 
 
 Bent, Ellen, letter from ; 57. 
 
 Thomas ; 182. 
 
 Benyon, — ; 86. 
 
 Beresford, Berisford ; 
 
 Captain, letter to ; 357. 
 
 Edward ; 427. 
 
 letters from ; 130, 463. 
 
 Edward, of London ; 323-326, 331, 
 332, 335, 351. 
 
 depositions of, 366, 367. 
 
 John, letter from ; 457. 
 
 his brother, letter to ; 457. 
 
 Berey, John, of Ormskirk ; 137. 
 
 Berkeley, Barkley, Lord (1682); 143,154. 
 his eldest daughter. Lady Ara- 
 bella; 143, 154. 
 
 his second daughter. Lady 
 
 Henrietta; 143, 154. 
 
 Lady (1682) ; 154. 
 
 Lord, of Berkeley, Chancellor of the 
 Duchy of Lancaster ; 445, 449. 
 
 letter from ; 448. 
 
 Berkley, Dr. See Bromfield, Dr. 
 
 Jane; 276. 
 
 Berkshire, High Sheriff of; 531. 
 
 Berlin ; 474, 569. 
 
 Berron, Lord. See Byron. 
 
 Berry, James ; 467. 
 
 Bersham Furnace ; 536. 
 
 Bertie, Bartie, Berty : 
 
 — ; 444. 
 
 Captain; 212. 
 
 Justice; 112. 
 
 Mr. ; 405. 
 
 Hon. Philip ; 272-275, 282. 
 
 Kobert; 277. 
 
INDEX. 
 
 633 
 
 Berwick (Barwick) upon Tweed; 19, 74, 
 543, 587. 
 
 Castle; 17. 
 
 Corporation of; 276. 
 
 Berwick, Duke of; 211, 240, 405, 406. 
 
 his regiment of horse ; 221. 
 
 Beswick, Beswicke, Bexwicke : 
 
 Charles; 182,464. 
 
 rector of Radcliffe ; 230. 
 
 Charles, a tradesman in Manchester ; 
 410. 
 
 Peter; 572. 
 
 Bethell, Mr. ; 116, 117, 264. 
 
 Bettisfield, [co. Elint] , letter dated at ; 557. 
 garrisons in ; 62. 
 
 Moss ; 495. 
 
 Park, letter dated at ; 511. 
 
 Betton, Mr. ; 380. 
 
 Bexwicke, Peter. See Beswick. 
 
 Bibby, Bybbye: 
 
 Edward ; 484. 
 
 Ed., letter from ; 15. 
 
 Bicker staff e, Biccur staff, co. Lane. ; 231. 
 Bideford; 430. 
 
 Biffins, Miss ; 508. 
 
 Billinge, co. Lane. ; 13, 228. 
 
 Billymore, coal mines and salt-pans in ; 17. 
 Bilsborough, co. Lane., “ the White Bull ” 
 in; 316. 
 
 Bindlose, Sir Robert ; 8. 
 
 Bindlosse, Mr. ; 8. 
 
 Bingley, Jo., letter from ; 37. 
 
 Birch, Bvrche : 
 
 — ;*'l79. 
 
 — , of Ordsall ; 223. 
 
 Captain ; 213. 
 
 Colonel, dispute as to a monument to ; 
 279. 
 
 George ; 586. 
 
 John, High Sherilf of Lancashire ; 
 224, 233, 279. 
 
 Birchall, James; 467. 
 
 John, a prisoner for clipping coin ; 
 
 159, 160. 
 
 William ; 232. 
 
 Birch Chapel, [co. Lane ] ; 85, 231, 232. 
 Birkett, Byrkett : 
 
 John; 229. 
 
 Mr.; 7. 
 
 Birlow, Mr. ; 205. 
 
 Birmingham ; 209. 
 
 Birtwisle, John, of Huncote ; 18, 
 
 his wife Dorothy ; 18. 
 
 Biscay ; 571. 
 
 Bisham, Bissam, [co. Berks] ; 25. 
 
 Bishop, the. See Chester, Bishop of. 
 Bishops, the ; 49, 197, 198, 216, 548. 
 
 petition for abolishing ; 60. 
 
 Bishops, the Seven ; 192, 197, 1 98, 327, 333. 
 
 their petition ; 190. 
 
 trial of ; 191, 192, 212. 
 
 Bishopthorpe, letters dated at ; 602. 
 Bispham, co. Lane. ; 9, 232. 
 
 Bissam. See Bisham. 
 
 Blackbeach, James, of Aughton ; 137. 
 Blackburn, co. Lane.; 5,9, 45, 47, 48, 82,88, 
 91, 109, 110, 224, 228, 231, 319, 353. 
 letters dated at j 48, 82, 133 
 
 Blackburn — cent. 
 
 Clerk of the Peace at. See Rigby, 
 George. 
 
 I vicar of. See Welsh, Edward. 
 
 1 Blackburn Hundred ; 50, 51, 152, 223, 
 ! 319, 583, 585, 586, 607. 
 
 I bailiff of ; 28. 
 
 chief constables for ; 29. 
 clergy in, (1604); 9, 10, 13. 
 deputy steward of. Seel^ utter, J ohn . 
 Justices of the Peace within ; 583. 
 
 letter to ; 44. 
 
 I recusants in ; 603. 
 
 Blackburn, Blackburne, Blackborne : 
 Jonathan ; 194. 
 
 Mr.; 377, 451. 
 
 Richard (1623) 29. 
 
 I (1684) ; 174. 
 
 I Thomas ; 1 94. 
 
 I Black Ford, the, (Ireland) ; 610. 
 Blackheath ; 443. 
 
 army, the ; 107. 
 
 Blackledge ; 434. 
 
 Blackley, co. Lane. ; 11, 228, 232. 
 
 Black Rock, the; 153. 
 
 I Blackrod, co. Lane. ; 109. 
 
 Chapel, Chantry of St. Katherine in ; 
 169. 
 
 Blacksmith, — ; 321. 
 
 Blagdon, Mr ; 562. 
 
 Blagg, Captain ; 161. 
 
 Bland, — , Lord Willoughby’s gentleman ; 
 I 452. 
 
 i James ; 230. 
 
 I John; 181. 
 
 ! Sir John; 285, 374, .395, 421. 
 
 1 letters from ; 289, 386. 
 
 Blanshard, Richard, letter from ; 92. 
 Blany; 240. 
 
 Bleasdale, co. Lane. ; 8. 
 
 Blenheim, battle of, poem on ; 435. 
 Bletsoe, [co. Bedf.] ; 25. 
 
 Bloud, Sir John; 360. 
 
 Blundell, — ; 603. 
 
 Henry ; 110, 195. 
 
 John ; 314. 
 
 Richard; 593. 
 
 Robert ; 593. 
 
 letter from ; 53. 
 
 William, the younger ; 195. 
 
 William, of Crosby; 303, 307, 309, 
 310, 314, 329, 351, 359, 362, 365, 
 367, 368, 369, 376, 387. 
 
 W., junior, letter from ; 385. 
 Blunt,—; 379. 
 
 Sir Thomas Pope ; 399. 
 
 Boardman, John; 182, 232. 
 
 John, of Ashton ; 460. 
 
 Thomas ; 467. 
 
 Bocke, Anne ; 586. 
 
 Boddison, Mr. ; 355. 
 
 Bodlye, Mr. ; 571, 
 
 Bohemia, King and Queen of, agent for. 
 
 »S’ee Williams, Abraham. 
 
 Boile, Madam, Prioress of the English 
 convent at Brussels ; 385. 
 
 I Bold; 200. 
 
 I letter dated at ; 144. 
 
634 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Bold, Boulde : 
 
 Arthur ; 320. 
 
 Captain ; 202. 
 m.; 223, 411. 
 
 Peter; 194. 
 
 letter from , 144. 
 
 R., letter from ; 428. 
 
 Richard; 583. 
 
 Bolds, Miss ; 508. 
 
 Bolingbroke, Bullinghroke, [Henry St. 
 
 John], Viscount ; 455, 456. 
 
 Bolland; 221. 
 
 Bolton, Boulton, le Moors, co. Lane. ; 11, 
 16, 41, 45, 57, 183, 184, 195, 214, 
 228, 232, 269, 356, 416, 424, 425, 
 445, 582, 605. 
 
 letters dated at; 81, 114, 157, 
 
 563. 
 
 Church School at; 81. 
 
 — — feoffees of, letter from; 39. 
 division, the ; 283. 
 le Sands, co. Lane. ; 7, 228. 
 
 Little ; 184, 230. 
 
 Bolton, Betty ; 457. 
 
 Giles, letter from ; 48. 
 
 Richard ; 442. 
 
 Roger; 465. 
 
 Roger, minister at Holland ; 229. 
 Bombay ; 239. 
 
 Boodle, Edward ; 374. 
 
 Booker, John ; 182. 
 
 Books ; 158. 
 
 Books : 
 
 The Art of Patience ; 357. 
 
 Brown’s (Dr.), EsLimate of the 
 Manners and Principles of the 
 Times ; 564. 
 
 Collins’ Peerage; 471. 
 
 The Crisis ; Ab4:. 
 
 A Commission, etc., for compounding 
 for Wards, Idiots, and Lunatics ; 
 28. 
 
 A declaration of certen Spirituall 
 desertionshy William Parkines ; 29. 
 decree against pernicious books by 
 the University of Oxford; 163-166. 
 Douglass’ Reports ; 528. 
 
 Essay on Man, as he is described to 
 us in the Scripture ; 532. 
 
 The Fable of the Birds, a poem ; 453. 
 Fitzherhert’s Natura Brevium; 26, 27, 
 the Jesuites Moralls ; 106. 
 
 Keith On Prophecy ; 532. 
 a book called Kitchin ; 28. 
 
 Laws and Ordinances of War esta- 
 blished by the Earl of Essex ; 61. 
 Littleton ; 28. 
 
 Marine Treaty s ; 528. 
 
 F‘c\\nC& Rights of Man ; 537. 
 
 Poole’s Contraction of the Critticks ; 
 87. 
 
 Quadragesimes of King Edward III.; 
 26. 
 
 Sleidon’s Commentaries; 609. 
 
 Tooke’s (Horne), Apology ; 550. 
 
 Case ; 550. 
 
 Treasons by the Laws of England; 68. 
 The whole Duty of Man ; 357. 
 
 Booth, Sir George ; 12. 
 
 George ; 217. 
 
 Humphrey ; 14. 
 
 John, ironmonger of Warrington ; 
 450. 
 
 Laurence, of Tremlow, co. Chester ; 
 450. 
 
 Lawrence, letter from ; 89. 
 
 Mr.; 166, 399. 
 
 Mr., of the Castle, Chester; 305. 
 Bootle, Captain ; 213. 
 
 Edward ; 182, 195, 
 
 Edward, a tradesman in Manchester ; 
 410. 
 
 Matthew; 181. 
 
 letters from ; 141, 143. 
 
 his brother Abraham ; 141, 143. 
 
 Mr.; 279. 
 
 Robert; 194. 
 
 T. ; 475. 
 
 letter from ; 473. 
 
 Thomas; 194, 195. 
 
 Sir Thomas ; 490, 491. 
 
 Bordeaux ; 253, 255. 
 
 Boroughbridge, co. York ; 407. 
 
 Borrow (Borron), Richard, letter from ; 
 93. 
 
 Bosnia; 423. 
 
 Bostock, Roger ; 195- 
 Boston, [Massachusetts] ; 56. 
 
 Boswell, Captain ; 610. 
 
 James, letter to ; 538. 
 
 Mrs. ; 539. 
 
 Thomas ; 2. 
 
 Boteale, Mr. See Bulteale. 
 
 Both, James ; 410. 
 
 Bouch, Thomas ; 230. 
 
 Boufflers," — ; 405. 
 
 Boulde, Richard. See Bold. 
 
 Boulton. See Bolton. 
 
 Bourbon, the waters at ; 84. 
 
 Bourn, Mr. ; 461. 
 
 Bowden, Legh ; 194. 
 
 Bowdon, CO. Chester ; 222, 223, 282. 
 
 Downs, CO. Chester ; 201, 205. 
 
 Bower, — ; 508. 
 
 Robert, of Stockport ; 482. 
 
 Bowes, Andrew Robinson ; 524. 
 
 his wife. Lady Mary Eleanor 
 
 (commonly called the Countess 
 Dowager of Strathmore) ; 524. 
 Boweyer, Lady; 14. 
 
 Bowker, Benjamin, Deputy Constable of 
 Manchester; 481, 482. 
 
 Thomas ; 183. 
 
 William; 181. 
 
 Bowland Forest ; 316. 
 
 Bowtree, — , of Hollinwood ; 572. 
 
 Box, Mr. ; 144. 
 
 Mr., a drugster ; 117. 
 
 Boxing matches ; 531. 
 
 Boyd, Mr. ; 365. 
 
 Boyer, Mr. ; 440, 458. 
 
 Boyle, Henry ; 399, 400. 
 
 Boyne, the river ; 243. 
 
 battle of ; 327. 
 
 Brabant, Dr. ; 406. 
 
INDEX. 
 
 635 
 
 Brabazon, Captain Edward ; 168. 
 
 his wife Cecilia ; 168. 
 
 Brabin, William, letter from ; 152. 
 
 Brace, Burton; 467. 
 
 Braddill, Bradhill, Braddjll : 
 
 — . See under Assheton, Sir Ralph. 
 Edward; 92. 
 
 John, letters to ; 184. 
 
 John, of Brockhole ; 38. 
 
 Mr.; 177, 224, 355. 
 
 information against ; 167. 
 
 R., letter fi-om ; 81. 
 
 Thomas ; 149, 250. 
 
 letters from; 71, 86, 169, 176, 
 
 177, 196, 204, 251. 
 
 Braddyll ; 251. 
 
 Bradkirk, letter dated at ; 71. 
 
 Bradley, co. Lane. ; 231. 
 
 Bradley, Brad! eye, John ; 583. 
 
 R., letter from ; 502. 
 
 Robert; 584. 
 
 Bradshaw, Bradshaigh : 
 
 Ambrose; 109. 
 
 his wife Jane ; 109. 
 
 — ; 95. 
 
 Ellize ; 39. 
 
 Francis; 110. 
 
 Henry; 450. 
 
 J. ; 39. 
 
 Sir James; 150. 
 
 James, letter from; 81. 
 
 declaration by; 476-478. 
 
 James, a dissenting minister ; 231. 
 James, a pupil at Manchester ; 467. 
 John, (J. P., 1588) ; 583. 
 
 letter to ; 603. 
 
 John ; 183, 195. 
 
 John, master of the ship John atid 
 Anne; 263. 
 
 John, of Bradshaw ; 585. 
 
 “ the once Lord President ” ; 155. 
 Miles; 181. 
 
 Miles, a tradesman in Manchester; 
 
 410. 
 
 Mr.; 291. 
 
 Mr., a preacher ; 11. 
 
 Mr., of Bradshaw; 291. 
 
 Mr., of Marple ; 290. 
 
 Peter, of Scale ; 315. 
 
 Sir Richard, letter from ; 150. 
 Richard, letter from ; 150. 
 
 Robert; 467. 
 
 Sir Roger; 85, 128, 178, 179, 399, 
 425, 429, 434, 437, 442, 443, 448, 
 450-453, 455, 457, 459, 462, 464. 
 
 letters from; 84, 90, 93, 101, 
 
 161, 169, 172, 178, 236, 423, 442, 
 445-449, 467. 
 
 — — letter to ; 77. 
 
 Sir Roger (d. 1747) ; 491. 
 
 R., junior, letters from ; 136, 1 39, 159. 
 
 his cousin Copley ; 159. 
 
 R., letters from ; 421, 424, 434, 450. 
 Thomas ; 289. 
 
 Thomas, a tradesman in Manchester ; 
 410. 
 
 William, letter from ; 451. 
 
 William, of Bursoough ; 460. 
 
 I Bradshaw Hall ; 150. 
 
 I Bramston, Judge ; 60, 112. 
 
 I Brancepeth, Brauncepath, manor ; 24. 
 
 : Brandenburgers, Branningburgers, the, 
 
 100 . 
 
 Brandlesome, Brandlesholme, letters dated 
 at; 44, 92. 
 
 ^ Brandon, Lord, Lord Lieutenant of Lan- 
 cashire ; 188, 212, 213, 222, 224, 
 
 1 233-235, 239, 249, 264, 281, 288, 
 
 ‘ 313, 314, 358. 
 
 ; his regiment ; 215. 
 
 Brathwait, William ; 232. 
 
 Bray, Lodowick ; 277. 
 
 Brayon, Mr. ; 450. 
 
 Brearly, Edward; 418. 
 
 his brother Henry ; 418. 
 
 Breda; 78, 79, 122, 184. 
 j Breeres, Robert ; 194,195. 
 i John; 377, 378. 
 
 ' Brenaud, — ; 438. 
 
 ; Brendwood, Roger ; 89. 
 j Brereton, Bruerton, Bruertone, Brewe- 
 I toun : 
 
 Colonel ; 308, 310, 313, 314, 366. 
 
 I Dorothy ; 586. 
 
 I Richard; 583. 
 
 I , letter to ; 596. 
 
 Sir Thomas, of Cheshire; 168. 
 
 Sir William ; 61. 
 
 — — his army; 62. 
 
 Brest ; 396, 496. 
 j Bretherton ; 101,434. 
 
 I Bretherton, Brotherton : 
 
 ' John; 82. 
 
 i Mr. ; 284, 320, 321, 399, 400. 
 
 I Thomas ; 194. 
 
 I Brett, Captain ; 496. 
 
 Brewetoun, Dorothy. See Brereton. 
 Brewtholme. See Browsholme. 
 
 Breyares, Peter ; 174. 
 
 Briarwood, Robert, of West Chester ; 301. 
 Brichane Castle ; 20. 
 
 Brickhill ; 420. 
 
 ' Bridgeman, Bridgman, Brigman : 
 
 Doctor ; 24. 
 
 . Edward ; 51. 
 
 Henry, Bishop of Sodor and Man ; 
 148. 
 
 letter from ; 92. 
 
 Henry Simpson ; 511. 
 i Lord Chief Justice ; 70. 
 
 j Mr., 264, 442, 450, 453, 521. 
 
 I Sir Orlando ; 441. 
 
 I letter from ; 426. 
 
 I Orlando ; 425, 429, 455. 
 
 1 William, J.Pi ; 317. 
 
 ; Bridges, Mr.; 275, 317. 
 
 Bridgewater ; 430. 
 
 i Bridgewater, Lord (1694-98) ; 290, 425. 
 j Bridghowse, Robert ; 583. 
 
 I Brig, James ; 234. 
 i Briggs, Thomas ; 195. 
 
 : Brigman, Mr. See Bridgeman. 
 
 I Brindle, co. Lane. ; 11. 
 
 , Brindley, John ; 595. 
 i Brisban, Mr. ; 132. 
 
636 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Bristol; 56, 71, 207, 248, 260, 430, 546, ! 
 570. 
 
 Bristol, [Trelawny], Bishop of; 190. 
 Bristol, [John], Baron Digby, afterwards 
 first Earl of, as Lord Digby ; 29, 
 30. 
 
 ■ as Earl ; 32, 33. 
 
 Bristol, the Lord of (1680-88); 122, 
 
 209. 
 
 Countess of (1694) ; 276. 
 
 British Channel. See English Channel. 
 British Museum, the ; 515, 516. 
 
 Brittany, Brytaine ; 571. 
 
 “ Broad and Orrett,” the fishings of ; 17. 
 Brobbin, Hugh, of Street Gate, 385. 
 Brockall; 251. 
 
 Brockholes, Brockeholes, Dorothy, wife of 
 Thomas, of Claughton ; 584. 
 
 Thomas ; 109. 
 
 Broglie, — ; 496. 
 
 Bromfield, Dr.; 292, 293, 298, 301, 311, 
 313, 322, 369, 385, 387. 
 
 Bromley, Penge Cottage, letter dated at ; 
 561. " 
 
 Bromley, Judge (Baron) Edward ; 16, 24. 
 — ; 382. ' 
 
 Lady ; 528. 
 
 Mr., of Staffordshire and Warwick- 
 shire ; 399, 400, 405. 
 
 Kobert, letter from ; 466. 
 
 Sam.; 374. 
 
 Brompton, Henry, letter from ; 177. 
 
 Brook, John, 230. 
 
 Brookbank, Thomas, Mayor of Liverpool ; 
 
 262, 263. 
 
 Brooke, Brook : 
 
 Pe., letter from ; 116. 
 
 Sir Peter ; 144. 
 
 K. ; 306. 
 
 letter from ; 307. 
 
 Kichard ; 40. 
 
 Samuel ; 181, 410. 
 
 Brooks, Brookes : 
 
 Basil ; 296, 302, 303, 369. 
 
 Richard; 467. 
 
 Broom, William ; 232. 
 
 Broome, — ; 82. 
 
 Broster, Charles, 410. 
 
 Brothers!, Ralph, of Megg Lane near 
 Macclesfield ; 359. 
 
 Brotherton, Mr. See Bretherton. 
 
 Broughly, co. Forfar. See Brughtie. 
 Broughton, co. Lane. ; 9, 45, 228. 
 
 letters dated at; 511, 528, 536. 
 
 in Furness, co. Lane. ; 7, 382. 
 Broughton, Squire ; 495. 
 
 Brown, — ; 305. 
 
 alias Wilson, — ; 130. 
 
 Colonel, his regiment ; 239. 
 
 Dr.; 564. 
 
 Captain Joshua ; 223. 
 
 Mr. ; 397. 
 
 Rizley ; 194. 
 
 Thomas, letter from ; 67. 
 
 William; 451. 
 
 Browne, Broune : 
 
 Alexander, of Blacklanehead ; 167. 
 Captain ; 213. 
 
 Browne, Broune — cont. 
 
 Francis; 181. 
 
 John; 410. 
 
 Joshua ; 181. 
 
 Mr., a minister; 61. 
 
 Ralph ; 54. 
 
 Roger ; 424. 
 
 Thomas, letter from; 185. 
 
 Brownell, Nathaniel ; 229. 
 
 Browning, James ; 277. 
 
 Brownists, the ; 14. 
 
 Brownsword, John ; 228. 
 
 Browsholme, Brewtholme ; 226. 
 
 letter dated at ; 1 92. 
 
 Broxup, Seth, letter from ; 466. 
 
 petition of ; 466. 
 
 Bruckshaw, Joseph; 182. 
 
 Brudnall, Lord ; 293, 369. 
 
 Bruerton. See Brereton. 
 
 Brughtie (? Broughly, co. Forfar) ; 20. 
 Bruntiland. See Burntisland. 
 
 Brussels, the English Convent called Spili- 
 ken at ; 385. 
 treaty at ; 29. 
 
 Bryan, — , parson of Pairecombe ; 620. 
 
 Mr.; 531. 
 
 Bryerley, Mr. ; 10. 
 
 Bryers, Bryars, Mr. ; 10. 
 
 Robert; 314. 
 
 Roger, of Walton ; 314. 
 
 Brynn ; 63. 
 
 Bryon, Robert ; 359. 
 
 his son Roger ; 359. 
 
 Buccleugh, Duchess of; 276. 
 
 Buck, a, warrant for the delivery of ; 274. 
 Buck, Dr. ; 252. 
 
 Buckhurst, Lord (1604) ; 7. 
 
 Buckingham, [George Villiers], 9th Earl 
 of, afterwards 4th Duke of ; 22, 
 23, 29. 
 
 charges against ; 32, 33. 
 
 5th Duke of ; 92, 97, 99. 
 
 letter from ; 96. 
 
 Duchess of (1694) ; 277. 
 
 Marquis of (1801); 557. 
 
 Marchioness of (1801) ; 557. 
 
 Mr. ; 249. 
 
 Buckley, John, preacher at Manchester, 
 letter from ; 597. 
 
 Bucklow Hundred ; 206, 
 
 Budworth, letter dated at; 83. 
 
 Buerdsell, Thomas ; 410. 
 
 Buffer, Smith alias, — . See Smith. 
 Bulkeley, Captain ; 223. 
 
 Bull baiting; 17. 
 
 Bullen, Edward ; 109. 
 
 Buller, Francis, letter from ; 506. 
 
 Sir F., letter from ; 544. 
 
 Justice ; 526, 554. 
 
 Bulling, Hugh, of Lathom ; 460, 
 Bullingbroke, Lord. See Bolingbroke. 
 Bullock, John ; 458. 
 
 Bulloigne, dukedom of ; 27. 
 
 Bull’s Cross, letter dated at ; 533. 
 
 Bully n, alias Edwards, John, letters 
 from ; 114. 
 
 Bulteale, Boteale, Mr. ; 69. 
 
INDEX. 
 
 637 
 
 Bunbury, Eleanor, letter from ; 307. 
 
 Lady Sarah ; 501. 
 
 Bunny, Bunye, Mr., letter to ; 598. 
 
 Burch, John, of Manchester, linendraper ; 
 305. 
 
 Burdett, Robert, junior, merchant of 
 Dublin ; 261. 
 
 examination of; 258. 
 
 Burfoid, CO. Oxf. ; 126. 
 
 Burgess, Burges : 
 
 Mr.; 346. 
 
 William; 47. 
 
 Burgh, Richard, letter from ; 47. 
 Burghley, Burleigh, [William Cecil], Lord, 
 letter to; 597. 
 
 Robert, Lord; 194. 
 
 Burgoyne, Burgoigne, Colonel ; 501, 502. 
 Burke, — ; 239. 
 
 Edmund; 510, 525, 528, 535, 541, 
 .544, 555. 
 
 letters from; 508, 511. 
 
 Burley, Burleigh, on the Hill, [co. Ruth] ; 
 25. 
 
 Burne, Mr. ; 15, 16, 49. 
 
 Burnet, Dr. Gilbert ; 187, 524. 
 
 Burnley, co. Lane.; 10, 110, 228. 
 Burntisland, Bruntiland ; 20. 
 
 Burro we, Mr. ; 8. 
 
 Barrow Hall, letter dated at ; 383. 
 
 Burton, co. Wmld. ; 493. 
 
 Burton, [Henry] ; 59, 60. 
 
 Isabel ; 315. 
 
 Mr. ; 155, 156, 160, 168, 218, 264. 
 Mr., of Weston; 458. 
 
 Bury, CO. Lane. ; 12, 50, 195, 228, 269, 
 381, 382, 582, 601, 603-605. 
 letter dated at ; 252. 
 the disorder in ; 572. 
 
 Bridge; 73. 
 fair ; 584. 
 
 parson of. See Shaw, Peter. 
 
 Bury, — ; 231. 
 
 Edmund; 195. 
 
 John ; 418. 
 
 Bury St. Edmunds ; 535. 
 
 Bush, Mrs. ; 530. 
 
 Bushell, Mr. ; 610. 
 
 Butler, Lady Eleanor, letter from ; 567. 
 Butler, the ; 221. 
 
 Butler, Albaine ; 593. 
 
 Anne, wife of Henry of Raweliffe ; 
 585. 
 
 Colonel, his regiment ; 239. 
 
 Elizabeth, wife of William; 585, 
 Justice ; 533. 
 
 Mr., of Newcastle ; 40. 
 
 Sir Nicholas; 139,210. 
 
 Thomas; 587. 
 
 Butterworth, Buterworth ; 
 
 Alexander, 195. 
 
 James, 229. 
 
 Mr. ; 10. 
 
 Thomas (1588) ; 620, 621. 
 
 Thomas (1685) ; 183. 
 
 Buxton ; 498. 
 
 letters dated at ; 508, 518. 
 the Grove Coffee House; 508. 
 the Old Hall Hotel ; 508. 
 
 Bybbye, Ed. See Bibby. 
 
 Bycott, Tom ; 497. 
 
 Byng, G., letter from ; 501. 
 
 Byrche, (3-eorge. See Birch. 
 
 Byrkett, John. See Birkett. 
 
 Byrkle, [? co. Lane.] ; 574. 
 
 Byrom, By ram, Byrome : 
 
 Dr. ; 494. 
 
 Edward; 182. 
 
 John; 181, 194, 278, 282, 283 
 
 letter from ; 283. 
 
 Major John, letter to ; 79. 
 
 Joseph ; 182, 410. 
 
 Mr. ; 246, 320. 
 
 Mrs.; 359. 
 
 Thomas ; 582. 
 
 Byron, Berron, Byroun, Byrron, Byrone : 
 Dionysius ; 394. 
 
 Lady Elizabeth ; 586. 
 
 Jack; 424. 
 
 John (J.P., 1588) ; 583. 
 
 letter from ; 593. 
 
 John; 183, 194. 
 
 Sir John ; 12, 595. 
 
 John, of Parr ; 262. 
 
 Lord (1644), his army; 62. 
 
 William 195. 
 
 c 
 
 C., Sir C. ; 234. 
 
 Cabinet, the ; 527. 
 
 Cabu Corsu Castle, (Africa), letter dated 
 at ; 432. 
 
 Cade, Mr., the preacher ; 51. 
 
 Cadeley, [co. Lane.] ; 45. 
 
 Cadiz ; 398, 401. 
 
 Cadroy, Stephen ; 255. 
 
 Caesar, Sir Julius, letter from ; 17. 
 
 Caiton, co. Lane.; 228, 232. 
 
 Calais, Callice ; 405, 406. 
 
 Calbone, the haven called ; 571. 
 
 Calcutta ; 512, 521. 
 
 Calder, the river, erection of a bridge 
 over ; 50. 
 
 Calf Isle; 414. 
 
 Callis, Mr. ; 450. 
 
 Callivate, Monsieur ; 243. 
 
 Calvert, — ; 451, 452. 
 
 John ; 8. 
 
 Mr.; 8. 
 
 Mr., a brewer ; 532, 533. 
 
 Calverton, co. Notts. ; 530. 
 
 Cambridge; 86, 292, 463,499, 517, 539. 
 letters dated at; 30, 141, 150, 196, 
 227. 
 
 “ The Bear Inn ” ; 463. 
 
 “ The Queen’s Arms ” ; 463. 
 
 “ The Sun ” ; 463. 
 
 Cambridge University; 141, 277, 517. 
 Chancellor of. See Albemarle, Duke 
 of. 
 
 Emmanuel College ; 277. 
 
 King’s College ; 12. 
 
638 
 
 INDEX 
 
 Cambridge University — cont. 
 
 Lady Margaret divinity professor ; 
 196, 447. 
 
 Reader of Civil Law ; 277. 
 
 Reader of Physic ; 277. 
 
 St. Catherine’s Hall ; 492. 
 
 St. John’s College ; 26, 446, 463,492. 
 
 , letters dated at ; 67, 185. 
 
 Cambridge, (America) ; 56. 
 
 Cambridge, Duke of (1667) ; 78, 79. 
 Camden, Lord (1787-94); 523, 524, 540, 
 550. 
 
 letters from ; 523, 528. 
 
 Camford, [? co. Lane.] ; 574. 
 
 Campbell, Sir John ; 570. 
 
 Canada ; 522. 
 
 Canadians, the ; 496. 
 
 Canary Company, the ; 80. 
 
 Cane, Mr. ; 297. 
 
 Cansfield, Elizabeth ; 109. 
 
 Canterbury ; 318, 422. 
 
 diocese of, clergy of ; 497. 
 
 Archbishop of; 6, 9, 10, 12, 16, 24, 
 49, 70, 607. 
 
 [William Laud], Archbishop of ; 60, 
 497. 
 
 William [Sancroft], Archbishop of, 
 letter to ; 110. 
 
 [Thomas Tenison], Archbishop of; 
 423. 
 
 Cardigan, Lord (1712); 449. 
 
 Cardwell, David; 17. 
 
 Care, Lord of (1599) ; 610. 
 
 Jonathan; 194. 
 
 Carkett, Mr. ; 172. 
 
 Carle, Gilbert ; 624, 625. 
 
 C'arlingford ; 243. 
 
 Carlingford, Earl of (1694) ; 327. 
 
 Carlisle, Carleill ; 23, 219, 477, 479,500, 
 581. 
 
 Carlton, Lord, of Ireland ; 554. 
 Carmarthen, Marquis of (1694) ; 329, 388. 
 Carmarthen Circuit, the ; 538. 
 
 Carmerden, Mr. ; 14. 
 
 Carnegie, Lord (1617) ; 20. 
 
 Cams, Christopher, of Halton; 314, 358, 
 359. 
 
 Caroline, Queen of George IV., her 
 funeral, 567. 
 
 Carr, Car, Carre : 
 
 — ; 81, 82. 
 
 Sir Edward ; 171. 
 
 John, minister of Prestonpans, the 
 son of ; 22. 
 
 Mr.; 369. 
 
 Sir Robert, Chancellor of the Duchy 
 of Lancaster; 113, 118, 125, 126, 
 131, 141-143, 146, 150-153, 158, 
 186. 
 
 letters from ; 97, 131. 
 
 Lady; 116. 
 
 iSIr., son of Sir Robert; 146. 
 
 Thomas, letter from ; 42. 
 
 Carre ; 40. 
 
 Carrickfergus, the Commissioners at; 243. 
 Carrier, Mr. ; 10. 
 
 Carrington, Francis, Lord; 134, 152, 300, 
 311,370. 
 
 j Carson, Cawson, Charles ; 312, 376, 377. 
 
 I John ; 360. 
 
 I Carter, — ; 266. 
 
 Oliver, letter from ; 597. 
 
 ^ William ; 29. 
 
 j Cartmell, co. Lane. ; 7, 228, 231, 413. 
 
 I Fell, CO. Lane. ; 228. 
 
 I Cartwright, Francis ; 182, 410. 
 
 ' Sir George ; 83. 
 
 Humphrey ; 604. 
 
 [Thomas] ; 608. 
 
 Carus, Thomas; 7. 
 
 Cary, Martha; 277. 
 
 Petronella; 277. 
 
 Case, John ; 281. 
 
 Jonathan; 281. 
 
 Cash, Mrs. ; 115. 
 j Cass, Diniss ; 410. 
 
 Castle, CO. Lane. ; 10. 
 
 I Castlehaven, Lord (1667), his regiment; 
 79. 
 
 Castle Martin, (Ireland) ; 610. 
 
 Castle Rushen, Isle of Man ; 72, 74, 255, 
 415, 416. 
 
 letters dated at; 69-71, 117, 153, 
 215. 
 
 constable of; 255,256. 
 garrison of ; 256, 257. 
 
 Castletown, Isle of Man ; 260-262, 416. 
 letters dated at ; 80, 87, 91, 101, 255, 
 271. 
 
 Castle Woodsuche ; 610. 
 
 Catalonia; 396. 
 
 Catharine of Portugal, Queen of 
 Charles II. ; 71, 88, 89, 204, 276. 
 
 her head-cook ; 129. 
 
 Catholic or Roman religion, the ; 32. 
 Catholics, the. See Papists. 
 
 Catterall, James ; 291. 
 
 Mr. ; 319. 
 
 Peter; 194. 
 
 Cavalli, Monsieur; 511, 512. 
 j Cavan ; 240. 
 
 I Castle ; 240. 
 
 Cavendish, Lord (1604) ; IL 
 Lord (1680-2) ; 116,154. 
 
 Lord John, Chancellor of the Exche- 
 quer ; 516, 552. 
 
 I Cawood Castle ; 602. 
 
 { letter dated at ; 599. 
 
 I Cawson, Charles. See Carson. 
 
 Cay ton, William ; 91. 
 
 Cefn, letters dated at ; 507, 508, 521. 
 Chadderton, Chatterton, co. Lane.; 14, 
 572. 
 
 Chadderton, Bishop ; 440. 
 
 Chaddock, Chadock, Chadocke : 
 
 Daniel ; 239, 263. 
 
 Thomas ; 467. 
 
 Chadwick, John ; 196. 
 
 Mr.; 490. 
 
 Thomas ; 194. 
 
 Chaigley, co. Lane. ; 109. 
 
 Chamber, Smith alias, — . See Smith. 
 Chamberlain, Lord ; 129. 
 
 Chamberlaine, Thomas ; 28. 
 
 Chamber Office, the. Controller of the 
 Treasurer of ; 276. 
 
INDEX. 
 
 639 
 
 Champneys, Thomas S., letter from ; 546. 
 
 Chancellor, Lord ; 100, 101, 104, 115, 191, 
 192, 204, 209, 241, 423, 424, 456, 
 490, 491, 493, 512, 514, 515, 517, 
 518, 521, 522, 524-527, 529, 530, 
 534, 536, 537, 543, 548, 551, 554, 
 557, 558, 560, 607, 621-623. 
 
 . See also Clarendon. Jeffries. 
 
 Hardwick. 
 
 Chancery, Court of ; 424, 425, 471, 473- 
 476, 490, 491, 524, 527. 
 
 Chandler, — ; 71. 
 
 Chanerell, Mr. ; 295. 
 
 Chantnell, William ; 263. 
 
 Chantrell, Mr. ; 369. 
 
 Chapel Row, co. Berks. ; 531. 
 
 Chappley, Shapley, Captain ; 166. 
 
 Charitable l^ses, Commission for; 415. 
 
 Charlemont, the taking of ; 242. 
 
 Charles I., King: 
 
 as Prince of Wales ; 29, 30. 
 
 marriage of ; 31. 
 
 as King ; 32, 33, 38, 40, 42, 51- 
 53, 56, 59, 60, 61, 63, 165, 279, 433, 
 497. 
 
 letter from ; 33. 
 
 demands four subsidies ; 34. 
 his expenses and revenue ; 60. 
 his General of Horse ; 63. 
 the murderers of; 104, 165. 
 
 Charles II., King : 
 as Prince ; 61. 
 
 as King; 67, 68,71, 72, 74-77, 80,81, 
 83, 84, 86, 88-90, 94, 95, 98-101, 
 104-109, 111-120, 122-130, 134, 
 136, 141, 142-146, 148-150, 155, 
 156, 158, 159, 161-163, 166, 168, 
 169, 171, 172, 214, 218, 497, 524. 
 
 letters from ; 103,111. 
 
 letter to; 133. 
 
 addresses to ; 139, 140. 
 his death; 177,211. 
 an old debt of ; 276. 
 his fee-farm rents ; 85. 
 illness of ; 176. 
 robbery of his money ; 78. 
 his Queen. See Catharine of Portu- 
 gal. 
 
 Charles Edward, Prince, “ the Young 
 Pretender”; 477, 478, 480, 481- 
 484. 
 
 letter to ; 474. 
 
 his army; 477. 
 
 Charlestown river, the, (America) ; '56. 
 
 Charleton, Thomas, letter from ; 86. 
 
 Charlotte (Charles), Princess, her death 
 (1785) ; 521. 
 
 (1821) ; 565, 566. 
 
 Charlton, Judge ; 177. 
 
 J. ; 82. 
 
 Charneley, Charneleye, — ; 586. 
 
 Ellen ; 47. 
 
 Charnock, Charnocke, — , the confession 
 of; 617. 
 
 Nicholas; 232. 
 
 Robert; 407. 
 
 Charterhouse, the ; 2-540. 
 
 a scholar’s place in ; 381. 
 
 Charton, — ; 535. 
 
 Chasteau Renaut, — ; 405. 
 
 Chatham ; 79, 80. 
 
 Chatham, Lord ; 561. 
 
 Chatterton. See Chadderton. 
 
 Chaunce, Ellen ; 604. 
 
 Cheadle, co. Staff. ; 66. 
 
 Ford; 482. 
 
 Cheam ; 549. 
 
 Cheetam, Cheeteham. See Chetham. 
 
 Chelmsford ; 174. 
 
 Chelsea; 558. 
 
 Chenie, Lord (1586) ; 622. 
 
 Cheney, Mr. ; 417, 418. 
 
 Chenneau, James, examination of ; 255, 
 263. 
 
 Cher, Richard, of Atherton ; 359. 
 
 Cheshire ; 45, 61, 130, 148, 200, 219, 222, 
 233, 249, 272, 290, 292, 293, 300, 
 302, 304, 313, 330, 336, 337, 346, 
 365, 382, 387, 469, 471, 489, 544, 
 596. 
 
 the Attorney’s place in ; 26. 
 
 Catholics in ; 211. 
 
 clergy in, and the declaration of in- 
 dulgence; 191. 
 
 County Palatine, chamberlain of ; 68, 
 237, 241, 439. 
 
 Deputy Bailiff Itinerant for. See 
 Bennett, Arthur, 
 deputy lieutenants of ; 200, 201. 
 “exercises”; 15. 
 horse, a parcel of ; 223. 
 justices of the peace for, orders by ; 
 244. 
 
 knights for ; 445. 
 levying of men within ; 4. 
 
 Lord Lieutenant of ; 205, 206, 234, 
 281, 285, 286. 
 
 . See Derby, William, 9th Earl 
 
 of. Delamere, Lord, 
 members of Parliament for; 413. 
 militia of ; 200, 202, 204-207, 222. 
 
 otiScers of; 201, 202. 
 
 sheriffs of ; 68. 
 
 special commissions to ; 130 
 
 Cheshire, Mr. ; 383, 386. 
 
 Chester; 14, 55, 61, 62, 70, 112, 135, 136, 
 187, 205-207, 212, 222, 236, 241, 
 248, 332, 361, 363, 364, 366, 387, 
 407, 419, 424, 440, 446, 450-452, 
 495, 544, 556, 587-589, 591, 592. 
 letters dated at; 26, 236-238, 241, 
 242, 265, 274, 277, 497. 
 
 Aldermen of; 237. 
 
 Castle ; 202, 207, 244, 305, 319, 361- 
 363, 365, 370, 596. 
 
 letter dated at ; 413. 
 
 governor of. See Shakerley, Mr. 
 
 Morgan, Sir John. 
 
 Cathedral, repair of ; 442. 
 
 Chief Justice of ; 524. 
 
 . See Kenyon, Lloyd, 1st Lord. 
 
 Circuit, the ; 537. 
 coach, the ; 371. 
 court of; 471. 
 diojese of ; 180. 
 
640 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Chester — cont. 
 
 articles to be observed by the 
 
 clergy in ; 600. 
 
 Fair; 419. 
 
 the King’s Justice of. See Shuttle- 
 worth, Eichard. 
 
 Mayor of ; 237. 
 
 Minster ; .55. 
 
 paper, the ; 507. 
 
 prebend of. See Thompon, Mr. 
 
 principal of the Consistory Court of. 
 
 See Yale, Doctor David, 
 races ; 544. 
 
 Eegistrar at. See Preseot, Mr. 
 warden of the mint at. See Weddall, 
 Eobert. 
 
 Chester, Bishop of : 
 
 [William Chaderton] ; 583, 597, 599, 
 600. 
 
 letter from ; 601. 
 
 letters to ; 594, 596. 
 
 [George Lloyd] ; 7, 9, 11, 12, 14. 
 John [Bridgman] ; 25, 41, 43, 45, 
 446, 447, 463. 
 
 letter from ; 44. 
 
 letters to; 38, 49. 
 
 Dr. Feme ; 70. 
 
 George [Hall] ; 441. 
 
 John Wilkins ; 93, 115. 
 
 John [Pearson] ; 104, 115, 127 (the 
 Bishop), 134 (the Bishop), 142 (the, 
 Bishop). 
 
 [Thomas Cartwright] ; 211, 220. 
 Nicholas Stratford ; 245, 251, 263 
 (the Bishop), 282, 355, 401, 423, 
 424, 441. 
 
 letters from; 250, 271, 274, 
 
 418. 
 
 letters to; 103, 270, 417. 
 
 [William Dawes] ; 442, 449. 
 
 [Francis Gastrell] ; 464. 
 
 Samuel [Peploe], letter from; 467. 
 William Cleaver ; 542. 
 
 his brother ; 542. 
 
 Chester, West. See West Chester. 
 Chesterfield, Earl of (1696) ; 406. ! 
 
 [Philip Dormer Stanhope, 4th] Earl 
 of, the letters of ; 538. I 
 
 Lord (1789) ; 527, 538. 
 
 Chetham, Chethame, Chethome,Cheetham, 
 Cheeteham, Cheetam ; ! 
 
 Edward; 181. 
 
 Edward, a lawyer in Manchester; j 
 482. I 
 
 George ; 464. ! 
 
 James ; 195. 
 
 .Tames, a Justice of the Peace at 
 Manchester ; 480, 482. 
 
 John ; 586. 
 
 Mr. ; 58, 379, 380, 464. 
 
 Mr., of Smedley ; 490. I 
 
 Mr., of Turton Tower ; 177. I 
 
 Thomas ; 29, 620. j 
 
 Cheveaux, Monsieur. See Chenneau, i 
 
 James. , 
 
 Chew, Elisha; 91. i 
 
 John, of Whalley ; 39. j 
 
 Chew Moor; 146. ! 
 
 Chichester, John [Lake], Bishop of; 190. 
 
 his amanuensis. See Wilson, 
 
 Mr. 
 
 his chaplain. See Jenkins, Mr. 
 
 his death-bed declaration ; 225. 
 
 his secretary. See Powell, Mr. 
 
 bishopric of ; 84. 
 
 Chief Baron, Lord; 112, 153, 156, 556, 
 622. 
 
 Chief J ustice. Lord ; 154, 169, 191, 323, 
 326, 335, 342, 392, 393, 458, 499, 
 507, 522, 622. 
 
 See also Keeling. Scroggs. 
 
 North. Herbert. Wright. Holt. 
 Mansfield. Kenyon. 
 
 gold collar of office of ; 526. 
 
 Chief Justices, the; 72, 621. 
 
 Chiffins, Mr. ; 211. 
 
 Childwall, co. Lane. ; 12, 194. 
 
 Chippindall, Edward, letter from ; 214. 
 Chipping, CO. Lane. ; 9, 229, 231, 296, 
 315, 316. 
 
 Bleadale; 221. 
 
 Chisenhall, Chisnal, Chisnell, Sir Edward ; 
 178, 196, 221, 240, 249, 250, 282, 
 384, 425, 429. 
 letter from ; 248. 
 
 Chisnall, Mr. ; 26. 
 
 Cholmondeley, Lord (1690-1705) ; 237, 
 380, 434. 
 
 — ; 544. 
 
 Francis ; 244. 
 
 F., letter from ; 449. 
 
 Mr. ; 419, 445, 494. 
 
 Eobin; 113. 
 
 (Shumley), of Vale Eoyal : 
 
 — ; 293, 302, 369. 
 
 Mr. ; 469. 
 
 Chorley, Chorle, co. Lane. ; 11, 174, 229, 
 417, 458, 473. 
 
 Chorley, Alexander ; 109. 
 
 Elizabeth ; 109. 
 
 Jo., letters from ; 116, 161. 
 
 Eichard, of Chorley ; 314, 359. 
 Chorlton, Choreton, co. Lane.; 11, 229, 
 232. 
 
 Chowbent; 464. 
 
 Chowtertoun, James ; 587. 
 
 Christian, Charles; 280. 
 
 Captain Charles ; 215. 
 
 David; 271, 280. 
 
 Deemster; 279. 
 
 William ; 69, 70, 73-75. 
 
 his son ; 72. 
 
 his insurrection in the Isle of 
 
 Man ; 73, 74. 
 
 Christians, the (family of); 71, 72. 
 
 Christ’s Hospital ; 277. 
 
 Chumley. See Cholmondeley. 
 
 Church, Churth, co. Lane.; 10, 45, 229. 
 Church, Lieutenant William ; 244. 
 
 Church of England, the; 5, 6, 18, 33, 59, 
 95, 140, 148, 197, 198, 212, 225, 234, 
 246, 262, 286, 291, 363, 370, 389, 
 390, 392, 410, 434, 497, 564, 565, 
 601, 607, 609. 
 men, the ; 114. 
 
 Church of Eome ; 543. 
 
INDEX. 
 
 641 
 
 Churchill, John, Lord, his troop of 
 guards; 207. 
 
 Civil List, the ; 401. 
 
 the charge of the (1693-94); 275- 
 277. 
 
 Claims, Court of, Lords Comiuissioners 
 of; 228. 
 
 Clare, Lord (1682); 154. 
 
 Lord (1798) ; 549. 
 
 Clarendon, [Edward Jljde, 1st] Earl of. 
 Lord Chancellor; 69, 71, 72, 80, 
 89, 123, 172. 
 
 letter from ; 75. 
 
 impeachment of ; 80. 
 
 Countess of, her death (1667) ; 79. 
 Clarges, Sir Thomas ; 89, 212, 276. 
 
 Sir Walter; 100. 
 
 Clark, Clarke, Clerk, Clerke : 
 
 — ; 30, 319. 
 
 Dr.; 299. 
 
 Francis, a messenger ; 361-363. 
 
 Mr.; 370. 
 
 Ro. ; 161. 
 
 Sir Robert; 187. 
 
 Samuel ; 276. 
 
 Sir William; 77. 
 
 Clarkson, Clerkson : 
 
 Mr. ; 297, 369. 
 
 Robert; 316. 
 
 Claughton, co. Lane. ; 7, 109. 
 
 Claughton, Philip ; 109. 
 
 Clay, Francis ; 485. 
 
 Clayden, Robert ; 586. 
 
 Clayton, Alderman ; 379. 
 
 — ; 279, 294, 369. 
 
 Captain; 213, 247. 
 
 Leo., letter from ; 82. 
 
 Mr. ; 125, 491, 493, 499. 
 
 Sir Richard ; 511. 
 
 Sir Robert ; 167,168. 
 
 Thomas ; 263, 353. 
 
 William, merchant of Liverpool ; 255, 
 263. 
 
 Clayton-le-Moors (super-Moras) ; 48, 58, 
 no, 231. 
 
 letter dated at ; 53. 
 
 Cleaver, William. See Chester, Bishop 
 of. 
 
 Clegg, Richard, vicar of Kirkham ; 229. 
 Robert; 418. 
 
 Clegge, Richard, letter from ; 146. 
 
 Cleut, Captain ; 376. 
 
 Clerk, Clerke. See Clark. 
 
 Clerk of the Crown, the ; 607, 608, 622. 
 
 See also Poole. Sandes. 
 
 Clerkson, Robert. See Clarkson. 
 Cleveland, Earl of (1644) ; 63. 
 
 Duchess of ; 276. 
 
 Cleveley, Cleaveley, Cleeveley, co. Lane. 
 231, 232. 
 
 Cleyton. See Clayton. 
 
 Clifford, Lady de ; 566. 
 
 Sir Thomas; 79. 
 
 Clifton, [co. Glouc.] ; 554. 
 
 [co. Lane.] ; 5«2. 
 
 Clifton, Cliftoun: 
 
 Mr. ; 9. 
 
 Thomas ; 593. ^ 
 
 Clifton, Cliftoun — cont. 
 
 Sir Thomas ; 109, 228, 303, 307, 309, 
 310, 313, 314, 329, 348, 351, 358, 
 360, 362, 365, 368, 369, 371,376, 
 387. 
 
 his wife, Lady Bridget ; 109. 
 
 his brother James, 314. 
 
 his brother William ; 314, 359. 
 
 j Clippers. ’See under Coinage. 
 
 Clitheroe, Cliderowe, Clitherall, co. Lane. ; 
 10,18, 50,71,90,93,144,177-179, 
 i 211, 229, 236, 241, 242, 272-275, 
 
 i 278, 279, 282-285, 287, 289, 291, 
 
 I 321, 384, 385, 396, 399, 400. 
 
 : letters dated at ; 53, 93, 144, 149, 214, 
 
 I 278, 284, 287, 289, 372, 378, 438, 
 
 439. 
 
 bailiffs of ; 289, 291. 
 
 See also Assheton, John. 
 
 bailiffs and burgesses of ; 149. 
 
 I letter to; 31. 
 
 ! borough of, address of ; 180. 
 
 elections at ; 290, 396, 397, 399, 402. 
 school ; 41, 272. 
 
 governors of, letter to ; 44. 
 
 visitor of. See Chester, John 
 
 I Bridgman, Bishop of. 
 
 Clive, Captain (Nabob), afterwards Lord; 
 495, 504, 505. 
 
 his father ; 495. 
 
 Henry, letter from ; 554. 
 
 Closet, clerk of the ; 211. 
 
 Clothing, prices of ; 36, 78. 
 
 Clough, James ; 467. 
 
 Clowes, John ; 483. 
 
 Mr. ; 499. 
 
 Samuel; 410. 
 
 Clwyd, Vale of ; 546. 
 
 Coachman, — ; 355. 
 
 Coal, dearness of ; 80. 
 
 Exchange, the ; 551. 
 mines ; 43. 
 
 sea, charge on revenue from tax on, 
 276. 
 
 Cobb, Mr., deputy prothonotary of Lanca- 
 shire ; 115. 
 
 Paul, letter from ; 86. 
 
 Cockay Chapel, co. Lane. ; 232. 
 Cockerham, Cockram, co. Lane. ; 8, 229, 
 293, 301, 312-314, 348 (Cockermouth), 
 374, 378, 384. 
 
 Cockersand Abbey, co. Lane. ; 312. 
 Cockesone, Mr. ; 14. 
 
 Cockley, co. Lane. ; 12. 
 
 Cocks, Reginald ; 548, 549. 
 
 Cockshull, John ; 239. 
 
 Coffee, duty on, receipts from ; 275. 
 Coinage : 
 
 clippers; 105, 158, 159, 176,274, 281, 
 283, 305, 376. 
 
 informations against; 172-175. 
 
 methods of, account of; 185, 
 
 186. 
 
 clipping ; 159, 172-175, 272, 283, 307, 
 359. 
 
 coiners; 105, 158, 159, 176, 185, 186, 
 274, 283, 354. 
 farthing tokens ; 31. 
 
 S S 
 
 73480. 
 
642 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Coinage — cont. 
 
 the new coinage (1695-96) ; 387, 
 394-397, 402, 403. 
 
 Coke, — ; 508. 
 
 Colborne, Heiirj. See Coulborne. 
 
 Colchester, Lord (1685-94) ; 179, 207, 
 210, 216-218, 236, 278, 284, 379. 
 
 letter from ; 215. 
 
 bis regiment ; 219. 
 
 Lady (1714); 457. 
 
 Colcott, Collcott, Colcutt ; 
 
 Dick ; 80. 
 
 Major; 72. 
 
 Captain Robert; 271. 
 
 Coldcotes ; 39, 291. 
 
 Coldoupbes, Sir Thomas ; 610. 
 
 Cole, Mr. ; 223, 377. 
 
 Thomas, order signed by ; 11 5. 
 
 Coleborne, — . See Coulborne. 
 
 Coleman, [Edward] ; 106-108. 
 
 Collcott, Captain Robert. See Colcott. 
 
 Colledge, — ; 129. 
 
 Stephen; 265. 
 
 Collendge, Lawrence ; 582. 
 
 Collett, Mr. ; 321. 
 
 Collier, John ; 410. 
 
 Peter, letter from ; 272. 
 
 Thomas ; 410. 
 
 Collinge, Mary ; 232. 
 
 Collins, F. ; 278. 
 
 Widow; 277. 
 
 Colne, CO. Lane. ; 10, 192, 229, 412. 
 
 Commanderie, the ; 472. 
 
 Commerce, treaty of (with France) ; 453, 
 454. 
 
 Commerce and Trade, Articles of ; 452. 
 
 Commissioners, English and Scots (1640) ; 
 60. 
 
 Common Pleas, Court of; 126, 158, 524, 
 544. 
 
 Lord Cliief Justice of ; 622. 
 
 — — See also Bridgeman, Sir Orlando. 
 Chief Justice, Lord. 
 
 Common Prayer, Book of ; 410. 
 
 Commons, House of ; 30, 34, 59, 60^ 67, 
 81-85, 87, 88, 95, 96, 98, 99, 103- 
 105, 107, 108, 112, 113, 123, 124, 
 156, 215, 219, 221, 233, 234, 240, 
 241, 264, 269, 281, 283, 285, 287, 
 290, 321, 357, 370, 372, 384, 387, 
 394-398, 400-406, 408, 415, 416, 
 435, 444, 446, 452, 454-456, 460, 
 495, 498, 499, 501, 504, 505, 509, 
 511, 514, 515, 517, 518, 522,523, 
 525, 526, 535, 541, 556, 568. 
 
 Clerk of ; 336. 
 
 dispute with the Lords concerning the 
 vacancy (1689) ; 215, 216. 
 
 impeachment of Clarendon by ; 80. 
 
 Journals of ; 543. 
 
 some members of ; 34. 
 
 remonstrance of ; 26. 
 
 Serjeant at- Arms, the. See Wood, 
 Mr. 
 
 Speaker, the; 105, 556. 
 
 letter to ; 25. 
 
 examines witnesses concerning 
 
 the Lancashire trials ; 322-354. 
 
 Commons, House of — cont. 
 
 Speaker the ; speeches by ; 29. 
 
 “ The Englishman ; or a choice 
 
 speech at the election of, &c.” ; 
 453, 454. 
 
 See also Morris, Mr. 
 
 Compton, Lord (1586) ; 622. 
 
 John ; 232. 
 
 Spencer ; 387. 
 
 Confederates, the ; 100. 
 
 Congreaves, Mr., of Stretton, co. Staff. ; 
 461. 
 
 Conishead ; 204. 
 
 letter dated at ; 133. 
 
 Coniston, co. Lane. ; 229. 
 
 Connecticut, Conectichute ; 56. 
 Conservatives, the ; 568. 
 
 Constables ; 18, 28, 29, 45, 67. 
 Constantine, Robert; 232. 
 
 Conti, Prince of ; 423. 
 
 Conventicles; 90, 91, 172. 
 
 Act against. See under Acts. 
 Convention, the. See under Parliament. 
 Conway, Sir John ; 428. 
 
 Conyers, — , a Jesuit ; 107. 
 
 Mr.; 387. 
 
 Cook, Mr. ; 569. 
 
 Cooke, Mrs. ; 317. 
 
 Thomas; 194, 281. 
 
 Captain Thomas ; 422. 
 
 William ; 195. 
 
 Sir William (1604) ; 8. 
 
 (1690) ; 248. 
 
 Cookson, Martha ; 485. 
 
 Cooper, Hugh ; 174. 
 
 Mr. ; 175. 
 
 William ; 347, 351. 
 
 of Peeltown, information of; 
 
 255. 
 
 Copenhagen; 79. 
 
 bombardment of; 560, 561. 
 
 Copley, Sir Godfrey ; 384. 
 
 Mr.; 200. 
 
 Coppinger, — ; 607, 608. 
 
 Corbett, Mr.; 197, 198, 200, 210. 
 
 Corbin, Thomas, of Liverpool, mariner, 
 information of ; 262, 263. 
 
 Coreland regiment, the. See under Regi- 
 ments. 
 
 Cork; 239, 242, 471. 
 
 Corn, importation of ; 529, 567. 
 
 a maximum price for ; 555. 
 
 Cornhury, Lord (1678-95) ; 108, 380. 
 Cornish, Mr. Sheriff ; 116, 117, 128, 168, 
 264. 
 
 Cornwall, Duchy of, charges on the revenue 
 of; 276. 
 
 Cornwallis, Lord (1792) ; 536. 
 Coronation, the Earl of Derby’s claim to 
 service at. See Derby, Earl of. 
 Coronation Oath, the ; 542, 543. 
 
 Coroners ; 29. 
 
 Corporation Credit, the ; 160. 
 
 Corton, CO. Lane. ; 109. 
 
 Cosbies house, (Ireland) ; 610. 
 
 Cosson, George ; 42. 
 
 Cottam, Eline, letter from ; 133. 
 
 Henry, of Thornley ; 133. 
 
INDEX. 
 
 648 
 
 Cotferell, Justice ; 251. 
 
 Cottiugton, Lord (1640) ; 59. 
 
 Cotton, — , a pettifogger ; 22.3. 
 
 Sir John; 277. 
 
 of Huntingdonshire, his daugh- 
 ter. See Kenyon, Dr. Roger. 
 
 Sir Lynch ; 504. 
 
 Richard, letter from ; 175. 
 
 Sir Robert ; 517, 544. 
 
 Coulborne, Coleborne, Colborne: 
 
 — , a Quaker ; 279. 
 
 Henry ; 195, 196. 
 
 Lawrence ; 230. 
 
 Coulton, CO. Lane. ; 229. 
 
 Coulton, Richard ; 36. 
 
 William, curate of Walton-le-Dale, 
 230. 
 
 Council, the. See Privy Council. 
 
 Counties Palatine, King’s writs in ; 68. 
 Court, the; 50, 59, 71, 79, 84, 88, 117, 
 129, 143, 178, 197, 214, 401, 403, 456, 
 514, 554, 557, 558, 572, 576. 
 
 Coveil, Thomas, letters from; 44, 55. 
 
 letters to; 52, 53. 
 
 Coventry; 135, 315, 323, 324, 326,341, 
 360, 363, 390. 
 
 Coventry, Sir ,Iohn ; 87 
 Coward, Henry; 231. 
 
 Cowcher Book ; 53. 
 
 Cowell, Thomas ; 29. 
 
 Cowper, Lord (1799) ; 553. 
 
 James, letter from ; 48. 
 
 Tom, of Chester ; 450. 
 
 Cragg, — ; 264. 
 
 Cragge, Mr. ; 8. 
 
 Craggs, Mr. ; 463. 
 
 Crakehurne. See Crewkerne. 
 
 Crane, Sir Edward ; 64. 
 
 Cranford Bridge ; 563. 
 
 Cranstounes, Lord (1617) ; 22. 
 
 Crarrock, — ; 154. 
 
 Craven, Lord (1667) ; 79. 
 
 (1688), his regiment ; 207. 
 
 Crawley, Judge ; 60. 
 
 Creagh, Sir William ; 239. 
 
 Crew, Mr., junior ; 469. 
 
 Crevvdson, John ; 230. 
 
 Crewkerne, Crakehurne ; 209. 
 
 Crimping Houses ; 542. 
 
 Crocke, Mr. ; 412. 
 
 Crofte, Edward ; 7. 
 
 Sir James ; 621, 622. 
 
 Crombock, John, of Wiswall ; 38. 
 
 Richard, of Clarkhill ; 38. 
 
 William, letter from ; 14. 
 Cromleholme, Dr.; 91, 92. 
 
 Crompton, Captain ; 213. 
 
 Ellys; 39. 
 
 Henry; 39. 
 
 James (1629) ; 39. 
 
 (1688); 195. 
 
 a pupil at Manchester ; 467. 
 
 Joshua; 410. 
 
 Ralph, of Tong Fold ; 359. 
 
 V/illiam ; 183, 410. 
 
 a pupil at Manchester ; 467. 
 
 Cromwell, Oliver, Lord Protector ; 65, 91. 
 his regiment ; 64, 412. 
 
 Crook, Crooke: 
 
 — ; 291. 
 
 John; 101. 
 
 Samuel ; 247. 
 
 Thomas ; 175. 
 
 William ; 173, 175. 
 
 Crooked Yard, co. Chester ; 310. 
 
 Crooks, Randle; 451,452. 
 
 Cropper, Richard, of Burscough ; 460. 
 Crosby, co. Lane. ; 13, 369. 
 letter dated at ; 385. 
 
 Great (Magna), co. Lane. ; 229, 311. 
 Hall, CO. Lane.; 319, 362, 
 
 Crosbye, Mr. ; 301. 
 
 Croskell, Robert ; 109. 
 
 Cross, Captain, of Darwen ; 213, 223. 
 Cross, Alderman, of Rochester; 300, 370. 
 
 Sara, wife of Richard ; 55. 
 
 Crossfield, James; 224, 355, 381. 
 Crosshall, co. Lane. ; 229. 
 
 letter dated at ; 508. 
 
 Croston, co. Lane. ; 11, 229. 
 church ; 470. 
 
 Croudson, Ferdinando ; 413. 
 
 Crowe, John, the younger, letter from ; 19. 
 Crown Office, the ; 383. 
 
 Croxteth; 279, 312-314, 349, 350, 368 
 letter dated at ; 162. 
 
 Croxton, Ger., of Ravenscroft ; 244. 
 
 William, letters to ; 65. 
 
 Cruick Meole ; 570. 
 
 Cuerdall ; 236. 
 
 Cuerden, Dr., of Preston ; 176. 
 
 John; 583. 
 
 Culcheth, CO. Lane.; 109, 231. 
 
 Culcheth, Culchethe: 
 
 George ; 110. 
 
 John; 109,134. 
 
 Thomas; 109. 
 
 Ralph, the heirs of ; 586. 
 
 Culloden, battle of ; 477. 
 
 Cumberland ; 500. 
 
 Clerk of the Peace for ; 225. 
 
 Justices of the Peace for; 225. 
 Receiver-General of. See Hayhurst, 
 William. 
 
 Cumberland, Earl of (1586) ; 622. 
 
 Duke of. See Rupert, Prince. 
 William Augustus, Duke of ; 472, 
 477, 482, 486. 
 
 Duke of (1788); 525, 528. 
 
 Duchess of (1788) ; 525. 
 
 Ernest, Duke of, letter from ; 568. 
 
 his Duchess ; 568. 
 
 Cunliffe, Cunlieffe, Christopher, letter to ; 5. 
 John ; 29. 
 
 Robert, of Sparth ; 51. 
 
 Thomas, letters from ; 67, 69, 83. 
 Cunningham, — ; 221. 
 
 Cuny, — , of Cuny ; 296, 303, 369. 
 
 Mr.; 296. 
 
 Curbesheth, George ; 182. 
 
 Curghy, Evan ; 8^ 
 
 Curtis, Mr. ; 113. 
 
 Curzon, Lord (1807); 559, 560. 
 
 Mr. ; 504, 508. 
 
 Miss ; 528. 
 case, the ; 553. 
 
 s s 2 
 
644 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Cust, Lady (1684); 171. 
 
 Custom House, the; 149, 255, 377, 378, 
 513. 
 
 letter dated at ; 265. 
 officers of; 233, 293, 298, 355, 384. 
 Customs, the; 89, 275. 
 
 Collector outwards of, in the Port of 
 London, a grant of ; 513. 
 the Commissioners of ; 139, 217, 218, 
 254, 258, 266, 313, 377. 
 
 letter from ; 265. 
 
 letter to ; 135. 
 
 agent of. See Deny, — . 
 
 revenue from, charges on the; 276. 
 Cuthbert, Mrs. ; 226. 
 
 D 
 
 Dacre, Lord William ; 17. 
 
 Francis; 17. 
 
 his wife Anne; 17. 
 
 his son llanulph ; 17. 
 
 Dalhin, Justice. See Dolben. 
 
 Dale, Dalle, Dr.; 621, 622. 
 
 Roger ; 229. 
 
 Dalkeith Castle ; 21. 
 
 Dallamere, Lord. See Delamere. 
 
 Dalton, CO. Lane.; 7. 
 
 Dalton, Mr. ; 8, 130. 
 
 Robert; 109. 
 
 Colonel Robert, of Thurnham ; 293- 
 295, 303, 313, 314, 319, 358, 359, 
 369, 374. 
 
 letter from ; 360. 
 
 Damhouse, letter dated at ; 43. 
 
 Dauby, Thomas Osborne, previously Vis- 
 count Latimer, q.v., Earl of ; 209. 
 Mr. ; 27. 
 
 Dandy, Dr. ; 390. 
 
 Robert; 347, 351. 
 
 Dangerfeild, a/ms Wiloughbie, Mr. ; 113. 
 Dangby, Mr. ; 521. 
 
 Dantesey, John ; 195. 
 
 Darbishire, Ned; 356. 
 
 Darby. See Derby. 
 
 Darley, letter dated at ; 63. 
 
 Darlington, Lord (1805) ; 558. 
 
 Lady (1805) ; 558. 
 
 — ; 375. 
 
 Dartmouth; 200, 227,430. 
 
 Corporation of; 276. 
 
 Dartmouth, [George Legge], Lord; 197. 
 Darwen, co. Lane.; 10, 230. 
 
 Lower, co. Lane. ; 231. 
 
 Over ; 48, 231. 
 
 Upper; 232. 
 
 Daubabbin, Mr. ; 154. 
 
 Daun, — ; 496. 
 
 Dauson, 'I'homas. See Dawsmi. 
 Davenport, Francis ; 410. 
 
 Sir Humphrey, letter from ; 44. 
 
 letter to ; 39. 
 
 Major John ; 244. 
 
 Judge; 60. 
 
 Davenport — cont. 
 
 Richard ; 410. 
 
 Samuel ; 467. 
 
 Tom ; 495. 
 
 Davies, — ; 569. 
 
 Mr.; 545. 
 
 Peter Whitehall, letters from; 511, 
 528, 536. 
 
 Davis, George, of Treloughnell ; 304. 
 Davy, Davie, John ; 586. 
 
 Serjeant ; 524. 
 
 Davyhulme, co. Lane., letter dated at ; 
 170. 
 
 Dawson, Dawsonne, Dauson: 
 
 Gabriel; 230. 
 
 John ; 582. 
 
 Thomas ; 29. 
 
 Dayneton, co. Lane.; 11. 
 
 Deacon, Dr. ; 491. 
 
 letter to ; 476. 
 
 Thomas Theodorus ; 476. 
 
 letter from ; 476. 
 
 Deal ; 243. 
 
 Dean, co Lane. ; 12, 56, 94, 195, 229, 504, 
 582. 
 
 letters dated at ; 92-94, 190, 289. 
 Dean, the. See Shipley, W. D. 
 
 Dean, Peter ; 229. 
 
 Dearden, Joseph, letter from ; 40. 
 Declaration of Right, the ; 217. * 
 
 Dee, Dr. John, warden of Manchester 
 College, letter to; 619. 
 
 Dee, the river; 413. 
 
 Deggles, John ; 410. 
 
 De Grey, — ; 499. 
 
 De la Gard, — ; 339. 
 
 Delamere, [Henry Booth], Lord ; 199- 
 202, 209, 210, 213, 217, 218, 227, 
 264, 295. 
 
 letter from ; 210. 
 
 his brother George ; 218. 
 
 his dispute with the Earl of 
 
 Derby, petition concerning ; 205- 
 207. 
 
 Lady ; 205, 206, 248. 
 
 Delaune, W., Vice-Chancellor of Oxford, 
 letter from ; 434. 
 
 Deleuze, Captain, letter to ; 460. 
 
 Denbigh, Lord (1644) ; 64. 
 
 Denbigh Ladies, the ; 500. 
 
 Denbigh, the member for. See Middleton. 
 Denbighshire; 511. 
 
 squires ; 507. 
 
 Denham, Baron ; 24. 
 
 Denmark ; 560. 
 
 (Fred. II.), King of ; 571. 
 
 (Fred. III.), King of; 79. 
 
 Prince George of; 211, 217, 276, 423. 
 Princess of. See Anne, Queen. 
 Denotter Castle. See Dunnotar. 
 
 Dent, Mr., the banker ; 552. 
 
 Denton, co. Lane. ; 229. 
 
 Deny, — , agent of Commissioners of the 
 Customs; 135. 
 
 Derby ; 25, 209, 458, 479, 482, 485, 486. 
 CO. Lane. See West Derby. 
 
 Fort, Isle of Man ; 271. 
 
 Haven, Isle of Man ; 258-261, 263. 
 
INDEX. 
 
 645 
 
 Derby — cont. 
 
 Hundred, co. Lane. See West Derby 
 Hundred. 
 
 Derby, [Edward Stanley, 3rd] Earl of ; 4. 
 Henry [Stanley, 4th] Earl of; 571, 
 583, 590, 591, 593, 620, 622. 
 
 letters from ; 596, 603. 
 
 letter to ; 604. 
 
 [William Stanley, 6th] Earl of ; 12, 
 13, 28. 
 
 Ann, Countess Dowager of (1638); 
 57. 
 
 James Stanley, 7th Earl of ; 73. 
 Dowager Countess of (1664) ; 74. 
 Charles Stanley, 8th Earl of ; 70, 72, 
 74, 75, 8.5-87, 91, 93, 95. 
 
 letter from ; 70. 
 
 his case against William Chris- 
 tian ; 73. 
 
 Countess of (1664) ; 72. 
 
 William George Richard Stanley, 9th 
 Plarl of; 102, 117, 125, 130-132, ! 
 142, 143, 146-149, 151-154, 157, 
 169, 172, 175, 178, 180, 181, 188, 
 203, 204, 208, 210, 213, 214, 216- 
 220, 222, 226, 233, .234, 236, 240, 
 241, 247, 249, 250, 252, 253, 255, 
 258, 263, 265, 266, 277, 280, 281, 
 284-287, 290, 304, 320, 357, 371, 
 373, 379, 380, 384, 386, 414-416, 
 418, 419, 421, 425. 
 
 letters from ; 113, 13.5, 142, 167, 
 
 188, 190, 210, 219, 224, 227, 236, 
 248, 250, 251, 254, 269, 272, 286, 
 356, 374, 403, 412, 427. 
 
 letters to; 159, 179, 197, 207, 
 
 210, 211, 245, 253-255, 265. 
 
 his daughter Elizabeth ; 418. 
 
 his character and deeds, a paper 
 
 about ; 431, 432. 
 
 his claim to service at the coro- 
 nation of William and Mary ; 228. 
 a Commissioner of. See Ken- 
 yon, Roger. 
 
 his diary (28 Sept, to 21 Nov., 
 
 1688); 198-202. 
 
 his dispute with Lord Delamere, 
 
 petition concerning ; 205-207. 
 
 his instructions to his Governor 
 
 of the Isle of Man ; 258. 
 
 his petition to James II. ; 214. 
 
 his proceedings in disturbing the 
 
 King’s revenue officers in the Isle 
 of Man, account of ; 258-262. 
 
 his regiments ; 206. 
 
 his secretary. See Roper, 
 
 Robert. 
 
 the manner of his going to the 
 
 Tynwald ; 255-258. 
 
 warrant to ; 204. 
 
 Countess of (1682-1697); 148, 188, 
 216, 220, 248, 286, 374, 381, 406, 
 418. 
 
 letter from ; 197. 
 
 James Stanley, q.v., 10th Earl of; 
 434, 435, 438, 441, 458. 
 
 letters from ; 438-440, -1.57. 
 
 letters to ; 435, 436. 
 
 Derby — cont. 
 
 James Stanley, q.v., 10th Earl of ; 
 address to ; 430, 431. 
 
 his sister Colchester. See Col- 
 
 I Chester, Lady. 
 
 I [Sir Edward Stanley, 11th] Earl of; 
 
 I 473. 
 
 I Derbyshire; 51, 176, 402. 
 
 I lead mines in; 40, 41. 
 
 I Derwentwater, Lord ; 554. 
 
 I D’Estrees, — ; 496. 
 j Devizes ; 209. 
 
 Devonshire, [William Cavendish], Earl 
 afterwards Duke of; 209, 212, 243, 
 388, 423. 
 
 Duke of (1784) ; 517, 518. 
 
 Duchess of (1784) ; 518. 
 
 Dewhurst, Mr. ; 7. 
 
 Robert; 229. 
 
 Dewy, Benjamin, the King’s officer in tlie 
 Isle of Man; 259-262. 
 
 Dibidderon, — ; 337. 
 
 Diccon, William. See Dickenson. 
 Dickenson, Dickanson, Dickonson, Dic- 
 conson, Diccon : 
 
 Captain ; 314, 359. 
 
 Henry; 195. 
 
 PI ugh ; 1 10. 
 
 J., junior ; 483. 
 
 John ; 410. 
 
 Mr.; 152. 
 
 Richard ; 232. 
 
 Roger; 330-332, 344-346, 392, 393. 
 
 letters to ; 359, 360. 
 
 Samuel ; 182, 222. 
 
 Thomas (1640), letter from ; 59. 
 
 — — his daughter Elizabeth ; 59. 
 Thomas (1689) ; 230. 
 
 Captain Thomas ; 195. 
 
 William, of Wrightington ; 294, 295, 
 297, 303, 307, 309, 310, 314, 323, 
 329, 359, 365, 366, 369, 376, 379, 
 387. 
 
 letters from ; 357, 375. 
 
 Mrs. (wife of William) ; 323, 331, 
 332, 335, 366, 391, 392. 
 
 Dickson, Mr. ; 10. 
 
 Didsbury, co. Lane. ; 11. 
 
 Digby, [John], Lord. See Bristol, Earl of. 
 
 Lord (1696); 405. 
 
 Diggle, Digle, Digles : 
 
 James; 181. 
 
 Jo., “ a calendar man ” ; 374. 
 
 John ; 203. 
 
 Captain John; 223. 
 
 Dike, Sir Thomas. See Dyke. 
 
 Dillon, Robert ; 620. 
 
 Dilworth, Thomas ; 231. 
 
 Dinckley, co. Lane. ; 9. 
 
 letter dated at ; 29. 
 
 Disley, co. Chester ; 381. 
 
 Dissenters. See Nonconformists. 
 
 Dixon, Dixson, John ; 418. 
 
 Joshua ; 230. 
 
 Thomas ; 182. 
 
 Dixwell, Sir Bazill ; 299. 
 
 Dobbins, Mr. ; 399. 
 
646 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Dobson, Henry ; 434. 
 
 Hugh ; 229. 
 
 Mr. ; 49. 
 
 Eobert ; 29. 
 
 William ; 434. 
 
 Dockwra, Dockra, William ; 276, 339, 340. 
 Dod, Thomas : 194, 215. 
 
 letters from; 131, 153, 172. 
 
 Dodd, Mr., of Edge ; 545. 
 
 Dodding, Miles ; 143. 
 
 letters from; 110, 133. 
 
 letter to ; 143. 
 
 order signed by ; 115. 
 
 Uoddinge, Milo ; 583. 
 
 Dodgson, Mr. ; 7. 
 
 Dodsworth, — , his plot ; 371, 372, 392. 
 
 — , a papist ; 238. 
 
 Dolben, Dalbin, Justice; 126, 151, 156. 
 
 letter from ; 116. 
 
 Don, Donne, the river ; 1. 
 
 Don, — ; 67. 
 
 Doncaster; 1, 531, 532, 558. 
 
 the White Friars of ; 1 . 
 
 Doncaster, Lord (1622) ; 27. 
 
 Dorchester in New England, letter dated 
 at ; 56. 
 
 Dore, — ; 239. 
 
 Dormer, Charles ; 277. 
 
 Mr.; 399. 
 
 Dorneing, Captain ; 213. 
 
 Dorset, Duke of (1769) ; 501. 
 
 Doughty, Mr. ; 177. 
 
 Douglas, CO. Lane. ; 11. 
 
 Douglas, Isle of Man ; 260, 261. 
 
 letter dated at ; 414. 
 
 Douglas, Dunglas, (in Scotland) ; 19. 
 
 the river ; 450. 
 
 Douglas, Duglass : 
 
 Captain ; 496. 
 
 Lieut.-General ; 203. 
 
 Mr.; 538. 
 
 William ; 255. 
 
 Dove, Hugh ; 610. 
 
 Dover; 242, 243, 248, 298, 299, 318, 347, 
 349, 405, 406. 
 
 Dover, Lord, his regiment ; 207. 
 
 Dowds worthy, — ; 322. 
 
 Downes, Christopher ; 14. 
 
 Downham, co. Lane. ; 10, 229. 
 
 Downiug, letters dated at ; 529, 543, 545-- 
 548. 
 
 Downs, the ; 73, 78, 243, 405. 
 
 Doyley, Mr. ; 175. 
 
 Drake, Sir Francis; 571. 
 
 Draycot, Philip, of Paiiisley Hall, co. 
 
 Staff.; 296, 303, 304, 369. ' 
 
 Dreddin place ; 22. 
 
 Drinkwater, Samuel; 410. 
 
 Thomas ; 182. 
 
 William; 181. 
 
 Drogheda ; 240, 244, 263. 
 
 the governor of ; 240. 
 
 Drummond, Sir William; 565, 566. 
 
 Drurie, Sir Drew ; 61 5, 617. 
 
 Dn Bart, — . See Bart, — du. 
 
 Dublin ; 125, 224, 240, 243, 244, 253, 255, 
 259, 260, 264, 292, 3P2, 378, 471, 
 497. 
 
 Dublin — cont. 
 
 letters dated at ; 252, 530. 
 
 Bay; 312. 
 
 Castle; 609. 
 
 Lord Mayor of ; 530. 
 the Protestants in ; 125, 243. 
 University of ; 540. 
 
 Duckenfield, Colonel ; 223. 
 
 Mr. ; 483, 484. 
 
 Robert, letter from ; 61. 
 
 Duckworth, John ; 229. 
 
 Duels, ordinance against ; 65. 
 
 Dugdale, — ; 124, 129. 
 
 Thomas ; 232, 279. 
 
 Tom; 400. 
 
 Sir William, King-at-Arms ; 176. 
 
 I Duglass, William. See Douglas. 
 
 I Duke, Ann ; 277. 
 
 Edward; 277. 
 
 Duke, the. See James II. 
 
 Dumfries ; 57, 460. 
 
 letter dated at ; 460. 
 
 Dunagence. See Dungeness. 
 i Dunbar, George, Earl of, fee-farm rents 
 1 due to the heirs of; 17. 
 
 I Lord ; 294, 300, 330, 369. 
 j Duncan, Miss ; 559. 
 
 ' Dunckenhalgh. See Dungenhall. 
 
 ! Dunckley, co. Lane. ; 109. 
 
 I Duncom, Sir John ; 79. 
 
 Buncombe, Mr. ; 27, 28. 
 
 I Dundalk; 240, 243. 
 
 I Dundas, Charles, letter from ; 531 . 
 
 ■ Henry ; 526. 
 
 I letter from ; 521 . 
 
 Mr.; 538. 
 
 Dundee ; 20, 21, 460. 
 
 , Baillies, Counsellors, &c., of ; 21. 
 
 constable of ; 20, 21. 
 
 I Dundee, [John Graham, Viscount] ; 233. 
 
 Dundonald, Lord (1791) ; 534. 
 
 ' Dungeness, Dunagence, Dunnese ; 242, 
 243. 
 
 Dungenhall, Dunckenhalgh, Dungkinhall, 
 CO. Lane. ; 295, 303, 348, 349, 368, 372, 
 375, 376, 383. 
 
 Dunglas, (in Scotland). See Douglas. 
 Dungre, the ; 62. 
 
 Dunham; 202, 205, 206, 469. 
 
 Dunishaw, co. Lane. ; 230. 
 
 Dunkirk; 67, 79, 333, 396, 397, 406, 448, 
 453, 571. 
 
 Dunmore, Earl of (1688-94) ; 198, 304. 
 
 letters from ; 197. 
 
 Dunne, — , the confession of ; 614. 
 Dunnese. See Dungeness. 
 
 Dunning, J. ; 495, 499, 503, 505, 508, 512. 
 
 letter from ; 510. 
 
 Dunnotar, Denotter, Castle ; 21. 
 
 Dunstable ; 319, 34^ 
 
 Dupbury, Mr. ; 9. 
 
 Dupplin, Lord (1758) ; 495. 
 
 Du Earl, — . See Earl, — du.. 
 
 Durham; 416. 
 
 Bishop of (1612), letter to; 17. 
 
 (1688) ; 189, 211. 
 
 receiver for the county of. See 
 Assheton, Ralph. 
 
INDEX. 
 
 647 
 
 Durrell, Colonel ; 440. 
 
 his brother ; 440. 
 
 Dutch, the. See Holland, 
 captain, a ; 86. 
 knives; 87. 
 
 Dutton, Sir Ralph ; 388. 
 
 Duxberie, Nicholas ; 29. 
 
 Duxbury, letters dated at ; 292, 30.5, 356, 
 37.5,381. 
 
 Dyke, Dike, Sir Thomas; 387, 399, 400. 
 Dymock, Champion ; 495. 
 
 Dymock property, the ; 524. 
 
 Dysart, Lord (1756); 494. 
 
 E 
 
 Earthquake, the, in Jamaica. See Jamaica. 
 Eason, Mr. ; 297, 369. 
 
 Easter Book, an ; 595. 
 
 East India Company, the; 156, 398. 
 the Scotch; 396. 
 
 ships of ; 398. 
 
 East India House, letter dated at ; 528. 
 East India trade, the ; 401. 
 
 East Indies, the ; 386, 540. 
 
 Eaton, Robert ; 232. 
 
 Eatonfell. See Edenfield. 
 
 Eccles, CO. Lane.; 12, 16, 43, 82, 104, 195, 
 229, 232, 582. 
 
 Ecclesiastical Commission, the ; 598. 
 
 Court, the ; 462. 
 
 Eccleston, co. Lane. ; 11, 229. 
 letter dated at ; 26. 
 parsonage of; 30. 
 
 Barbers Moor near ; 27. 
 
 Eccleston, Ecclestone, Eelston, Edgleston ; 
 — ; 231. 
 
 Henry; 583. 
 
 John; 173. 
 
 William ; 230. 
 
 Eckersley, Joseph; 495. 
 
 Eelston, John. See Eccleston. 
 
 Eddowes, Ralph ; 104. 
 
 Edenfield, Ednenfeild, Eatonfell, co. 
 
 Lane.; 12,87. 
 
 Edge, Ellis, letter from; 48. 
 
 James; 417. 
 
 Mr. ; 414. 
 
 Richard; 104,287,371, 399. 
 
 letters from ; 278, 280, 288, 290, 
 
 386, 394, 395, 396, 397, 399, 401- 
 403, 405-408, 418, 422, 445. 
 
 Robert ; 195. 
 
 William, the wife of ; 586, 
 
 Edgecumb, Lord (1745); 472. 
 
 Edgeworth, co. Lane. ; 232. 
 
 Edgleston, John. See Eccleston. 
 Edinburgh; 19, 20-22, 460. 
 letter dated at ; 518. 
 
 Baillies and Council of ; 19, 20. 
 banquet to James I. ; 23. 
 the Cannongate ; 19. 
 
 Castle; 22. 
 
 Edinburgh — cant. 
 
 the High Kirk ; 1 9. 
 
 High Street; 19. 
 
 the king’s (Holyrood) Palace or the 
 Abbey ; 20-23. 
 
 a playe offyrwork at ; 22, 23. 
 
 Lord Provost of (1617). See Nis- 
 bott. Sir William. 
 
 Netherbow Port ; 19. 
 the Strait Bow ; 19. 
 
 Trustees, the ; 569. 
 
 West Port; 19. 
 
 Edmunds, Mr. ; 284. 
 
 Edmundsou, Edmunsou, Benjamin ; 229. 
 
 William ; 181. 
 
 Education, fees for ; 64. 
 i Edwards, John. See Bullyn. 
 j Edwardson, Thomas ; 263. 
 
 ! Egerton, Eggerton ; 
 
 I Captain; 213. 
 
 Sir John; 195,469. 
 
 Leonard; 182. 
 
 Mr. ; 59, 464, 470. 
 
 Peter; 43, 195. 
 
 letter from ; 208. 
 
 Sir Philip ; 244. 
 
 Ralph ; 195. 
 
 Captain Ralph ; 359, 360. 
 of Shaw, — ; 223. 
 
 Peter, letter to ; 178. 
 
 Sir Thomas ; 514, 517. 
 
 Master of the Rolls ; 605, 606. 
 
 Sir William; 321. 
 
 Eggleshill, [co. Lane.] ; 48. 
 
 Elcho, Lord; 477. 
 
 Eldon, CO. Durham ; 554. 
 
 Eldon, Sir John Scott, Lord ; 554, 556. 
 
 letter from ; 570. 
 
 Elections, Committee of ; 387. 
 
 Elgins, the two Lady ; 554. 
 
 Elis, — ; 100. 
 
 Elison, — ; 272. 
 
 Elizabeth, Queen ; 4, 5, 571, 575,584,587, 
 588, 591, 592, 601, 603, 607-609, 
 611-620, 622-626. 
 letter from ; 611, 
 letter to ; 575. 
 
 the Duke of Norfolk’s submission to ; 
 573, 574. 
 
 Elizabeth, Princess, (daughter of George 
 III.); 514. 
 
 Ellell, CO. Lane. ; 8, 45. 
 
 Ellenborough, Lord (1811), letter from; 
 561. 
 
 Ellenbrook, Ellenborough, co. Lane. ; 229. 
 chapel; 275, 289, 290, 417, 418. 
 church; 12, 82, 104 
 
 Elliotson, Elletson, Elleson, Jo,, a gaoler ; 
 282, 283, 306, 307, 360, 374. 
 
 letter from ; 283. 
 
 Ellis,—; 319. 
 
 Christopher ; 362, 368. 
 
 Mr.; 388. 
 
 Peter ; 26. 
 
 Ellison, Thomas ; 228. 
 
 Elsinore Castle; 560, 
 
 Elwes, Sir Gervase ; 403, 405, 407. 
 
 Ely, [Turner], Bishop of; 190, 209. 
 
648 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Emperor, the : 
 
 (Ferdinand JI.) ; 30, 37, 38. 
 
 (Leopold I.) ; 166, 403, 423. 
 
 (Charles VI.) ; 468, 469. 
 
 his chancellor. See Sinzendorf, 
 
 Count. 
 
 his resident in Great Britain. 1 
 
 See Palm, Monsieur de. j 
 
 Empress, the (1680) ; 122. I 
 
 Encombe, letter dated at ; 570. | 
 
 Enfield; 107. ; 
 
 Englefield, Sir Francis ; 626. 
 
 English (British) Channel ; 430, 
 
 “ Englishman, the ; or a choice speech at 
 the election of a Speaker, etc. ” ; 453, 
 454. 
 
 Ensham, Encham, co. Oxf. ; 124. 
 
 Ensworth, — ; 88. 
 
 Entwisle ; 283, 584. 
 
 Entwisle, Ann; 232. 
 
 Bertie; 194,216,247. 
 
 John; 194. 
 
 jTistice of the Peace for Lanca- i 
 
 shire; 135,137. 
 
 letters from ; 101,137, 138,236. 
 
 Mr. ; 253, 447. 
 
 Mr., Kecorder of Liverpool ; 161, 162. 
 Mr., of Wigan ; 421, 423. 
 
 Richard; 195. 
 
 Widow; 89. 
 
 Epworth, CO. Line., rector of. See Wesley, 
 Samuel. 
 
 Erskine, Lord (1791), letter from ; 535. 
 
 Mr. and Mrs. ; 508. 
 
 Thomas; 554. 
 
 letter from ; 554. 
 
 Erthig, letter dated at ; 524. 
 
 Escolme, Robert, letter from ; 491. 
 
 Essex ; 192, 346, 608. 
 
 Essex, [Robert Devereux, 3rd] Earl of; 61. 
 [Arthur Capel], Earl of, suicide of, 
 in the Tower; 162, 166, 211. 
 
 Etogh, Captain ; 359. 
 
 Eton College ; 277. 
 
 Ettrick, Mr. ; 445. 
 
 Etwall; 177. 
 
 Euphrates, the river ; 239. 
 
 Euxton, Exton, co. Lane.; 11. 
 
 Evans, Evens, Justice George, of Surrey ; 
 321. 
 
 James ; 484. 
 
 Keening Post ; 472. 
 
 Evesgreen, manor of, co. Lane. ; 52. 
 Exchequer, the ; 35, 37, 38, 100, 118, 126, 
 134, 144, 155, 157, 159, 218, 307, 
 .329, 339, 340, 342, 396, 401, 449, 
 518, 595, 597. 
 
 Barons of ; 23. 
 
 Chancellor of ; 434, 515, 604. 
 
 . See also Fortescue, Sir John. 
 
 Grevyll, Sir Fulke. Cavendish, 
 Jvord John, 
 charges on ; 277. 
 
 Officers; 112. 
 
 Excise ; 82. 
 
 revenue fioin ; 275, 276. 
 
 charges on the ; 276. 
 
 Exeter ; 207, 407, 430, 506. 
 
 Bishop of ; 210. 
 
 . See also Oldham, Dr. Hugh. 
 
 Exton. See Euxton. 
 
 Eyans, Christopher ; 139. 
 
 Eyre, Eyres, Sir Giles ; 309, 376, 383. 
 Justice ; 365, 372. 
 
 Sir Samuel ; 376, 383. 
 
 Thomas, letter to ; 52. 
 
 Eyrer, Mr. ; 451. 
 
 Eyvesgreene, co. Lane. ; 52. 
 
 F 
 
 I jL .) KyiL jl: • y 
 
 I Fagell, Pensionary ; 187. 
 
 Fairfax, Lord ; 294, 300, 369. 
 
 Charles; 276. 
 
 Sir Thomas ; 61. 
 
 Brigadier Thomas ; 422. 
 
 Falkland, Falkling, Fakling, [co. Fife] 
 20 , 21 . 
 
 Fane, Sir Vere ; 249. 
 
 I Fanshaw, Mary ; 276. 
 
 Sir Richard; 321. 
 j Farlton, Captain ; 128. 
 
 , Farnham Hop Bill ; 537. 
 
 I Farnworth, co. Lane. ; 12, 25, 57, 229. 
 Farnworth, Richard ; 190. 
 
 Faro, letter dated at ; 65. 
 
 Farrar, Francis, of Downholland ; 460. 
 Farrer, James, of Ormskirk ; 137. 
 
 Mr.; 289. 
 
 * Ned ; 400. 
 
 I Farrington, Faringtou, Faryngtou : 
 i Dr.; 450. 
 
 I Sir Henry ; 4. 
 
 Henry; 235, 247. 
 
 Major; 200. 
 
 Mr. ; 8, 93, 377. 
 
 Thomas ; 3. 
 
 letter from ; 3. 
 
 his wife Cicely ; 4. 
 
 William ; 411, 583. 
 
 of Werden ; 585. 
 
 Farthing tokens ; 31. 
 
 Fast, a general ; 59. 
 
 Fazakerley, James ; 137, 138. 
 
 Mr.; 471. 
 
 Nicholas ; 195. 
 
 Fearhurst ; 70. 
 
 Felgate, William ; 230. 
 
 Fell, Leonard ; 231. 
 
 Fells, John ; 263. 
 
 Feneshall, garrisons in ; 62. 
 
 Fenton, James ; 229. 
 
 James, LL.D. ; 493. 
 
 Fenwick, Feineicke : 
 
 John, letter from ; 383. 
 
 Sir .John ; 211,409, 412,413. 
 
 Mr.; 223. 
 
 Fenysford, co. Lane. ; 50. 
 h'erguson, Robert ; 407. 
 
 Fernaudis, Stephen de ; 255. 
 
INDEX. 
 
 649 
 
 Feme, Dr. See Chester, Bishop of. 
 
 Ferns, Bishop of (1790), letter from ; 530. | 
 Fetherston, — ; 311, 317. 
 
 Feversham, [Lewis de Duras], Earl of; 
 
 207, 211, 299, 300, 370. 
 
 Fielding, Colonel, his regiment ; 239. 
 
 Fife, Fyff, gentleman of ; 20. 
 
 Filfe, Thomas ; 248. 
 
 Filmer, F. ; 558. 
 
 Francis, letter from ; 498. 
 
 Mr.; 509. 
 
 Finch, Captain ; 533. 
 
 the Hon. and Rev. Edward, rector of 
 Wigan ; 447. 
 
 Edward, letter from ; 371. 
 
 Henry; 231, 232. 
 
 Mr. ; 212, 241, 269, 405, 441. 
 Fireworks, a play of (at Holyrood 
 Palace); 22, 23. 
 
 First Fruits and Tenths, charges on ; 276. 
 Fisher, Dr. See Salisbury, Bishop of. 
 
 Joshua, alderman of Liverpool ; 281. 
 Fitton, Fitten, Phytone : 
 
 - ; 82. 
 
 Sir Edward ; 583. 
 
 Fitzharris, [Edward] ; 127, 186. 
 
 Fitzherbert, IVlrs. ; 525. 
 
 William, of Wapra ; 301. 
 
 Fitz Pearce, James ; 610. 
 
 Fitz William, Lord (1794) ; 542. 
 
 Flanders; 79, 100,162, 173, 274,300,318, 
 388, 402, 403, 409, 462, 615. 
 
 French army in ; 300. 
 
 Flatworth, coal mines and salt-pans in ; 17. 
 Fleetwood, Fletwode, Fleitwode : 
 
 Bryan, of Sephton ; 137. 
 
 Edmund; 8, 48, 583. 
 
 Edmund, of Rossall ; 585. 
 
 Edward, parson of Wigan, letter 
 from ; 597. 
 
 letter from ; 152. 
 
 Mr.; 101, 125, 145, 203, 448, 449, 
 598, 599, 602. 
 
 Mrs., of Rossall ; 64. 
 
 Richard; 10, 11, 13,394,583. 
 
 Sir Richard ; 296, 303, 369. 
 
 his son Roland ; 296, 303, 369. 
 
 his son William ; 303. 
 
 Richard, of Penwortham ; 585. 
 
 Thomas, letters from ; 379, 434. 
 
 Sir William ; 9. 
 
 Fleming, Fleminge ; 
 
 Captain ; 409. 
 
 Daniel, letter from ; 225. 
 
 William ; 583. 
 
 Fletcher, Doctor ; 571. 
 
 Dean of Peterborough ; 575. 
 
 Elizabeth ; 485. 
 
 John, of Windle ; 460. 
 
 Mr. ; 500, 503. 
 
 Thomas ; 194. 
 
 Flint ; 428, 500. 
 
 Flintshire ; 301, 322, 428, 511, 546. 
 lieutenancy of ; 545. 
 lieutenant of ; 546. 
 
 Flitcroft, George; 134, 135, 137, 138. 
 Flixton, Flyctoun, co. Lane. ; 12, 195, 229, 
 582. 
 
 Flookburgh, Flookeborough, co. Lane. ; 
 229. 
 
 Floyd, Captain ; 349. 
 
 Flyctoun. See Flixton. 
 
 Fogg, Dr. ; 450. 
 
 Fogge, K., letter from ; 139. 
 
 Foley, Paul ; 399, 400. 
 
 Folkes — ; 571. 
 
 Folkestone, Foulston ; 299. 
 
 Folliot, Captain ; 611. 
 
 Fontenoy, battle of ; 472. 
 
 Forde, Dr. ; 621, 622. 
 
 Forestalling ; 42. 
 
 Formby, co. Lane. ; 13. 
 
 Form by, Richard ; 195. 
 
 Forster, Geoffrey. See 1^'oster. 
 
 Fortescue, Forteskew ; 
 
 Lord (1746) ; 486. 
 
 Sir John ; 605, 606. 
 
 Forth. Alexander ; 41. 
 
 Foster, Geoffrey ; 43. 
 
 Jo. ; 376, 377, 384. 
 
 Mr. (1604) ; 8. 
 
 Mr. (1713); 450. 
 
 Prothonotary ; 407, 408. 
 
 William, letters from ; 26-28. 
 
 Foston, Fosson, co. Derby ; 51. 
 letter dated at ; 52. 
 
 Fotheringhay Castle, co. Northampton ; 
 
 I 621. 
 
 I Foubert, Solomon ; 276. 
 
 I Foulston. See Folkestone. 
 
 ' Fowden, William, of Manchester; 478-'! 86. 
 j Fowey, co. Cornwall ; 430. 
 
 I Fowler, Captain ; 304. 
 
 Sir William, of St. Thomas, co. Staff. ; 
 302. 
 
 Fox, Foxe : 
 
 Charles James ; 515, 517, 527, 544. 
 
 letters from ; 511, 512,542,555. 
 
 John; 15. 
 
 Mrs.; 15. 
 
 Richard; 586. 
 
 Sir Stephen ; 126. 
 
 Foxcroft, Richard ; 229. 
 
 Foxley, Mr. ; 470. 
 
 Richard, of Buxton ; 359. 
 
 France ; 27, 107, 233, 239, 242, 250, 255, 
 292, 294, 295, 298, 303, 308, 310, 
 311, 318, 327, 334, 335, 346, 347, 
 349, 387, 388, 396, 407, 474, 529, 
 530, 535, 606, 618, 626. 
 army of ; 243, 253, 300, 496. 
 fleet (men of war, etc.) of ; 88, 92, 96, 
 107,233,242, 243, 266, 297, 371, 
 372, 387, 395, 396, 398, 400, 402, 
 405, 406. 
 
 Imperial Guard ; 562. 
 
 (Henry HI.), King of; 571. 
 
 Louis XIII, King of; 27, 31. 
 
 (Louis XIV.), King of ; 84, 88, 204, 
 307, 308, 365, 381, 396, 402, 405, 
 419. 
 
 (Louis XV.), King of; 472, 474. 
 ministry of; 496. 
 ploughs in ; 504. 
 
 proclamation of war by England 
 against; 81. 
 
650 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 France — cont. 
 
 Spanish ambassador to. See Men- 
 doza. 
 
 Treaty (English) with ; 79. 
 
 Treaty of Commerce with Great 
 Britain. See under Commerce, 
 war with Holland, likelihood of; 83. 
 Franchlyn, Mr. ; 535. 
 
 Francis, Mr. ; 527. 
 
 Francklin, Lieutenant ; 289. 
 
 Francon’s Oak ; 64. 
 
 Frankland, Dr. ; 91, 92. 
 
 William, his bond to abstain from 
 excess of drink ; 228. 
 
 Franklin, Dr., Ambassador at Paris ; 552. 
 Freckleton, co. Lane. ; 230. 
 
 Frederick the Great. See under Prussia. 
 Freehold book (for co. Lane.) ; 31. 
 French, Mr. ; 13. 
 
 French, the; 79, 100, 701, 107, 108, 170, 
 197, 238, 270, 300, 334, 387, 396, 
 402, 404, 407, 423, 472, 496, 529, 
 .546, 563, 616. 
 colonel, a ; 86. 
 
 Duchess, the ; 113. 
 
 Embassy, in London ; 88. 
 goods taken ; 36. 
 
 King, the. See France, King of. 
 league, the ; 233. 
 merchants in London ; 253. 
 
 Minister Plenipotentiary in London. 
 See Barthelemy. 
 
 oflBcers (with James II.) ; 218, 220. 
 soldiers for the duke of York. See 
 under Soldiers. 
 
 in Ireland, See under Soldiers. 
 
 wines; 81, 254, 255. 
 
 Friend, Sir John; 300, 370, 407, 408. 
 Frogmorton, George. See Throckmorton. 
 Frome, letter dated at ; 546. 
 
 Frytton, Sir Edward ; 616. 
 
 Fuel, a new kind of ; 37. 
 
 Fuller, Mr. ; 175. 
 
 Fulwell, Mr. ; 612. 
 
 Fulwood, CO. Lane. ; 8, 45. 
 
 Fundy, Bay of ; 520. 
 
 Funeral, expenses at a ; 98. 
 
 charges, estimates for ; 456. 
 
 Furness, Furneis, co. Lane.; 45, 142, 143, 
 159, 419. 
 
 bailiff of liberty of ; 29. 
 dissolved monastery of; 277. 
 title to property in, case as to ; 155. 
 Furnival, Thomas ; 482, 486. 
 
 Fyff. .See Fife. 
 
 G ■ 
 
 Gage, — , the confession of ; 618. 
 
 Colonel ; 200, 202. 
 
 his llomish regiment ; 202, 206. 
 
 Galloway, Earl of (1697) ; 419. 
 
 Galmoy, Lord ; 240. 
 
 1 Galway, Lord (1706) ; 437. 
 
 Gambia ; 433. 
 
 Gardener, Captain ; 610. 
 
 Gardner, Mr. ; 7. 
 
 Gardnet, Lawrence ; 182. 
 
 Garforth, Thomas ; 228. 
 
 Garibay, — , the Spanish historian ; 569. 
 Garrard. See Gerard. 
 
 Garstang, co. Lane.; 8, 47, 232, 313, 358, 
 584, 585. 
 
 Garstwood, Garsewood; 313, 362. 
 
 Garter, Chancellor of the ; 276. 
 
 (principal) King-at-Arms. See Dug- 
 dale, Sir William. 
 
 Gartside, Adam ; 181, 195. 
 
 James ; 171. 
 
 Thomas; 181. 
 
 Gascoigne, Gascoiiie, Gascow, Gascone : 
 
 Sir Thomas (1694) ; 294, 369. 
 
 Sir Thomas (1780) ; 509. 
 
 Gaskell, — ; 411. 
 
 Nathaniel ; 373, 374. 
 
 Gathorne, Thomas ; 467. 
 
 Gaunt. See Ghent. 
 
 John of, his charter “ about lead 
 getting ” ; 40. 
 
 Gawdie, Serjeant ; 623. 
 
 Gawen, — ; 1 24. 
 
 Gazette, the; 472, 503. 
 
 Geaton ; 62. 
 
 Gee, Cornet ; 209. 
 
 Kichard ; 586. 
 
 Gellybrand, Gellibrand, Gillibrand, Mr., 
 12,135. 
 
 Thomas, letter from ; 467. 
 
 General, the; 77, 78. 
 
 Geneva ; 463. 
 
 Genings, William ; 62. 
 
 Genoese, the ; 472. 
 
 Genyon, John ; 109. 
 
 George I., King ; 463. 
 
 , address to ; 459, 460. 
 
 George II., King : 
 
 as Prince of Wales ; 464. 
 as King ; 468, 478-480. 
 address to ; 467. 
 
 George III., King; 497, 513, 515, 521, 
 526-528, 536, 537, 545, 552, 554, 
 556-558, 566, 567, 570, 
 letters from ; 542, 555. 
 letter to ; 557. 
 an attempt to stab ; 522. 
 
 I his Queen. See Sophia-Charlotte. 
 
 I George IV., King ; 
 
 as Prince of Wales; 521, 525, 528, 
 i 544, 549, 5.52, 557-559. 
 
 : his apothecary. Sec Walker, Mr. 
 
 as Regent ; 527. 
 as King; 566,567. 
 his Queen. See Caroline. 
 
 George, Prince, of Denmark. See under 
 Denmark. 
 
 Gerard, Gerrard, Girrard, Garrard : 
 
 Lord (1668) ; 81, 82, 95. 
 
 Fitton ; 272,413. 
 
 Henry, letters to ; 49, 50. 
 
 his sister Isabell ; 50. 
 
 Miles, of Ince ; 597. 
 
INDEX. 
 
 651 
 
 Gerard, Gerrard, Girrard, Garrard — cont. 
 Mr. ; 16, 278, 279, 285, 287-289, 400. 
 Mr., of Ince ; 303. 
 
 Sir Samuel ; 2 1 3. 
 
 Thomas ; 14, 109, 194. 
 
 William; 109, 302. 
 
 Sir William; 109, 142, 152, 201, 294, 
 295, 297, 301, 303, 309, 313, 314, 
 329, 330, 333, 358, 359, 362, 365, 
 368, 387. 
 
 letter from ; 359. 
 
 his son ; 294, 295, 297, 303,329, 
 
 368,369. 
 
 German army, the ; 162. 
 
 (Alraaine) astronomers ; 37. 
 Germans, in Ireland ; 239. 
 
 Germany; 327. 
 
 Light Dragoons of ; 560. 
 
 Gey, Stephen, vicar of Whalley ; 230, 250- 
 252. 
 
 letter from ; 253. 
 
 Ghent, Gaunt ; 409. 
 
 Giardagni, Signor ; 502. 
 
 Gibbon, Dr. Nicholas; 277. 
 
 Gibson, Gybsonne, Dr. ; 597-599. 
 
 George, letters from; 491. 
 
 letter to ; 490. 
 
 his clerk. See Escolme, Kobert. 
 
 GiflPard, Gifford: 
 
 Augustin ; 302. 
 
 Colonel ; 277. 
 
 John, letter from ; 561. 
 
 Sir Thomas, of Chillington ; 302, 304. 
 Gildart, James ; 517. 
 
 Richard; 516. 
 
 Giles, — ; 117. 
 
 Gilliam, John ; 182. 
 
 junior ; 182. 
 
 Gillibrand, Mr. See Geliy brand. 
 
 Gilpin, Gilbert ; 536. 
 
 Mr.; 7. 
 
 Ginkell, Ginckell, General, (afterwards 
 Earl of Athlone, q.v.'), letter from ; 
 252. 
 
 his cornet; 259. 
 
 Gipps, Thomas, letter from ; 252. 
 
 clerk ; 195. 
 
 Girlington, — , of Girlington ; 293, 302, 
 '329, 369. 
 
 John ; 7. 
 
 Mr.; 188. 
 
 Girrard, Henry. See Gerard. 
 
 Gisborne, Tom ; 458. 
 
 Givet ; 407. 
 
 Glass works ; 52. 
 
 Glazbrook, William ; 443. 
 
 Glazebrook, co. Lane. ; 109, 168. 
 Gloucester, Duke of (1788) ; 525, 528. 
 
 his son. Prince William ; 525. 
 
 Duchess of (1788-1795) ; 524, 525, 
 544. 
 
 Gloucestershire ; 222, 535. 
 
 Glover, Edward, letter from ; 619. 
 
 Mr. ; 529, 530. 
 
 Glyune, Sir John ; 495, 496. 
 
 Goare, James, of L}^diate ; 137. 
 
 Goddard, — ; 328. 
 
 John, four daughters of; 572. 
 
 Godden, Goodon, Father; 234. 
 
 V. Hales, judgment in the case of ; 
 184. 
 
 Godfrey, Colonel ; 207. 
 
 Sir Edmondsbury ; 106-108, 127, 129. 
 Godolphm, Lord (1688) ; 209. 
 
 Sir William ; 340. 
 
 Golborne, Nicholas ; 228. 
 
 Golden, Mr. ; 127. 
 
 Golding, Ann; 277. 
 
 Goldsbrough, Anny ; 277. 
 
 Goldsmith’s Almanacks ; 90, 93. 
 Gondomar, Conde of ; 32. 
 
 Gooden, — ; 234. 
 
 Goodgear, John ; 467. 
 
 Samuel ; 467. 
 
 Goodlad, James ; 233. 
 
 Goodman, Captain ; 296, 297, 300, 369. 
 
 Mr., of Chester ; 616. 
 
 Goodon, Father. See Godden. 
 
 Goodshaw, co. Lane. ; 10, 
 
 Goosnargh, co. Lane. ; 9, 52, 221, 229, 306, 
 315. 
 
 letter dated at ; 59. * 
 
 “ the Ashes ” in ; 150. 
 
 Gordon, [Duke of] (1689) ; 233. 
 
 Lord George ; 509, 510. 
 
 letters from ; 511, 513. 
 
 Lord William ; 501. 
 
 Gore, Henry ; 467. 
 
 Goreing, Col. Sir William ; 297, 299, 300, 
 369. 
 
 Gorse, the estate of ; 447. 
 
 Gorst, Bob ; 495. 
 
 Gorsuch, James; 195. 
 
 Gorton, CO. Lane. ; 11, 229. 
 
 Chapel, CO. Lane. ; 85. 
 
 petition for letters patent to 
 
 receive charity to rebuild ; 493. 
 Gosnall, Mr., a preacher ; 11,16. 
 
 Gosnell, Mr. ; 81. 
 
 Gothard, Jeremiah ; 467. 
 
 Thomas ; 467. 
 
 Gould, Serjeant ; 337. 
 
 Sir Thomas ; 168. 
 
 Goulden, Edward ; 110. 
 
 Thomas ; 110. 
 
 Goulton, John ; 374. 
 
 Gourden, Peter ; 293, 369, 377. 
 
 Gourdon, James ; 263. 
 
 Gower, Gowre : 
 
 Lord (1706-1708) ; 437. 
 
 letter from ; 442. 
 
 Captain ; 302. 
 
 Dr.; 196,446. 
 
 Grafton, [Henry, 1st], Duke of; 207. 
 [Charles, 2nd.] Duke of; 276. 
 Duchess Dowager of (1694) ; 276. 
 Graham, Grayhem, Greham, Mr. ; 126, 
 132, 152, 155, 168, 169, 218,264. 
 Mr. ; 508. 
 
 Richard ; 159. 
 
 R., letters from; 127, 129, 131. 
 General Sir Thomas ; 562. 
 
 Granjam (India) ; 521. 
 
 Grant, Mr. ; 534. 
 
 Grantham ; 544. 
 
 Grantley, Lord (1787) ; 523. 
 
652 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Granville, Colonel John ; 399, 400, 405. 
 Graunt, Christopher ; 586. 
 
 Gravelines ; 407, 571. 
 
 Gravesend; 79. 
 
 Gray, Grey : 
 
 Lord (1586-1.599) ; 610, 621, 622. 
 Forde Gray, Lord, of Wark ; 143, 
 154, 160, 162, 166. 
 
 Lord, of Ruthin (1688) ; 209. 
 
 Lord (1795) ; 544. 
 
 Lady (1800) ; 554. 
 
 — , a highwayman ; 318. 
 
 James ; 276. 
 
 Mr. ; 465. 
 
 Gray don ; 266. 
 
 Great Seal, the ; 155, 537. 
 
 , Commissioners of the ; 219, 445, 
 
 536. 
 
 Great Singleton. See Singleton, Great. 
 Greave, Edmund, the wife of ; 572. 
 Greaves, Edward ; 182. 
 
 Gabriel, of Ormskirk ; 137. 
 m Humphrey, of Scarishrick ; 137. 
 Grecian astronomers ; 37. 
 
 Gredington ; 494, 508, 524, 538, 564, 570. 
 
 letter dated at ; 497. 
 
 Green, Greene : 
 
 Anne ; 43. 
 
 Dr. ; 225. 
 
 John; 245, 246, 270,271, 415, 425. 
 Jonathan ; 183. 
 
 Thomas, letter from ; 247. 
 
 William ; 443. 
 
 Greenacres, co. Lane. ; 232. 
 
 Greenacres, Mr. ; 9. 
 
 Greencloth, the ; 129. 
 
 Greenfield, — ; 237. 
 
 Sir Charles, letter from ; 412. 
 Christopher; 122, 239. 
 
 letters from ; 238, 269,270. 
 
 Sir Christopher ; 282, 356. 
 
 Mr. ; 139, 216, 241. 
 
 Thomas ; 52, 239. 
 
 letter from ; 91. 
 
 Greengore, letter dated at ; 221. 
 Greenhalgh, Greenalgh, Grenehalgh : 
 Captain ; 80, 90, 203. 
 
 John, letter from ; 44. 
 
 Richard ; 90. 
 
 Thomas; 195 
 
 letter from ; 214. 
 
 William ; 486. 
 
 Green Wax, the ; 99. 
 
 Greenwich; 217, 422. 
 
 the chapel at; 579. 
 
 Greenwood, Augustine ; 232. 
 
 Mr., of Lancaster ; 249. 
 
 Greg, Joseph ; 196. 
 
 Gregory, Gregorie, .John ; 586. 
 
 I’eter ; 230. 
 
 Gregsou, Thomas, letters from ; 70, 71. 
 
 William, curate of Lancaster ; 229. 
 Greham, Mr. See Graham. 
 
 Grenard, Lord (1688) ; 211. 
 
 Grenier, W., letter from ; 110. 
 
 Grenoepp, Mr. ; 8. 
 
 Grenville, Lord (1792-4), letters from ; 
 536, 537, 540. 
 
 Mr. ; 530. 
 family of ; 557. 
 
 Gresly, — ; 30. 
 
 Gressiugham, co. Lane. ; 8, 229. 
 
 Grevins, — ; 429. 
 
 Grevyll, Sir Fulke, Chancellor of the Ex- 
 chequer, letters from; 17, 24. 
 
 Grey. See Gray. 
 
 Griffin, [Edward, 1st] Lord ; 294, 297, 299 
 300, 369. 
 
 his son Colonel ; 299, 370. 
 
 Griffith, Captain ; 295, 296, 298, 299, 347, 
 369. 
 
 Lieut.-Col. ; 297, 369. 
 
 Grimshaw, Grymshawe : 
 
 George ; 183. 
 
 Nicholas ; 18. 
 
 R. ; 251. 
 
 Grinstead, East, co. Sussex ; 407. 
 
 Gripton, — ; 461 . 
 
 Gronvelt ; 472. 
 
 Groom of the Stole ; 216, 217. 
 
 Grope, Justice ; 533. 
 
 letter from ; 538. 
 
 Grose, Lady ; 525. 
 
 Grosvenor, [Sir Richard Grosvenor, 1st] 
 Lord ; 502, 544. 
 
 Benjamin, letter from ; 464. 
 
 Sir Thomas ; 237, 278. 
 
 Gruddell, Alderman ; 450. 
 
 Grundy, Dr. ; 195. 
 
 Evan ; 92. 
 
 Grymshawe, Nicholas. See Grimshaw. 
 Gudlawe, Thomas ; 4, 5. 
 
 Guernsey, Isle of ; 74. 
 
 privateers of ; 406. 
 
 Guise, Duke of (1588) ; 571. 
 
 Sir J. ; 328, 339. 
 
 Gunning, Dr. ; 83. 
 
 Gunter, Catherine ; 277. 
 
 Gurnell, John ; 231. 
 
 Guy, Captain ; 311. 
 
 Henry; 277. 
 
 Gwynn, Francis ; 399. 
 
 Gybsonne, Dr. See Gibson. 
 
 H 
 
 Ilacket, Hackett, William, of Northamp- 
 tonshire, memorandum of the arraign- 
 ment of, for high treason ; 607-609. 
 Hadden, Peter, curate of Wigan; 230. 
 Haddick, General ; 496. 
 
 Hadfield, Charles ; 467. 
 
 Hagley, letter dated at; 433. 
 
 Hague, the ; 428, 440. • 
 
 letter dated at ; 251. 
 
 letters, the ; 439. 
 
 Haidock ; 52. 
 
 Haigh, CO. Lane. ; 157, 421. 
 
 letters dated at ; 90, 93, 134-136, 159, 
 161, 169, 172, 178, 236, 421, 467. 
 
INDEX. 
 
 653 
 
 Haldane, Professor ; 569. 
 
 Hales, Sir Edward ; 184. 
 
 Mr.; 69. 
 
 Halewood, Haslewood, co. Lane. ; 12. 
 Halifax, co. York ; 573, 595. 
 
 Nova Scotia, letters dated at; 519,522. 
 Halifax, [George Savile] , Marquis of ; 
 108, 149, 209, 211, 329, 388, 405. 
 Marchioness of ; 418. 
 
 Hall, Bishop ; 94. 
 
 — ; 328. . 
 
 Christopher, letter from ; 53. 
 Elizabeth; 277. 
 
 Father ; 211. 
 
 James ; 467. 
 
 Mr. ; 88. 
 
 Mr., “who used to go the Chester 
 Circuit”; 537. 
 
 Mr., apothecary of Manchester ; 305. 
 Ralph; 410. 
 
 Thomas, vicar of Eccles ; 229. 
 William ; 572. 
 
 Halliwell, Mr. ; 59. 
 
 Hallo we, Matthew ; 232. 
 
 Hallows, Noah ; 467, 
 
 Hally well, Richard, letters from ; 48, 51. 
 Halsall, CO. Lane. ; 13, 194, 229, 234. 
 Halsall, Halsalle, Cuthbert; 583, 
 
 Sir Cuthbert ; 13. 
 
 Halton, CO. Lane. ; 7, 229. 
 
 Halton, Hatton, George ; 137, 138. 
 Hamburg, Hamhro, Hamborow ; 372, 378. 
 Hamer, Anthony; 620, 621. 
 
 Samuel; 195. 
 
 Hamilton, Duke of (1689) ; 218. 
 
 (d. 1712) ; 448, 449. 
 
 Lord Archibald ; 516. 
 
 Brigadier ; 240. 
 
 Elizabeth; 276. 
 
 James ; 276. 
 
 William; 276. 
 
 Hammond, Mr., letter from ; 211. 
 Hampden, Mr. ; 264. 
 
 Hampshire ; 83. 
 
 Justices of ; 531. 
 
 Hampson, Richard; 183. 
 
 Hampstead, letter dated at ; 554. 
 Hampton, the poor of; 277. 
 
 Hand, Mr. ; 277. 
 
 Hankes, Christopher ; 603. 
 
 Hankinson, Mr. ; 12. 
 
 Hanmer, co. Flint; 62, 63, 180, 494. 
 constables of, order to ; 425. 
 vicar of. See Hilton, Richard. 
 Hanmer, H., letter from ; 562. 
 
 his father, letter to ; 562. 
 
 Lady, letter from ; 557 
 
 letters to ; 524, 558. 
 
 M., letter from ; 511. 
 
 Mr.; 493. 
 
 Roger, expenses at his funeral ; 98. 
 Samuel, letter from ; 154. 
 
 Sir Thomas ; 453, 454. 
 
 letter from ; 428. 
 
 Hanover ; 566. 
 
 House of ; 453. 
 
 Prince of ; 124, 186. 
 treaty of ; 468. 
 
 Hanoverians, the, loss of (at Fontenoy) ; 
 472. 
 
 Hapton, co. Lane. ; 39. 
 
 Harborough; 209. 
 
 Harcourt, Harcurt : 
 
 Mr. ; 385, 386, 405. 
 
 Thomas; 229. 
 
 Harden ; 62. 
 
 letter dated at ; 89. 
 
 Hardinge, G., letter from ; 523. 
 
 Hardman, John ; 137, 138. 
 
 Hardmans, James, of Brodefield ; 232. 
 Hardshaw- within -Windle (Hardshey-cum- 
 Windle) ; 246, 262. 
 
 Hardwick, letters dated at ; 553. 
 i Hardwick, Philip, Lord, Lord Chancellor; 
 i 470. 
 
 j William ; 483. 
 
 I Hardy, Hardy e : 
 
 — ; 544. 
 
 i Henry ; 582. 
 
 Richard ; 229. 
 
 Hargreaves, Hugh, letters from ; 55, 57. 
 
 I James ; 229. 
 
 ^ Harley, Robert; 399, 400, 497. 
 
 : Harlowe, Nicholas ; 261. 
 i Harpur, Isaac, clerk ; 196. 
 j Harrington, Lord (1745) ; 482,486. 
 
 his steward. See Furnival, 
 
 j Thomas, 
 
 i Lady (1783) ; 514. 
 
 John; 194. 
 
 j of Haytonhay ; 294, 369. 
 
 Mr. ; 240. 
 
 ’ Harris, Henry ; 464. 
 i Mr. ; 501. 
 
 j Harrison, Captain ; 502. 
 
 James; 231. 
 
 I John ; 483. 
 
 j letter from ; 439. 
 
 Richard ; 230. 
 
 ' Thomas; 195. 
 
 of Lytherland ; 137. 
 
 j Hartley, — ; 146, 176. 
 
 Jo., letters from ; 85, 90. 
 
 John; 195, 291. 
 
 letters from ; 284, 290, 355, 376. 
 
 a coiner; 305-307, 354-356, 358, 
 
 360, 361, 373, 374, 376, 404, 405, 
 I 407. 
 
 ! letter from ; 395. 
 
 j Thomas; 410. 
 
 ’ Hartshaw, co. Lane. ; 231. 
 
 Harvey, James, Mayor of Wigan; 422, 
 
 ; 424. 
 
 ! letter from ; 425. 
 
 ' John, letter from ; 424. 
 
 I Major-General ; 439. 
 
 Mr. ; 397. 
 
 I Harwich ; 77, 78, 560. 
 
 ' letter dated at ; 253. 
 
 Harwood, co. Lane. ; 9, 229. 
 
 I Great, co. Lane. ; 50. 
 
 Little, CO. Lane. ; 230. 
 
 Harwood, Herwood, Robin ; 143. 
 i Thomas, of Manchester ; 60. 
 
 I William; 231. 
 
 I Hasleden, John ; 232. 
 
654 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Haslewood. See Halewood. 
 
 Hasliiigden, co. Lane. ; 10, 229, 231. 
 letter dated at ; 412. 
 copyhold tenants of ; 24. 
 
 Hassop, co. Derby ; 310. 
 
 Hastings ; 242, 243, 568. 
 
 Hastings, Captain Walter; 310, 379. 
 Warren ; 525, 528. 
 
 letter from ; 541. 
 
 Hatsell, Mr. ; 556. 
 
 Hats nil, Mr. ; 13. 
 
 Hatten, George, curate of Hollinfare ; 
 229. 
 
 Kichard ; 229. 
 
 Hatton, Sir Christopher ; 612. 
 
 George. See Halton. 
 
 Mr.; 95. 
 parson; 168. 
 
 Kichard, letter from ; 190. 
 
 Serjeant; 157. 
 
 Haughton, Kalph ; 582. 
 
 Hause, Mr. ; 264. 
 
 Hautecourt, Mr. ; 430. 
 
 Haward, Samuel ; 410. 
 
 Hawke, Admiral ; 496. 
 
 Hawks ; 48, 51. 
 
 Hawkshead, co. Lane. ; 7, 229, 2.31. 
 Hawles, Mr. ; 337. 
 
 Hawley, General ; 460. 
 
 Major; 363. 
 
 Haworth, Abram ; 231. 
 
 Captain ; 143. 
 
 John, letter from ; 5. 
 
 Mr.; 518. 
 
 Peter; 29. 
 
 Kichard, letter from ; 68. 
 
 Thomas ; 467. 
 
 Ilay, Mr. and Mrs. ; 525. 
 
 Haydock, Haydocke, Hadock, Heddock : 
 William ; 593. 
 
 William, the parson of Standish ; 230, 
 379. 
 
 letter from ; 356. 
 
 Haydon, Sir Christopher ; 578. 
 
 Haye, Lord (1618) ; 24. 
 
 Hayes, Alderman ; 125. 
 
 — ; 524. 
 
 Daniel, merchant of Dublin ; 252, 
 258. 
 
 Captain Henry ; 422. 
 
 Hayhurst, John ; 81. 
 
 William; 251. 
 
 letters from ; 125, 126, 134, 139, 
 
 152, 1.54, 156, 157, 161, 172, 238, 
 249, 355, 375. 
 
 appointed receiver-general of 
 
 Lancashire, Westmoreland, and 
 Cumberland ; 355. 
 
 Haywood, Governor. See Hey wood. 
 Hcalde, William ; 29. 
 
 Healey, co. Lane. ; 9. 
 
 Heap, Mrs. ; 321. 
 
 Heapy, co. Lane. ; 11. 
 
 Hearth Money ; 76, 146. 
 
 Heath, Mr. See Huthersall. 
 
 Heaton, co. Lane. ; 109. 
 letter dated at ; 596. 
 
 Chapel, CO. Lane.; 68, 69. 
 
 Heaton, Mr. ; 619. 
 
 Kalph ; 41. 
 
 Kobert; 109. 
 
 Heaton Norris, co. Lane. ; 231. 
 
 Heaward, — ; 319. 
 
 I Heber, Mr. ; 497. 
 
 Keginald, letter from ; 499. 
 
 Kichard, letter from ; 500. 
 j Hebson, William ; 239. 
 
 Heddock, William. See Haydock. 
 
 ; Heisham. See Heysham. - 
 Helford Sluice ; 253. 
 j Henham, Jack ; 433. 
 i Henrietta Maria, Queen of Charles I. ; 31, 
 59. 
 
 Henry, Prince ; 496. 
 
 Henshaw, Edward ; 223. 
 
 Henthorne; 39. 
 
 Heptonscale (? Heptonshall) ; 46. 
 Hepworth, Elizabeth ; 483. 
 Herald-at-Arms, the ; 98. 
 
 Herald’s Ofl&ce, the ; 176. 
 
 Herbert, Lord Chief Justice ; 184, 211. 
 
 Lord, of Cherbury ; 433. 
 
 Hereford, Bishop of ; 279. 
 
 Herle, Edward ; 412. 
 
 Mr.; 247. 
 
 Herreck , T homas ; 181. 
 
 I Herreclitus ; 129. 
 
 I Hertfordshire ; 608. 
 
 1 Herwod, Kobin. See Harwood, 
 j Hesketh, Heskithe : 
 
 I Alexander ; 195. 
 
 Barnaby ; 195. 
 
 Cuthbert, letter from ; 372. 
 
 Gabriel; 13. 
 
 Mr. ; 27. 
 
 Robert ; 5. 
 
 Thomas, Attorney-General for Lan- 
 cashire ; 583, 585. 
 
 William ; 593. 
 
 Hesketh Bank ; 450. 
 
 Hessians, the, loss of (at Fontenoy) ; 472. 
 Hetlehy, Captain, the grandchildren of ; 
 277. 
 
 Howard, Richard. See Howard. 
 
 Hewett, — ; 509. 
 
 Sir George; 116. 
 
 He wood, John; 410. 
 
 Hext, Amias ; 276. 
 
 Juliana; 276. 
 
 Hey, Ellice ; 181. 
 
 Thomas, of Ashton ; 8b. 
 
 Heyrick, John, M.A. ; 102. 
 
 Heys, Heyes : 
 
 James; 467. 
 
 John, letters from ; 377, 378. 
 
 John, of Ormskirk ; 137. 
 
 Heysham, co. Lane. ; 8, 229, 493. 
 Heysham, Giles, letter from ; 57. 
 Heywood, co. Lane. ; 12. 
 
 Hey wood, Haywood : 
 
 Charles; 467. 
 
 Governor of the Isle of Man ; 259. 
 j James ; 467. 
 
 j John; 183, 196. 
 
 I Mr. ; 87, 99, 131, 148, 186. 
 
 I Nathaniel ; 231. 
 
, INDEX. 
 
 655 
 
 Hey wood, Haywood — cont. j 
 
 Peter, letter from ; 54. j 
 
 a pupil at Manchester ; 467. j 
 
 Robert, letters from; 117, 129, 142, 
 153,215. i 
 
 letter to ; 147. j 
 
 William; 467. : 
 
 Hey worth, Joseph, of Hanmer ; 180. 
 
 his wife Mary ; 180. j 
 
 Hibbard, Thomas ; 467. 
 
 Hickeringill, Mr. ; 129. [ 
 
 Hickman, Dr. ; 211. | 
 
 Hicks, Dr., Dean of Worcester ; 225. j 
 
 Hicks, Hixe, Hall ; 129, 407. | 
 
 Hidde, Ned; 610. ! 
 
 Hide. See Hyde. I 
 
 Hieres, Isle of ; 405. 
 
 Higginson, William ; 230. 
 
 Governor of the House of Cor- 
 rection at Preston ; 245, 247. 
 Higham, Thomas ; 192 
 Higham Ferrars, co. Northampton ; 407, 
 408. 
 
 High Commission, the ; 61. 
 
 Highgate, co. Middx. ; 317, 524. 
 
 Highlake. See Hoylake. 
 
 High Steward, the Lord ; 104, 105. j 
 
 Highways,order touching, (in Lancashire ) ; j 
 193-196. 
 
 Hill, Daniel, M.A. ; 103. 
 
 George, letter from ; 550. 
 
 John ; 418. 
 
 John, preacher at Prestwich, letter 
 from ; 597. 
 
 General Sir Rowland ; 562. 
 
 Thomas, of Broughton in Craven ; 584. 
 Hilton, — ; 281. 
 
 — , of Willingrave; 374. 
 
 Captain. See Hulton. 
 
 Charles, letters from ; 190, 266. 
 
 George, letter from ; 134. 
 
 James ; 196. 
 
 letter from ; 444. 
 
 ■ of Manchester, butcher ; 427. 
 
 John of Preston ; 51. 
 
 Madame; 153. 
 
 Mr. ; 103, 141. 
 
 (? Hulton), Mrs. ; 61. 
 
 Nathaniel; 281. 
 
 Rev. Richard, letter to; 428. 
 
 William; 150, 194, 195. 
 
 letters from ; 146, 158. 
 
 Hinde, John ; 229. 
 
 Hindley, co. Lane. ; 109, 415. 
 
 Chapel ; 245, 246, 270, 271, 401. 
 Common; 214. 
 
 Hindley, Henry ; 62. 
 
 Hugh ; 47. 
 
 John ; 91. 
 
 Mr. ; 440. 
 
 Hindon ; 517. 
 
 Hitchin, co. Hertford ; 233. 
 
 Hixe Hall. See Hicks Hal!. 
 
 Hohart, Dr. ; 443. 
 
 Hobson, Charles ; 467. 
 
 John; 467. j 
 
 Joseph; 4672 I 
 
 Hodgkinson, Mr. ; 177. 
 
 Richard of Aughton ; 137. 
 
 Thomas, letters from ; 125,128, 131, 
 142, 145, 157, 158, 161, 226, 236, 
 240, 250, 306, 381, 
 
 letter to; 157. 
 
 Hodgson, Thomas ; 232. 
 
 Hodyson, John ; 115. 
 
 Hoesfelt ; 472. 
 
 Hoghton. See Houghton. 
 
 Holbrooke, Alexander ; 467. 
 
 Holcar, letter dated at ; 170. 
 
 Holcombe, Oulcome, co. Lane.; 12, 87, 
 169. 
 
 Holcroft lordship ; 168, 
 
 Holcroft, Holcrofte : 
 
 John ; 168. 
 
 Geoffrey ; 182. 
 
 Thomas ; 583. 
 
 Holden, James ; 467. 
 
 Mr. ; 224. 
 
 Thomas, the wife of ; 582. 
 
 Justice of the Peace; 167. 
 
 letter from ; 1 57. 
 
 Holder, William ; 232. 
 
 Holding, Mr. ; 465. 
 
 Holford, John, of Kinder ton ; 244. 
 
 Tho., of Newbrook ; 244. 
 
 Holington, Peter ; 194. 
 
 Holker, Holkar, John ; 39, 231. 
 
 Holland ; 
 
 and the Hollanders (Dutch) ; 73, 77- 
 79, 81, 86, 92, 99, 101, 126, 156, 
 166, 196, 197, 203, 204, 218, 254, 
 398, 401, 462, 472, 495. 
 
 Admii’al of; 78. 
 
 Dutch Gazette, the ; 162. 
 
 East India Fleet ; 88. 
 fleet of ; 78, 79, 88, 196, 203, 221, 222, 
 242, 243, 402. 
 letters from ; 122. 
 ministers of ; 242. 
 peace with England and Spain ; 99. 
 Stadtholder of. See Orange, Prince of. 
 States General of ; 126. 
 
 Vice-Admiral of ; 243. 
 
 war with France, likelihood of ; 83. 
 
 the Dutch wars ; 107. 
 
 Holland, co. Lane. ; 13, 45, 229. 
 
 Holland, Abraham ; 181. 
 
 Ann, letter from ; 274. 
 
 Edward ; 183. 
 
 Edward, of Heaton ; 69. 
 
 his wife Anne ; 69. 
 
 his son Richard ; 69. 
 
 — — his uncle Richard ; 69. 
 
 Mrs. Ellen ; 582. 
 
 James; 194. 
 
 Mr.; 11. 
 
 Mr., of Denton ; 14. 
 
 Ralph; 596-597. 
 
 Sir Richard (d. 1548); 69. 
 
 Richard of Denton ; 583, 605, 606. 
 
 letters from ; 581, 583, 596, 603, 
 
 604. 
 
 letter to ; 604. 
 
 Holies, Matthew; 411. 
 
656 
 
 INDEX, 
 
 Holliday, — , his Life of Lord Mansfield ; 
 562 . 
 
 Capt. William ; 422. 
 
 Hollies, Fretwell ; 77. 
 
 Holliufare, Hollingfery, co. Lane. ; 12, 229. 
 Holliiigworth, John ; 182. 
 
 Holliu’s Green, co. Lane. ; 168. 
 Hollinshed, Hollingshead: 
 
 Edward ; 88. 
 
 Francis, letters from ; 88, 95. 
 
 Kobert ; 424. 
 
 Hollinsworth, Sir John ; 8. 
 
 Hollis, Captain ; 77. 
 
 Holloway, Justice ; 191. 
 
 Holman, Colonel ; 297, 299, 369. 
 
 Mr.; 204. 
 
 Holme, co. Lane. ; 10. 
 
 Holme, Hugh ; 369. 
 
 Robert ; 586. 
 
 William; 410. 
 
 Holmes, Captain ; 422. 
 
 Sir Robert ; 78. 
 
 Holt, Holte: 
 
 Lord Chief Justice ; 324. 
 
 — ; 281. 
 
 Charles; 620. 
 
 Commissioner ; 80. 
 
 Francis, of Gristelhurste ; 574. 
 
 James ; 195, 235, 236, 289. 
 
 John, cutler; 169. 
 
 Mr.; 226. 
 
 Peter ; 195. 
 
 Richard; 195. 
 
 Robert; 620, 621. 
 
 Robert, of Ash^vorth ; 574. 
 
 Robert, of Wigan ; 459. 
 
 William; 210. 
 
 Holts, Richard, letter from ; 141. 
 Holyhead; 419. 
 
 Holywell, co. Flint; 212, 470, 546. 
 letter dated at ; 469. 
 
 “ the Star Inn ” in ; 303. 
 
 Volunteers, the ; 546, 548. 
 
 Home, Lord (1617) ; 19. 
 
 Home Circuit, the ; 554. 
 
 Hone, William ; 161, 162, 166. 
 
 Honiton ; 207. 
 
 Hoole, CO. Lane. ; 229. 
 
 Hoole, Matthew, of Martin ; 232. 
 
 Hooper, Captain ; 213, 
 
 Joseph; 373, 410. 
 
 Mr. ; 531. 
 
 Hopkins, — , a messenger; 383, 384. 
 Edmund, letter from ; 572. 
 
 William; 313. 
 
 Ilopton, Sir Owen; 613. 
 llopwood; 15, 574, 583, 595. 
 
 Hopwood, Hopwoode: 
 
 Edmund, of Hopwood ; 574, 583, 585, 
 .595, 598, 602, 605, 606, 620. 
 
 letters from; 14, 15, 596, 600, 
 
 602. 
 
 letters to ; 15,16, 581, 599,601- 
 
 603. 
 
 John; 181. 
 
 John, the younger ; 196. 
 
 Margaret; 572. 
 
 Mr., a preacher ; 12. 
 
 Hornby, co. Lane. ; 8. 
 
 Hornby, Edmund, letter from; 357. 
 Horne, Dr. See Norwich, Bishop of. 
 Mr.; 227. 
 
 Horrocks, Alexander ; 458,459. 
 
 William, letter from ; 54. 
 
 Horse racing ; 27, 126, 129, 180. 
 
 Horses : 
 
 Black How ; 148. 
 
 Post Boy ; 113, 131, 150. 
 
 Dragon; 131, 150. 
 
 Have-at all; 148. 
 
 the Judge, grey-pad; 151. 
 
 Sweet Lips; 148. 
 
 Horsley, Samuel. See St. David’s, Bishop 
 of. 
 
 Horton, — ; 283. 
 
 Joshua; 196. 
 
 Horwich, co. Lane. ; 231, 232. 
 
 Hotham; 501. 
 
 Hotham, Baron ; 515. 
 
 Mr.; 499. 
 
 Houghe, — ; 112. 
 
 Houghend, letter dated at ; 167. 
 Houghton, letter dated at ; 46. 
 
 Common; 174. 
 
 Houghton, Hoghton ; 
 
 Sir Gilbert, letter from ; 46. 
 
 Sir Harry ; 448, 453. 
 
 Sir Henry; 490,491, 501. 
 
 letter from ; 473. 
 
 letters to ; 473, 475. 
 
 Humphrey ; 586. 
 
 John; 586. 
 
 Mr.; 601. 
 
 Mrs.; 601. 
 
 Richard; 583. 
 
 Sir Richard (1604) ; 9. 
 
 Sir Richard (1697) ; 412. 
 
 Richard, Mayor of Liverpool ; 263, 
 281. 
 
 Richard, of Atherton ; 359. 
 
 Richard, of Ormskirk ; 451. 
 Hounslow Heath ; 239. 
 
 How, Sir Scroope ; 209, 328, 339, 
 
 Howard, Howard : 
 
 Lord William; 37. 
 
 Lord (1674); 99. 
 
 Lord (1681); 128. 
 
 Lord George; 292, 311, 335, 369. 
 Lord Thomas ; 292, 293, 335, 369. 
 Col. Bernard; 297, 299, 369. 
 
 Captain ; 345. 
 
 Philip ; 276. 
 
 Richard, a king’s messenger ; 362. 
 
 Sir Robert ; 2 1 8. 
 
 Howarth, Robert, letter from ; 560. 
 
 his father, letter to ; 560. 
 
 Howe, Brigadier ; 440. 
 
 John; 437. 
 
 Howison, — ; 531. 
 
 Howorth, Henry ; 195. 
 
 Jane, letter from ; 355. 
 
 her daughter Oldfield ; 355. 
 
 Richard; 194. 
 
 Howton, CO. Warw. ; 134. 
 
 Hoylake, Highlake; 239, 242,243, 419. 
 Hoyle, Joseph ; 359. 
 
INDEX, 
 
 657 
 
 Huddleston, Hudleston, Hnddlestone : 
 
 Sir Edmund ; 11. 
 
 Joseph; 7. 
 
 Lieutenant ; 358. 
 
 Mr. ; 419, 
 
 T.; 416. 
 
 Hudson, John, of Elmswicke ; 47, 48. 
 Thomas; 467. 
 
 Hughes, Thomas, letter from ; 520. 
 
 Hull ; 78, 248, 299, 315, 316. 
 
 Governor of. See Mulgrave, Lord. 
 Trinity House of ; 430. 
 
 Hulrae, letters dated at ; 57, 152, 290, 462. 
 Hulme, — ; 306. 
 
 Captain ; 213. 
 of Davyhulme : 
 
 H., letter from ; 170. 
 
 Mr. (of Deaf Hulm) ; 385. 
 William; 195. 
 
 letter to ; 178. 
 
 George, of Longnor ; 359, 
 
 J,, letter from ; 88. 
 
 John ; 467. 
 
 Laurence, of Maghull ; 137. 
 
 Mr., of Urmston ; 217. 
 
 William ; 182, 195. 
 
 letters from ; 152, 208, 290. 
 
 William, of Kearsley ; 195. 
 
 Sir William, letter to ; 208. 
 
 Hulton ; 150. 
 
 Hulton Park, letters dated at ; 499, 504. 
 Hulton, Little ; 52. 
 
 Hulton, Hilton : 
 
 — ; 67. 
 
 Captain ; 61. 
 
 his company ; 63. 
 
 Edward, letter from ; 465. 
 
 George ; 467. 
 
 John, letters from ; 63, 239, 248. 
 
 Mr. (1671) ; 89. 
 
 Mr., (1773) ; 504. 
 
 Mrs. ; 504. 
 
 W., letters from; 90, 105. 
 
 William, letter from ; 499. 
 
 Hultons, the three, co. Lane, ; 62. 
 
 constables of, letter to; 67. 
 
 Huncoat, Huntcoates, [co. Lane.] ; 45. 
 Hundersfield, co. Lane. ; 232. 
 
 Hiingary ; 162. 
 
 Hunsden, Lord (1690) ; 239. 
 
 Hunt, James, of Ince, his wife Ann ; 105. 
 Mr., a preacher ; 12, 
 
 Thomas, preacher at Oldham ; 600. 
 
 letter from ; 597. 
 
 Hunter, Mr. ; 134. 
 
 Hunte, Mr,, a preacher; 11, 16. 
 Huntingdon, Lord (1694) ; 300, 370. 
 Huntingtower, Lord (1756) ; 494. 
 
 Hurst, — ; 485, 
 
 Simon, of Deanchurch ; 359. 
 Hushings, — ; 266. 
 
 Hutchinson, Itichard ; 174. 
 
 Huthersall, alias Heath, Mr., a priest ; 18. 
 Hutton, CO. Lane. ; 193. 
 
 Hutton, Richard, letter from ; 289. 
 
 W,, letter from ; 67. 
 
 Huyton, Hyton, co. Lane. ; 12, 194, 229. 
 
 Hyde, Lord Chancellor, See Clarendon, 
 Earl of, 
 
 E., letter from ; 69. 
 
 Isaac; 183. 
 
 John, minister at Salford ; 230, 
 Joshua, curate of Chorlton ; 229. 
 Thomas ; 276, 586. 
 
 “ Hynd,” the ; 125. 
 
 Hyton. See Huyton. 
 
 I 
 
 Illingworth, Mr, ; 559. 
 
 Robert ; 181. 
 
 Impeachments, the Committee of ; 124. 
 Incantations ; 102. 
 
 Ince, CO. Lane. ; 313. 
 
 Blundell, co. Lane. ; 110. 
 
 letter dated at ; 53. 
 
 in Makerfield, co. Lane. ; 109. 
 
 Ince, Thomas ; 194. 
 
 India ; 514, 522. 
 
 English marriages in ; 521. 
 Judicature, the ; 518. 
 
 See also East India. 
 
 Indian plunderers, the ; 504. 
 
 Indians, the (American) ; 56. 
 
 Indulgence, declaration of; 190, 191. 
 Ingham, Richard; 195, 230. 
 
 Thomas, of Burnley, clerk ; 230. 
 Ingleby, Lady Ann ; 37. 
 
 Ingram, Sir Thomas, Chancellor of the 
 Duchy of Lancaster ; 72. 
 
 Ingrossers ; 42. 
 
 Inman, Thomas ; 230. 
 
 Inverness; 478. 
 
 Ipswich ; 248. 
 
 Ireby, co. Lane.; 109. 
 
 Ireby, Lord Chief Justice ; 374. 
 
 Ireland : 
 
 15, 35, 43, 62, 107, 128, 199, 211, 
 218, 220, 224, 233, 234, 236, 238, 
 239, 242, 244, 253, 264, 294, 300, 
 301, 308, 311, 312, 315, 317, 327, 
 333, 335, 346, 348-350, 354, 373, 
 376, 385, 419, 430, 445, 471,497, 
 540, 542, 549, 556, 566, 582, 584, 
 603. 
 
 importation of brandy into, statute 
 forbidding ; 254. 
 
 Lord Lieutenant of; 542, 609, 610, 
 611. 
 
 a packet from ; 125. 
 
 Parliament of ; 543. 
 
 Secretary of State for. See Abbott, 
 soldiers for; 587, 588, 589, 591, 592. 
 union with ; 566. 
 
 Ireland, Irelande : 
 
 — , a priest; 106. 
 
 Margaret ; 109. 
 
 Mr.; 12. 
 
 Mrs.; 167. 
 
 Thomas ; 583. 
 
 T T 
 
 73480. 
 
658 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Irishman, an ; 15. 
 
 Irish, the ; 239, 240. 
 officers ; 220. 
 
 papists ; 107, 206, 226, 228. 
 popery ; 566. 
 protestants ; 255. 
 regiments ; 99, 207, 239. 
 soldiers ; 235, 238, 240. 
 vagrants; 471. 
 
 Irwell, the river ; 500. 
 
 Iscoed, sale at ; 507. 
 
 Isherwood, Yssherwood : 
 
 Arthur ; 39. 
 
 John, clerk ; 195. 
 
 Lieutenant. See Usherwood. 
 Mr. ; 58. 
 
 Italy; 99, 496. 
 
 Itinerary of James I. ; 25. 
 
 Iver; 563. 
 
 J 
 
 Jackson, Jakson, Jaxkson, Jakeson : 
 
 — ; 329, 360. 
 
 — , linendraper ; 501, 502. 
 
 Edward; 172, 173, 175. 
 
 Francis, letter from ; 135. 
 
 his aunt Elizabeth La. . . ; 135. 
 
 John ; 232. 
 
 Mr. ; 294. 
 
 of County Down ; 255. 
 
 Ealph; 182. 
 
 letter from ; 252. 
 
 Eichard : 23 1. 
 
 of Guerdon ; 174. 
 
 Eobert, the son of; 572. 
 
 Thomas ; 2. 
 
 Jacobinism ; 550. 
 
 Jacobites, the; 235, 292, 300, 391, 396, 
 405, 406, 454. 
 
 Jamaica ; 67, 210. 
 
 letter dated from ; 66. 
 
 Port Eoyal in, earthquake at, account 
 of; 266-269. 
 
 Governor of ; 267. 
 
 President of the Council of ; 
 
 267. 
 
 Eector of ; 266. 
 
 James, Alderman ; 531. 
 
 James I., King ; 7-13, 15, 24-27, 29-33. 
 letter from ; 25. 
 his directions for ministers ; 5. 
 itinerary of ; 25. 
 
 his visit to Scotland (1617) ; 19-23. 
 James II., King: 
 
 as Duke of York (the Duke) ; 71, 73, 
 77, 78, 98, 99, 106-108, 116, 117, 
 123, 125, 126, 154, 162, 163, 166, 
 264. 
 
 letter to ; 111. 
 
 bis son. See Canibri(lg<‘, Duke 
 
 of. 
 
 his regiment ; 99. 
 
 James II. — cont. 
 
 as King; 177-180, 184, 187, 197- 
 200, 202-205, 207-209, 211, 212, 
 215, 216, 218, 220, 224, 234, 235, 
 239, 243, 244, 292-304, 307, 308, 
 310-312, 314, 317, 318, 324, 325, 
 333-335, 346, 351, 368, 376, 381, 
 391,392, 405-408, 428. 
 
 addresses to ; 179, 180, 187. 
 
 petitions to ; 208, 214. 
 
 lands in Ireland (1689) ; 218, 
 
 220 , 221 . 
 
 receives the petition of the 
 
 seven bishops ; 190. 
 
 James Edward, Prince, “the Old Pre- 
 tender”; 192, 204, 211, 233, 308, 457, 
 478, 479. 
 
 Jameson, Jamson : 
 
 — ; 9. 
 
 James; 231. 
 
 William ; 195. 
 
 Janney, Henry ; 231. 
 
 Jaynson, — ; 355. 
 
 Henry; 224. 
 
 Jeflereys, Nathaniel, M.P., letter to ; 546. 
 Jeffries, Sir George, afterwards Lord 
 Chancellor; 116, 154, 156, 210, 211. 
 Jenkins, Dr. ; 447. 
 
 Mr., chaplain to the Bishop of Chi- 
 chester ; 225. 
 
 E., letter from ; 476. 
 
 Jenner, Sir Thomas ; 167, 340. 
 
 Jepsonne, Ealph ; 582. 
 
 Jersey, Isle of ; 74. 
 
 Commission, the ; 534. 
 
 Jersey, Lady (1795) ; 544. 
 
 Jervis, Thomas ; 555. 
 
 Jessop, Mr. ; 411. 
 
 Jesuits; 15, 18, 105-107, 113, 126, 134, 
 162, 212,579. 
 
 Jewell, Bishop ; 602. 
 
 Joanes, Dr. See Jones. 
 
 Jod . . el, Mr. ; 454. 
 
 Johnes, Henry. See Jones. 
 
 Johnson, Jonson : 
 
 Alexander ; 29. 
 
 ~; 411, 550. 
 
 — , a landwaiter ; 452. 
 
 Captain ; 440. 
 
 Edmund; 410. 
 
 Henry, letter from ; 65. 
 
 James ; 467. 
 
 John ; 195. 
 
 John, of Halliwell ; 195. 
 
 John, of West Houghton ; 195. 
 
 Mr.; 264, 275. 
 
 Mr., Mayor of Liverpool; 247. 
 Eowland; 228. 
 
 Dr. Samuel ; 538-540. 
 
 Thomas, senior, Alderman of Liver- 
 pool ; 263, 281. 
 
 Thomas, junior ; 263, 281. 
 
 Thomas, of DoAvnholland ; 460. 
 
 Jolly, Mr. ; 297, 369. 
 
 Thomas ; 231. 
 
 Jones, Johnes, Joanes : 
 
 — ; 154, 495. 
 
 Dr.; 129. 
 
INDEX. 
 
 659 
 
 Jones, Johnes, Joanes — cont. 
 
 Edward, the confession of; 615. 
 
 his brother Pjpe; 616. 
 
 Henry; 115, 
 
 Henry, reasons offered by, for build- 
 ing a harbour in Whitsand Bay; 
 429, 430. 
 
 John ; 467. 
 
 Mr., a preacher ; 12. 
 
 Richard; 232. 
 
 Robert ; 492. 
 
 Sir Thomas (justice); 123, 151-153. 
 
 letter to ; 158. 
 
 William afterwards Sir William; 540. 
 
 letters from; 512, 514. 
 
 Rev. William, of Nayland ; 545, 548, 
 549, 563, 
 
 letters from ; 532, 536, 538, 541, 
 
 545, 550. 
 
 poems by (titles only) ; 535. 
 
 Joseph, King. See Naples, King of. 
 
 Jourdon, Marshall ; 563. 
 
 Jumpe, Thomas ; 263. 
 
 Justices of Assize ; 24, 28, 44, 49, 86, 109, 
 158. 
 
 letter to ; 27. 
 
 Justices of the Peace; 14, 16, 17, 24, 28, 
 30, 33, 38, 44, 45, 48, 60, 75, 76, 
 100, 114, 120. 
 
 K 
 
 K — , William ; 384. 
 
 Kanvair, co. Flint ; 426. 
 
 Kay, John ; 465. 
 
 of Furnival’s Inn ; 490. 
 
 Thomas ; 228. 
 
 Kaye, — ; 607. 
 
 Keeling, Keeleing: 
 
 Lord Chief Justice ; 81, 86. 
 
 J.; 210. 
 
 letter from ; 210. 
 
 Porn (?) ; 161. 
 
 Keeper, Lord; 29, 60, 94, 95, 112, 154, 
 276, 338, 388, 404, 415. 
 
 letter from ; 27. 
 
 See also North, Francis, Lord. 
 
 Kegan, — ; 517, 518, 
 
 Keith, General ; 474. 
 
 Kellet, CO. Lane. ; 7, 230. 
 
 Nether, co. Lane. ; 232, 
 
 Upper, CO. Lane. ; 229. 
 
 Kelley, — ; 322. 
 
 Kendal; 479. 
 
 Kendall, Christopher ; 149. 
 
 Kennett, Mr. ; 358. 
 
 Kenrick, J. ; 492. 
 
 letter from ; 492. 
 
 Kensington ; 295, 395, 407, 424. 
 letters dated at ; 435, 436. 
 
 Gardens ; 559. 
 
 Kent; 292, 330, 501. 
 
 Mayor and chief officers of the ports 
 of; 243. 
 
 Kent, Earl of (1586-87) ; 575, 621, 622. 
 Kenwood, letter dated at; 526, 
 
 Kenyon, Kenyoun: 
 
 Alice (1672), letter from ; 91. 
 
 Alice, wife of Roger K., of Peel, q.v. 
 Mrs. Alice (at (Chester), letters to ; 
 
 511, 514, 519, 522, 526, 527, 556. 
 Ann, wife of George K., of Peel, q.v. 
 Hon. — , letter to ; 563. 
 
 Dorothy, (daughter of Roger K., of 
 Peel), letter to ; 170. 
 
 Edward, of Diuckley, letter from ; 29. 
 Edward, (son of Roger K., of Park- 
 head), rector of Prestwich, letters 
 from; 67,80. 
 
 Edward, (son of Roger K., of Peel) ; 
 139. 
 
 letters from ; 408, 409, 432. 
 
 Edward, a clothier ; 417. 
 
 George (1631), letter to ; 45. 
 
 George, (son of Roger), of Peel, Re- 
 corder of Wigan, Vice-Chancellor 
 of the Palatinate of Lancaster, M.P. 
 for Wigan ; 139, 379, 422, 424, 427, 
 455, 462. 
 
 letters from ; 17i, 192, 354, 442, 
 
 455, 457, 464. 
 
 letters to ; 305, 395, 397, 406, 
 
 423-425, 432, 434, 437-440, 442- 
 454, 456, 457, 461, 462, 464, 466, 
 467. 
 
 his wife Ann, letters to ; 413, 
 
 427, 428, 437, 441, 442, 444, 445, 
 447-449, 454, 455, 462-464, 466. 
 George, (sou of George), of Peel ; 491, 
 
 495. 
 
 letters from ; 475, 490, 500. 
 
 letters to; 470-473, 476, 491, 
 
 493, 496, 498-502, 508, 
 
 his Avife (Peregrina) ; 476. 
 
 letters to ; 505, 508, 509. 
 
 George, (son of George and grandson 
 of George), letters from ; 492, 493, 
 
 496, 501. 
 
 Hon. George, after Avards 2nd Lord ; 
 563. 
 
 letters from ; 558-560, 566. 
 
 letters to ; 532, 542, 543, 548- 
 
 551, 554, 557, 558, 561, 563, 564, 
 567-570. 
 
 memorandum by ; 565. 
 
 his wife. Lady, letter from ; 563. 
 
 Jane, Avife of Roger K., of Parkhead, 
 
 q.v. 
 
 .Jane, letters from ; 493, 494. 
 
 Idoyd. of Gredington, letters to ; 494- 
 498,' 503-505. 
 
 Lloyd, afterwards Sir Lloyd, 1st Lord 
 Kenyon, Attorney-General, Master 
 of the Rolls, Lord Chief Justice ; 
 506, 508-511, 519, 522, 526-528, 
 532, 533, 545, 550, 556-558, 562. 
 
 letters from ; 502-505. 
 
 T T 2 
 
660 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Kenyon, Kenyoun — cont. 
 
 Lloyd, afterwards Sir Lloyd, 1st Lord 
 Kenyon, Attorney-General, Master 
 of the Rolls, Lord Chief Justice ; i 
 letters to ; 492, 493, 500, 502, 503, 1 
 506, 508, 510-531, 533-538, 540- ! 
 551, 553 -555. i 
 
 his wife Mary ; 518. i 
 
 letters from ; 504, 505, 508, 
 
 509, 514, 516, 519, 522, 524, 526, 
 527, 542-545, 548, 551, 554, 556, 
 558. 
 
 letters to ; 507, 558-560. 
 
 her sister Jane ; 524, 527. 
 
 Hon. Lloyd, (son of Lloyd, 1st Lord 
 Kenyon) ; 514. 
 
 letter to ; 545. 
 
 Mary, wife of Lloyd, 1st Lord Kenyon, 
 
 q.v. 
 
 Mary Anne, letter from; 568. 
 
 Miss (at Peel), letter to ; 502. 
 
 Mr. (1604), a preacher; 12. 
 
 Mrs., letter to ; 502. 
 
 Mrs., at Gredington, letters to; 460, 
 516. 
 
 Mrs., at Peel, letter to ; 568. 
 
 P., letter from ; 460. 
 
 Peregrina (1801), letter from ; 556. 
 Robert (1588) ; 582. 
 
 Robert (1764-1786); 500. 
 
 letter from ; 523. 
 
 Roger, of Parkhead in Whalley, sur- 
 veyor of the liordshipof Middleham; 
 38, 42, 51. 
 
 letter from ; 45. 
 
 letters to ; 17. 27, 29, 40, 46, 53, 
 
 54. 
 
 his wife Jane ; 88. 
 
 letter from ; 92. 
 
 letter to ; 101. 
 
 letters of protection for ; 
 
 64. 
 
 Roger, (son of Roger, of Parkhead),of 
 Peel, Clerk of the Peace for Lanca- 
 shire, Governor of the Isle of Man, 
 M.P. for Clitheroe; 66, 69, 70, 78, 
 9.3-95, 100, 104, 130, 174, 177, 194, 
 195, 198, 200, 254-262, 272, 309, 
 362, 370, 382. 
 
 letters from ; 92, 101, 130, 143, 
 
 144, 148, 157, 159, 178, 183, 208, 
 209, 211, 236, 270, 273, 274, 277, 
 383,384, 386, 404, 409, 411, 417. 
 
 letters to ; 67-73, 78-93, 95, 97- 
 
 103, 105, 110-117, 125-139, 141- 
 154, 156-162, 166-172, 175-179, 
 184-193, 196, 203, 204, 208-211, 
 214-227, 236-242, 244, 247-254, 
 258, 263, 266, 269-272, 274, 275, 
 278-292, 304-307, 310, 320, 321, 
 .354-358, 360, 371-386, 394-399, 
 401-403, 40.5-409, 411-424, 438. 
 
 his wife Alice; 69, 82, 83, 152, 
 
 419, 421. 
 
 letters from ; 281, 283, 285, 
 
 287, 290, 357, 374. 
 
 Kenyon, Kenyoun — cont. 
 
 Roger (son of Roger, of Parkhead), of 
 Peel — cont. 
 
 his wife Alice; letters to; 67, 
 
 78, 83, 89, 92, 96, 101, 103, 115, 
 122, 128, 272, 292, 382, 385, 427. 
 
 his mother. See Kenyon, Jane, 
 
 wife of Roger K., of Parkhead. 
 
 his son; 128,141, 162, 172, 185, 
 
 306, 356, 386, 418. 
 
 his daughter ; 127. 
 
 Roger (son of Roger K., of Peel) ; 
 92, 166. 
 
 letters from; 196, 227, 292. 
 
 Roger, (brother of Lloyd, 1st Lord 
 Kenyon), letters from ; 494-497, 
 500, 502, 507, 508, 521. 
 
 Roger, of Whalley (1678), petition 
 of; 110. 
 
 Dr. Roger; 449, 455, 456, 460. 
 
 letters from ; 385, 413, 427, 428, 
 
 437, 441, 442, 444-449, 454-457, 
 462-464, 466. 
 
 letters to ; 433, 463. 
 
 his wife Mary, (daughter of Sir 
 
 John Cotton) ; 454. 
 
 his sister Ann. See Ann, wife 
 
 of George Kenyon, of Peel. 
 
 Thomas, (son of Roger K., of Peel) ; 
 283, 374, 422, 437. 
 
 letters from ; 221, 236-238, 241, 
 
 242, 244, 265, 282, 380, 386. 
 Thomas, (son of Lloyd, 1st Lord Ken- 
 yon) ; 549. 
 
 William, (son of Roger K., of Peel) ; 
 188-190. 
 
 Kerhy, Colonel. See Kirby. 
 
 Kersall Moor Races ; 470. 
 
 Kershawe, Mr. ; 10. 
 
 Keswick ; 563. 
 
 letters dated at ; 563, 568-570. 
 
 Kew ; 527, 528. 
 
 letter dated at ; 568. 
 
 Key, Mr. ; 289. 
 
 Thomas ; 231. 
 
 William, of Elenfield ; 582. 
 
 Keyes, Thomas ; 407. 
 
 Kidson, — , a messenger ; 384. 
 
 Kilkenny ; 497, 61 1. 
 
 Killagh ; 611. 
 
 Killigrew, Charles : 276> 
 
 Sir Peter ; 276. 
 
 Thomas ; 404. 
 
 Sir William ; 276. 
 
 Kilmorey, Lord (d. 1710) ; 445. 
 
 Kilrush, Kilrusshe ; 610. 
 
 Kinaston, Thomas. See Kynaston. 
 
 Kinder, Samuel; 467- 
 
 King, the, v. William Fowden, brief for 
 the defendant in; 478-486. 
 
 King, Edward; 407. 
 
 Gregory, Rouge Croix (? Rouge 
 Dragon); 176. 
 
 Mr. ; 8. 
 
 Kinghorn; 21. 
 
 King’s or (Queen’s Bench, Court of ; 72, 
 82, 119, 120, 127, 129, 143, 154, 
 160, 191, 192, 278, 290, 315, 365, 
 
INDEX. 
 
 661 
 
 King’s or Queen’s Bench, Court of — cont. 
 
 383, 386, 394, 409, 424, 425, 452, i 
 458, 474, 475, 476, 490, 491, 531. ! 
 
 Marshall of. See Walker, Mr. 
 prison; 108, 343, 535. 
 
 inhabitants of; 533. 
 
 King’s evil, the, touching for; 135, 136. 
 Kingsley, Mr. ; 299, 300, 370. 
 
 King’s Lynn, co. Norf. ; 23, 24. 
 
 mayor of. See Stonham, 
 
 Richard. 
 
 Kingston ; 305. 
 
 Kingston, Duchess of (1790) ; 529, 530. 
 Kinnaird ; 20, 21. 
 
 Kinnoull, Earl of (1694); 277. 
 
 Kinsale ; 220, 244. 
 
 Kioge, (Denmark) ; 560. 
 
 Kippax, Archippus ; 230. 
 
 Richard ; 229. 
 
 Kirby, [co. Nthmp.] ; 25. 
 
 Kirby, — , a merchant ; 106. 
 
 Kirby, Kerby, Colonel; 79, 94. 
 
 Kirk, Kirke, Kyrke : 
 
 [Colonel Percy] ; 224, 233, 234. 
 Major-General ; 314. 
 
 Thomas ; 467. 
 
 Kirk Andrew, Isle of Man, letter dated at ; 
 272. 
 
 Kirkby, co. Lane. ; 13, 229. 
 
 letter dated at ; 172. 
 
 Kirkby Ireleth, co. Lane. ; 7. 
 
 Kirkby, Kirkbye : 
 
 Colonel ; 400. 
 
 Isabel, wife of William, of Raweliffe ; 
 585. 
 
 Richard, letter from ; 117. 
 
 Roger; 60, 93,411. 
 
 , letter from ; 59. 
 
 William ; 223, 376. 
 
 letter from ; 172. 
 
 letter to ; 143. 
 
 order signed by ; 115. 
 
 his nephew Kirkby; 172. 
 
 Kiikham, co. Lane. ; 9, 45, 47, 229. 
 
 letter dated at ; 146. 
 
 Kirkham, Mr., a priest ; 18. 
 
 Thomas, curate of Woodplumpton ; 
 230. 
 
 Kitchen, Kytcheu, Kychyn : 
 
 Barnaby ; 583. 
 
 Ric. ; 1. 
 
 Roger ; 232. 
 
 Kitson, — ; 355. 
 
 Knagge, Donell ; 610. 
 
 Knai esborough, co. York ; 407. 
 
 Knight, Henry ; 195. 
 
 Knightley, Sir Richard ; 615. 
 
 Knipe, K — pe, Mr. ; 172, 449, 453, 457. 
 Knott, Edmund, of Knott Laine ; 64. 
 Knowles, Knowlles, Knowelles : 
 
 Sir Francis; 615-618. 
 
 Henry; 377. 
 
 Mr. ; 13. 
 
 Nicholas, letter from ; 167. 
 
 Knowsley, CO. Lane.; 95, 113, 143, 145, 
 147, 148, 153, 198-202, 20.5-208, 
 210, 255, 282, 284, 285, 304, 418, | 
 419. 2 
 
 Know'sley, co. Lanc.^ — cont. 
 
 letters dated at; 113, 142, 148, 175, 
 178, 190, 248, 251, 254, 272, 281. 
 286, 320, S56, 374, 384, 403, 593. 
 Knutsford; 62, 361, 363. 
 
 Kockelberg, letter dated from ; 422. 
 Kychyn, Ric. See Kitchen. 
 
 Kynaston, Kinaston : 
 
 Mr.; 502. 
 
 Thomas; 232. 
 
 Kyrke, Thomas. See Kirk. 
 
 Kytchen, Barnaby. See Kitchen. 
 
 L 
 
 L , the Lord of ; 383. 
 
 Lacy, Mr. ; 316. 
 
 Lagoe, Dorothy, letters from ; 78, 82, 83, 
 89, 103, 115, 122, 203. 
 
 her sister Alice ; 83, 89. 
 
 her cousin Betty ; 78. 
 
 Waldine, letter from ; 79. 
 
 La Hogue ; 334, 345. 
 
 Laith, — ; 374. 
 
 Lake, John, afterwards Bishop of Sodor 
 and Man ; 153. 
 
 letters from ; 145-149 
 
 letter to ; 148. 
 
 Lambert, — ; 58. 
 
 Lambeth, the Rectory House, letter dated 
 at ; 564. 
 
 Lameton, Mr. See Langton, Philip. 
 
 Lamplugh, Alderman ; 450. 
 
 Lamps, Conic, the proprietors of the ; 460. 
 
 Lancashire; 2, 15, 40, 52. 54, 87, 88, 93, 
 98, 99, 114, 118, 142, 150, 173- 
 176, 185, 200, 212, 213, 215, 219, 
 224, 234, 238, 245, 249, 272, 279, 
 289, 291-293, 296, 297, 300-304, 
 316, 317, 319, 365, 368, 375, 384, 
 387, 389, 390, 402, 406-408, 422, 
 424, 428, 437, 441, 448, 450, 491, 
 497, 499, 583-585, 593, 594, 596, 
 601, 602, 604-606, 620. 
 Attorney-General of ; 216. See also 
 Hesketh, Thomas. 
 
 Chancellor of County Palatine of. See 
 nnde7' Lancaster, Duchy of. 
 Chancery Court; 65, 425, 452, 
 clergy and parishes in, list of (1604) ; 
 6-13. 
 
 Clerk of the Crown ; 116, 288, 365. 
 Clerk of the Peace for ; 65, 119, 121, 
 122, 245, 422,473-476. 
 
 See also Rigby, Alexander. 
 
 Kenyon, Roger. Morton, Mr. 
 Clerkship of the Peace, suit concern- 
 ing (1662) ; 69. 
 
 Commission of the Peace for; 169, 
 170, 213, 223, 273, 444, 604. 
 Constables in ; 28. 
 
 conformable clergy (1689), names of : 
 228-232. 
 
662 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Lancashire — cont. 
 
 Corporations ; 213j 273. 
 
 in, chief officers of, letter to ; 
 
 no. 
 
 Gustos Rotulorum of j 213. 
 
 letter to ; 100. 
 
 See also Derby, James, 10th 
 
 Earl of. 
 
 Deputy Lieutenants of ; 35, 111, 139, 
 140, 167, 188-201, 203, 212, 213, 
 603. 
 
 letter to ; 110. 
 
 order by ; 35. 
 
 deputy prothonotary of. See Cobb, 
 Mr. 
 
 Dissenters’ meeting-houses in ; 231, 
 247. 
 
 elections for ; 59. 
 
 Escheat or of. See Pilkington, Sir J ohn. 
 freeholders in ; 586. 
 
 a book to be made of ; 31. 
 
 defaults of, suggestions for the 
 
 reformation of; 591. 
 gentlemen, &c. of, petition of ; 65. j 
 government of, changes made in the, I 
 by James II. ; 187, 188. I 
 
 Grand Jury; 309,425. i 
 
 the address by ; 179. I 
 
 High Sheriff of; 86, 139, 140, 167, I 
 278, 287, 288, 291, 356, 373, 395, ' 
 425, 440, 453. | 
 
 letter to ; 42. ! 
 
 See also Assheton, Richard. j 
 
 hundreds of, a division of ; 589. 
 juries in ; 31 . 
 
 Justices of Assize for ; 247, 585. 
 
 orders by ; 28, 
 
 Justices and Grand Jurors of, address 
 of; 68. 
 
 .Justices of the Peace for ; 16, 24, 28, , 
 30, 44, 50, 54, 111, 115, 118-121, I 
 137, 139, 140, 167, 189, 215, 225, j 
 
 235, 236, 377, 408, 411, 422, 425, ! 
 
 436, 437, 447, 470, 491-493, 583, ! 
 
 587, 620. i 
 
 letter from ; 117. i 
 
 letters to ; 31, 33, 38, 42, 45, 46, ! 
 
 53, 75, 76, 95, 110, 143, 146, 247, ! 
 591, 592, 594. 
 
 address of ; 187. 
 
 instructions to ; 34, 35. 
 
 orders by ; 245, 475. 
 
 See also Standish, Sir Richard. 
 
 Rigby, Alexander. 
 
 the King’s ministers and bailiffs in, 
 names of ; 28, 29. | 
 
 the four King’s preachers in ; 277. I 
 Knight of the Shire for; 282, 284, | 
 286. i 
 
 Lord Lieutenant of; 141, 199-201, 
 203, 219, 234, 281, 285, 286,291, 
 384, 473, 581. 
 
 addresses of ; 139, 140, 205, 274. 
 
 declaration of, (to William, 
 
 Prince of Orange) ; 212. ' 
 
 See also Derby, William, 9th 
 
 Earl of. Molyneux^ Lord. Brandon, { 
 Lord. ' 
 
 Lancashire — cont. 
 maltsters in ; 53. 
 
 members of Parliament for ; 248, 286, 
 372, 400. 
 
 petition to ; 487. 
 
 military companies in ; 213. 
 militia of; 201, 202, 204-206, 209, 
 235, 273, 274, 288, 313, 314. 
 militia officers ; 213. 
 musters in ; 593, 594. 
 
 Nonconformists in ; 212. 
 palatinate of, petition against the in- 
 fringements of the rights of ; 425. 
 Papists (Roman Catholics) in ; 135, 
 212, 213, 312, 460, 584. 
 
 Popish recusants within ; 59, 109, 110, 
 603. 
 
 Presbyterian parsons and meeting- 
 houses in ; 230-232. 
 
 Protestant gentry in; 198. 
 
 Quaker meeting-houses in ; 230, 231. 
 Quarter Sessions ; 109, 111, 132, 246, 
 247. 
 
 Receiver of County Palatine ; 155. 
 Receiver-General of. See Hayhurst, 
 William. 
 
 recruits to be raised in ; 435. 
 seal of County Palatine ; 131, 155. 
 Sheriff of; 68, 115, 121, 132, 153, 
 363, 386, 394. 
 
 letters to ; 591, 592, 594. 
 
 See also Spencer, William. 
 
 Rawstorne, Laurence. 
 
 Sheriffs of, letter to ; 3 1 . 
 soldiers in, levying of ; 587-589, 
 
 591, 592. 
 
 special commissions to ; 130. 
 trained bands of; 35. 
 
 Jjieut.-Col. of. See Standish, 
 
 Sir Richard. 
 
 trials, the (1694) ; 307, 355, 400. 
 
 information of John Lunt ; 292- 
 
 301. 
 
 George Wilson ; 301-304. 
 
 speech of the judges to the jury 
 
 at the trial of Lord Molyneux and 
 others ; 307, 308. 
 
 account of the trial of Sir Row- 
 land Stanley at Manchester ; 309, 
 310. 
 
 examinations taken before the 
 
 House of Commons ; 322-354. 
 
 depositions, papers, &c., relating 
 
 to; 359-371. 
 
 names of the gentlemen informed 
 
 against; 369, 370. 
 
 Mr. Taffe’s discovery ; 387-394. 
 
 troops in (1689) ; 222, 223. 
 Vice-Chancellor of County Palatine ; 
 131. 
 
 See also Kenyon, George. 
 
 Lancashire, Christopher; 410. 
 
 Elizabeth ; 485. 
 
 John ; 410. 
 
 Lancaster ; 4, 8, 46. 52, 54, 55, 57, 99, 109, 
 HI, 112, 122, 152, 160, 167, 192, 
 202, 222, 229, 230, 240, 241, 24.5- 
 247, 282, 283, 293, 305, 306, 315 
 
INDEX, 
 
 663 
 
 Lancaster — cont. 
 
 319, 348, 354, 358, 360, 374-376, 
 381-383, 413, 417, 470, 479, 482, 
 484,493, 501, 516. 
 
 letters dated at ; 44, 55, 57, 115, 210, 
 238, 283, 291, 355, 358, 360, 373, 
 376, 384, 395, 444. 
 
 Assizes at ; 4, 70, 77, 90, 115, 116, 
 121, 125, 179, 192, 315, 381, 386, 
 403, 411, 416, 485, 586. 
 burgesses of; 196. 
 
 Castle ; 115, 404. 
 
 letters dated at ; 86, 114, 418. 
 
 • gaol in ; 28. 
 
 Clerk of the Peace at. See Pigby, 
 George. 
 
 freeholders about ; 434. 
 
 gaol; 42, 54, 159, 192, 404, 420. 
 
 the Gatehouse ; 52. 
 
 General Sessions of the Peace at ; 65. 
 Judges of Assize at ; 109. 
 
 Mayor of; 283, 349. 
 
 Mayor and Corporation of; 115, 213. 
 Moor Lane in ; 232. 
 the Receiver’s Chamber ; 52. 
 Sessions; 110, 120, 121, 140, 198, 
 223, 410, 470, 591. 
 
 Popish Justices at; 198. 
 
 Sheriff of, petition against 233. 
 
 Town Hall ; 493. 
 
 Lancaster, Richard ; 29. 
 
 Thomas ; 314. 
 
 Lancaster, Duchy of ; 43, 128, 403, 405- 
 407, 437, 495. 
 
 Attorney-General of ; 382. 
 
 boroughs of ; 407, 408. 
 
 Chancellor of, and of the County 
 
 Palatine of Lancaster ; 7, 51, 52, 
 68, 91, 114, 122, 132, 142, 145, 
 149, 153, 169, 171, 172, 179, 221, 
 226, 227, 233, 237, 271, 386, 395, 
 452. 
 
 See also May, Humphrey. 
 
 Seymour, Francis, Lord. Ingram, 
 Sir Thomas. Carr, Sir Robert. 
 Willoughby, Lord. Berkeley, Lord. 
 - — Clerk of the Crown of ; 382. 
 
 Court of ; 500. 
 
 the Duchy House. See under 
 
 W estminster. 
 
 King’s Auditor of. See Trevor, 
 
 Sir Thomas. 
 
 lands belonging to ; 155. 
 
 Receiver of ; 155. 
 
 seal of; 155. 
 
 Secretary to. See Wentworth. 
 
 Guicciardini. 
 
 Lander, John ; 194. 
 
 Lands End, co. Cornwall ; 243, 429, 
 
 430. 
 
 Land tax ; 82, 248. 
 
 Commissioners for the ; 397. 
 
 Lane, John, of Bentley ; 103, 104. 
 
 John, a merchant ; 233. 
 
 Thomas ; 277. 
 
 Langford, George; 279. 
 
 Langho, Langoe, co. Lane. ; 9. 229. 
 Langhorne, — ; 107, 113. 
 
 Langley, Betty ; 311. 
 
 Mr. ; 599. 
 
 Mr., a preacher; 11. 
 
 Robert ; 586. 
 
 William, letter to ; 66. 
 
 William, parson of Prestwich, letter 
 from; 597. 
 
 Langshaw, Lanckshaw, Ralph; 128, 458, 
 459. 
 
 Serjeant ; 451. 
 
 Langshaws, the two ; 452. 
 
 Langton, Lameton, Lawton: 
 
 Mr. ; 46. 
 
 Mr., of Loe ; 214. 
 
 Philip ; 194. 
 
 Philip, of the Low ; 295, 303, 307, 
 309, 310, 329, 351, 362, 365, 368, 
 369, 376, 387. 
 
 Richard, letters from ; 226, 450, 452. 
 La Rochelle, siege of ; 27. 
 
 Lashley, Sir James ; 129. 
 
 Lassells, Darcy ; 82. 
 
 — ~, Henry ; 82. 
 
 Latham, George, the wife of ; 582. 
 Lathom, CO. Lane.; 13, 109, 284,377,419. 
 letters dated at ; 43, 55, 167, 269, 
 304, 373, 603. 
 
 Lathom, Lathome: 
 
 — , of Misseherowe ; 603. 
 
 Henry ; 194. 
 
 Richard; 109. 
 
 Thomas ; 11, 583. 
 
 William, of Hartington ; 359. 
 
 Lath wait, William. See Leathwaite. 
 Latimer, Thomas Osborne, Viscount (after- 
 wards Earl of Danby, q.v.), letter from ; 
 97. 
 
 Latus, IMr. ; 7. 
 
 Laud, William, Archbishop of Canterbury. 
 
 See binder Canterbury. 
 
 Lauderdale, [John Maitland], Duke of ; 
 105, 150, 151. 
 
 Lauzim, Lieut.- General ; 239. 
 
 Law suits, the cost of; 264. 
 
 Lawe, Richard, letter from ; 48. 
 
 Lawrance, Sir John ; 167. 
 
 Lawson, Sir John ; 73, 294, 302, 330. 
 
 Mr. ; 369, 424. 
 
 Thomas, vicar of Wartou ; 230. 
 Lawton, Ann ; 277. 
 
 Phihp. See Langton. 
 
 Laykin, alias Knylye, — , a priest ; 585. 
 Layland hundred. See Leylaud. 
 Layrbreck, letter dated at ; 47. 
 
 Layton, John, of Whiston ; 281. 
 
 Laytoun, Sir Thomas ; 571. 
 
 Lea, Captain : 610. 
 
 Leabume, Father. See Leybnrn. 
 
 ! Leach, Samuel, curate of Newton ; 229. 
 i Zachary ; 229. 
 
 j Lead mines ; 40, 41, 51, 52. 
 
 ore, accounts of working ; 5 1 . 
 j smelting ; 40. 
 
 j Leadbeater, John ; 181. 
 
 ' Leadbetter, Henry ; 434. 
 
 Leadwell, co. Oxf. ; 134. 
 i Leake, Mr. ; 112. 
 
664 . 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Leathwaite, Lathwait : 
 
 John ; 110. 
 
 William; 232. 
 
 Leathwood, Hugh ; 42. 
 
 Leaver, lawyer ; 356. 
 
 Leavers, Thomas ; 150. 
 
 Lebarta, John ; 252. 
 
 Leche, Robert; 1. 
 
 Lee, Captain ; 450. 
 
 Elizabeth; 109. 
 
 John ; 603. 
 
 his wife Mary ; 603. 
 
 M., letter from ; 558. 
 
 Mr., parson of Standish ; 15. 
 
 Mr., Solicitor- General ; 515, 527. 
 Cornet Robert ; 244. 
 
 See also Leigh. 
 
 Leech, James ; 116. 
 
 Mr., attorney-at-law, letter to ; 177. 
 Nathan ; 182. 
 
 Leeds ; 572, 573. 
 
 Mayor of ; 523. 
 the vicar of ; 572. 
 
 Leeds, [Thomas Osborne, 1st] Duke of, 
 (previously Earl of Dan by, q.v.) ; 
 276, 355, 405, 406, 423. 
 
 Dr. ; 420. 
 
 John, of Manchester; 413. 
 
 indictment of; 410. 
 
 Leek, — ; 374. 
 
 Leeming, Dr. ; 193. 
 
 Lees, John, smith ; 583. 
 
 Henry; 467. 
 
 John; 483. 
 
 Samuel ; 467. 
 
 Leeth, Joseph ; 410. 
 
 J.ieeving, — ; 237. 
 
 Leitwich; 201. 
 
 letters dated at ; 113, 151. 
 
 Leger, — ; 558. 
 
 Legg, Colonel; 186, 187, 
 
 Leicester ; 209. 
 
 Leicester, [Sir Robert Dudley], Earl of; 
 615, 626. 
 
 Leigh, CO. Lane. ; 13, 49, 154, 194, 229. 
 letters dated at ; 467, 502. 
 parish church of, seats in ; 494. 
 soldiers in ; 587. 
 
 Leigh, Lee, Legh, Leighe, Leghe ; 
 Alexander ; 458, 459. 
 
 Alice ; 421. 
 
 Betty ; 204. 
 
 Captain ; 443. 
 
 Charles ; 385, 424. 
 
 Hon. Charles ; 420. 
 
 Colonel ; 222. 
 
 Dorothy, letter from; 52. 
 
 Mrs. IL, letters from ; 305, 310. 
 
 John ; 386. 
 
 letters from ; 381-383, 385, 386. 
 
 letter to ; 386. 
 
 Jo., Junior, letter from ; 382. 
 
 John, a pupil at Manchester ; 467. 
 Mr.; 7, 16, 130, 357, 602. 
 
 Mr., a preacher ; 11. 
 
 Mrs.; 130. 
 
 P., letter from ; 491. 
 
 Peter ; 194, 583. 
 
 Leigh, Lee, Legh, Leighe, Leghe — cont. 
 Peter, of Lyme ; 103, 293, 299, 302, 
 308, 310, 319, 323-325, 329, 336- 
 338, 343, 349-351, 362, 369, 387, 
 392, 393, 402. 
 
 letter from ; 385. 
 
 letters to ; 381. 
 
 account of the arrest and im- 
 prisonment of ; 361. 
 
 the case of; 363-366. 
 
 his mother; 361, 363. 
 
 Sir Peter; 52. 
 
 R., letters from ; 141, 171, 179. 
 
 T., letter from ; 162. 
 
 Thomas ; 583. 
 
 William; 195. 
 
 William, parson of Standish, letter 
 from ; 597. 
 
 Leighton, co. Bedford ; 420. 
 
 [co. Lane.], letters dated at; 169, 
 j ' 171. 
 
 i Leighton, Susanna ; 276. 
 
 Leister, Sir Fr. ; 427. 
 
 Leith; 19, 21. 
 
 Island of ; 477. 
 
 ! Road; 19, 20. 
 
 j Lemon, Alderman ; 450. 
 
 I William ; 239. 
 
 j Lenteners, two casts of; 253. 
 j Lepel, Colonel; 435. 
 j Lesque, Mr. ; 271. 
 
 1 Lesse, the fort of the; 609, 610. 
 
 ' Lesse, Samuel ; 181. 
 i Lesseur, Hilliary ; 255. 
 
 L’Estrange, Mr. ; 129. 
 
 Sir Roger ; 211, 264. 
 
 Letter Rent, the, charges on ; 276. 
 j Lever; 41,574. 
 
 ' Hall, letter dated at ; 44. 
 
 i Lever, Leaver : 
 
 ; Sir Ashton, letter from; 515. 
 
 — ; 215. 
 
 Captain, of Olerington ; 213, 222. 
 James ; 115. 
 
 John; 232. 
 
 John, vicar of Bolton-le-Sands ; 228. 
 Mr.; 80. 
 
 [ Rawstorne ; 195. 
 
 Robert; 77. 
 
 , letter from ; 81. 
 
 Robert, of Preston; 485. 
 
 Thomas; 195. 
 
 , Leveson- Gower, Sir John ; 395. 
 
 Levett, — ; 168. 
 
 William; 277. 
 
 Leving, Mr. ; 222. 
 
 Sir Creswell ; 126, 292. 
 
 Lewis, Sir Simon ; 117. 
 
 Ley, Roger ; 9. 
 
 Leyburn, Leaburne, Father ; 234. 
 Leycester, Mr. ; 509, 556, 559. 
 
 W., letter from ; 508. 
 
 Leyden ; 429. 
 
 Leydone, John ; 609. 
 
 I Leyland, co. Lane. ; 10, 229. 
 i hundred ; 29, 583, 585, 607. 
 
 , bailiffs of ; 28. 
 
 chief constables for ; 29. 
 
INDEX. 
 
 665 
 
 Ley land, co. Lane. — cont. 
 
 hundred ; clergy in (1604) ; 10, 11,13. 
 
 Justices of the Peace in ; 583. 
 
 Leyland, Janies ; 458, 459. 
 
 John ; 440. 
 
 Leyver, James; 39. 
 
 Librarian, the king’s ; 552. 
 
 Libraries, circulating ; 550. 
 
 Lichfield, dean and chapter of ; 12, 277. 
 Lichford, Eobert ; 195. 
 
 Lidiate, Thomas ; 194, 195. 
 
 Lightboune, Lighbound, Lightbourne, 
 Lightbrowii : 
 
 — ; 352, 353. 
 
 James ; 195. 
 
 letters from; 99, 151. 
 
 John; 182. 
 
 Justice; 131. 
 
 Mr.; 176. 
 
 Richard; 195, 215, 219, 278. 
 
 Samuel; 181. 
 
 Lilly, Matthew ; 483. 
 
 Lime, Mrs. ; 418. 
 
 Lincoln, [Thomas Cowper] , bishop of, 
 afterwards translated to Winchester; 
 602. 
 
 bishop of ; 510, 561. 
 earl of (1586) ; 622. 
 
 Lincoln Castle ; 435. 
 
 Lincolnshire ; 379, 573. 
 
 Lindale, co. Lane. ; 229. 
 
 Lindall, Mr. ; 7. 
 
 Lindley, Madam ; 176. 
 
 Lindoe, Margaret; 549. 
 
 Lindsay, Lady E. ; 565, 566. 
 
 Linen, French ; 270. 
 
 Linen, manufacture of, in Isle of Man ; 
 269, 270. 
 
 Linethurst, Eobert ; 229. 
 
 Linnaker, Richard ; 137. 
 
 Lisbon ; 65, 497. 
 
 Lister, Bailiff ; 93, 279, 284. 
 
 Christopher; 290,411. 
 
 Jo.; 291. 
 
 letters from ; 278, 287, 289. 
 
 John; 181. 
 
 Mr. ; 149, 287, 288, 290, 439. 
 
 of Thornton ; 284. 
 
 — - of Westby ; 279, 
 
 Thomas, letter from ; 278. 
 
 Liston, Mr., the actor ; 568. 
 
 Lithom, co Lane. See Lytham. 
 Lithuania; 423. 
 
 Little Bolton. See Bolton, Little. 
 Littleborough, Little Burgh, co. Lane. ; 
 12 . 
 
 Little Harwood. See Harwood, Little. 
 Little Hulton. See Hulton, Little. 
 Littleton, Lyttelton, Lyttleton : 
 
 Lord (1797), his son; 548, 550. 
 Baron; 112. 
 
 — ; 100. 
 
 C., letter from ; 433. 
 
 C,, his sons Thom, and Charles ; 
 434. 
 
 Lady, (mother of Sir Thomas) ; 321. 
 Major; 211, 
 
 Sir Thomas ]) 321. 
 
 Liverpool; 13, 160, 167, 178-180, 198,202, 
 223, 236, 248, 254, 271, 279, 281, 
 284, 293, 302, 304, 314, 320, 385, 
 396, 430, 443, 446, 471, 500, 516, 
 529, 544, 588, 601. 
 
 letters dated at; 102, 103, 116. 128, 
 i 154, 160, 161, 171, 220, 378^ 379, 
 
 385, 418. 
 
 ! Castle ; 234, 235, 285. 
 
 I the Castle Hey in ; 231. 
 
 j corporation of; 172. 
 
 I charter of ; 379. 
 
 1 collector of. See Smith, Mr. 
 
 I customer for ; 218. 
 
 election at ; 355. 
 gaol; 116. 
 governor of ; 368. 
 
 House of Correction at ; 161. 
 mayor of; 116, 135, 161, 171. 
 
 See also Windall, Richard. Johnson, 
 Mr. Brookbank, Thomas. Hough- 
 1 ton, Richard. Maudit, Jasper. 
 
 Norris, Christopher, 
 newspaper, the ; 501. 
 
 Recorder of the Corporation of. See 
 \ Entwisle, Mr. 
 
 i volunteers, the ; 507. 
 
 I shipowners of, petition of ; 263. 
 
 I Town Clerk of; 171. 
 
 I Liverpool, Earl of (1821), letter to; 566. 
 j Livesey, Livesay : 
 
 I George, letter from ; 45. 
 
 I Lawrence; 232. 
 
 i Mr.; 167, 224. 
 
 j Ralph, information against ; 167. 
 
 Thomas; 231. 
 
 i Lizard, the, co. Cornwall ; 430. 
 
 : Llandaff, bishop of (1791) ; 534. 
 i Llangollen, letter dated at ; 567. 
 
 I the ladies of ; 567. 
 
 j Lloyd, Loyd, Loyde : 
 
 I Sir Edward; 546. 
 
 I George; 182, 410. 
 
 I Luke, letters from ; 63, 64. 
 
 j letter to ; 62. 
 
 I his wife K., letter from ; 62. 
 
 i — ~ letters to ; 63, 64. 
 
 I — her sister Ellen ; 62. 
 
 , Mr., of Greith ; 301. 
 
 i Philip, letter from ; 114. 
 
 Roger ; 64. 
 
 Loe, Mr. ; 370. 
 
 Lomax, John, letter.s from ; 159, 272. 
 
 clerk ; 195. 
 
 curate of Bury ; 228. 
 
 Richard ; 195. 
 
 Londesdale, Elizabeth, wife of Thomas ; 
 36. 
 
 London ; 15, 19, 29, 36, 47, 55, 58-60, 62, 
 66, 69, 71, 72, 88, 93, 95, 102, 103, 
 105, 107, 110, 112, 125, 126, 134- 
 136, 144, 146, 148, 149, 152, 153, 
 158, 160, 169, 173-176, 185, 186, 
 189, 192, 198-200, 202, 204, 209, 
 211, 220, 223, 226, 235, 238-241, 
 j 248, 249, 253-255, 266, 270, 271, 
 
 I 273, 279, 281, 283-285, 287, 288, 
 
 I 292, 294, 295, 297, 299, 300, 303, 
 
666 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 London — cont. 
 
 305, 307-310, 313, 316, 318, 328, 
 341, 344, 352, 355, 356, 361-263, 
 365, 367, 371, 372, 375, 377, 379, 
 383, 389, 390, 400, 419, 430, 435, 
 461, 488, 497, 498, 503, 505, 521, 
 536, 542, 550, 560, 563, 606, 607, 
 612. 
 
 letters dated at ; 2, 3, 27, 44, 50, 67- 
 69, 79, 91, 95, 99-101, 113, 117, 
 124-128, 144, 147, 152, 153, 156, 
 160-162, 166-168, 170, 177, 178, 
 184, 188, 189, 192, 196, 203, 209, 
 
 210, 216, 217, 221, 225-227, 266, 
 274, 275, 382-384, 394-397, 399, 
 401, 402, 405-407, 427, 428, 438- 
 440, 442, 444, 446, 457, 494, 503- 
 505, 509, 514, 519, 522, 524, 526, 
 527, 530, 534, 538, 542-544, 554, 
 556, 558, 559. 
 
 aldermen of; 115, 117, 125, 128, 167, 
 
 211, 423. 
 
 Aldermen, Court of; 116, 125, j 
 
 citizens of ; 60. 
 
 city of; 108, 129, 184, 186, 192, 207, ! 
 348, 420, 445, 456, 547, 572, 607. ; 
 
 Act for building. See under 
 
 Acts. 
 
 merchants of ; 552. 
 
 City Charter, trial of the : 156, 167. 
 
 restoration of (1688) ; 197, 198. 
 
 clergy, 497. 
 
 Common Council of; 116, 125, 423. 
 Common Hall ; 116, 117. 
 fire of ; 107. 
 
 Lord Mayor of; 108, 109, 115, 117, 
 128, 129, 144, 167, 209, 211, 332, 
 393, 394, 423. 
 
 the Port of. Collector of the Customs | 
 in ; 513. 
 
 Recorder of; 116, 167, 609. 
 
 See also Meaby, Mr. 
 
 searchers of ; 604, 606. 
 
 (and Middlesex) Sheriffs of; 1 1 6, 1 1 7, 
 123, 211, 305, 613, 615, 618, 619. 
 trained bands of ; 109, 406. 
 
 London, places in and near : 
 
 Adelphi, letter dated at ; 534. 
 Apsley House, letter dated at ; 
 535. 
 
 Austin Friars, letter dated at ; 
 
 17. 
 
 Baldwin’s Gardens, “ the Hole in 
 the Wall” in; 297. 
 
 Berkeley Square, Charles Street, 
 letter dated at ; 500. 
 
 Berwick Street ; 363, 384. 
 Blackfriars ; 607. 
 
 Bloomsbury ; 316. 
 
 “ the Great Tavern ” in; 
 
 296. 
 
 “the Griffin ” in ; 297, 369. 
 
 King’s Street, “ the Crown ” 
 
 in; 297. 
 
 Queen’s Square; 551. 
 
 Russell Street in; 330, 552. 
 
 Bolton Street, letter dated at ; 
 546. 1 
 
 London, places in and near — cont. 
 
 Bow, letter dated at ; 192. 
 
 Bread Street, “ the Three Nuns ” 
 in ; 335, 336. 
 
 Bridewell Hall ; 107. 
 
 Broad Street ; 233. 
 
 Buckingham House ; 552. 
 Butcher Row without Temple 
 Bar, “ the Ship ” alehouse in ; 
 331, 345. 
 
 Cannon Row, Derby House in ; 
 132. 
 
 Chancery Lane ; 517. 
 
 letters dated at ; 89, 158, 
 
 471. 
 
 Charing Cross ; 296, 346, 348, 
 384. 
 
 “the Cheshire Cheese” in ; 
 
 296, 348. 
 
 , “ the Red Lion Inn ” in ; 
 
 296. 
 
 Charles Street, letter dated at; 
 508. 
 
 Cheapside ; 267, 607, 609. 
 
 “ the Blackamoor’s Head ” ; 
 
 455. 
 
 Clare Market ; 510. 
 
 Clerkenwell ; 175,321. 
 the Cockpit ; 523, 528. 
 
 Coleman Street, “ the Maiden 
 Head ” in ; 174. 
 
 Cornhill, St. Michael’s, the poor 
 of; 277. 
 
 Covent Garden ; 297, 369, 544. 
 
 York Street, “ the Golden 
 
 Ball” in; 176. 
 
 Cripplegate, “The Black -a-morse 
 Head,” Grubb Street ; 88. 
 Drury Lane ; 348. 
 
 “ the Black Posts ” in ; 297, 
 
 369. 
 
 Brownlow Street in ; 326, 
 
 447. 
 
 the Great White House 
 
 in ; 440, 452. 
 
 “ the Dog Tavern ” in ; 297. 
 
 “ the Royal Oak ” in ; 297, 
 
 318, 348. 
 
 Duke Street ; 509. 
 
 the Exchange (Chainge) : 166. 
 
 the “ Sun Tavern ” behind 
 
 the; 124. 
 
 Exchange Alley ; 463. 
 
 Exeter Street ; 318. 
 
 Fenchurch Street ; 86. 
 
 — Fan Court ; 465. 
 
 Fetter Lane ; 332. 
 
 “The Globe” in ; 392. 
 
 “ the Fleece ” ; 101. 
 
 Fleet Street ; 156, 161, 422. 
 
 the prince’s council chamber 
 
 in ; 26. 
 
 Fullers Rents, letter dated at ; 
 190. 
 
 Furnivall’s Inn ; 386. 
 
 letter dated at ; 385. 
 
 the Gatehouse ; 61, 129, 334. 
 General Post Office ; 172. 
 
INDEX. 
 
 667 
 
 iondon, places in and near — cont. 
 
 Gratious (f? Gracechurch) Street, 
 the Crown ” in ; 17.5. 
 
 Gray’s Inn ; 26, 27, 30, 58, 93, 
 220, 234, 331. 
 
 letters dated at ; 24, 52, 57, 
 
 59, 70, 80, 131, 143, 151, 153, 
 160, 168, 191, 192, 216, 266, 
 269, 381, 409, 420, 444, 445. 
 
 rent in; 17. 
 
 Full wood Street, “ the Bar- 
 ber’s Pole ” in ; 359. 
 
 Gray’s Inn Lane, “the Cock and 
 Dolphin Irm” in ; 313, 315. 
 
 the college in ; 79. 
 
 Great Wild Street; 510. 
 
 “ the Griffin,” letter dated at ; 169. 
 the Guildhall ; 125, 544. 
 
 Hanover Square, George Street ; 
 563. 
 
 the Hay market; 297,369. 
 
 “ the Blue Posts ” in ; 296, 
 
 369. 
 
 “ the Figure of Three ” in ; 
 
 296. 
 
 “ the George Inn ” in ; 296. 
 
 Pauton Street in; 296. 
 
 Haymarket Theatre ; 568. 
 
 Hill Street, letters dated at ; 523, 
 528. 
 
 Holborn; 82, 88, 542. 
 
 letter dated at ; 176. 
 
 “ The Blue Boar (Boav) ” 
 
 in ; 281, 356, 375, 378. 
 
 letters dated at ; 386, 
 
 408, 422. 
 
 “ The Gridiron ” in ; 132. 
 
 “The Hand and Sword” 
 
 near Turnstile Alley ; 141. 
 
 Middle Eow ; 346, 348. 
 
 “ The Sword and Buckler ” 
 
 in; 89, 90, 93, 131, l7l, 175, 
 176, 220. 
 
 letter dated at ; 154. 
 
 — — Bridge, “ the George Inn ” 
 by; 297, 318, 369. 
 
 Court ; 26. 
 
 — Hill ; 207. 
 
 Hoxton Square, letter dated at ; 
 464. 
 
 Hyde Park ; 218, 448, 449. 
 
 Inner Temple, letters dated at; 
 
 170, 491. 
 
 Islington ; 321. 
 
 King’s Street, “ the Mite Tavern ” 
 in; 173. 
 
 Knightsbridge Church ; 311. 
 Leicester Fields, Bear Street in 
 315, 316. 
 
 Leicester House ; 82,516. 
 
 letter dated at; 515. 
 
 Lincoln’s Inn ; 187. 
 
 letters dated at; 515,517, 
 
 537 558 
 
 Fields; 505, 509, 512, 530, 
 
 551. 
 
 letter dated at : 509. . 
 
 Great Turnstile ; 433. | 
 
 I London, places in and near — cont. 
 
 Little Queen Street ; 510. 
 
 Lloyd’s Coffee House ; 551. 
 Lombert Street, White Heart 
 Court in ; 234. 
 
 London Bridge ; 607. 
 
 Longacre ; 317. 
 
 Mansfield Street, letter dated at ; 
 525. 
 
 Middle Temple Hall ; 498. 
 Middle Temple, Society of the ; 
 494. 
 
 Milford Lanei Greyhound Court 
 in; 318. 
 
 Milk Street, “ the King’s Arms ” 
 in; 173. 
 
 Montagu House. See British 
 Museum. 
 
 Moorfields ; 510. 
 
 Newgate; 113, 117, 156, 172, 
 173, 211, 264, 315, 342, 362, 
 370, 372, 387, 394, 406, 409, 
 -607, 608. 
 
 Gatehouse; 108. 
 
 Street ; 347. 
 
 North Audley Street, letter dated 
 at; 501. 
 
 Old Bailey; 117, 128, 162, 216, 
 278, 407, 408. 
 
 Pall Mall; 402, 546, 559. 
 
 letter dated at ; 501. 
 
 Piccadilly, St. James’s House; 89. 
 Portman Square, letter dated at ; 
 568. 
 
 Primrose Hill ; 106. 
 
 Purple Lane, “ the White Horse 
 Inn” in; 297. 
 
 “ the Rainbow ” coffee-house ; 
 367. 
 
 Red Lion Square, Gloster Street 
 in ; 463. 
 
 — — “ the Lancaster Castle ” in ; 
 297, 369. 
 
 Leigh Street in ; 357. 
 
 Rolls House; 26, 517,518, 521, 
 527. 
 
 St. Botolph’s, the poor of ; 277. 
 St. Clement’s Inn, Clare Street 
 in; 228. 
 
 St. George’s fields ; 509. 
 
 St. Giles in the Fields ; 320. 
 
 St. John’s Street, Hicks Hall in ; 
 320. 
 
 St. Katherine’s ; 299. 
 
 St. Magnus’ parish, the poor of; 
 277. 
 
 St. Martin’s Church ; 107. 
 
 St. Martin’s, the poor of; 277. 
 
 St. Martin’s in the Fields ; 320, 
 376. 
 
 St. Paul’s Cathedral, repairs of ; 
 52. 
 
 St. Paul’s Churchyard, “ the 
 Bell ” in ; 158. 
 
 “the Prince’s Arms” in; 
 
 185. 
 
 St. vSwithins (Swithingsl Lane, 
 “ the Five Bells ” in ; 174. 
 
668 
 
 INDEX, 
 
 London, places in and near — cont. 
 Salisbury Place ; 333. 
 the Savoy; 106, 317, 331, 332 
 393. 
 
 Duck Lane in; 318. 
 
 French ministers in ; 277. 
 
 Serjeant’s Inn; 161, 526. 
 
 letter dated at ; 177. 
 
 Smithfield; 175, 207, 248,390. 
 
 “ The Bear and Bagged 
 
 Staff” in ; 389. 
 
 East ; 299. 
 
 Soho Square ; 395. 
 
 letter dated at ; 386. 
 
 Frith Street near; 451. 
 
 Somerset House ; 84. 
 Southampton Buildings ; 157. 
 Southampton Square, King Street 
 in; 317. 
 
 Southampton Street ; 384. 
 
 Staple Inn, letters dated at ; 59. 
 383. 
 
 Stepney ; 154. 
 the Strand; 31, 88. 
 
 “ the Queen’s Head ” in 
 
 Whitehart Yard ; 295, 299. 
 
 “ tlic Seven Stars ” in ; 296. 
 
 Strand Bridge, “ the Three 
 Crowns and Naked Boy ” in ; 
 175. 
 
 Suffolk Street ; 87. 
 
 “ The Swan with Two Necks ” ; 
 348. 
 
 the Temple ; 156, 340, 342, 343. 
 
 letter dated at ; 215. 
 
 Lamb’s Buildings, letters 
 
 dated at; 512, 514. 
 
 Master of ; 277. 
 
 Temple Bar, “ the Ship ” in 
 Butcher Row without ; 3 6 7 , 3 9 1 . 
 Thomas Street; 299. 
 the Tower; 40, 59, 105, 108, 113, 
 123, 124, 162, 166, 191, 192, 
 211, 221, 222, 299, 305, 307, 
 327, 333, 338, 361, 363, 364, 
 370, 374, 384, 387, 404, 407- 
 409, 414, 448, 572. 
 
 letters dated at; 281, 305, 
 
 306, 407, 511. 
 
 constable of. See Rivers, 
 
 Lord. 
 
 lieutenant of ; 611. 
 
 vicar of ; 277. 
 
 Tower Hill ; 123, 299. 
 
 Tyburn; 317, 
 
 Walbrook, the poor of; 277. 
 Wallingford House, letter dated 
 at; 96. 
 
 Wapping; 210. 
 
 Welbeck Street; 535. 
 
 letter dated at ; 513. 
 
 WhitecrosB Street, “ White Cross 
 Tavern” in; 173. 
 the “ White Horse ” in ; 369. 
 White’s; 497. 
 
 Wild House ; 327. 
 
 Wood Street, “the Castle” in; 
 352. 
 
 London, places in and near — cont. 
 Worcester House ; 69. 
 
 York House ; 88, 
 
 York Street. See Covent Gar- 
 den. 
 
 London, Bishop of; 70, 108. 
 
 his chaplain ; 70. 
 
 [Henry Compton] ; 197, 198, 
 
 211, 217. 
 
 Londonderry ; 220, 221, 233. 
 
 Londsdali, Mr. ; 498. 
 
 Long, Charles ; 561. 
 
 Longridge, co. Lane. ; 9. 
 
 Long wood. Major ; 295. 
 
 Longworth, Captain, his foot company ; 
 
 202 . 
 
 R. ; 314. 
 
 Ralph ; 235, 289. 
 
 RieWd; 248. 
 
 letter from ; 247. 
 
 Lonsdale hundred ; 152, 210, 319, 583, 585, 
 586, 607. 
 
 Wliff of ; 28. 
 
 chief constables for ; 29. 
 
 high constables of ; 115. 
 
 clergy in fl604) ; 7, 8, 13. 
 
 Justices of the Peace in ; 583. 
 
 Looe, CO. Cornwall ; 430. 
 
 Loozon, Lieut.-General. See Lauzun. 
 Loppington, co. Salop, vicar of. See 
 Scholefield, Edmund. 
 
 Lord, James ; 485, 
 
 Lord Lieutenant of the North ; 4. 
 
 Lords Lieutenant ; 219. 
 
 Lords, House of; 30, 59-61, 80, 81, 83, 85, 
 87, 88, 96, 99, 104, 105, 108, 122, 
 123, 127, 191, 209, 215, 217,221, 
 241, 269, 371, 380, 387, 394, 396, 
 398, 405, 406, 408, 412, 413, 4*15, 
 419,469, 501, 515, 537, 540, 541, 
 556, 570. 
 
 Committee for privileges. See Privi- 
 leges, Committee of. 
 dispute with Commons concerning the 
 vacancy ^^1689) ; 215, 216. 
 peer, indictment against a ; 129. 
 petition of Margaret, Lady Staiidish 
 to; 380. 
 
 Speaker of ; 536, 537. 
 
 Lorraine, Loraigne ; 27. 
 
 Cardinal of, secretary to. See Maw, 
 Jaques. 
 
 Lostock, CO. Lane. ; 110, 115. 
 
 letter dated at ; 167. 
 
 Lostwithiel, the minister of ; 276. 
 
 Lotteries ; 188, 446, 447. 
 
 Loughborough, Lord, Lord Chancellor ; 
 515, 537, 540. 
 
 letter from ; 555. 
 
 Louther, Sir Jn., of Whithaven ; 396. 
 Lovelace, Lord ; 210. 
 
 his troop ; 324. 
 
 Low, Captain ; 222. 
 
 William, of Wigan, depositions of ; 
 458, 459. 
 
 Low Countries, the; 563, 571. 
 
 Lowden, Lord (1640) ; 57. 
 
 Lowderdale, Duke of. See Lauderdale. 
 
INDEX. 
 
 669 
 
 LoAve of Aspull : 
 
 John; 4, 5. 
 
 Ralph ; 4, 5. 
 
 William ; 4, 5. 
 
 Lowe, Hugh, of Ince ; 4, 5. 
 
 John, vicar of Huyton ; 229. 
 
 the family of; 447. 
 
 Lowendal, — ; 472. 
 
 Lowick, CO. Lane. ; 229. 
 
 Lowuds, W m., of Overton ; 244. 
 
 Lowson, Law., of Chorley ; 174. 
 
 Lowther, Miss ; 558. 
 
 Mr.; 416. 
 
 Loyde, Mr. See Lloyd. 
 
 Luca, Mr., of Park Hall ; 439. 
 
 Lucas, Lucous, Lord (1694) ; 305. 
 
 Edward ; 524. 
 
 Lumley, Lord (1586) ; 621. 
 
 Lund, CO. Lane. ; 229. 
 
 Lundy, Colonel; 221. 
 
 Lune, the river ; 312. 
 
 Lunt, John ; 130, 224, 301-303, 305, 308, 
 309, 320, 323-340, 342, 344-351, 
 354, 355, 358, 360-369, 371, 372, 
 374-379, 381-394, 402. 
 an account of ; 310-320. 
 information of ; 292-301 . 
 his wife, previously Ann Tatham; 311, 
 315, 317, 320. 
 
 her brother Burges ; 315. 
 
 previously Ann Reynolds 
 
 (Wrennall) ; 316, 317, 318, 320. 
 Mrs.; 378. 
 
 Old; 379. 
 
 his wife ; 379. 
 
 Thomas, of Altcar; 137, 138. 
 Luxembourg; 170. 
 
 Duke of; 221. 
 
 Lydiate, co. Lane. ; 109. 
 
 Lyme, co. Chester; 363. 
 
 letters dated at; 52, 141, 171, 179, 
 385. 
 
 Corporation of ; 276.^^ 
 
 Lyme, Oliver; 194. 
 
 Ivy on, Robert, M.A. ; 477. 
 
 Thomas ; 192. 
 
 Lyons, John ; 25. 
 
 Lyttelton, Lord. See Littleton. 
 
 Lytham, co. Lane.; 9, 229, 310, 313. 
 Lyttesay [co. Lane.] ; 48. 
 
 Lyttleton, C, See Littleton, 
 
 M 
 
 M , Sir O. ; 102, 103. 
 
 M., Sir T. ; 545. 
 
 Macarty, — ; 449. 
 
 Macclesfield; 47, 310, 461, 479, 500. 
 Macclesfield, Maxfield: 
 
 [Charles Gerard, 1st] Earl of; 117, 
 207, 217, 264. 
 
 [Charles Gerard, 2nd] Earl of ; 28. I, 
 286, 309, 330, 406, 408, 413, 423, 
 425. 
 
 Lady (1698) ; 424. 
 
 Macdowell, John; 228. 
 
 Mackenrots, Mr. ; 501. 
 
 Macond, Ellis ; 62. 
 
 1 Macy, Massey, Massy : 
 
 — ; 321. 
 
 — , of Puddington ; 296, 303, 304. 
 
 I Dr.; 13. 
 
 Elizabeth; 109. 
 
 George ; 175. 
 
 letters from ; 192, 281, 305, 306, 
 
 407. 
 
 letters to ; 404, 409. 
 
 I Maddock, Peter ; 182.- 
 I Maddox, Mr. ; 478. 
 
 Samuel ; 485. 
 
 Madras ; 521. 
 
 the Mayor’s Court at; 521. 
 
 Madrid; 497. 
 
 Maghull, CO. Lane. ; 13, 229. 
 
 Maglachan, — ; 523. 
 
 Magson, Mr. ; 7. 
 
 Maidenhead ; 563. 
 
 Mainwaring, Manwaring, Mannering, 
 Manering : 
 
 Sir John; 237,249,329,388. 
 
 I Mr. ; 278, 287-291, 438-440, 445. 
 
 I Mr. ; 449. 
 
 his daughter Oldfield, the player ; 
 
 449. 
 
 Philip, letter from ; 72. 
 
 Makerfield, co. Lane. ; 232. 
 
 Male, William ; 194. 
 
 William, of Maghull ; 137. 
 
 Mallam, Henry ; 289. 
 
 Malpas Church ; 508. 
 
 Man, Isle of; 71-74, 85-87, 95, 136, 252- 
 255, 258, 263-266, 312, 377, 414, 
 415, 418, 419, 471. 
 letters dated from ; 168, 215, 279. 
 Archdeacon of ; 256. 
 
 Bishop of. See Barrow, Dr. Bridge- 
 man, Henry. Lake, John. 
 
 Bishop and Clergy of; 256, 257. 
 Bishopric of; 73, 75, 146-149. 
 cattle in ; 131. 
 the Clerk of the Rolls ; 256. 
 Comptroller of ; 256, 257, 280. 
 Comptroller of the. See also Rowe, 
 .John. 
 
 the six Coroners or Sheriffs ; 257. 
 Customs in; 149, 254, 258. 
 the Deemsters ; 255-257, 269. 
 Deputy-Governor of ; 269. 
 forces of ; 73, 74. 
 
 Governor of ; 254-258, 269. 
 
 See also Nowell, Colonel. Mus- 
 
 grave, Sir Philip. Kenyon, Roger. 
 Sacheverell. Rowe, John. Sankey, 
 Colonel N. 
 
 governorship of ; 251, 252, 254. 
 harbours in; 264. 
 
 insurrection of William Christian in. 
 See Christian. 
 
 the twenty-four Keys of ; 255-257. 
 Kings of; 75. 
 
 the King’s revenue officers in, account 
 of the Earl of Derby’s proceedings 
 I in disturbing the ; 258-262. 
 
670 
 
 INDEX, 
 
 Man, Isle of — cont. 
 
 linen manufacture in, the heads of 
 certain Acts as to the ; 269, 270. 
 Lords of ; 73, 74. See also Derby, 
 Earls oL 
 
 the Lords’ Council ; 255, 256. 
 the Lords’ prerogative in ; 57. 
 new laws proposed for ; 430, 431. 
 poor ministers in ; 277. 
 puffins in; 414-416. 
 receiver’s accounts of; 249. 
 the Secretaries of ; 256. 
 soldiers in ; 261. 
 
 Steward of the Household in ; 256. 
 surveyor, waiter, and searcher at. See 
 Eyans, Christopher, 
 tenure of, claim to service ai corona- 
 tion by reason of ; 228. 
 the Tynwald (Tin wall) ; 270, 273. 
 
 the manner of the Earl of Derby’s 
 
 going to ; 255-258. 
 
 Vicar-General of; 256. 
 
 Manchester; 11, 14, 15, 31, 40, 50, 61, 
 64, 67, 84, 89-92, JOO, 110, 116, 
 160, 176, 177, 179, 195, 201, 202, 
 213, 223, 229, 231, 232, 243, 252, 
 280, 283, 287, 305, 307, 309, 314, 
 319, 320, 324, 329, 336, 337, 339, 
 344, 345, 347, 348, 357-360, 362- 
 364, 368, 371, 376, 377, 379, 381- 
 383, 385-387, 394-399, 401-410, 
 412-418, 420, 427, 438, 439, 450, 
 457, 460, 464, 470, 471, 475, 478- 
 487, 499, 500, 519, 583, 587, 597, 
 603-605, 619. 
 
 letters dated at; 48, 51, 58, 68, 78, 
 79, 89, 103, 115, 122, 141, 143, 144, 
 176, 273, 274, 282, 286, 379, 380, 
 383, 384, 386, 404, 409, 411, 414, 
 416, 417, 452, 455, 465, 466, 470, 
 471, 475, 498, 604. 
 
 Assizes ; 307. 
 
 the Bridewell at ; 193. 
 
 “The Bull’s Head”; 59, 243, 314, 
 389, 480. 
 carrier, a ; 71. 
 
 Church; 115, 463, 499, 584. 
 churchwardens of, presentment by ; 
 582. 
 
 College; 16,500, 598. 
 
 fellowship of ; 102. 
 
 keeper of. See Stratford, Dr. 
 
 Nicholas, s.v. Chester, Bishop of. 
 
 warden of; 15, 16, 102, 499. 
 
 See also Dee, Dr. John. Wroe, Dr. 
 
 Richard. Wroe, Dr. William. 
 Collegiate Society of ; 499. 
 constables of ; 313, 314, 479-485. 
 
 Court Leet at ; 480. 
 
 “ Dangerous Corner ” ; 498. 
 
 Deanery, Dean of. See Rych, Thomas. 
 
 preachers of ; 599. 
 
 Dean’s Gate in ; 232. 
 
 Free School ; 466, 467, 470, 519. 
 
 feoffees of, letters to ; 465, 466, 
 
 470. j 
 
 headmaster of. See Richards, ! 
 
 Mr. I 
 
 Manchester — cont. 
 
 Free School— cowL 
 
 head-mastership of ; 103. 
 
 second master of. See Purnell, 
 
 William. 
 
 under-master of. See Broxup, 
 
 Seth. 
 
 trustees of ; 464. 
 
 Hobson, Joseph, his pupils, catalogue 
 of; 467. 
 
 House of Correction in ;’417, 470, 482. 
 inhabitants of (return of the payment 
 of a subsidy) ; 586. 
 
 volunteering to serve against the 
 
 Duke of Monmouth; 181-183. 
 Jurors for, names of ; 582. 
 
 Market Cross ; 483. 
 
 Market Street Lane ; 483, 500. 
 the Millgate in ; 96. 
 mortality, bill of ; 494. 
 news letter, a ; 242. 
 petition, the, about the linen manu- 
 factory; 270. 
 
 preacher of. See Carter Oliver. 
 
 Buckley, John, 
 regiment, the; 477, 507. 
 
 “ The Rose and Crown ” ; 314, 481. 
 
 “ The Saracen’s Head ’’ ; 480, 481. 
 School Mills ; 464. 
 
 Sessions ; 57, 90, 120-122, 140, 225, 
 292, 372, 591. 
 
 “The Star and Garter ” ; 483. 
 
 “ The Swan with the two necks ” at ; 
 413. 
 
 tradesmen of, a representation of ; 410. 
 trials, the; 373. 
 
 “ The Wheatsheaf ” ; 314. 
 Manchester, Lord (1688); 209. 
 
 Duke of (1783) ; 512, 513. 
 
 Manfield; 379. 
 
 Manley, Mr. ; 471. 
 
 Mann, Mr. ; 8. 
 
 Mannering, Man waring. See Mainwaring. 
 Manners, Sir William; 544. 
 
 Mansfeild, Count; 27, 29. 
 
 Mansfield Lord, Lord Chief Justice; 510. 
 515, 522, 526, 527, 552, 554, 562. 
 
 letter from ; 526. 
 
 Mapill, John; 2. 
 
 Mar, Earl of (1617) ; 20. 
 
 Earl of (1719) ; 463. 
 
 Marcer, Mrs. ; 374. 
 
 Marchden, co. York; 620. 
 
 Marchden, James ; 620. 
 
 Marcrofte, James, curate of Clitheroe 
 Chapel ; 18. 
 
 his wife Elizabeth, her informa- 
 tion against Popish recusants ; 18. 
 Mr.; 10. 
 
 Margate (Margret) ; 422. 
 
 Marisco. See Morisco. 
 
 Markland, Captain J., letter from ; 62. 
 Ralph; 397. 
 
 Robert; 194. 
 
 Marlborough ; 72, 209. 
 
 letters dated at ; 71, 563. 
 Marlborough, [John Churchill], 1st Duke 
 of ; 435, 439. 
 
INDEX. 
 
 671 
 
 . Marler, Humphrey ; 182. 
 
 John ; 586. 
 
 Kobert ; 586. 
 
 Marriott, Mr. ; 355. 
 
 Marsden, co. Lane. ; 10, 230. 
 
 Marsden, Christopher, letter from ; 114. 
 Christopher, curate of Farnworth ; 
 229. 
 
 Henry, letter from ; 278. 
 
 Miss ; 503. 
 
 Mr.; 156, 178, 287. 
 
 Thomas ; 195. 
 
 letters from ; 112, 126, 279, 281, 
 
 284-287, 291, 320, 419. 
 
 Thomas, a clipper ; 173-175. 
 
 Thomas, Vicar of Walton ; 230. 
 Marseilles ; 472, 504. 
 
 Marsh, Catherine ; 604. 
 
 Peter; 194. 
 
 Marsh Gate; 517, 526. 
 
 Marshal, Earl. See Norwich, Henry, Earl 
 of. 
 
 Marshall, Merschelles, Earl of (1617) ; 
 
 21 , 22 . 
 
 Martell, Captain, letter to ; 460. 
 
 Martin, co. Lane. ; 230. 
 
 Martin, Thomas, letter from ; 440. 
 
 Sir William ; 153. 
 
 his son ; 153. 
 
 Martindale, — ; 544. 
 
 Mary II., Queen : 
 
 as Princess ; 99, 216, 217. 
 as Queen; 216, 217, 239, 245, 248, 
 253-255, 305, 306. 
 
 her death ; 372, 373, 406. 
 
 See also under William III. 
 
 Mary, Queen of Scots ; 616. 
 
 conference between, and the Lords, 
 concerning her examination ; 621- 
 626. 
 
 her gentleman. See Mel vine, 
 governor and keeper of. See Pow- 
 lette. Sir Amy as. 
 the manner of her death ; 575. 
 
 Mary of Modena, Queen of James II., her 
 death ; 462. 
 
 Mary, Princess, (daughter of George III.) ; 
 514. 
 
 Mason, John Sandiford ; 183. 
 
 Massom, Thomas, of Altcar; 137, 138. 
 Massy. See Macy. 
 
 Master of the Polls, the; 535, 551, 551, 
 595, 604. 
 
 See also Egerton, Sir Thomas. Ken- 
 yon, Lloyd, 1st Lord. 
 
 Masters, Mr. ; 464. 
 
 Masterson, — ; 382. 
 
 Mather, James ; 48. 
 
 his wife Margaret ; 48. 
 
 Mr.; 492. 
 
 Thomas, letters from ; 416, 418. 
 Mathewe, Ralph (Rauf) ; 572. 
 
 Mathews, Colonel ; 240, 278, 282. 
 
 his regiment of dragoons ; 3 1 2, 
 
 313. 
 
 Major ; 239. 
 
 Mr., of Brandelsholme ; 497. 
 Matishall, letter dated at ; 152. 
 
 Maudit, Jasper ; 281, 362, 411. 
 
 Mr. ; 230. 
 
 Maunton, co. Lane. ; 232. 
 
 Mavr, Jaques ; 624, 625. 
 
 Mawdesley, Cornet ; 377. 
 
 Mr., ; 452. 
 
 Robert ; 394. 
 
 William ; 51. 
 
 his son Robert ; 58. 
 
 letters from ; 51, 52. 
 
 Maxfield, Earl of. See Macclesfield. 
 
 May, Humphrey, Chancellor of the Duchy 
 . of Lancaster, letters from ; 31. 
 
 Mayence ; 443. 
 
 Maylor Hundred ; 500, 
 
 Maynard, Lord (1682) ; 155. 
 
 Serjeant; 172. 
 
 McLoughlan, Duncan ; 260. 
 
 Meaby, Mr., Recorder of the City of 
 London ; 125. 
 
 Mead, Mr., a preacher; 12. 
 
 Meade, Hon. Pearce ; 549. 
 
 Meadow crofte, Richard ; 29. 
 
 Meales, co Lane. See Meols. 
 
 Mearley, [co. Lane.] ; 150. 
 
 letter dated at ; 90. 
 
 Medcalfe, Francis ; 115. 
 
 Mr.; 10. 
 
 Meereley; 64. 
 
 Melford, — ; 335. 
 
 Melfort, Melford, Milford, Lord ; 210, 233, 
 292-294, 298-300, 334, 346, 347, 369, 
 392. 
 
 Melling, co. Lane.; 8, 13, 110. 
 
 Chapel ; 229. 
 
 Chm’ch; 229. 
 
 Melville, Lord (1806); 559, 561. 
 
 Melvine, — , gentleman to Mary, Queen of 
 Scots; 622. 
 
 Mendoza, — ; 626. 
 
 Meols, Meales, co. Lane. ; 229. 
 
 Mercer, — , of Lancaster ; 315. 
 
 Mr.; 270. 
 
 Thomas, letter from; 377. 
 
 Thomas, of Abram ; 98. 
 
 Meredith, Sir William ; 493, 501, 516. 
 
 his confession of faith ; 497. 
 
 Merionethshire, Lieutenancy of ; 528. 
 Mersey, the river ; 500. 
 
 Methodists, the; 510, 563-565. 
 Mewremont. See Mormond. 
 
 Middleham, co. York, manor of; 17. 
 
 Surveyor of the Lordship of. See 
 Kenyon, Roger. 
 
 Middlesex ; 129. 
 
 freeholders, the ; 444. 
 sheriffs of. See under London. 
 Middleton, Mydletone, co. Lane. ; 12, 14, 
 41, 196, 229, 582, 584, 595. 
 letters dated at; 45, 47, 238, 252, 603. 
 constables of, letter to ; 583. 
 parson of. See Assheton, Edward, 
 the taxation of (1590) ; 574. 
 Middleton, Mydletone, Myddleton : 
 
 Lord (1694) ; 300. 
 
 Lady Ann; 109, 170. 
 
 letter from; 169, 171. 
 
 Christopher; 582. 
 
672 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Middleton, Mydletone, Myddleton — cont. 
 Mr. ; 502, 581. 
 
 Mr., M.P. for Denbigh ; 534. 
 
 Robert; 109. 
 
 William; 481, 484. 
 
 Midford, — ; 508. 
 
 Midgeley, Mydgley : 
 
 Mr.; 13. 
 
 Richard, pastor of Rochdale ; 602. 
 
 letter from ; 597. 
 
 letter to ; 601. 
 
 Mierscough, Mierscoe. See Myerscough. 
 Mildmay, Myldmaye, Sir Walter ; 621, 622. 
 Milford, Lord. See Melford. 
 
 Milford .Haven ; 243. 
 
 Militia, the; 67, 200, 204-210, 242, 359, 
 360. 
 
 Act, the. See under Acts, 
 officers ; 135, 199. 
 
 Millom, Millam, co. Lane. ; 229. 
 
 Milnrow, Milrowe, co. Lane. ; 12. 
 
 Milward, Mr. ; 324. 
 
 William, letter from ; 65. 
 
 Mines ; 42. 
 coal ; 43. 
 lead; 40, 41. 
 
 Ministers, directions for, (temp. James I.) ; 
 
 5. 
 
 Minshall, Mr. ; 122. 
 
 Thomas; 182. 
 
 Thomas, of Erdeswick ; 244. 
 
 Mint, the; 276, 403, 404, 407, 408, 414. 
 warden of; 272, 283, 409. 
 
 . See also Wharton, Sir Thomas. 
 
 Wynne, Owen. Overton, Benjamin. 
 Miracle, testimony as to a ; 1 . 
 
 Miremond, Marquess de; 215. 
 
 Mitchill, Mr. ; 430. 
 
 Mitford, Sir J. ; 557. 
 
 Mitton, CO. Lane. ; 39, 231, 291. 
 
 Mitton, Thomas ; 459. 
 
 Mode, Daniel ; 467. 
 
 Mohun, Lord (d. 1712) ; 448, 449. 
 
 Moira, Lord (1798) ; 549. 
 
 Moises, Hugh ; 550. 
 
 Mold, letter dated at ; 546. 
 
 Mollass, Duke ; 210. 
 
 Molyneux, Molineux, Mollineux, Molli- 
 neaux, Molynex, Mullineux : 
 
 Lord (1679-1695); 112, 130, 145, 
 
 187, 188, 212, 213, 233-236, 293, 
 
 294, 297, 300-303, 313, 314, 329, 
 330, 348, 350, 359, 360, 365, 368- 
 270, 387. 
 
 trial of; 307, 309. 
 
 his son ; 13(>. 
 
 his son Colonel William ; 293- 
 
 295, 297, 302, 303, 329, 368, 369. 
 Lady ; 310. 
 
 Alexander; 601. 
 
 — ; 409. 
 
 — , apothecary of Liverpool ; 320, 411. 
 Francis, nephew of Sir .John ; 188. 
 
 letter from ; 188. 
 
 Sir .John ; 148, 167, 188. 
 
 Lady, wife of Sir John; 148, 167, 
 
 188. 
 
 John ; 167. 
 
 Molyneux, Molineux, Mollineux, Molli- 
 neaux, Molynex, Mullineux — cont. 
 John; letters from; 86, 103. 
 
 John, shipowner, 263. 
 
 K., letter from ; 189. 
 
 Mr. (1604) ; 13. 
 
 Mr. (1688-96) ; 189, 190, 196, 239, 
 279, 400. 
 
 Mr. (1745) ; 473. 
 
 Nathaniel, of Dez Hill in West 
 Houghton ; 174, 195, 228. 
 
 letters from ; 190, 203. 
 
 R., letter from ; 471. 
 
 Reginald ; 182. 
 
 Sir Richard; 13, 583, 601. 
 
 Robert; 110, 174, 194. 
 
 his wife, Frances ; 110. 
 
 Robert, tried for high treason ; 192. 
 Robert ; 359. 
 
 Thomas; 411,451. 
 
 Hon. William; 194, 195. 
 
 Monk, General (1667); 79. 
 
 John, a constable ; 158. 
 
 Monmouth ; 407. 
 
 Monmouth, [James], Duke of; 98, 105, 
 124, 143, 149, 161, 169, 184, 264, 
 309. 
 
 volunteers to serve against ; 181- 
 
 183. 
 
 Duchess of ; 169. 
 
 [Charles Mordaunt], Earl of ; 339. 
 Monopolies ; 60. 
 
 Mons; 253. 
 
 Montague, Viscount (1586) ; 621, 622. 
 [Ralph], 1st Earl, afterwards 1st 
 Duke of ; 409, 439. 
 
 Montague, [Charles] ; 397, 401. 
 Montcalm, Monsieur ; 496. 
 
 Montgomery, Lord (1617) ; 20. 
 
 Montrose, Muntrois ; 20. 
 
 Moody, Mr. ; 288. 
 
 Mr., “ of the Bank ” ; 433. 
 
 Moore, Moor, More, Morre ; 
 
 Captain ; 202. 
 
 Sir Cleave ; 284. 
 
 Edmund; 7. 
 
 Judge ; 223. 
 
 Lieutenant; 478. 
 
 Major ; 294, 369. 
 
 Richard, of Downholland ; 460. 
 William, letter from ; 70. 
 
 Mooting, — ; 523. 
 
 Morcroft, Thomas, letter from ; 176. 
 
 his son William ; 176. 
 
 Mordaunt, Mordant, Lord (1586) ; 622. 
 
 Lord (1680) ; 116. 
 
 Morden, John; 409. 
 
 More, Hannah ; 544. 
 
 See also Moore. 
 
 Mores, Andrew; 359. 
 
 Moreton. See Morton. 
 
 Morgan, Morgen ; 
 
 — ; 311, 385, 625. 
 
 Sir John ; 244. 
 
 Morgan’s Fort, Jamaica ; 267. 
 
 Morisco, Marisco, Peter ; 319, 362. 
 Morland, Samuel; 276. 
 
 Sir Samuel ; 276. 
 
INDEX. 
 
 673 
 
 Morley, Lord (1586); 622. 
 
 Mormond, Mewremont, co. Aberdeen ; 20. 
 Morocco, Ishmael KerifFe, King of, letter 
 from; 133. 
 
 Hada, ambassador from. See 
 
 under Ambassador. 
 
 Morre, Major, See Moore. 
 
 Morris, Morres, Morey, Morrey es, Morrice : 
 Henry; 137. 
 
 Mr. ; 288, 530. 
 
 Mr., Speaker of the House of Com- 
 mons ; 498. 
 
 Philip ; 456. 
 
 Richard; 15. 
 
 Thomas ; 380. 
 miliarn; 63. 
 
 Sir William ; 276. 
 
 Morston. See Mostyn. 
 
 Mort, Morte : 
 
 Councillor ; 200. 
 
 Mr., Deputy Clerk of the Peace at 
 Ormskirk, letter to ; 491. 
 
 Thomas; 194. 
 
 letter from ; 102. 
 
 Thomas, of Astley ; 30. 
 
 letters from ; 43, 48. 
 
 his uncle Jackson ; 43. 
 
 Mortality, table of (? Manchester) ; 31. 
 Mortimer, letter dated at ; 555. 
 
 Morton, letter dated at ; 101. 
 
 Morton, Mortounes, Earl of (1617); 21. 
 Morton, Moreton ; 
 
 John ; 228. 
 
 Mr.; 507. 
 
 Mr., clerk of the Peace for Lanca- 
 shire ; 356. 
 
 Richard ; 583. 
 
 Mosbrough ; 360. 
 
 Moseley, Sir Edward ; 309. 
 
 Lady ; 395. 
 
 Mosley, Edward (1618), letter from; 24. 
 Edward (1685-8) ; 181, 195. 
 
 Francis ; 229. 
 
 Mr., 90. 
 
 Oswald; 182, 195. 
 
 Moss, Mosse : 
 
 James; 181,410. 
 
 Mr., letter to ; 464. 
 
 Thomas ; 410. 
 
 Mossack, Anne ; 109. 
 
 Mostyn, Morston : 
 
 Mr., ofDelalery; 301, 304. 
 
 Piers; 301. 
 
 Sir Roger ; 428, 504, 545. 
 
 Sir Thomas ; .:46. 
 
 Mottram ; 464. 
 
 letter dated at ; 464. 
 curate of. See Robinson, Thomas. 
 Mouldsworth, Mr. ; 399. 
 
 Mountague. - Nee Montague. 
 
 Mountcashel, Lord, his regiment ; 239. 
 Mounteagle, Lord (1604); 7, 8. 
 Mountgrivalie, Viscount (1599); 611. 
 Mount’s Bay ; 430. 
 
 Mowgrave, Lord. See Mulgrave. 
 
 Moxou, John; 182. 
 
 Moy, W illiam ; 65. 
 
 73480. 
 
 Mulgrave, Mowgrave, [John Sheffield], 
 Earl of ; 143. 
 
 Mullineux, Thomas. See Molyneux. 
 Mumgaratt, Viscount (1599) ; 610. 
 Muucaster, James ; 229. 
 
 Muntrois. See Montrose : 
 
 Murray, Lord Charles; 178, 179. 
 
 Murray, — ; 569. 
 
 [of Broughton] , — , secretary to Prince 
 Charles Edward ; 481. 
 
 David ; 419. 
 
 David, merchant of Douglas, exami- 
 nation of; 255.' 
 
 Robert of Chester ; 255. 
 
 Murrean, — , a Scotch pedlar ; 373. 
 Muscovia, Emperor of (1588) ; 571. 
 Musgrave, Sir Philip, Governor of the Isle 
 of Man ; 74. 
 
 Muwson ; 322. 
 
 Myddleton. See Middleton. 
 
 Mj’dgley, Richard. See Midgeley. 
 
 Myers, Thomas ; 229. 
 
 Myerscough, Mierscough, Mierscoe, co. 
 Lane. ; 8, 274, 316. 
 
 N 
 
 Nab, Oliver ; 232. 
 
 Namptwich. See Nantwich. 
 
 Namur, siege of ; 402, 407. 
 
 Nantucket, Nantasket, (America) ; 56. 
 Nantwich, Namptwich ; 62, 63, 359, 493, 
 494. 
 
 letters dated at ; 471, 494. 
 
 Naples, King of ; 496. 
 
 Joseph Bonaparte, King of; 562, 
 563. 
 
 Napp, Mr. ; 337. 
 
 Nash, Mr. ; 563. 
 
 Samuel ; 181. 
 
 Nasse, the, (Ireland) ; 610. 
 
 National debt, reduction of the ; 522. 
 Navy. See under Ships. 
 
 Nayland, co. Suffolk, letters dated at ; 53 P, 
 538, 545, 548, 550. 
 
 Church; 549. 
 
 Naylor, James ; 232. 
 
 James, of Windle ; 246. 
 
 John; 110. 
 
 Neale, Samuel ; 175. 
 
 Needham, Nedham, Needam : 
 
 Eleanor ; 276. 
 
 Mr.; 93. 
 
 Nicholas; 277. 
 
 Neild, Anne, letter from; 61. 
 
 Robert; 61. 
 
 Neland, — ; 311, 317. 
 
 Nelson, Captain ; 297, 369. 
 
 Nelson, Lord ; 566. 
 
 Netherkellet, co. Lane. See Kellet, Nether, 
 Netherlands, the ; 396. 
 
 Neutoii, [Isaac]. See Newton. 
 
 U U 
 
‘674 INDEX. 
 
 Nevill, : — ; 339. 
 
 judge; 403. 
 
 New, Kobert ; 182. 
 
 Newbattle Park (in Scotland) ; 22. 
 
 New Brunswick, (America) ; 520, 522. 
 Newburgh, Lord (1688) ; 211. 
 
 E., letter from ; 44, 
 
 Newbury, co. Berks ; 531. 
 
 -Newby, Thomas ; 182. 
 Newcastle-under-Lyme, co. Staff. ; 359. 
 407. 
 
 Newcastle, Duke of (1680-88) ; 105, 209. 
 
 Duke of (1744r5) ; 471, 481. 
 New(jhurch in Winwick, co. Lane.; 229. 
 
 Chapel, CO. Lane. ; 13. 
 
 Newcome, Henry ; 232. 
 
 Mr.; 359. 
 
 Mr., of Middleton ; 451. 
 
 Robert ; 2. 
 
 New England ; 56, 253, 255, 262. 
 
 New Forest ; 83. 
 
 Newhall, letters dated at; 100, 132, 166. 
 Newhaven, Charles, Lord Cheyne, Vis- 
 count ; 139. 
 
 Newlyn, Robert, letter from ; 103. 
 Newman, — ; 608. 
 
 Newmarket; 84, 86, 89, 100, 129, 130, 
 131, 148, 150, 162, 168, 186. 
 letter dated at ; 25. 
 
 Newnham, Mrs., Lady Mayoress ; 514. 
 New Park, letter dated at ; 596. 
 
 Newport, Lord (1644), his eldest son; 64. 
 Andrew; 139. 
 
 News Letters; 14, 113, 116, 122,123, 124, 
 128, 209, 210, 242, 571. 
 
 Newton, co. Lane. ; 229, 231, 384, 385, 
 421, 452, 454. 
 curate of. See Allanson. 
 parson of ; 390. 
 
 Bridge ; 52. 
 
 Chapel; 13, 14. 
 
 Heath; 11. 
 
 Newton, Neuton : 
 
 — ; 321, 359. 
 
 [Isaac] ; 539, 540. 
 
 John; 195. 
 
 Mr. ; 7, 98. 
 
 Newtown, (America) ; 56. 
 
 New York ; 162. 
 
 Nice; 504. 
 
 Nicholls, Jonathan ; 410. 
 
 Nichols, Josiah ; 483. 
 
 Nicholson, Nicolson, Nichonson : 
 Humphrey; 29. 
 
 James ; 134, 135, 137, 138. 
 
 John; 173, 174. 
 
 Mr., a packer; 117. 
 
 William ; 1. 
 
 Nickson, John ; 313. 
 
 Nicoll, Mr. ; 534. 
 
 Nightingale, Mr. ; 427. 
 
 Nisbott, Sir William, Lord Provost of 
 Edinburgh ; 19, 20. 
 
 Noel, Mrs. See Nowell. 
 
 Noell, Captain ; 298, 299, 347, 370. 
 Nollcrofte, Hamlette ; 582. 
 
 Nonconformist Minister, a ; 91. 
 
 Nonconformists or dissenters ; 93, 94, 124, 
 172, 190, 231, 234, 246, 270, 273, 411, 
 412, 422, 434, 435, 536, 543, 550. 
 Nonjurors ; 273, 388, 475, 490, 491. 
 Norcross, Mr. ; 9. 
 
 Norfolk ; 89. 
 
 brewers in ; 248. 
 
 Norfolk, Duke of (1571), his submission 
 to Queen Elizabeth ; 573, 574. 
 Duke of (1674) ; 99. 
 
 Duke of (1694-97) ; 277, 423. 
 
 Duke of (1747), his steward. See 
 Westby, Mr. 
 
 Normanby, Marquis (1696) ; 405. 
 
 Norris, Norres, Norreys, Norrice: 
 
 Lord. See Norreys. 
 
 Alexander; 263, 281. 
 
 , letter from ; 128. 
 
 — ; 286, 372. 
 
 Captain ; 313. 
 
 Christopher, letters from ; 378, 379. 
 Deemster; 280. 
 
 Sir Edward ; 212. 
 
 John, letter from ; 43. 
 
 Mr. ; 143, 309, 362, 386, 399, 400, 
 405. 
 
 Mr., of Derby ; 126. 
 
 Thomas ; 194. 
 
 William, of Speke (Sprake) ; 320, 
 388, 395, 411. 
 
 his brother; 403. 
 
 Sir William ; 39. 
 
 Norreys, Norres, Lord (1696) ; 405. 
 Norroy, King-at-Arms ; 176. 
 
 North, Frederick, Lord ; 504, 512. 
 
 letter from; 515. 
 
 Sir Francis, Chief Justice, afterwards 
 Lord Keeper; 112, 154. 
 
 letter from ; 158. 
 
 Mr. ; 144. 
 
 Northampton; 14, 209. 
 
 Northampton, Lord (1688-95) ; 209, 387. 
 Northampton House, letter dated at ; 25. 
 Northamptonshire ; 608. 
 
 Northey, Sir Edward ; 486. 
 
 Mr.; 385. 
 
 North Meols, Northmeales, co. Lane. ; 13, 
 53, 195. 
 
 Northumberland, the king’s receiver- 
 general for. See Assheton, Ralph. 
 Northumberland, Earl of (J;emp. Henry 
 IV.); 73. 
 
 Earl of (1616) ; 17. 
 
 [George Fitz-Roy, 1st] Duke of ; 
 170, 276. 
 
 his troops ; 207. 
 
 Northwich, co. Chester; 200, 201, 494. 
 Norton, — ; 495, 499. 
 
 F., letter from ; 518. 
 
 Roger; 68. 
 
 Norway, Kings of ; 73. 
 
 Norwich; 124,407. 
 
 Norwich, Dr. Horne, Bishop of ; 538. 
 
 Henry, Earl of ; 103. 
 
 Nottingham ; 25, 310, 530. 
 letters dated at ; 209, 379. 
 
. INDEX. 
 
 675 
 
 Nottingham, [Daniel Finch], Earl of; 210, 
 245, 254, 269, 277, 286, 329, 371, 
 388, 405, 415, 456. 
 
 letters from ; 253, 254. 
 
 letter to ; 254. 
 
 Nouell, Roger. See Nowell. 
 
 Nova Scotia ; 520. 
 
 Nowell, Nouell, Noel : 
 
 — ; 400. 
 
 Colonel, Governor of the Isle of 
 Man ; 70. 
 
 Colonel, his regiment (1688) ; 202. 
 Captain Henry, Deputy-Governor of 
 the Isle of Man ; 70. 
 
 letters from; 69-72, 80, 87, 91, 
 
 ’ 101 . 
 
 — ■ — letter to ; 95. 
 
 his brother, letter to ; 80. 
 
 his cousin Lacy; 72. 
 
 his nephew Bunastre. See 
 
 Bannaster. 
 
 his nephew Coplie ; 101. 
 
 his niece, Jane Nowell ; 80. 
 
 Henry; 168. 
 
 John, of Ardsley, co. York ; 584. 
 Leonard ; 93. 
 
 Mr. ; 5. 
 
 Mrs.; 378. 
 
 Robert; 179. 
 
 Roger ; 167. 
 
 letters from ; 70, 168. - 
 
 Roger, of Read ; 38, 50. 
 
 letter from ; 46. 
 
 Nugent, Nugente : 
 
 Colonel ; 240. 
 
 Richard ; 582. 
 
 Nuttall, Ellis, letter to ; 93. 
 
 Samuel, of Yeograve ; 359. 
 
 Thomas; 195. 
 
 Nutter, John, letter to ; 24. 
 
 Mr.; 10. 
 
 Nylde, — , of Hollinwood ; 572. 
 
 o 
 
 Oakes, Samuel; 467. 
 
 William; 481, 483. 
 
 Oates, Dr.; 210, 264. 
 
 Titus ; 105-107, 124, 129. 
 
 Oaths of allegiance and supremacy; 118- 
 120, 122, 160. 
 
 Oatlands, letters dated at; 591, 592. 
 O’Brien, Colonel Charles, his regiment ; 
 239. 
 
 Oburne, Mr. ; 7. 
 
 Octavius, Prince ; 514. 
 
 Oddy, Mr. ; 279, 289. 
 
 Thorny ; 149. 
 
 William, letter from ; 284. 
 
 Ogden, George; 229. 
 
 Paul; 572. 
 
 Ogle, Edward ; 194. 
 
 Oglethorpe, Colonel ; 211. 
 
 Okeley, Mr. ; 444. 
 
 Oldersey, Rev. Mr., rector of Wigan, 
 letter to ; 467. 
 
 Oldfield, Ouldfield : 
 
 — , the player. See Mahiwaring. 
 Captain ; 200. 
 
 Humphrey; 182. 
 
 John; 182. 
 
 Lawrance, letter from ; 151. 
 
 Leftwich ; 242, 244. 
 
 letters from ; 113, 115, 187, 191, 
 
 220, 222, 245. 
 
 ' his brother Tom ; 220. 
 
 Mr. ; 442. 
 
 Philip; 182. 
 
 Robert ; 57. 
 
 alias Orford, Thomas, of Finchley ; 
 174. 
 
 Oldham, Ouldham, co. Lane. ; 11, 16, 196, 
 230, 232, 572, 582, 583. 
 preacher at. See Hunt, Thomas. 
 Oldham, — ; 361. 
 
 Dr. Hugh, Bishop of Exeter ; 103. 
 James, letter from ; 470. 
 
 Oleron, Isle of ; 255. 
 
 Olivares, Count ; 29. 
 
 Oliver, Richard ; 483. 
 
 Opera House, the ; 528. 
 
 Oporto, letter dated at ; 65. 
 
 Oppenshaw ; 89. 
 
 Orange, (William III., g.v.). Prince of ; 
 
 86, 87, 99, 126, 171, 197, 201, 203, 
 205-207, 209-212,215-217, 311. 
 
 Princess Royal of ; 68. 
 
 Princess of. See Mary II., Queen. 
 Orchard Leigh, Frome, letter dated a,t ; 
 546. 
 
 Ordnance,. the ; 59. 
 
 Orford, Thomas. See Oldfield. 
 
 Orme, Henry; 194. 
 
 Ormerod, Ormeroyde, Peter, vicar of 
 Whalley; 10, 18. 
 
 Ormeston, Mr. ; 210. 
 
 Ormond, Lord (1599) ; 610, 611. 
 
 [James Butler, 1st], Duke of ; 86, 
 
 87, 148, 152, 200. 
 
 [James Butler, 2nd], Duke of; 217, 
 277, 286. 
 
 Ormskirk, Ormschurch, co. Lane. ; 13, 43, 
 134, 145, 153, 193, 194,202,223, 
 229, 231, 246, 304, 316, 368, 378, 
 412, 470, 471, 491, 588. 
 letters dated at; lul, 127, 134, 137, 
 138, 142, 156, 176, 412. 
 
 Clerk of the Peace at the Sessions at. 
 
 See Rigby, George. 
 
 Sessions; 121, 140, 450, 591. 
 
 Orrell, Humphrey, of Parr ; 460. 
 
 William ; 593. 
 
 j Orrery, Lord (1695) ; 387. 
 j Orrett. See “ Broad and Orrett.” 
 
 I Osbaldeston, Osbuldalston ; 252. 
 Osbaldeston, John, letter from ; 48. 
 Margaret, letter from; 406. 
 
 Mr. ; 224, 381. 
 
 Osbaston, Sir Edward ; 28. 
 
 Osborne, Sir Thomas. See Latimer, Vis- 
 count. 
 
 u u 2 
 
676 
 
 index; 
 
 Osburne, — , a draper ; 117. 
 
 Oswaldston, Lord (1682) ; 311. 
 Oswaldtwistle, copyhold tenants of ; 24. 
 Otter hounds, master of the ; 276. 
 
 Ottoman Porte, the ; 469. 
 
 Otway, Jo., letters from ; 85, 87. 
 
 Sir John ; 101. 
 
 Oulcome. See Holcombe. 
 
 Ouldfield. See Oldfield. 
 
 Ouldham. See Oldham. 
 
 Outlaws, goods of ; 51. 
 
 Overton, letter dated at ; 502. 
 
 Overton, Benjamin, Warden of the Mint j 
 281, 305. 
 
 letter to ; 274. 
 
 Owen, Job ; 231. 
 
 Mr. ; 545. 
 
 Robert, letter from ; 59. 
 
 Oxcliffe, CO. Lane. ; 109. 
 
 Oxenden, Sir Henry ; 529. 
 
 Oxford; 67, 71, 86-88, 91, 124, 126, 186, 
 187, 433, 539, 542, 543. 
 letters dated at ; 76, 492, 493, 499. 
 Circuit the ; 506, 548. 
 
 Oxford University ; 470, 492, 537. 
 Brasenose College ; 422, 447. 
 
 letter dated at, 492. 
 
 Christ Church; 9, 126, 563. 
 Convocation; 126. 
 
 decree of, against pernicious 
 
 books; 163-166. 
 
 Corpus Christi College, President of. 
 
 See Newlyn, Robert, 
 graduate of; 102. 
 
 Lady Margaret, professor at ; 277. 
 Magdalen College ; 197, 198. 
 members of Parliament for; 212. 
 Reader of Civil Law ; 277. 
 
 Reader of Physic ; 277. 
 
 St. John’s College, letter dated at, 
 434. 
 
 Vice-Chancellor of. See Delaune, W 
 Oxford, Earl of (1586) ; 621, 622. 
 the Lord of (1680) ; 122, 186. 
 
 Earl of (1694); 276, 363. 
 Oxfordshire; 209, 419, 531. 
 justices of ; 531. 
 
 P 
 
 Paccolett, — ; 375. 
 
 Padiham, Padyarae, co. Lane. ; 10, 15, 39 
 42, 229. 
 
 Paget, Pagett, Pagette : 
 
 Lord ; 626. 
 
 Mr.; 619. 
 
 Paine, — , his objections against Christi- 
 anity ; 565. 
 
 Tom, his Rights of Man; 537. 
 Palatinate, the ; 29, 30, 39, 443. 
 
 Palatine, the Prince ; 33. 
 
 Paler, Mr. ; 9. 
 
 Palm, Monsieur de, letter to ; 468. 
 
 Palmer, Mr. ; 619. 
 
 Robert; 552. 
 
 Pamphlets : 
 
 Cry aloud and spare not; 472. 
 History of Passive Obedience; 227. 
 The humble Apologie of the English 
 Catholicks ; 81. 
 
 Papal bull, a ; 32. 
 
 1 Paper, price of ; 100. 
 
 Papists or Catholics, the ; 16, 18, 27, 59, 
 60, 80, 99, 102, 105-107, 118-124, 128- 
 130, 135-137, 141, 145, 152, 156, 158, 
 166, 183, 187, 188, 190, 199, 205-207, 
 209, 211, 220, 221, 224-226, 233-235, 
 i 238, 240, 242, 244, 251, 252, 270, 273, 
 
 I 289, 292, 299, 300, 370, 388-391, 393, 
 
 408, 436, 442, 473, 475, 490, 491, 509, 
 510, 542, 543, 557. 
 
 Papists’ lands, registration of ; 460, 466. 
 Pargate; 497. 
 
 Paris; 27, 170, 462, 497, 529, 535, 552, 
 566, 571. 
 
 letters dated at ; 427, 428. 
 
 Park, John, of Langton ; 232. 
 
 Parker, — ; 321. 
 
 Charles ; 247. 
 
 letter from ; 68. 
 
 Christopher, letter from ; 438. 
 Colonel ; 295, 303, 304. 
 
 Edward; 279. 
 
 letter from ; 278. 
 
 Edward, servant of Lady Tyldesley ; 
 313. 
 
 Mr. and Mrs. Joddrel ; 508. 
 
 Madam ; 279. 
 
 Mr. ; 9, 44, 153, 439, 498, 570. 
 
 Mr., a commissioner in Lancashire ; 
 290. 
 
 Mr., organist of Prescot church ; 57. 
 Mr., a preacher ; 12. 
 
 Mr., of Bradkirk ; 211. 
 
 N., letter from ; 471. 
 
 Robert ; 93. 
 
 Thomas, of Browsholme ; 226. 
 
 letters from; 192, 193. 
 
 Parkes, — ; 485. 
 
 Park Gate ; 471. 
 
 Parkhead, co. Lane.; 40, 51, 64, 70, 88. 
 
 letter dated at ; 355. 
 
 Parkins, Parkines : 
 
 Christopher; 28. 
 
 William; 29. 
 
 Parkinson, Christopher ; 109, 231. 
 
 James ; 319. 
 
 James, of Carhall, depositions of ; 368. 
 John ; 420. 
 
 Mr. ; 8. 
 
 Robert, commissary of Richmond ; 8. 
 Parliament ; 25, 29, 31, 33, 35, 67, 72, 80- 
 84, 87, 93, 95, 96, 98, 99, 101, 105, 107, 
 108, 124-126, 156, 170, 184, 186, 196, 
 197, 208, 209, 211, 217-219, 221, 224, 
 2.S4, 236, 237, 241, 248, 271, 285, 287, 
 289, 306, 320, 373, 375, 384-387, 396, 
 420, 428, 433, 434, 436, 449-451, 4.53, 
 454, 464, 468, 469, 498, 511, 512, 515- 
 519, 521, 526, 530, 540, 544, 553, 555, 
 556, 560, 564, 565, 567, 574, 579. 
 
INDEX. 
 
 677 
 
 Parliament — cont. 
 
 Acts and Bills. See under Acts, 
 the Duke of Buckingham’s relation to; 
 29, 33. 
 
 the Convention (1688-9); 212, 218, 
 216-218. 
 
 dissolution of; 34, 110, 113, 125, 236, 
 383. 
 
 election of members ; 58, 59, 103, 111, 
 113, 177-179, 212, 214, 237, 250, 
 278, 282, 283, 288, 314, 384, 408, 
 458, 459, 469, 493, 500. 
 election petition ; 455. 
 
 House, the ; 59, 510. 
 
 the Long Parliament ; 59-61, 74, 123. 
 
 army of ; 63, 64. 
 
 Lords and Commons assembled in ; 
 
 61, 118, 119. 
 
 members of; 117, 124, 235. 
 privilege of; 249. 
 
 Roll, the ; 58. 
 
 Parnill, — ; 14. 
 
 Parr, Deemster; 419. 
 
 John; 231. 
 
 Roger, of Sephtou ; 137. 
 
 Parrin, Adam ; 483. 
 
 Parry, Parrie, — ; 625. 
 
 George, letter from ; 469. 
 Parson-Duhurst, Captain ; 223. 
 
 Parsons, Laurence, of Shavington, deposi- 
 tions of ; 367, 368. 
 
 Mr. ; 308, 342. 
 
 Captain Thomas ; 422. 
 
 Partington, John ; 103. 
 
 Mr. ; 237. 
 
 Partridge, John ; 61. 
 
 Mr. ; 534. 
 
 Paslewe, Francis, of Wiswall ; 38. 
 
 Pass, — , a militia man ; 485. 
 
 his wife ; 485. 
 
 Patten, Patton : 
 
 — , of Preston; 295. 
 
 Mr.; 238, 240, 241, 249, 250, 354, 
 358. 
 
 Thomas; 122,246, 289, 314. 
 William; 131. 
 
 letters from ; 127, 143, 145, 151, 
 
 153, 160, 168, 169, 176, 191, 192, 
 263, 377, 383, 409, 420. 
 
 his brother ; 377. 
 
 Pawlett, Lord (1688) ; 209. 
 
 T., parson of Walton ; 230. 
 
 Pawley, Robert ; 68. 
 
 Paxton, Mr. ; 502. 
 
 Peach, Mr. ; 505. 
 
 Pears, Mr. ; 376. 
 
 Peel, CO. Lane.; 40, 41, 43-4.5, 47,5.5-59,61, 
 
 62, 67-72, 78-80, 82, 83, 85, 89, 91, 
 98, 99, 101, 103, 115, 128, 152, 153, 
 156, 157, 160, 162, 166, 167, 172, 
 176, 177, 184, 188, 196, 209, 214- 
 216, 272, 275, 278, 292, 304, 384, 
 418, 419, 42', 428, 443, 462, 466, 
 471, 491, 501, 5u2, 508, 509, 551. 
 
 letters dated at ; 80, 130, 134, 141, 
 148, 151, 178, 183, 223, 236, 270, 
 274, 278, 280, 290, 475, 490, 496, 
 500, 516, 548. 
 
 Peel, CO. Lane. — cont. 
 
 Clerk of the Peace at. See Kenyon, 
 Roger. 
 
 Peel Castle, Isle of Man ; 74. 
 
 garrison of ; 256, 257. 
 
 Peel Town, Isle of Man; 261. 
 
 Peele, — ; 319. 
 
 Peers. See under Lords. 
 
 Peighton, Sir R. ; 113. 
 
 Peirson, Oliver; 352-354, 377, 390. 
 Pelham, Mrs. ; 544. 
 
 Pemberton, co. Lane. ; 230. 
 
 Pemberton, Sir Francis ; 230, 524. 
 
 his monument at Highgate; 524. 
 
 J., letters from; 519, 522. 
 
 John; 467. 
 
 Serjeant; 112. 
 
 Pembroke, Penbrooke, Earl of (1586) ; 
 622. 
 
 Earl of (1617) ; 20. 
 
 ’ Earl of (1690-97) ; 242, 243, 423. 
 
 I Pendlebury, co. Lane.; 110. 
 i Pendlebury, Henry ; 232. 
 
 James; 146. 
 
 j Pendleton, co. Lane. ; 39, 50, 110, 231. 
 Pendleton, Pendletoun, Francis ; 586. 
 George; 586. 
 
 Samuel; 410. 
 
 Thomas, of Manchester, clerk ; 230. 
 Pendley, co. Lane. ; 10. 
 
 Pengwern; 546. 
 
 Penicuick, Captain Stephen ; 422. 
 Peninsula, the, the war in ; 562. 
 
 Penketh, co. Lane. ; 230. 
 
 Penketh, Mr. ; 144. 
 
 Penn, — ; 184. 
 
 Sir William ; 294. 
 
 Pennant, Captain, of Baghilt ; 304. 
 
 D., letter from ; 546. 
 
 George; 301. 
 
 Mr.; 516. 
 
 Thomas, letters from; 518, 529, 543, 
 545-548. 
 
 Pennington, co. Lane. ; 7. 
 
 letter dated at ; 150. 
 
 Pennington, Penington : 
 
 Ann; 128,132. 
 
 her sons ; 131. 
 
 her daughter ; 128. 
 
 — ; 150. 
 
 Captain; 313. 
 
 Nicholas ; 422. 
 
 his son Robert ; 422. 
 
 Richard ; 132. 
 
 Sir William ; 314, 358. 
 j Pennsylvania; 158. 
 
 Penny, Captain George ; 303, 304. 
 
 William ; 115. 
 
 Penrith, co. Cumb. ; 477, 479. 
 Penwortham, co. Lane. ; 11, 42, 193 
 letters dated at ; 152, 169. 
 
 Penylan, letter dated at ; 500. 
 
 Penzance ; 430. 
 
 Pepper, — ; 347. 
 
 Mr., of Dover ; 298, 370. 
 
 Pepper Hall, letter dated at ; 519 
 I Pepjs, Mrs. ; 525. 
 
678 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Percival, Percivall : 
 
 Mr. ; 555, 559. 
 
 Tiiomas, letters from ; 496-498, 
 
 R. ; 410. 
 
 Richard; 373. 
 
 Perkins, Sir William ; 407, 408. 
 
 Perrjm, Baron ; 507. 
 
 Perth ; 460. 
 
 presbyter of. See Lyon, Robert j 
 
 M.A. 
 
 Pestellozzi, — ; 563. 
 
 Peterborongh, Dr. White, Bishop of ; 190, 
 413. 
 
 Dean of ; 621. 
 
 See also Fletcher, Doctor. 
 
 Peterborough, Henry, Earl of, letter to ; 103. 
 
 [Charles], Earl of; 437. 
 
 Peters, Father; 310. 
 
 his brother ; 211. 
 
 Pett, Captain Phineas, certificate of; 263. 
 Petty Bag, Clerk of the ; 209. 
 
 Pewes (? Powis), Lady ; 113. 
 
 Philips, Philipps, Phillipps : 
 
 — ; 455, 501. 
 
 — , a midshipman ; 506, 507. 
 
 Mr. ; 538, 626. 
 
 Robert; 467. 
 
 Phim, Jack ; 445. 
 
 Phipps, Colonel ; 528. 
 
 Phytone, Sir Edward. See Fitton. 
 Piccoppe, Roger, of Goosnargh ; 30. 
 Picke, Mr. ; 8. 
 
 Pickford, Jonathan ; 196. 
 
 Pickthall, James; 229. 
 
 Picrofte, [co. Lane.] ; 14. 
 
 Piedmont ; 396. 
 
 Pierce, Mr. ; 306, 405. 
 
 Thomas, letter from ; 356. 
 
 Pigeon, Charles ; 234. 
 
 Pigot, Pigott : 
 
 George ; 122, 195. 
 
 letter from ; 59. 
 
 Henry, clerk ; 195. 
 
 Henry, curate of Rochdale ; 230. 
 
 Mr.; 176,306,451. 
 
 Mr., a lawyer in Lancashire ; 323. 
 William ; 233. 
 
 Pilkington, co. Lane. ; 232, 382. 
 Pilkington, — ; 154. 
 
 Sir .John ; 52. 
 
 Sir Thomas ; 264. 
 lulling, CO. Lane. ; 230. 
 
 Pilsworth, Pillsworthe, [co. Lane.] ; 574, 
 595. 
 
 iMm, [John] ; 60. 
 
 Pimlott, Michael ; 183, 410. 
 
 Pimlow, Pimloe, Thomas ; 92. 
 
 letter from ; 83. 
 
 Ifinder, Thomas ; 149. 
 
 Pipe, the Roll in the ; 126. 
 
 Piream, Justice ; 622. 
 
 Pitt, William, the younger; 495, 496, 515, 
 519, 52.5-527, 529, 534-536, 544, 
 556, 557. 561. 
 
 letters from ; 517-519, 521. 522, 
 
 525, 526, 528, 534-537, 545. 
 
 Pizzoni, iMonsicur ; 512. 
 
 Plague, the; 14-16,43-47. 
 
 Plant, Thomas ; 316. 
 
 Plantations, the ; 158. 
 
 Platt, George ; 484. 
 
 Plays : 
 
 Paul Pry ; 568. 
 
 Quite Correct ; 568. 
 
 Plomer, Mr. ; 538. 
 
 Plowden, Francis, letter from ; 534. 
 Plumer, — ; 524. 
 
 Mr., goldsmith; 416. 
 
 Plumtree, co. Notts. ; 310. 
 
 Plungeon, William ; 182. 
 
 Plymouth, Plommouthe ; 78, 220, 243, 
 430, 571. 
 
 letter dated at ; 172. 
 
 Plymouth, Earl of (1680) ; 116. 
 
 Countess of (1694) ; 276. 
 
 Poaching; 42. 
 
 Poland; 423. 
 
 Frederick Augustus I., King of ; 
 423, 439. 
 
 Stanislaus I., King of ; 439. 
 Polewheele, Thomas ; 133. 
 
 Pollard, Pollards, Mr. ; 296, 369. 
 
 Poll Bill, a ; 82. 
 
 Poll money ; 67. 
 
 Pollarde, Edmund, letter from ; 50. 
 Pollexfen, Mr. ; 158. 
 
 Pollit, Daniel ; 467. 
 
 Ponsonby, Sarah, letter from ; 567. 
 Pontefract; 18, 407. 
 
 Pool, — ; 524, 
 
 Poole, Sir James ; 238, 239, 
 
 Mr. ; 90. 
 
 Mr., clerk of the Crown ; 623. 
 
 Ralph ; 410. 
 
 Sir Thomas ; 301. 
 
 Poor, the, method for settling, taken at 
 Kanvair, co. Flint ; 426. 
 order for returns of ; 425. 
 
 Pope, Doctor ; 271. 
 
 Pope, the ; 30, 32, 106-108, 113, 204, 243, 
 543, 603. 
 
 Popery; 14, 26, 108. 
 
 a conversion from ; 585. 
 
 Pope’s Nuncio, the ; 333. 
 
 Popish Plot, account of; 105-109. 
 
 Popish Recusants. See Recusants. 
 
 Porter, Abraham ; 42. 
 
 Captain ; 408. 
 
 Colonel; 297, 299, 369. 
 
 John; 79. 
 
 Mr. ; 29, 32. 
 
 Portfield, letters dated at ; 86, 169, 196, 
 204, 251. 
 
 Portland, [William Bentinck], Earl of; 
 334, 388, 396, 400, 415. 
 
 [William Henry Bentinck, 3rd] Duke 
 of ; 502, 552. 
 
 letter from ; 500. 
 
 Port Louis ; 396. 
 
 Port Royal. See under Jamaica. 
 Portsmouth; 73, 78, 96, 187, 211, 221, 
 383, 547. 
 
 Portugal, fleet of; 538. 
 
 (Peter I.) King of, his death an- 
 nounced; 168. 
 
INDEX. 
 
 679 
 
 Post 0£&ce, revenue from ; 276. 
 
 charges on ; 276. 
 
 Poulton, CO. Lane. ; 8, 230. 
 
 letter dated at ; 357. 
 
 Pour, — ; 311, 317. 
 
 Powell, Bob ; 495. 
 
 C.; 233, 234. 
 
 Baron Sir John ; 191, 212, 225, 318, 
 321, 370, 376. 
 
 J. Kynaston, letters from ; 553. 
 
 Mr., secretary of the Bishop of 
 Chichester ; 225. 
 
 Powis, Powys, Pois : 
 
 — ; 527. 
 
 Sir Thomas ; 399, 445. 
 
 Powlette, Sir Amyas ; 621. 
 
 letter to ; 611. 
 
 Pratt, — ; 495. 
 
 Preachers, directions for ; 5, 6. 
 
 Frees races ; 497. 
 
 Preeson, William ; 263. 
 
 Prerogative, the Eoyal, doctrines concern- 
 ing ; 163-165. 
 
 Presbyterians, the ; 84, 385, 434, 536. 
 Prescot, CO. Lane. ; 12, 25, 194, 202, 230, 
 
 246, 262, 548. 
 
 church, salary of organist of ; 57. 
 vicar of. See Aldem, J. 
 
 Prescot, Prescott, Prescotte : 
 
 Edward ; 583. 
 
 Captain James ; 263, 281. 
 
 John; 175. 
 
 Mr. ; 274, 275. 
 
 Mr., Registrar at Chester ; 462. 
 Preston; 9, 42, 45-47, 50, 52, 57, 109, 
 111, 113, 120, 134, 142, 150, 151, 
 157, 161, 169, 175-179, 198, 202, 
 223, 227, 230-232, 286, 312-314, 
 354, 358-360, 373, 377, 381, 384, 
 389, 438, 439, 443, 445, 448, 449, 
 470, 479, 482, 485-487, 493, 501, 
 516, 544, 590, 601. 
 letters dated at ; 40, 41, 58, 64, 70, 
 125, 128, 131, 140, 145, 152, 157- 
 161, 176, 193, 203, 220, 226, 227, 
 236, 238-240, 249, 250, 263, 281, 
 306, 355, 375, 377, 381, 406, 417, 
 439, 450, 451, 471. 
 distribution of monies to the poor at ; 
 45. 
 
 a new gaol at ; 241 . 
 
 House of Correction at ; 224, 245, 
 
 247, 452. 
 
 Governor of. See Higginson, 
 
 William. Tomlinson, William. 
 Stanley, Mr. 
 
 Mayor of; 146, 213, 239, 249, 250, 
 501. 
 
 the plague at ; 43, 44, 47. 
 
 Sessions ; 114, 120-122, 278, 450, 
 591. 
 
 order made at ; 50, 192. 
 
 Preston, Lord (1688-94) ; 200, 201, 216, 
 294, 369. 
 
 — ; 127, 203. 
 
 George ; 7. 
 of Holcar : 
 
 — ; 60. 2 
 
 Preston — cont. 
 
 Mr. ; 196. 
 
 Thomas, petition of; 159. 
 
 Mrs. K. ; 290. 
 
 Mrs. Mary ; 232. 
 
 Major ; 200, 236. 
 
 Mr.; 152, 279, 282, 399-401, 403, 
 
 413. 
 
 Mr., of Feversham ; 298, 347, 370. 
 Mrs. ; 416. 
 
 Thomas ; 583. , 
 
 letters from ; 170, 210, 589. 
 
 order signed by ; 115. 
 
 Sir Thomas; 126, 127, 129, 136, 142, 
 143, 152, 155, 159. 
 
 letters from ; 134-136, 144. 
 
 Prestonpans, minister of. See Carr, John. 
 Prestwich, co. Lane.; 11, 67-69, 147, 153, 
 195, 230, 582. 
 
 parson of. See Assheton, Mr. 
 
 Langley, William, 
 preacher at. See Hill, John. 
 Prestwiche, Edmund ; 586. 
 
 Pretender, the. See James Edward, 
 Prince. Charles Edward, l^rince. 
 
 Pretty, Margaret ; 277. 
 
 Price, Baron ; 445. 
 
 Francis ; 228. 
 
 Mr. ; 396, 496. 
 
 Priestley, Dr. ; 536. 
 
 Priestnal, Janies ; 467. 
 
 Prince, the. See Charles I., King. 
 
 Charles II., King. Orange, Prince of. 
 Prince Palatine, the. See under Palatine. 
 Prince’s Court, the ; 59. 
 
 Prisoners, relief of ; 54. 
 
 Prisons ; 158. 
 
 Privileges, Committee of ; 380, 553. 
 
 Privy Council : 
 
 (Council) ; 15, 38, 57, 7l, 72, 74, 105, 
 107, 112, 113, 119, 122, 123, 149, 
 199, 209, 211, 216, 217, 219, 233, 
 238, 243, 245, 265, 322, 368, 386, 
 388, 394, 421, 424, 425, 473, 475, 
 529, 577, 578, 589, 593, 594, 596, 
 601, 603-605, 607-609, 625. 
 Council Board ; 61,266, 534. 
 Chamber, letter dated at ; 114. 
 clerks of; 86, 123. 
 complaint to, by an anonymous 
 preacher^ 619. 
 
 Knights of; 622. 
 
 Lords of ; 49, 120, 217, 411, 490, 492. 
 
 letters from ; 17, 39, 42, 49, 53, 
 
 95, 100, 114, 435, 436, 591, 592, 
 594, 604. 
 
 Lord President of; 112, 187. 
 
 See also Halifax, Marquis of, 
 
 orders of ; 85, 258, 263, 491. 
 
 Privy Seal, the ; 155. 
 
 Lord; 98, 149, 153, 276. 
 
 Probert, Mr. ; 494. 
 
 Procer, Mrs. ; 384. 
 
 Prockter, Anthony ; 228. 
 
 John; 230. 
 
 Proclamations; 36, 41, 51, 61, 82, lOJ, 
 111,118-120,122. 
 
 Prognostication^ a (1629) ; 37. 
 
680 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Protector, Lord. See Cromwell, Oliver, 
 Lord Protector 
 Prowdlove, Prowdeloofe : 
 
 George; .587. 
 
 Ralph ; 586. 
 
 Prussia, Frederick the Great, King of ; 
 497. 
 
 letter from ; 474. 
 
 Prussians, the ; 496. 
 
 Public Advertizer, the ; 513. 
 
 Puckering, Serjeant ; 623. 
 
 Pudsaj, Pudsie : 
 
 Ambrose; 411. 
 
 letters from ; 287, 289, 291. 
 
 Colonel ; 279, 384. 
 
 H., letter from ; 278. 
 
 Mr.; 211, 28^, 290, 386, 399, 400 
 439. 
 
 Pue, Mr., of Pendrell ; 301, 304. 
 
 Puleston, Tom ; 494. 
 
 Puliston, Mr. ; 545. 
 
 Pultcney, Mr. ; 503. 
 
 Sir William ; 558. 
 
 letters from ; 530, 534. 
 
 Puritanism ; 14. 
 
 Purnell, William ; 467, 470. 
 
 Pursell, John ; 302. 
 
 Thoma'5 ; 302. 
 
 Putney ; 503. 
 
 Heath, letter dated at ; 519. 
 
 Pye of A ugh ton : 
 
 Roger ; 137, 195. 
 
 Thomas; 137. 
 
 Pytts, Mr. ; 497. 
 
 Q 
 
 Quadragesimes, book of ; 26. 
 
 Quadruple Alliance, the ; 468. 
 
 Quakers, the; 86, 101, 113, 146, 157-160, 
 172, 230, 231, 530, 549. 
 
 Quarterly Review, the ; 564. 
 
 Queen, the. See Elizabeth. Catharine of 
 Portugal. Mary of Modena. Mary II. 
 Anne. Sophia Charlotte. Caroline. 
 
 Queen Dowager, the. See Catharine of 
 Portugal. 
 
 Queen’s Bench, Court of. See King’s 
 Bench. 
 
 Queen’s House, letters dated at ; 542, 555. 
 
 Quo Warranto proceedings against cor 
 pot ations ; 24, 158, 187. 
 
 R 
 
 Rabj' manor, 24. 
 
 Park, keeper of. See Watson, Wil- 
 liam. 
 
 Kachdall. See Rochdale. 
 
 Kackliff, Mrs. See Radcliff'e. 
 
 Radcliffe, Ratcliffe, co. Lane. ; 196, 223, 
 230, 582. 
 
 letter dated at; 499. 
 
 Radcliffe, Ratcliffe, Radclyff, Rudely ve : 
 Alexander; 194. 
 
 Sir Alexander ; 463. 
 
 Lady (Mistress; Alice ; 4. 
 
 *— letter from ; 2. 
 
 letters to; 2, 3. 
 
 A wen, of Langley ; 574. 
 
 Edward, 183. 
 
 Sir George; 59, 61. 
 
 Henry ; 58k 
 James ; 583. 
 
 Jo., letter from ; 90. 
 
 • his brother Nowell ; 90. 
 
 John ; 182. 
 
 John, a guide to the rebels (1745); 
 482, 486. 
 
 John, of Manchester ; 587*. 
 
 Katherine, letter from ; 54. 
 
 her brother Harry ; 54. 
 
 Mr.; 15, 40, 48, 54, 55, 464. 
 
 letter to ; 4. 
 
 Mrs. ; 331, 461. 
 
 Richard, letter from ; 60. 
 
 Robert; 583. 
 
 Savile, letter to ; 64. 
 
 Thomas (1550-88); 4, 583. 
 
 his daughter Cicely. See 
 
 Farrington, Thomas, wife of. 
 Thomas (1685); 182. 
 
 William, of Manchester ; 583, 586. 
 Radicals, the ; 568. 
 
 Radishe, Mr. ; 11. 
 
 Radnor, Earl of (1682) ; 149. 
 
 Raebone, — . See Rigby, Alexander of 
 Middleton. 
 
 Raffold, Thomas ; 467. 
 
 Rainford, Rainforth. co. Lane. ; 12, 231. 
 Rainhill, co. Lane. ; 109. 
 
 Raleigh, Rawleigh, Sir Walter; 374. 
 
 letter to his wife and speech at 
 
 his death ; 24. 
 
 Ramsey, Isle of Man ; 73. 
 
 Ramsey, Serjeant ; 149. 
 
 Ranelagh, Richard Earl of, Paymaster- 
 General of the army ; 250. 
 
 Rarl, — du ; 415. 
 
 Rascow, James ; 174. 
 
 Rastall, — ; 58. 
 
 Ratchdale. See Rochdale. 
 
 Ratcliffe. See Radcliffe. 
 
 Rathband, — . See Rigby, Alexander of 
 Middleton. 
 
 “ Rats,” the ; 526, 528. 
 
 Ravensheaa in Sutton, letter dated at ; 45. 
 Raweliff, Samson ; 36. 
 
 Rawlett, Mr. ; 94. 
 
 Rawlinson, Lord (1689) ; 226. 
 
 Curwen, order signed by; 115. 
 
 Mr.; 172. 
 
 Rawstorne, Colonel; 219, 239, 249. 
 
 Laurence, Sheriff, afterwards Deputy 
 Lieutenant of Lancashire ; 137, 167, 
 235, 239, 289, 314. 
 
 letters from; 132, 166, 169, 
 
 193, 203, 220, 227, 238. 
 
INDEX 
 
 681 
 
 Rawstorne — cont. 
 
 Mr. ; 450. 
 
 Peter; 289. 
 
 Rajmond, Serjeant, afterwards Judge ; 
 
 112, 124, 149, 158. 
 
 Raynold’s Way, Isle of Man ; 74. 
 
 Read, co. Lane. ; 39, 231. 
 
 Read, Matthew ; 231. 
 
 Reading; 239, 563. 
 
 Sessions ; 532. 
 
 Recipes for a bouillon ; 170. 
 
 for black cherry brandy ; 170. 
 Recusants; 5, 18, 27, 30, 38, 59, 60, 100. 
 109-111, 113, 114, 116-118, 126, 
 132, 134, 137, 143, 144, 152, 156- 
 158, 160, 169, 170, 187, 235, 236, 
 244, 490, 572, 584, 592, 593, 603, 
 604. 
 
 orders in council concerning; 118- 
 
 122 . 
 
 Receiver- General of estates of; 127. 
 Reddish, Redditche, Alexander ; 583. 
 
 Captain John ; 422. 
 
 Redfearne, Elizabeth ; 359. 
 
 Redford, John ; 467. 
 
 Redland ; 301. 
 
 Regency, the ; 527, 552, 557. 
 
 Regent, the. See George IV. 
 
 Regiments; 99, 107, 109, 200, 202, 207, 
 220, 221, 223, 238, 293, 294, 302, 
 360. 
 
 the Blues ; 563. 
 the Coreland; 253. 
 dragoons ; 239, 240, 293, 294, 302, 
 312, 313, 487-489. 
 
 Dutch, in England ; 218, 240, 362, 
 363, 365, 370, 377. 
 
 English, in Ireland ; 221. 
 foot; 487-489. 
 
 French, in Ireland ; 239. 
 the Guards; 143, 144, 162, 207, 311, 
 510. 
 
 the Guards, first troop of; 207, 217. 
 the Horse Guards ; 299. 
 
 Irish. See Irish. 
 
 the king’s horse and foot guards ; 126. 
 light horse ; 510. 
 
 Manchester, the ; 477. 
 
 Scotch. See Scotch. 
 
 Volunteer Corps, a ; 546. 
 
 Welsh Fusiliers ; 464. 
 
 Yeoman of the Guard ; 423. 
 
 43rd; 560. 
 
 52nd ; 560. 
 
 92nd; 560, 561. 
 
 95th ; 560. 
 
 See also under Berwick. Brandon. 
 Brereton. Brown. Butler. Byron. 
 Castlehaven. Churchill. Colchester. 
 Craven. Cromwell. Derby, Earl of. 
 Dover. Fielding. Gage. James 
 ' II. (as Duke of York). Mathews. 
 Mountcashel. Northumberland, 
 Duke of. Nowell. O’Brien. Rigby. 
 Stanhope. Stanley. Steward. 
 Wolfe. 
 
 Remembrancer, Lord Treasurer’s. See 
 Treasurer, Lord^ 
 
 Reneu, Renue, Renewe : 
 
 Hilary ; 253, 255. 
 
 Mr. ; 254. 
 
 ! Peter; 253,255. 
 
 I Renshaw, Ellis ; 182. 
 
 ; Repton School, co. Derby; 177. 
 i Requests, Court of ; 227. 
 
 I Resfarlong lordship ; 168. 
 
 ! Revenue, the ; 219, 275-277. 
 
 ! to be raised from the Papists ; 156, 
 j 157. 
 
 ! Rewshaw, John ; 467. 
 j Reynold of Altcar ; 
 
 James ; 137. 
 
 John; 137. 
 
 Reynolds, Mr. ; 516. 
 
 Richard ; 316, 318. 
 
 i Ann, relict of. See Lunt, 
 
 I John. 
 
 Thomas ; 263. 
 
 I William ; 263. 
 
 I Rheims ; 604. 
 
 Rhine, the river; 443. 
 j Rialie, Sir Francis ; 610. 
 j Ribble, the river, a bridge over ; 493. 
 
 I Ribchester, co. Lane. ; 9, 230. 
 i Richards, Colonel ; 221. 
 
 ! J. ; 465. 
 
 ! Captain John ; 276. 
 
 I Mr. ; 466, 470. 
 
 j R., letter from ; 537. 
 
 j Richardson, — ; 111. 
 
 I Edward; 195. 
 
 William, curate of Turton ; 230. 
 
 I Richmond, commissary of. See Parkin- 
 j son, Robert, 
 
 j [co. Surrey] ; 221. 
 
 I the court of; 612. 
 
 I Richmond, Duchess of (1694) ; 276. 
 
 I Duke of (1784-89) ; 518, 527. 
 
 I Duchess of (1784) ; 518. 
 
 ! Dr. ; 134, 135, 223. 
 
 I L. ; 235. 
 
 j Mr. ; 24. 
 
 I Parson; 418. 
 
 I Richard ; 284, 285. 
 
 I letters from ; 279, 281, 285. 
 
 S.; 263. 
 
 S., junior ; 263. 
 
 Silvester; 194. 
 
 letters from ; 220. 
 
 Richmondshire, Receiver-General for. See 
 Assheton, Ralph. 
 
 Ridgeway, Ralph; 231. 
 
 Ridley, James; 467. 
 
 Rigby, Rigbie, Rigbj^e : 
 
 A., letter from ; 225. 
 
 Adam ; 11. 
 
 letter from; 26. 
 
 Alexander, Clerk of the Peace for 
 Lancashire, letter to ; 5. 
 
 letter from ; 438. 
 
 Sir Alexander ; 424-425, 429. 
 
 letter from ; 384. 
 
 Alexander, of Layton, Justice of the 
 Peace for Lancashire, letter from ; 
 247. 
 
 Alexander, of Middleton ; 30, 44, 60. 
 
682 - 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Rigby, Eigbie, Rigbye — cont. 
 
 Alexander, of Middleton ; letters 
 from; 26, 40, 41, 45, 47, 52, 58, 
 59, 64. 
 
 his son ; 58. 
 
 his children; 47. 
 
 his cousin Rathband (Rae- 
 
 bone) ; 41, 47. 
 
 his nieces ; 64. 
 
 Alexander, of Shevington ; 41. 
 Alexander, of Wigan ; 17. 
 
 effects of ; 30. 
 
 — ; 43. 
 
 Captain; 213,383. 
 
 Charles; 404, 413,439. 
 
 letters from ; 355, 358, 360, 373, 
 
 376, 384, 444. 
 
 letter to ; 384. 
 
 Christian, letter from ; 170. 
 
 Colonel ; 61, 167, 203. 
 
 his regiment ; 202. 
 
 Edward ; 28. 
 
 (Ned) ; 101, 239. 
 
 letters from; 80, 99, 100, 178, 
 
 179. 
 
 George ; 30. 
 
 — — letter from ; 41. 
 
 letters to ; 26-28, 30, 40, 41, 43- 
 
 45, 47, 48, 51-59, 60-63. 
 
 his wife ; 48. 
 
 his mother-in-law See Rad- 
 
 cliff e, Katherine. 
 
 his brother-in-law. See Hulton, 
 
 Captain. 
 
 inventory of goods of ; 63. 
 
 Hugh ; 57. 
 
 John ; 457. 
 
 Joseph ; 27, 54, 59, 65, 69, 70, 90. 
 Mr.; 8, 153, 388,402. 
 
 Mr., (in Covent Garden) ; 297, 369. 
 Mr., of Layton; 424. 
 
 Mr., of Riby ; 228. 
 
 Nicholas, of Harrocke ; 262. 
 
 Richard, letters from ; 160-162, 166- 
 168,170. 
 
 his cousin Roger; 166. 
 
 his nephew Rigby ; 170. 
 
 Sawney ; 444. 
 
 Serjeant; 110, 120, 121. 
 
 Urian, letter from ; 57. 
 the family of ; 447. 
 
 Right. See Wright. 
 
 Ringley, co. Lane. ; 230. 
 
 Ripon, CO. York ; 407. 
 
 Rishton, Nicholas ; 289. 
 
 Thomas, letters from ; 221, 241. 
 Risley, letter dated at ; 168. 
 
 Risley, Rizley, John ; 194. 
 
 letter from ; 168. 
 
 his cousin Culcheth ; 168. 
 
 his cousin Geffrey ; 168. 
 
 Mr. ; 223. 
 
 Thomas; 23 L 
 
 Rivers, [Richard, 4tb] Earl ; 230, 425, 
 437, 444, 448, 449, 457. 
 
 Rivington, co. Lane. ; 11, 114. 
 
 Hill, CO. Lane. ; 603. 
 
 Rivington, — ; 532. 
 
 Richard ; 248. 
 
 Rixton, CO. Lane. ; 109, 168. 
 
 Robbers, proclamation against ; 82. 
 Robert, Prince. See Rupert, Prince. 
 Roberts, Captain ; 298, 299, 347, 370. 
 Robinson, Charles ; 517. 
 
 Edmund; 71, 279, 287. 
 
 his son John ; 279, 287, 400. 
 
 John ; 54. 
 
 John, son of Edmund. Nee Edmund. 
 John, Surveyor- General of the Woods 
 and Forests ; 541. 
 
 Mr. Bailiff; 149. 
 
 Samuel ; 51. 
 
 Thomas; 467. 
 
 Thomas, curate of Mottram, letter 
 from ; 464. 
 
 Thomas, vicar of St, Michael’s, co. 
 Lane. ; 229. 
 
 Rochdale, Rachdall, Ratchdale ; 12, 195, 
 230, 418, 573, 582, 620. 
 letter dated at ; 40. 
 
 Market; 597. 
 
 pastor of. See Midgeley, Richard, 
 vicar of ; 596. 
 
 wool trade in, order concerning the ; 
 595. 
 
 Rochelle. See La Rochelle. 
 
 Rochester; 211,300. 
 
 Rochester, Bishop of; 166. 
 
 [Lawrence Hyde] , Earl of ; 200, 2 1 0, 
 266, 276, 405,418. 
 
 letter from ; 185. 
 
 letter to ; 183. 
 
 Rockingham, Lord (1768); 500. 
 
 party, the ; 504, 505. 
 
 Rocthern, Colonel ; 358. 
 
 Rodgers, James ; 183. 
 
 Roe, Mrs, ; 530. 
 
 See also Rowe. 
 
 Roger, Mr. ; 71, 232, 346. 
 
 Rogers, Daniel; 571. 
 
 John; 277. 
 
 his wife Ann ; 277. 
 
 James ; 380. 
 
 Peter; 316. 
 
 Roger; 195. 
 
 Rogerson, Roger, letter from ; 58. 
 
 Roman religion, the. See Catholic religion. 
 Rome; 37, 463, 604. 
 
 Rooke, Admiral Sir George ; 387, 397, 
 401, 402, 404. 
 
 his brother ; 404. 
 
 Booth, Jer., of Twemlow; 244. 
 
 Roper, — ; 219. 
 
 Mr. ; 240. 
 
 Robert; 146, 148, 149, 194, 281. 
 
 letters from ; 131,132, 148,249, 
 
 252, 266, 382. 
 
 Rorie, Onye Macke ; 610. 
 
 Roscoe, John ; 157. 
 
 , letter from ; 128. 
 
 Mr.; 139. 
 
 Robert; 195. 
 
 Robert, junior ; 195. 
 
 Rose, George, letters from ; 534, 554. 
 Roseacre, Rossiker, co. Lane. ; 232. 
 
INDEX. 
 
 683 
 
 Rosse, Miles, o£ Manchester; 595. 
 
 Mr., his three daughters ; 277. 
 Rossendale, co. Lane. ; iO. 
 
 Forest, co. Lane. ; 230. 
 
 Rossiker, co. Lane. See Roseacre. 
 Rossljn Castle ; 22. 
 
 Rotche, Lord (1599); 611. 
 
 Roth well, John; 61. 
 
 Rotiere, — ; 414. 
 
 Rotterdam ; 162, 216, 472. 
 
 “ Rouckhorne Boate ” ; 39. 
 
 Roughley, — ; 411. 
 
 Thomas ; 262. 
 
 Rouse, John : 161, 162, 166. 
 
 Rowan (? Rouen) ; 571. 
 
 Rowe, Roe ; 
 
 Edward; 196. 
 
 Henry ; 412. 
 
 letters from; 88, 89, 137, 177, 
 
 196, 223, 247. 
 
 J. ; 416. 
 
 letters from; 127, 154, 160,171, 
 
 215. 
 
 James ; 467. 
 
 John, Comptroller, afterwards Gover- 
 nor of the Isle of Man; 259-261, 
 269, 279. 
 
 letter to ; 252. 
 
 Mr.; 128,238. 
 
 Richard, letters from; 283, 291. 
 
 Dr. Richard. See Wroe. 
 
 Thomas ; 62. 
 
 William ; 263, 
 
 See also Roe. 
 
 Rowlinson, Mr., of Carke ; 196. 
 
 Rowree races ; 497. 
 
 Roxbury, (America) ; 56. 
 
 Royd, Richard; 238. 
 
 Royston ; 25, 412. 
 
 Royton, letters dated at ; 496, 497. 
 
 Ruabon Church ; 502. 
 
 Rudens, Captain; 267. 
 
 RufEord, [? co,] ; 25. 
 
 Rufford, CO. Lane. ; 11, 230 
 Rugby School; 549. 
 
 Rumney, Earl of (1696-7); 405, 423. 
 Rumney Marsh ; 299. 
 
 Rumsey, Colonel ; 161. 
 
 Run ager, Jonathan ; 183. 
 
 Runcorn ; 313. 
 
 Rupert, Robert, Prince, afterwards Duke 
 of Cumberland; 64, 73, 77, 87, 95, 96, 
 105. 
 
 Russell, [William], Lord (cZ. 1683) ; 162, 
 166, 264, 524. 
 
 execution of; 162,163. 
 
 Admiral ; 269, 334, 371, 372, 405, 406. 
 — ; 404. 
 
 Mr. ; .88. 
 
 Sir Wm. ; 1 17. 
 
 Rutland, Earl of (1586) ; 622. 
 
 Rych, Thomas, Dean of the Deanery of 
 Manchester, letter from ; 601. 
 
 Rycote [co. Oxf.] ; 25. 
 
 Rydal, letter dated at ; 225. 
 
 Rydellsoilne, James ; 586. 
 
 Ryder, — ; 294, 369. 
 
 John; 494,495. 
 
 Ralph; 485. 
 
 Rye ; 243. 
 
 Rygmaden, Rygmayden, Anne, wife of 
 Walter, of Wedeker ; 585. 
 
 John ; 593. 
 
 Ryley, John; 229. 
 
 Mr. ; 10. 
 
 Thomas ; 229. 
 
 Rymmer, Jno. ; 263. 
 
 s 
 
 Sabbath, the, enormities of, suggestions for 
 reforming ; 590. 
 profanation of ; 16, 587. 
 
 presentments for ; 582. 
 
 regulations for ; 16,17. 
 
 Sabey, Joseph, letter from ; 162. 
 
 Sabin, Major-General ; 464. 
 
 Sacheverell, Secheverell : 
 
 — , governor of the Isle of Man ; 271, 
 273, 419. 
 
 Dr. ; 444. 
 
 Sir Richard ; 2. 
 
 William; 416. 
 
 letter from ; 255. 
 
 Saddle worth, co. York ; 223. 
 
 Sadler, Sir Ralph ; 621, 622. 
 
 Sagar, Charles ; 231. 
 
 Sailesbury, Alexander ; 230. 
 
 St. Albans ; 107. 
 
 St. Albans, Duke of (1694) ; 276. 
 
 St. Andrews, Archbishop of (1617) ; 19. 
 St. Andrews, University of; 551, 570. 
 
 Madras College ; 569. 
 
 St. Mary’s College, letter dated 
 
 at ; 550. 
 
 St. Ann’s, Jamaica ; 268. 
 
 St. Asaph ; 546. 
 
 Bishop of. See Barrow, Dr. 
 
 [Lloyd], Bishop of ; 190, 209. 
 [Edward Jones], Bishop of; 418. 
 Dean of. See Shipley, W. D. 
 
 St. David’s, Samuel Horsley, Bishop of, 
 letter from ; 533. 
 
 St. Ellen. See St. Helens. 
 
 St. George’s Channel ; 419, 430. 
 feast, a; 78. 
 
 St. Germains; 292, 295, 297-300, 318, 
 346, 462. 
 
 letter dated at ; 441. 
 
 St. Helens, co. Lane. ; 548. 
 
 (St. Ellen’s) Chapel; 12, 232, 246 
 262, 269. 
 
 St. Ives, CO. Cornwall ; 430. 
 
 St. James ; 66. 
 
 Westminster. See under Westminster. 
 St. John of Bletsoe, Lord (1586) ; 622. 
 
 St. John’s river, the ; 520, 
 
684 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 St. Michael’s on Wyre, co. Lane. ; 8, 229, 
 
 231, 584, 585. 
 letter dated at ; 247. 
 
 St. Omer, Jesuit College at ; 106. 
 
 St. Sebastian ; 252, 254, 255, 259. 
 
 St. Vincent, Lord (1801), letter from; 
 555. 
 
 Salem, (America) ; 56. 
 
 Salford, co. Lane. ; 14, 15, 213, 223, 230, 
 377, 440, 443, 448, 461, 464, 466, 
 480, 487, 583, 604, 605, 619. 
 letters dated at; 15, 64, 171, 442, 
 464. 
 
 Mortality, bill of ; 494. 
 
 Stewardship of; 439. 
 
 Sunday Schools in ; 523. 
 
 Salford Hundred; 51, 139, 178, 583, 585- 
 588. 
 
 bailiff of ; 29. 
 chief constables for ; 29. 
 clergy in (1604) ; 11-13. 
 the gentlemen of, letter to ; 596. 
 
 High Constable for. See Clowes, John, 
 highways in, persons nominated to 
 enquire into ; 195, 196. 
 
 Justices of the Peace in ; 583. 
 
 letter to ; 589. 
 
 Licensing Justices for, letter to ; 92. 
 recusants in ; 603. 
 subsidy in, return of a ; 586. 
 tax levied within ; 14. 
 
 Salisbury ; 311. 
 
 letter dated at ; 544. 
 
 Court, letter dated at ; 5. 
 
 Salisbury, Dr. Fisher, Bishop of ; 565, 566. 
 Salisbury, William Montague, Earl of 
 {temp. Edward III.) ; 73. 
 
 [James Cecil 4th] Earl of ; 210,300, 
 370. 
 
 Salisbury, Salsburie, Sallesburie, Thomas ; 
 611, 615, 616. 
 
 the confession of; 614. 
 
 Salley ; 24. 
 
 Salmon fishing in Scotland ; 20. 
 
 Salop. See Shrewsbury. 
 
 Salt Hill ; 563. 
 
 Salvatierra, letter dated at ; 562. 
 
 Samd (?), Mr. ; 328. 
 
 Samelsbury, co. Lane. ; 9. 
 
 Samford, Sir Thomas ; 7. 
 
 Samsbury ; 251. 
 
 Sandbach ; 223, 471. 
 
 Sanderson, John, of Hardhoriiend Newton ; 
 
 232. 
 
 Mr., a preacher ; 11. 
 
 Saudes, Lord (1586) ; 622. 
 
 Adam ; 7. 
 
 — , Clerk of the Crown ; 623. 
 
 Edmund ; 7. 
 
 Sandiforth, Ralph; 196. 
 
 Sandwich, Lord (1664) ; 73. 
 
 Sankey, Sancky, Colonel N., Governor of 
 the Isle of Man; 416, 419. 
 
 Sarillos, Sir George ; 510,] 
 
 Sarsfield, Colonel ; 240. 
 
 Satire, derivation of ; 540. 
 
 Savage, John; 611, 624. 
 
 the confession of ; 614. 
 
 ! Saville, Sir George ; 501. 
 
 ' Savoy, Duke of; 243, 396. 
 
 Sawrey, Anthony ; 7. 
 
 Colonel; 412. 
 
 John; 7. 
 
 Mr., a preacher ; 7. 
 
 Sawyer, Sir Robert, Attorney-General ; 
 
 126, 156, 241. 
 
 Saxe, [Marshal] ; 472. 
 
 Saxony; 439. 
 
 troops of ; 423. 
 
 Saxony, Prince Elector of ; 37. 
 
 I (Frederick Augustus), Elector of. 
 I See Poland, King of. 
 
 I Sciiife, William ; 24. 
 
 I Scaresbrick, Frances ; 109. 
 
 I Scarisbrick, co. Lane. ; 109, 446. 
 j Scarsdale ; 458. 
 
 I Scholefield, Schollefyllde, Scofield, Scol- 
 felde : 
 
 Arthur, letter from ; 15. 
 
 letter to ; 15. 
 
 Edmund, letter to ; 15. 
 
 James ; 195. 
 
 Radcliffe; 411. 
 
 Scholes, Schoales, John ; 410. 
 
 William ; 410. 
 
 Schombergh, Duke of ; 239, 276. 
 
 Scilly ; 430. 
 
 Sclater, Robert. See Slater. 
 
 Scofield, Radcliffe. See Scholefield. 
 Scoles, the ; 457. 
 
 Scolfelde, Arthur. See Scholefield. 
 
 Scotch East India Company. See East 
 India. 
 
 Scotch foot, 3,000 ; 203. 
 regiments; 207, 239. 
 soldiers ; 235. 
 
 Scotland and the Scots ; 19, 57, 59, 107, 
 125, 219, 220, 293, 300, 386, 401, 477, 
 478, 479, 503, 524, 540, 572, 615, 626. 
 Scotland : 
 
 Articles of Union with ; 543. 
 
 Church Government ; 23. 
 Commissioners from, at London 
 (1640) ; 60. 
 
 j the convention in (1689) ; 233. 
 
 ! episcopalians in ; 533. 
 
 .lacobitism in ; 534. 
 j judges in; 518. 
 
 Alexander III., King of ; 73. 
 
 Lords of; 625. 
 
 j Mary, Queen of. See under Mary. 
 
 Parliament of ; 21, 23, 243. 
 
 ! opening of, precedence at ; 22. 
 
 j revenue of the crown of ; 625. 
 
 ; Scott, Edward ; 183, 410. 
 
 I Elizabeth; 128. 
 
 j James; 128. 
 
 j John, letters from ; 528, 537. 
 
 j Sir John. See Eldon, Lord, 
 
 Joseph; 410. 
 
 I Mr. ; 516, 522, 524, 525. 
 
 i alderman of Wigan ; 196. 
 
 I Ralph ; 603. 
 
 I Sir William ; 537, 554. 
 
 I Scottish matters, a composition of ; 57. 
 
 I Scowes (? Scholes) men, the ; 282. 
 
INDEX. 
 
 685 
 
 Scroggs, Sir William, Lord Chief Justice ; 
 107, 123, 154. 
 
 Scrope, Seroope, Lord (1590) ; 581. 
 
 Sir William le, Chamberlain of the 
 Household to Richard II. ; 73. 
 Seamans, Justice, of Harwich ; 253, 
 Seaton, Setoun ; 19. 
 
 Seaton, Seetoun, Lord (1617) ; 19. 
 Secheverell. See Sacheverell. 
 
 Seeker, — ; 497. 
 
 Secretary of State, the; 129, 245, 276, 
 301, 313, 326, 327, 3.34, 337, 338, 
 341, 345, 351, 368, 388, 391, 626 
 (Mr. Secretary). 
 
 See also Nottingham, Earl of. 
 
 Trenchard, Sir John. Shrewsbury, 
 Duke of. 
 
 Seddon, Captain ; 223. 
 
 George ; 485. 
 
 Thomas ; 467. 
 family of ; 102. 
 
 Sedgwick, Sigeswike: 
 
 Dr.; 505. 
 
 George; 228. 
 
 Lucy; 604. 
 
 Sedon, John, letter from ; 5. 
 
 Seenehouse, Mr. ; 7. 
 
 Selby, Sir William ; 17, 25. 
 
 Selvins, Sir Gabriel ; 276. 
 
 Sephton, co. Lane. ; 13, 195. 
 
 Serjeant, Mr. ; 412. 
 
 of Stand; 453. 
 
 Thomas (1623) ; 29. 
 
 (1688) ; 195. 
 
 Sermons, directions concerning; 5, 6. 
 Serraglio ; 423 . 
 
 Setoun. See Seaton. 
 
 Seymour, Sir Edward ; 405. 
 
 Francis, Lord, Chancellor of the 
 Duchy of Lancaster ; 72. 
 
 letter to ; 70. 
 
 Miss ; 559. 
 
 Mr., Lord Privy Seal ; 149. 
 Shaclocke, Hugh ; 587. 
 
 Shaftesbury, [Sir Anthony Ashley Cooper, 
 previously Lord Ashley, q.v.^ 1st.] 
 Earl of; 108, 112, 128, 136, 156. 
 
 Shagh, the ; 47. 
 
 Shakerley, co. Lane. ; 422. 
 
 Shakerley, Captain ; 451. 
 
 Mr.; 494. 
 
 Peter ; 205, 222, 236, 242, 278, 282, 
 357, 396, 399, 401, 402, 408, 411, 
 413, 422, 424, 425, 434. 
 
 letters from ; 269, 394, 397-399, 
 
 403, 408, 416, 422, 423, 425, 450, 
 454, 462. 
 
 letter to ; 455. 
 
 Shalecross, Shacroft, — ; 324, 325, 350. 
 Shallcrosse, Stephen, gunsmith ; 64. 
 Shannon, the river ; 220. 
 
 Shapley, Captain. See Chappley. 
 
 Shar, Mr. ; 408. 
 
 Sharp, Sharpe, Thomas, rector of Tatham ; 
 230, 246. 
 
 Sharpies, Captain ; 213. 
 
 John]; 297, 369. 
 
 Shaw, CO. Lane. ; 11. 
 
 Place; 450. 
 
 Shaw, Shawe: 
 
 -; 15. 
 
 John; 194. 
 
 Lawrence ; 229. 
 
 Mr.; 288, 451. 
 
 Peter ; 356, 380. 
 
 Peter, parson of Bury, letter from ; 
 597. 
 
 Thomas ; 181 . 
 
 Shaweeross, Mr. ; 10. 
 
 Sheardley, Edward ; 229. 
 
 Sheerness ; 299, 409. 
 
 Sheirson, Justice ; 384. 
 
 Shelbourn, Nova Scotia ; 520. 
 
 Shelburne, Lord (1772-83) ; 503, 513. 
 Shelmerdine, Ralph; 100. 
 
 Robert; 481, 483, 484. 
 
 Shelton, John ; 182. 
 
 Sherbotham, John, of Hulton Hey ; 359. 
 Sherburne ; 209. 
 
 Sherburne, Sherborne, Shereborne : 
 
 — , of Stonyhurst; 293, 302, 314, 358, 
 369. 
 
 Isabella; 109. 
 
 Nicholas; 109. 
 
 Richard; 7. 
 
 letter from ; 603. 
 
 Richard, a recusant ; 109. 
 
 Richard, of Stonyhurst ; 28, 38. 
 
 Sir Richard ; 593. 
 
 Thomas, of Little Mitton ; 38. 
 Sheridan, Richard Brinsley ; 560. 
 
 letter from ; 541. 
 
 Sheridon, ^klr.; 124. 
 
 Sheriffs; 31, 49, 82, 158. 
 
 Committee for taking petitions 
 against ; 59. 
 
 under-sheriff, estimate of expenses of 
 office of ; 37. 
 
 Sherison, Mr. ; 377. 
 
 Sherlock, — ; 497. 
 
 Sherrington, Bennet ; 143. 
 
 Francis ; 195. 
 
 Mr., of Bootle ; 153. 
 
 Sherwin, Joseph ; 182, 410. 
 
 Shipley, W. D., Dean of St. Asaph (the 
 Dean) ; 545, 546. 
 
 letter from ; ,546. 
 
 i Ship Money ; 59, 60. 
 
 Shipowners (of Liverpool), petition of ; 
 263. 
 
 Shippen, W.; 447. 
 
 Ships named : 
 
 Ann; 77. 
 
 a pink ; 65. 
 
 Antelope; 77. 
 
 ‘ Barhadoes Merchant ; 263. 
 
 Berwick (^Barwick') ; 266. 
 
 , Bristol ; 77. 
 
 Dove, of Dublin ; 223. 
 
 : Dover ; 243. 
 
 j Essex; 78. 
 
 I Experiment ; 243. 
 
 i Foster ; 233. 
 
 ■ Gloucester; 77. 
 
 ! Granada ; 266. 
 
:686 
 
 , INDEX. 
 
 Ships named — cont. 
 
 Hampton Court; 266, 
 
 Henry, frigate ; 77. 
 
 John and Anne ; 263. 
 
 master of. See Bradshaw, John. 
 
 Loyal George; 78. 
 
 Lyon, of Lancaster; 224, 260, 312, 
 384. 
 
 master of the. See Carson, 
 
 Charles, Thompson, Anthony. 
 May den ; 71. 
 
 Monk ; 243. 
 
 Montague ; 266, 
 iVavy, yacht ; 283. 
 
 Pean ; 477. 
 
 Prince; 78. 
 
 Prince of Orange ; 430. 
 
 Quaker; 430. 
 
 Rainbow; 78. 
 
 Royal Charles; 79. 
 
 Royal Sovereign ; 398. 
 
 St. Paul; 77. 
 
 St. Stephen of St. Sebastian; 252- 
 255, 258, 263. 
 
 Saldadoes ; 243. 
 
 Sandwich; 266. 
 
 Siam Merchant ; 267. 
 
 Small Katherine ; 78. 
 
 Spread Eagle ; 78. 
 
 Swiftsure ; 77, 78. 
 
 Urania, transport ; 560. 
 
 Wheel of Fortune ; 271. 
 
 master and owner of. See 
 
 Christian, David. 
 
 Windsor ; 266. 
 
 Ships not named : 
 
 at the buoy in the Ore ; 96. 
 
 Dutch bottoms ; 77. 
 
 Dutch; 242, 243. 
 
 on the Thames ; 79. 
 
 eight frigates ; 2Q7. 
 engagement with Dutch fleet ; 88. 
 English, against the Dutch (1664) ; 
 73, 77. 
 
 English, at Chatham; 79. 
 
 English and French, engagement of 
 (1692) ; 266. 
 
 against Holland ; 92. 
 
 English, notes on (1666) ; 77. 
 
 French man-of-war, a; 316. 
 
 ships, wheat from ; 65. 
 
 a London ship, master and owner of. 
 
 See Thorpe, Henry, 
 trading with the Isle of Man ; 136. 
 men-of-war (of James II.) ; 300. 
 merchant, in the Downs ; 243. 
 the Parliament’s ships ; 74. 
 Portsmouth Fleet, the, mutiny of ; 
 547. 
 
 Iloyal Navy (fleet) ; 78, 82, 107, 221, 
 222, 242, 243, 250, 299, 397, 398, 
 401, 402, 406, 407, 436, 571. 
 
 Commissioners of the. See 
 
 under Admiralty, 
 a squadron to the Baltic ; 463. 
 transport ships ; 263. 
 
 Shireside, co. Lane. ; 8. 
 
 Shock, Colonel ; 253. 
 
 Shorter, Sir John; 168. 
 
 Shovel, Sir CJoudesley ; 242, 243. 
 
 Shower, Shore, Sir Bartholomew ; 326, 
 385, 386, 399. 
 
 Shrewsbury (Salop) ; 373. 
 letter dated at ; 475. 
 
 I mandamus cause, the ; 502. 
 j Shrewsbury Earl of (1586-7); 575, 621, 
 622. 
 
 [Charles Talbot], Earl, afterwards 
 Duke of; 197, 207, 277, .346, 361- 
 363, 372, 409, 421, 
 
 Earl of, letter to ; 225. 
 
 Shropshire; 354,505, 560. 
 election ; 504. 
 
 Shultesworth, Major. See Shuttleworth. 
 Shumley, — . See Cholmondeley. 
 
 Shuters Brooke, [co. Lane.] ; 14. 
 Shuttleworth, Shutle worth, Shultesworth: 
 George, of Esterlie ; 38, 39. 
 
 Major ; 295, 303, 369. 
 
 Mr. Parson ; 5. 
 
 Sir Richard, letter to ; 603. 
 
 Richard, the King’s Justice of 
 Chester ; 585. 
 
 Richard, of Gawthorpe ; 38. 
 
 William ; 65. 
 
 letter from ; 281. 
 
 Shynner, — ; 333. 
 
 Siddall, Syddall, Syddalls: 
 
 Arnold ; 183. 
 
 Edward; 182,410. 
 
 Mr. ; 476. 
 
 Mrs.; 476. 
 
 Sidmouth, Lord (1822) ; 568. 
 
 Sidney, See Sydney. 
 
 Sigeswike, Lucy. See Sedgwick. 
 
 Signet, the ; 155. 
 
 Office, the; 112. 
 
 Silverdale, co. Lane. ; 109. 
 
 Silvis, Sir Gabriel de ; 99. 
 
 Simmons, Sir James, of Ashton, co. Staff. ; 
 
 300, 302-304, 369. 
 
 Simonstone, co. Lane. ; 36, 39. 
 
 Sinclair, John, letter from ; 541. 
 
 Singleton, Great ; 230. 
 
 Singleton, Singletoun, Mr. ; 8. 
 
 Thomas, of the Towre ; 593. 
 
 Sinkler, John ; 263. 
 
 Sinzendorf, Count, letter from ; 468. 
 Skeffington, Mr,; 559. 
 
 Skelton, Captain ; 186. 
 
 Skerton, co. Lane. ; 109. 
 
 Skinner, James ; 263. 
 
 Skipton (Sciptoun), the wool about; 573. 
 Slade, Ralph, the wife of ; 582. 
 
 Slaidburn, Sladeburne, [co. Lane.] ; 67. 
 Slater, Slator, Sclater: 
 
 Joseph; 181,410. 
 
 Mr. ; 400, 439. , 
 
 Robert; 144,279. 
 
 letters from; 242, 278. 
 
 Thomas; 232. 
 
 William; 248. 
 
 Sleaford ; 171. 
 
 Slewse. See Sluys. 
 
 Slingsby, Sir Charles ; 276, 
 
 Elizabeth; 276. 
 
INDEX. 
 
 687 
 
 Slingsby — coni. 
 
 Mallet; 276. 
 
 Victoria; 277. 
 
 Slough ; 563. 
 
 Sluys, Slevvse ; 571. 
 
 Slyngier, Mr. ; 93. 
 
 Smalley, Mr., a cotton manufacturer; 547. 
 Smalls, the ; 264. 
 
 Smethurst, — ; 499. 
 
 John; 137,157. 
 
 Eobert ; 485. 
 
 Smith, Aaron; 130, 265, 309, 315, 320, 
 322, 323, 332, 334, 335, 337, 340- 
 342, 345, 364, 365, 371, 372, 388- 
 394, 399, 400, 402, 405. 
 rtZms Buffer, alias Chamber, — ; 374. 
 Captain, of Bolton ; 223. 
 
 George ; 195, 380. 
 
 Israel ; 272. 
 
 Sir Jer. ; 78. 
 
 John ; 467. 
 
 John, clerk to John Clowes ; 483. 
 Major; 66. 
 
 Mr.; 129,440. 
 
 Mr., chief of the settlement at Gran- 
 jam ; 521. 
 
 Mr., of Queniborough ; 310, 379. 
 
 Mr., collector at Liverpool ; 452. 
 Samuel ; 185. 
 
 Thomas ; 195, 248, 353. 
 
 Smithson, — ; 444. 
 
 Smy thills, letter dated at ; 45. 
 
 Sneeling, Thomas ; 263. 
 
 Soap ; 59. 
 
 Sobiesky, Princess ; 463. 
 
 Sodor and Man, Bishop of. See Bridgeman, 
 Henry. Lake, ,J ohn. 
 
 Solam, Sollam, Davi ; 173-175. 
 
 Soldiers ; 64, 184, 201, 202, 207, 220, 222, 
 223, 294, 301, 303, 304, 584. 
 aged and maimed. Act for the relief 
 of; 604. 
 archers ; 4, 587. 
 
 furniture of (cost of) ; 587-589. 
 
 arquebusiers, orders for the instruc- 
 tion of ; 594. 
 
 billeting of (in Lancashire), petition 
 concerning ; 487-490. 
 billmen, furniture of (cost of) ; 587- 
 589. 
 
 calivers (qualy vers), furniture of (cost 
 of) ; 587, 588. 
 
 Dutch Guards, the; 218. 
 
 troopers ; 319, 361. 
 
 English for Flanders ; 79. 
 
 for Ireland ; 224. 
 
 French, for the Duke of York; 125 
 238. 
 
 in Ireland ; 242. 
 
 for Ireland ; 587-589, 591, 592. 
 from Ireland ; 62. 
 forces of James II. ; 211. 
 
 Lancashire, levy of, in ; 587-589, 
 591, 592. 
 
 the land forces ; 99. 
 
 in the Isle of Man. See Man, Isle of. 
 
 the Parliament’s forces ; 74. 
 
 Soldiers — cont. 
 
 pikemen, furniture of (cost of) ; 588, 
 589. 
 
 pioneers ; 587. 
 
 furniture of (cost of) ; 589. 
 
 quartering, a protection from ; 274. 
 recruits ; 253, 259. 
 trained bands ; 35. 
 
 (troops), proclamation concerning the 
 raising of (1642) ; 61. 
 troopers, saddles of ; 98. 
 
 Volunteers ; 546-548. 
 
 listing of ; 79. 
 
 against the Duke of Monmouth ; 
 
 181-183. 
 
 See also under Regiments. 
 
 wounded (in Lancashire); 156. 
 Yeomanry-Cavalry; 543. 
 
 Solebay; 203. 
 
 Solicitor-General, the (Mr. Solicitor4 ; 155, 
 158, 193, 491, 495, 499, 513, 534, 
 537, 609, 622 (the Queen’s Solici- 
 tor), 624, 626. 
 
 See also Lee, Mr. 
 
 Solmes, Count de ; 224. 
 
 Somers, Sir John, afterwards Lord ; 404, 
 496. 
 
 Somerset, Lord Henry ; 571. 
 
 Duchess of (1697) ; 418. 
 
 Somister, James ; 467. 
 
 Sophia, the Electress ; 455. 
 
 Prineess, (daughter of George III.) ; 
 514, 525. 
 
 Sophia Charlotte of Mecklenburg-Strelitz 
 (Queen of George III.) ; 514, 527, 
 528. 
 
 Sorocold, George ; 194. 
 
 John ; 194. 
 
 Thomas; 195. 
 
 Thomas, of Barton, letter to; 178. 
 William ; 605. 
 
 Sothworth. See Southworth. 
 Southampton, Earl of (^ante 1585) ; 578. 
 Lord (1599) ; 610. 
 
 Lord (1617) ; 20. 
 
 [Thomas, 5th.] Earl of ; 79. 
 
 letter from ; 76. 
 
 Duke of (1694) ; 276. 
 
 Southey, Robert ; 564. 
 
 letters from ; 563, 568-570. 
 
 Southwark ; 107, 533. 
 
 Angel Alley in, letter dated at ; 83. 
 Southwell ; 209. 
 
 School, the master of ; 277. 
 
 Mr. ; 450. 
 
 Southworth, Sowthworth, Sothworth, 
 Sothworthe : 
 
 Sir John, of Sainsbury ; 587, 593. 
 Richard ; 603. 
 
 Thomas, letter to ; 14. 
 
 Spain and the Spaniards ; 29, 30, 32, 33, 
 84, 113, 253-255, 404, 463, 468, 
 563, 604, 606, 616. 
 
 Ambassador to France. See Mendoza, 
 astronomers of ; 37. 
 fleet of; 571. 
 
 Spanish frigate, capture of a ; 554. 
 Infanta of, the ; 30. 
 
688 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Spain and the Spaniards — cont. 
 
 (Philip IL), King of ; 571, 603, 626. 
 
 Commissioners of ; 571. 
 
 (^Philip IV.), King of; 30, 32, 33. 
 (Charles II.), King of; 79, 253. 
 (Philip V.), King of ; 468, 469. 
 (Charles III.), King of; 496. 
 ministers of ; 32. 
 
 Peace with England ; 41,67. 
 
 and Holland ; 99. 
 
 Spanish ship, a. See Ships named, 
 St. Stephen. 
 trade of ;|253. 
 
 treaty with England; 253, 254. 
 Spakmau, John. See Speakman. 
 
 Spanish match, the ; 29, 30, 33. 
 
 Sparrows, two brothers surnamed; 359. 
 Sparth, CO. Lane. ; 5. 
 
 letter dated at ; 383. 
 
 Speaker, the. See under Commons. 
 Speakman, Ellen ; 137. 
 
 John, of Altcar; 137, 138. 
 Speenhamland, co. Berks ; 531. 
 
 Spencer, Anne ; 55. 
 
 Captain ; 297, 370. 
 
 Mr.; 188, 196. 
 
 W., order signed by ; 115. 
 
 William, Sheriff of Lancashire ; 77. 
 Spiliken. Nee wwder Brussels. 
 Spisnhamland. See Speenhamland. 
 Spithead; 398, 538. 
 
 Spragg, Sir Edward; 78. 
 
 Stacy, Mr., of Eeddington ; 369. 
 
 Stafford ; 63, 505, 506. 
 
 governor at ; 63. 
 
 Stafford, Lord (1586) ; 622. 
 
 [William Howard], Viscount; 104, 
 105, 122, 123. 
 
 his execution ; 123, 124. 
 
 Lord (1684) ; 175. 
 
 Lord (1694) ; 29.5, 296, 303, 369. 
 
 his brother Mr. Stafford ; 29.5, 
 
 296, 369. 
 
 Mrs.; 461. 
 
 Thomas ; 461. 
 
 his son T., letter from ; 460. 
 
 Thomas, a highwayman ; 315. 
 Staffordshire; 103, 176, 292, 296, 300, 
 302, 304, 354, 376. 
 
 Stainbuck, Colonel; 377. 
 
 Stain cliffe, Stanyclyffe, letter dated at ; 598. 
 Staindrop, letter dated at ; 558. 
 
 Stalmine, co. Lane. ; 8, 230. 
 
 Stamford, Lord (1795) ; 544. 
 
 — ; 184. 
 
 Standish, co. Lane. ; 11,16, 230, 310, 352- 
 354, 377. 
 
 letters dated at; 16, 356. 
 parson of. See Leigh, William. Lee, 
 Mr. Haydock, William. 
 
 Hall; 308, 333, 336, 341, 342, 348, 
 352, 353, 369, 408. 
 the Lord of ; 352, 354. 
 
 Standish, Standis, Standishe, Staundishe : 
 Edward ; 11, 583. 
 
 Mary ; 586. 
 
 Mr., of Standish ; 238, 297, 301, 304, 
 329, 336, 337, 370, 377, 381. 
 
 Standish, Standis, Standishe, Staundishe 
 
 cont. 
 
 Sir Richard; 116, 202. 224, 234, 235, 
 278, 279, 285, 268, 380. 
 
 letter from ; 247. 
 
 Lady Margaret; 356. 
 
 letters from ; 292, 305, 356, 375, 
 
 379, 381. 
 
 petition of ; 380. 
 
 William; 194. 
 
 Standon, Captain Griffith ; 277. 
 
 Stanford, Mr. ; 103. 
 
 Stangend, co. Lane. ; 231. 
 
 Stanhope, Lord (1788) ; 525. 
 
 letter from ; 525. 
 
 Colonel ; 461. 
 
 his regiment of dragoons ; 460. 
 
 Stanislaus. See Poland, King of. 
 
 Stanley, Standlie: 
 
 — , of Eccleston ; 295, 303. 
 
 Bishop ; 440. 
 
 Captain; 313. 
 
 Charles ; 409, 412, 419. 
 
 Colonel; 444. 
 
 C. Z., letters from ; 439, 446. 
 
 Edward; 110,195. 
 
 Sir Edward; 131. 
 
 Henry ; 603. 
 
 the Honourable Master; 282, 286. 
 the Hon. Colonel James, (afterwards 
 Earl of Derby, Q-.t;.) ; 286, 357, 373, 
 400, 408-410, 413. 
 
 letter from ; 422. 
 
 his regiment ; 422. 
 
 Sir John ; 73. 
 the two Ladies ; 172. 
 
 Major ; 72. 
 
 Mr.; 178-180, 218, 249, 290, 359, 
 369. 
 
 the Hon. Mr. ; 508. 
 
 Mr., of Preston; 314. 
 
 Mr., governor of the House of Cor- 
 rection at Preston ; 452. 
 
 Peter ; 593. 
 
 Richard ; 194, 195. 
 
 Sir Robert ; 73. 
 
 Sir Rowland ; 239, 293,301, 307-310, 
 329, 348, 351, 357, 362, 365, 368, 
 369, 371, 376, 387. 
 
 T., letter from ; 508. 
 
 Sir T. ; 451. 
 
 Sir Thomas, of Alderley ; 194, 274, 
 284, 293, 295, 300, 302. 314, 363, 
 364, 366, 369, 377, 384, 387, 398, 
 402. 
 
 his wife ; 377. 
 
 family, the ; 285. 
 
 Stanynought, Thomas ; 112. 
 
 Staples, Colonel ; 311. 
 
 Stapleton, Sir — ; 294, 369. 
 
 I Sir Miles ; 129. 
 i Star Chamber, the ; 45, 61, 84, 626. 
 
 I Starkie, Starky: 
 lawyer; 356. 
 
 James ; 289. 
 
 John, letter from ; 46. 
 
 John, of Huntrode ; 38. 
 
 Mr.; 54, 153, 217, 218, 440, 442. 
 
INDEX. 
 
 689 
 
 Starkie, Starky — cont. 
 
 Nicholas ; 195, 377. 
 
 letters from ; 216, 218, 439. 
 
 Ralph, of Altcar ; 137, 138. 
 
 Robert; 169. 
 
 Robert, of Read ; 39. 
 
 W., letter from ; 498. 
 
 Statutes. See under Acts. 
 
 Staveley, co. Lane. ; 230. 
 
 Staynrod, Gervase ; 182, 196. 
 
 Thomas ; 182. 
 
 Steaforth Sands, [co. York] ; 1. 
 
 Stealy, Francis, of Yeograve ; 359. 
 
 Steele, Mr., speech of ; 454. 
 
 Thomas, letter to ; 532. 
 
 letter from; 533. 
 
 Stepehenson, Mr. ; 72. 
 
 Stepkins, Stepkyn, Goddard ; 339, 343, 344. 
 Stevens, — ; 550. 
 
 Stevenson, Major Richard ; 415, 416, 419. 
 
 letters from; 269, 279, 280, 414. 
 
 Steward, — ; 374. 
 
 Lieut.-General, his regiment : 443. 
 Stidd, CO. Lane. ; 9. 
 
 Stillingfleet, Dr. ; 108. 
 
 Stockbridge ; 284. 
 
 CO. Hants ; 407. 
 
 Stockdale, Joseph ; 181. 
 
 Stockham Heath, co. Chester ; 235. 
 Stockport; 222, 292, 385, 413, 416, 429, 
 486, 500. 
 
 letters dated at; 61, 110, 463. 
 
 Stocks, George, bailiff ; 279, 287. 
 Stockton, Michael ; 410. 
 
 Thomas ; 232. 
 
 Stolte, Adam ; 582. 
 
 Stone, letter dated at ; 131. 
 
 Stones, William, clerk ; 230. 
 
 Stonham, Richard ; 23. 
 
 Stony hurst ; 38. 
 
 Stopford, letter dated at ; 461. 
 
 Stopford, Ralph ; 195,196. 
 
 William ; 196. 
 
 Story, Mr. ; 5 1 1 . 
 
 Stowell, Lord (1826); 568. 
 
 Stradburye (Ireland) ; 610. 
 
 Strafford, [Thomas], Lord Wentworth, 
 $'.y., Earl of ; 60, 61. 
 
 Strange, Straunge, Lord (temp. Eliz.), 
 letter to ; 594. 
 
 Lord (1693) ; 272, 284, 307, 418. 
 Lord (1768) ; 500, 501, 516. 
 
 Strange ways, letters dated at; 85, 90. 
 Strangford, Lord (1694) ; 299, 370. 
 Stratford, Dr. Nicholas. See Chester, 
 Bishop of. 
 
 Strathmore, Countess Dowager of. See 
 Bowes, Lady Mary Eleanor. 
 
 Streatlam Castle, co. Durham ; 524. 
 
 Street Gate, Streat Yate, Clerk of the 
 Peace at. See Rigby, (j-eorge. 
 
 Stretch, Thomas ; 467. 
 
 Stretell, James ; 231. 
 
 Stretford, co. Lane. ; 11, 110. 
 
 the tinker of; 271. 
 
 Strickland, Mr. ; 369. 
 
 Sir, — ; 294. 
 
 Sir Roger ; 221. 
 
 Stringer, Colonel ; 438. 
 
 Mr.; 154, 399, 400. 
 
 Sir Thomas; 116, 121, 132, 139, 
 154, 177-180. 
 
 letters from ; 89, 100, 152. 
 
 Thomas, letter from ; 158. 
 
 Strong, Mr. ; 557. 
 
 Mrs. ; 529. 
 
 Samuel, letter from ; 529. 
 
 Sturtou, Lord (1586) ; 622. 
 
 Styth, — ; 152. 
 
 Subsidies ; 34, 60, 586, 587, 606, 607. 
 Sudbury, co. Suff. ; 407. 
 
 Sudell, Alderman ; 450. 
 
 Roger ; 239. 
 
 Suffolk; 501. 
 
 brewers in ; 248. 
 
 Suffolk, Thomas, 9th Earl of, letters from ; 
 17, 25. 
 
 Summer, John ; 424, 458, 459. 
 
 letters from ; 434, 437, 438, 440, 
 
 443, 451, 452, 457. 
 
 letters to ; 426, 440, 446, 457. 
 
 Sunderland ; 384. 
 
 Sunderland, [Robert Spencer, 2nd] Earl 
 of ; 200, 204, 216. 
 
 letter to ; 117. 
 
 Countess of ; 204. 
 
 Surrey ; 192. 
 
 Surrey, Lord (1780) ; 509. 
 
 Lady (1780) ; 509. 
 
 Sussex ; 105, 292. 
 
 Mayor and chief officers of the ports 
 of; 243. 
 
 Sutch, Silvester, of Ormskirk ; 137. 
 
 Sutton, — ; 319. 
 
 John, of Altcar ; 137, 138. 
 
 Robert; 183. 
 
 Sutton Lodge, co. Warw. ; 311. 
 
 Swaney, — ; 152. 
 
 Swarbreck, Swartbreck, Mr. ; 314. 
 
 Robert ; 232. 
 
 William; 182. 
 
 Swarthmoor, co. Lane.; 231. 
 
 Sweden and the Swedes ; 78. 
 
 Envoy from ; 439. 
 
 (Gustavus Adolphus), King of, a post 
 from ; 50. 
 
 (Charles XI.), King of ; 84, 281. 
 (Charles XII.), King of ; 439. 
 
 Ships of ; 203. 
 
 Swettenham, — ; 450. 
 
 Swift, Mr. ; 264. 
 
 Swinley, letters dated at ; 501. 
 
 Swinton Moor, [co. Lane.] ; 82. 
 
 Swiss (Switzers), in Ireland ; 239. 
 
 Sydall Moor ; 621. 
 
 Syddall, Edward. See Siddall. 
 
 Sydenham, Richard; 277. 
 
 his wife Grace ; 277. 
 
 Sydney, Lord (1786-88) ; 526. 
 
 letter from ; 522. 
 
 Sir Algernon ; 1 69, 264. 
 
 Symonds, — ; 330. 
 
 Symons, Benjamin, letter from ; 147. 
 
 Syon House ; 211. 
 
 73480. 
 
 X X 
 
690 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 T 
 
 Taffe, Count ; 327. 
 
 • Taafe, Taaffe, Mr., 317-319, 323-335, 
 337-349, 362, 366-368, 394. 
 his discovery, account of ; 387-394. 
 Talbot, Talbott, Talbotte : 
 
 Captain; 311. 
 
 Dorothy; 109. 
 
 Edward, letter from ; 46. 
 
 G. ; 251. 
 
 Jo., letter from ; 40. 
 
 John, of Salesbury (Saleburie) ; 593. 
 Thomas ; 583. 
 
 Talke-on -the- Hill ; 131. 
 
 Tamworth, [co. Staff.] ; 25. 
 
 Tangiers; 129, 133. 
 
 Tarbock, Mr. ; 12. 
 
 Tarleton ; 434. 
 
 Edward, letter from ; 162. 
 
 his son Edward ; 162. 
 
 Ed.; 263. 
 
 Mr.; 501. 
 
 Tashrough, Mr. ; 299, 370. 
 
 Tatam, Edmund ; 230. 
 
 Tatham, co. Lane. ; 7, 109, 230, 232, 246. 
 Tatham, Ann. See Lunt, John. 
 
 Tatlock, Tattlock ; 
 
 John; 194. 
 
 John, of Melling; 137. 
 
 Mr. ; 397, 398. 
 
 Taubman, Thomas, letter from ; 266. 
 Taxes, inequality of ; 376. 
 
 Tay, the river ; 20. 
 
 Taylor, Tayler : 
 
 Alice ; 572. 
 
 Edmund; 194. 
 
 James; 572. 
 
 John, curate of Altham ; 228. 
 
 Mr. (1672-81) ; 94, 139. 
 
 Mr. (1694) ; 542. 
 
 Mr., a silk man ; 66. 
 
 Ric.hard, minister at Heysham ; 229. 
 Richard, a tradesman in Manchester ; 
 410. 
 
 Rohei*t, letters from ; 471. 
 
 Samuel ; 484. 
 
 Zachary, letters from ; 127, 134, 142. 
 Zachary, vicar of Ormskirk ; 229. 
 Tea, duty on, receipts from ; 275. 
 Teddington (jrove, letter dated at ; 551. 
 Tempest, — ; 294, 369. 
 
 Templars, Society of the ; 156. 
 
 Temple, Sir Richard ; 139, 254. 
 
 Sir William ; 99. 
 
 Tench, .John ; 134. 
 
 letters from; 111, 112, 149, 152, 
 
 156, 166. 
 
 Mr. ; 200. 
 
 Tenison, Mr. ; 333. 
 
 Tent wine ; 82. 
 
 Terrone, the. See Tyrone, Earl of. 
 Tetlawe, Alice ; 572. 
 
 George ; 572. 
 
 Teversall, letter dated at ; 103. 
 
 Thackeray, William ; 483. 
 
 Thames, the river ; 79,398. 
 
 Theeffley, Thiefley; 40, 51. 
 
 letter dated at ; 46. 
 
 Thelfall, Edmund. See Threlfall. 
 Thellwall, — ; 492. 
 
 Thelwell, — ; 544. 
 
 his trial ; 542. 
 
 Theobalds ; 24, 25. 
 
 Therlfeild ; 224. 
 
 Thetford, co. Norf. ; 407. 
 
 * Thisleworth, letter dated at ; 78. 
 
 Tholonn. See Toulon. 
 
 Thomas, John ; 263. 
 
 William; 485. 
 
 Thomason, Thomas ; 232. 
 
 Thomasson, Jo. ; 374. 
 
 Thomkinson, Mr. See Tomkinson. 
 Thompon, Mr,, prebend of Chester; 282. 
 Thompson, Thomson, Tompson ; 
 Alexander, letter from ; 55. 
 
 letter to ; 41. 
 
 Anthony ; 260. 
 
 — ; 129. 
 
 Sir John ; 399. 
 
 Joseph ; 26. 
 
 letters from ; 30, 55. 
 
 Sir Henry, of Eskricke ; 96, 97. 
 
 Mr.; 465. 
 
 Mrs. ; 465, 
 
 Ralph ; 404. 
 
 Richard, curate of Gressingham ; 229. 
 Robert, letter from ; 44. 
 
 Thornborowe, William; 593. 
 
 Thornham, [co. Lane.]. See Thurnham. 
 Thornton, [co, York], order dated at ; 18. 
 Thornton, Dr. ; 550. 
 
 Henry ; 533. 
 
 J., letter from ; 417. 
 
 Mr. ; 450, 
 
 Thorpe, Henry ; 161. 
 
 John ; 467. 
 
 Richard ; 467, 572. 
 
 William (1609) ; 15. 
 
 William (1814) ; 563. 
 
 Thoulon. See Toulon. 
 
 Thrale, Mr. ; 532. 
 
 Thrale & Co. ; 533. 
 
 Threlfall, Edmund, of the Ashes, Goos- 
 nargh; 293, 294, 301, 302, 312- 
 315, 360, 369, 374, 375, 377, 378, 
 384. 
 
 information of ; 150. 
 
 his widow ; 354. 
 
 his son ; 240. 
 
 James ; 229. 
 
 Throckmorton, Throgmorton, Frogmorton: 
 Sir — ; 369. 
 
 George ; 233. 
 
 Sir Robert ; 293, 302. 
 
 Sir Roland ; 350. 
 
 Throp, Captain, of Bolton ; 223. 
 
 Thurland, Baron ; 112. 
 
 Thurlow, Edward, afterwards Lord, At- 
 torney-General; 515, 536, 548. 
 
 letters from ; 502,512, 516,527, 
 
 540, 547-549. 
 
INDEX. 
 
 691 
 
 Thurnham, co. Lane. ; 109, 313, 374, 574, 
 595. 
 
 letter dated at ; 360. 
 
 Hall; 312. 
 
 Moss ; 312. 
 
 Thurot ; 496. 
 
 Thy er, Robert ; 181. 
 
 Tichbourne, Tychburne : 
 
 Cheadyoke ; 611, 624. 
 
 the confession of ; 612. 
 
 Sir Henry ; 300, 302, 370. 
 
 Tickle, Tickel : 
 of Altcar : 
 
 Edward ; 135, 137, 138. 
 
 Thomas ; 135, 137, 138. 
 
 Margery ; 137. 
 
 Peter; 183. 
 
 Peter, a pupil at Manchester ; 467. 
 Thomas; 195. 
 
 Tickles, Peter ; 314. 
 
 Tiddyman, Sir Thomas ; 78. 
 
 Tilbury Port ; 299. 
 
 Tildesley. See Tyldesley. 
 
 Tillney, — , the confession of; 613. 
 
 Tilsby, Mr. ; 94, 95. 
 
 Tilsley, Mr. ; 144, 152. 
 
 Parson; 90,91. 
 
 Times, the ; 553. 
 
 Tinney, Samuel ; 410. 
 
 Tinsley, — . See Tyldesley, Mr., of Lodge. 
 
 Thomas; 467. 
 
 Tipping, George ; 14. 
 
 Thomas; 481, 484. 
 
 Tirconnel, Earl of. See Tyrconnel. 
 Tiverton ; 207. 
 
 Tobacco ; 26, 28, 40, 48, 149. 
 
 Tockholes, co. Lane. ; 10, 230-232. 
 Toddington ; 44. 
 
 Todmorden, co. Lane. ; 12, 41, 48, 54. 
 
 letter dated at ; 60. 
 
 Tomkinson, Thomkinson : 
 
 Harry; 544. 
 
 James, letters from ; 494, 530. 
 
 Mr. ; 463, 494, 495, 503. 
 
 William ; 503. 
 
 W. W., letter from ; 501. 
 
 Tomlinson, George, letter from ; 48. 
 William ; 150, 151. 
 
 William, Governor of the House of 
 Correction at Preston ; 245, 247. 
 William, a pupil at Manchester; 467. 
 William, of Garstang; 224. 
 
 Tompson. See Thompson. 
 
 Tonge, Henry; 467. 
 
 Mr. ; 105, 106. 
 
 Tonge Moor ; 214, 464. 
 
 Tonstalle, Francis ; 583. 
 
 Toogood, Towgood, Mr. ; 297, 369. 
 
 Tooke, Horne ; 544, 550. 
 
 Topcliflfe, Topelyff, Sheriff; 612, 618. 
 Topsham ; 430. 
 
 Torbay; 506. 
 
 Tories, the ; 444, 445, 456. 
 
 Torrington, [Arthur Herbert], Earl of; 
 242, 243. 
 
 Toulon, Tholonn, Thoulon; 387, 396, 398, 
 402, 405. 
 
 Touneley. Nee Townley. 
 
 Tounesend, Michael. See Townsend, 
 Tounson, George. See Townson. 
 Towgood, Mr. See Toogood. 
 
 Townley; 312, 350, 358. 
 letter dated at ; 357. 
 
 Townley, Towneleye, Towneley, Touneley : 
 Charles; 312, 314, 359. 
 
 Dorothy; 110. 
 
 Edmund, of Royle ; 583. 
 
 Francis; 110. 
 
 Henry ; 45. 
 
 Isabella; 110. 
 
 John ; 1 10. 
 
 Katherine; 110, 
 
 Mr. (1604) ; 10. 
 
 Mr. (1694) ; 372. 
 
 Mrs. See Nowell, Mrs. 
 
 Richard ; 110. 
 
 Scoweroft ; 39. 
 of Townley : 
 
 — ; 204. 
 
 Richard; 38. 
 
 Colonel Richard; 293-295, 297, 
 301-303, 312, 314, 329, 349, 
 350, 354, 359, 369. 
 
 — — letter from; 357. 
 
 his son ; 358. 
 
 his daughter Townley ; 358, 
 
 Townsburgh ; 1. 
 
 Townsend, Townshend, Tounesend : 
 Viscount (1746) ; 486. 
 
 General ; 496. 
 
 Michael, letter from ; 65. 
 
 Townson, Tounson, George; 221. 
 
 John ; 230. 
 
 William ; 232. 
 
 Toxteth Park, co. Lane. ; 8, 231. 
 
 Tozer, Tozier, Tozar, Captain ; 297, 299, 
 300, 369. 
 
 Trafford, letter dated at ; 59. 
 
 Trafford, Trafforde: 
 
 Sir Edmund ; 14. 
 
 the eldest son of ; 591. 
 
 Edmund ; 110, 195. 
 
 his wife, Frances ; 1 10. 
 
 Humphrey, letter from ; 167. 
 
 Mr.; 159, 289, 401, 415. 
 
 Thomas ; 586. 
 
 Trained bands. See under Soldiers. 
 Traitors, protection for ; 61. 
 Transportation ; 158, 167. 
 
 Trappes, Traps, — ; 294, 369. 
 
 Travers, Mrs. Anne, of Nateby ; 584. 
 
 Sir Thomas, letter from ; 255. 
 
 Travis, Traves, Travez : 
 
 — , the confession of; 617. 
 
 Edmund; 183,410. 
 
 George; 586. 
 
 James ; 410. 
 
 Thomas ; 572, 
 
 Treason; 60, 68, 221, 307, 381. 
 
 Treasurer, Lord; 5, 23, 25, 79, 89, 96, 97, 
 106, 108, 113, 183, 264, 437, 456, 
 604, 606, 621-626. 
 
 Lord Treasurer’s Remembrancer; 
 
 134. 
 
 Treasury, the ; 143, 264, 344, 456, 552. 
 i Chamber. See under Westminster. 
 
692 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Treasury — cont. 
 
 Lords Commissioners of the 133, 
 136, 139, 155, 159, 183, 219, 258, 
 339, 355, 407, 409, 486. 
 
 letters from ; 146, 225. 
 
 Solicitor to. See Smith, Aaron. 
 
 Trehy, Sir George, Lord Chief Justice ; 
 
 158, 306, 356, 404. 
 
 Tregony, co. Cornwall ; 450. 
 
 Trelawney v. Bishop of Winchester ; 502. 
 Trenchard, Sir John, Secretary of State ; 
 277, 318, 346, 372, 384, 387, 388, 390, 
 394. 
 
 Trevor, Treavor, Judge ; 60. 
 
 Sir Thomas ; 31. 
 
 letter from ; 44. 
 
 letter to ; 39. 
 
 Tripoli, the Consul at ; 276. 
 
 Troops. See under Soldiers. 
 
 Troy, T- ; 400. 
 
 Tufton, Colonel ; 297, 299, 369, 370. 
 Tully, Justice ; 317. 
 
 Tunbridge ; 305, 382. 
 
 Tunstall, co. Lane. ; 7, 230. 
 
 Turbervile, — ; 124, 129. 
 
 Turenne, [Marshal] ; 100. 
 
 Turks, the; 162, 166, 262. 
 
 Turner, James ; 534. 
 
 Matthew; 316. 
 
 Matthew, a common bailiff ; 458, 459. 
 Mr. ; 154. 
 
 Mr., a preacher ; 13. 
 
 Richard ; 54. 
 
 Thomas, of Preston ; 51. 
 
 Sir William ; 154. 
 
 Turnlay, John ; 2. 
 
 Turton, co. Lane. ; 11, 230. 
 
 Turton, Sir John ; 376. 
 
 judge ; 403, 415. 
 
 Tuscar, the ; 264. 
 
 Tutbury, [co. Staff.] ; 25. 
 
 Tuthill, George ; 276. 
 
 Tuttell, Mr., hydrographer to James II. ; 
 430. 
 
 Tweed, the river ; 1 7. 
 
 Twhinge, Mrs. Jane, of Kirkland ; 584. 
 Tychburne, Cheadyoke. See Tichbourne. 
 Tyldesley, Tildsley, Tydisleye, Tildesley, 
 Tilsley, Tinsley, Tyddesleye : 
 Captain ; 202. 
 
 Edward ; 587. 
 
 Edward, of Lodge ; 111. 
 
 Edward, of Myerscough; 150, 151. 
 
 letter from ; 143. 
 
 Elizabeth, of Merscoe ; 584. 
 
 Lady ; 313. 
 
 Mr. ; 8, 93. 
 
 Mr., of Lodge ; 312, 314, 319, 349, 
 351. 
 
 Mr., of Stausacre ; 295, 303, 369. 
 
 Mrs. ; 312. 
 
 Thomas; 151, 583. 
 
 Sir Thomas ; 26. 
 
 Colonel Thomas; 293-295, 301-303, 
 369. 
 
 Thurstan ; 9. 
 
 Tynmouth Castle,fee for the custody of ; 17. 
 guuners, etc., at ; 25. 
 
 Tynwald, the. See under Man, Isle of. 
 Tyrconnel, Tirconnel, [Richard Talbot], 
 Earl of ; 211, 218. 
 
 Tyrer, John ; 135. 
 
 Thomas ; 281. 
 
 Tyrone (Terrone), Earl of (1599); 610. 
 
 u 
 
 Ubank, Colonel Henry ; 277. 
 
 Udall, — ; 608. 
 
 I Ulverston, co. Lane. ; 7, 230. 
 j Unitarians] the ; 563. 
 j United States of America, the. See under 
 i America. 
 
 Upper House, the. See Lords. 
 
 Upton, letter dated at ; 506. 
 
 Urmston, Eleanor ; 109. 
 
 John; 109. 
 
 Peter; 110. 
 
 Richard ; 13. 
 
 Urswick, co. Lane. ; 7, 230. 
 
 Usherwood, Isherwood, q.v. : 
 
 John, curate of Elixton ; 22£. 
 
 John, of Manchester, clerk ; 230, 
 Lieutenant ; 313, 358, 360. 
 
 Utrecht ; 428, 429. 
 
 Uttoxeter; 359. 
 
 Utworth, Captain ; 311. 
 
 V 
 
 Val, the village of ; 472. 
 
 Valentine, — , under- sheriff ; 356, 448. 
 
 Edward; 195. 
 
 Valladolid; 113. 
 
 Vargyna. See Virginia. 
 
 Vaughan, Colonel; 277, 304. 
 
 I Mr. ; 297, 369, 528, 534. 
 
 j Vavasoifr, — ; 294, 369. 
 
 I Veale, Edward, letter from ; 47. 
 j John ; 248. 
 
 I Mr.; 48. 
 
 I Venetian Resident, the. See Cavalli. 
 Pizzoni. 
 
 Venice, letter dated at ; 413. 
 
 Venn, Adrian, letter from; 253. 
 Ventrinolia; 472. 
 
 Verigny, Mr. ; 175, 176. 
 
 Vernon, — ; 217,218. 
 
 Mr. ; 450. 
 
 Vice-Chamberlain, the (1586) ; 613, 621, 
 622, 626. 
 
 Vienna ; 162, 496, 497, 566. 
 letter dated at ; 468. 
 treaty of ; 468, 469. 
 
 Virginia ; 263. 
 
 (Vargyna) tobacco ; 40. 
 
INDEX. 
 
 693 
 
 Vittoria, Vitoria, battle of ; 562. 
 
 Voltaire, [FraD 9 ois Marie Arouet de] ; 
 474. 
 
 Volunteers. See wider Kegiments. 
 Soldiers. 
 
 Vosper, Captain James ; 277. 
 
 w 
 
 W., Sir R. ; 545. 
 
 Waddall, Mr. ; 211. 
 
 WaddingtoQ, — ; 558. 
 
 Robert; 231. 
 
 Thomas ; 380. 
 
 William; 231. 
 
 Waddow, letters dated at ; 193, 278, 289. 
 Wadsworth, John ; 467. 
 
 Wagstaff, Wagstaffe: 
 
 James ; 467. 
 
 Peter; 410. 
 
 Wainwright, William ; 194. 
 
 Wakefield, Gilbert ; 550. 
 
 Wakeman, Dr. ; 113. 
 
 George ; 129. 
 
 Walcopp, Justice ; 129. 
 
 Walcot, Walcutt, Captain ; 161, 162, 166. 
 Wales; 36, 80, 221, 475. 
 
 Justices of the Peace for ; 447. 
 revenue of, charges on ; 276. 
 
 North ; 304. 
 
 South ; 546. 
 
 Wales, James Edward, Prince of. See 
 James, Edward, Prince. 
 
 Princess of (1821) ; 565. 
 
 Walgrave, Lord (1689) ; 233. 
 
 Walkden, — ; 111. 
 
 Mr. ; 9. 
 
 Walkden Moor; 423. 
 
 Walker, John ; 232, 410. 
 
 John, a pupil at Manchester ; 467. 
 Joseph ; 410. 
 
 Josiah; 410. 
 
 Mr., Apothecary to the Prince of 
 Wales (afterwards George IV.) ; 
 559. 
 
 Mr., Marshal of the King’s Bench ; 
 
 532, 533. 
 
 Mrs.; 510. 
 
 Nathaniel; 181. 
 
 Ralph ; 604. 
 
 Roger ; 196. 
 
 William ; 232. 
 
 Wall, Dr. ; 539. 
 
 Law. ; 239. 
 
 Wallace, Wallis, Mr., Attorney-General ; 
 509, 511, 515. 
 
 Wallasey, Wallessy ; 129, 385. 
 
 Waller, Sir William ; 63, 126. 
 
 Walles, Thomas ; 29. 
 
 Walloons, in Ireland ; 239. 
 
 Walley. See Whalley. 
 
 Walls, Parson, of Sandbach ; 450. 
 
 Walmsley, co. Lane. ; 232. 
 
 Walmsley, Walmesley, Walsmisly, W ai- 
 mer sleye : 
 of Dunckenhalgh : 
 
 Colonel Bartholomew ; 295,296, 
 
 303, 304, 365, 369, 372, 375, 376, 
 383, 387, 388. 
 
 Thomas ; 50. 
 
 Edward ; 583. 
 
 George, vicar of Leyland ; 229. 
 Henry, curate of Blackburn; 228. 
 John ; 412. 
 
 letter from ; 453. 
 
 Mr. ; 247, 334, 347, 349, 353, S68. 
 Mr., murder of ; 381. 
 
 Mrs. ; 448. 
 
 Nath.; 239. 
 
 Ralph ; 232. 
 
 Richard; 110. 
 
 letter from ; 95. 
 
 his wife Dorothy ; 110. 
 
 Robert ; 149. 
 
 Thomas ; 583. 
 
 letter to ; 48. 
 
 Thomas, of Coldcotes ; 38. 
 
 Sir Thomas ; 50. 
 
 Walpole, Horatio ; 511. 
 
 Sir Robert ; 553. 
 
 Walsall, Wassail, letter dated at ; 63. 
 Walsh, Thomas, letters from; 113, 146. 
 Walsingham, Sir Francis; 590, 591, 622, 
 624. 
 
 Walter, John, letter from ; 551. 
 
 Walton, CO. Lane. ; 13, 48, 194, 316, 378, 
 601. 
 
 letters dated at; 112, 126, 279, 281, 
 285, 419, 473. 
 
 Walton, — ; 342. 
 
 Captain, of Folkestone (Foulston) ; 
 298, 347, 370. 
 
 Walton-le-Dale, co. Lane. ; 230, 231. 
 Walton-cum-Fazakerley, co. Lane. ; 230. 
 Wapra, co. Flint ; 362. 
 
 Warburton, Warberton, Francis ; 29. 
 
 Sir George ; 445. 
 
 Jo., letter from ; 87. 
 
 Richard, clerk ; 196. 
 
 Richard, rector of Middleton ; 229. 
 Ward, Warde: 
 
 Lord, his son; 168. 
 
 Sir Edward, Attorney-General ; 376. 
 John, minister at Warrington ; 230. 
 Mr., M.P. for Newton ; 454. 
 parson; 168. 
 
 Sir Patience; 160, 167, 264. 
 
 Colonel Philip ; 66. 
 
 Warden, Mr. ; 397, 398, 408, 418. 
 Wardley, Wardly ; 215, 453, 582. 
 Wardrobe, Master of the ; 217. 
 
 Wards, Master of the ; 3. 
 
 Ware ; 107. 
 
 Waring, — ; 130. 
 
 Diana ; 26, 28. 
 
 John, letter from ; 27. 
 
 John, curate of Great Crosby ; 229. 
 Warmiugham, John ; 467. 
 
 Warmisley, Mr. ; 443. 
 
 Warrant, a ; 204. 
 
694 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Warren, Dorothy, wife of Edward ; 109. 
 Sir George; 500, 516. 
 
 Jack ; 427. 
 
 Jo., letters from; 89, 110. 
 
 his daughter ; 110. 
 
 Mr. ; 178, 188, 286, 372, 464. 
 
 Mr. Justice; 278, 282, 283. 
 
 “ Warrens,’’ letters dated at ; 559, 560. 
 Warriner, Mr. ; 49. 
 
 Warring, — ; 306. 
 
 Warrington, co. Lane. ; 12, 98, 143, 150, 
 151, 194, 201, 202, 205, 222, 223, 
 230, 231, 252, 272, 282, 311, 395, 
 426. 
 
 letters dated at ; 272, 383, 466. 
 coach, the ; 440. 
 
 “ The Golden Lion ” in ; 389. 
 Warrington, Lord (1689-97) ; 234, 274, 
 277, 281, 282, 285, 286, 291, 423. 
 Lord (1733) ; 469. 
 
 Warton, co. Lane. ; 7, 109, 230. 
 
 Warwick ; 25. 
 
 Warwick, Earl of (1586) 622, 626. 
 
 Warwickshire; 134, 382, 608. 
 
 Wassail. See Walsall. 
 
 Waste committed by lords and others 
 (1746), opinion touching; 486. 
 Waterford ; 239. 
 
 Waterloo, drawings of ; 563. 
 
 Watkinson, Captain John; 277. 
 
 Mary ; 43. 
 
 Watmoughe, Mr. ; 12. 
 
 Watson, John; 183. 
 
 — — letter from ; 440. 
 
 Mr.; 530. 
 
 William, keeper of Eahy Park ; 24. 
 Way, J. ; 526. 
 
 Weale, Sir Charles; 302. 
 
 Weaving, notes concerning; 572, 573. 
 Wehbe, John; 582. 
 
 Webber, — , an attorney of Eurnival’s 
 Inn ; 409. 
 
 Webster, John ; 144. 
 
 letter from; 214. 
 
 William ; 263. 
 
 Websters, the ; 443. 
 
 Weddall, Weddell, J. ; 273, 274, 279, 286, 
 291. 
 
 letters from ; 289, 291. 
 
 Robert, letter from ; 413. 
 
 Wediker, co. Lane. See Whittaker. 
 
 Weld, Mr. ; 152. 
 
 Wellesley, Marquis, afterwards Duke of 
 Wellington, g.t;. ; 561. 
 
 Wellington, Duke of (previously Marquis 
 Wellesley, q.v.) ; 562, 563. 
 
 Wells, Mr. ; 397. 
 
 Thomas, vicar of Prescot ; 230. 
 William, vicar of Millom ; 229. 
 
 Welsh, Edward, vicar of Rlackburu, letter 
 from ; 597. 
 
 Mr. ; 1 53. 
 
 Mr., a pi-f‘acher ; 9. 
 
 Wenlock, Widow ; 62. 
 
 Wentworth, Lord (1586) ; 622. 
 
 [Thomas], Lord (afterwards Earl of 
 Strafford, g.u.), letter from ; 38. 
 
 Wentworth — cont. 
 
 Guicciardini, letters from; 89, 91, 98, 
 99, 112, 113, 115, 127, 133, 170, 
 171, 186, 272, 274, 275, 403, 411. 
 
 letters to ; 273, 411. 
 
 Mr.; 139, 149. 
 
 Weobley; 179, 279, 516. 
 
 Werden, James ; 229. 
 
 John ; 182. 
 
 Wesley, Samuel, rector of Epworth ; 434, 
 435. 
 
 West, Daniel, of Burnley ; 42. 
 
 Elizabeth; 109. 
 
 Mr.; 161. 
 
 Westby, Westbie : 
 
 — , of Mowbrick ; 293, 302, 303, 369. 
 Elizabeth, Isabell, and Ann, letter 
 from ; 127. 
 
 John, of Molebrigge ; 593. 
 
 Mr. ; 491. 
 
 West Chester; 301. 
 
 West Derby, Darby, co. Lane. ; 13. 
 
 West Derby Hundred, co. Lane. ; 8, 139, 
 319, 583, 585, 586, 594, 606. 
 bailiff* of; 29, 138. 
 chief constables for ; 29. 
 clergy in (1604); 12, 13. 
 highways in, order touching, and per- 
 sons nominated to inquire into ; 
 193-195. 
 
 Justices of the Peace in ; 583. 
 
 West Leigh, co. Lane. ; 109, 110. 
 Westminster ; 86, 129, 154, 176, 240, 241, 
 280-282, 285, 287-291, 297, 354, 
 357, 375, 378-380, 401, 423, 497. 
 letters dated at; 33, 78, 80-84, 86, 
 87, 89, 91, 269, 394, 396, 398, 399, 
 403, 408, 416, 423, 425, 438, 450, 
 454, 500. 
 the poor of ; 277. 
 
 Abbey ; 85, 524, 579 (cathedral 
 
 church of). 
 
 Dean and Chapter of; 277. 
 
 King Henry VII.’s Chapel ; 84. 
 
 the Bridewell in; 311. 
 
 College, letter dated at ; 27. 
 Dartmouth Street ; 362. 
 
 Dean Yard, letter dated at ; 82. 
 Downing Street, letters dated at ; 517, 
 518, 521, .522, 525, .526, 534, 535, 
 537, 545. 
 
 Duchy [of Lancaster] Chamber, 
 Court of ; 65. 
 
 the Duchy [of Lancaster] Court ; 70, 
 161, 246, 425. 
 
 the Duchy [of Lancaster] House, 
 letters dated at; 31, 44. 
 the Gatehouse prison ; 317. 
 
 Grand Jury of ; 126. 
 
 Hall; 153, 209, 278, 284, 321, 509, 
 
 524, 526, 528. 
 
 letter dated at ; 541. 
 
 King Charles I.’s Hospital , 277. 
 Palace Yard, letters dated at; 523, 
 
 525, 534, 554. 
 
 “ the Dog ” in ; 101. 
 
 St. James’; 67, 211, 334, 516, 536, 
 
 554. 
 
INDEX. 
 
 695 
 
 Westminster — cont. 
 
 St. James’, letters dated at ; 435, 
 511, 522. 
 
 Bury Street ; 318, 327. 
 
 Golden Square ; 311, 315. 
 
 W arwick Street near ; 362. 
 
 the poor of ; 277. 
 
 Popish chapel at ; 207. 
 
 St. Alban’s Street, “ the Iron 
 
 Balcony ” in ; 311. 
 
 “ the White Hart ” in ; 315. 
 
 St. James’ Park ; 143. 
 
 St. James’ Square, letters dated at; 
 536, .537, 540, 561. 
 
 St. James’ Street ; 143, 317, 327, 544. 
 
 letter dated at ; 512. 
 
 School ; 449. 
 
 Whitehall; 29,78, 80, 85, 109, 128, 
 154, 177, 183, 211, 217, 242, 422. 
 423, 471. 
 
 letters dated at ; 17, 24, 39, 42, 
 
 49, 53, 95, 111, 116, 118, 135, 204, 
 215, 219, 225, 250, 253, 254, 258, 
 263, 415, 491, 515, 537, 604. 
 
 the Court at; 119, 120. 
 
 letter dated at ; 100. 
 
 Ormond Gate near ; 253. 
 
 Pay Office, letter dated at ; 533. 
 
 Treasury Chamber, letters dated 
 
 at ; 114, 143, 146, 185. 
 
 W estmoreland, Clerk of the Peace for ; 
 225. 
 
 Justices of the Peace for ; 225. 
 Receiver-General of. See Hayhurst, 
 William. 
 
 Westmoreland, Lord (1794) ; 542. 
 Weston, Judge ; 60, 123. 
 
 Weston Cony, co. Staff. ; 359. 
 Westphalia; 609. 
 
 Wexford; 260. 
 
 Weymouth, Lord (1790) ; 530. 
 
 Whalley, co. Lane. ; 10, 27, 38, 39, 50, 51, 
 53, 57, 230, 232, 251, 291, 376,378. 
 letters dated at; 45, 49, 51-53, 70, 
 211, 241. 
 
 alms for the poor of ; 38, 39. 
 church of ; 39, 355. 
 churchwardens of ; 39. 
 the preacher at ; 36. 
 rectory; 110. 
 vicar of ; 49. 
 
 See also Ormerod, Peter. Gey, 
 
 Stephen. 
 
 Whalley, Walley: 
 
 Mr.; 270. 
 
 Ra., of Stanthorn ; 244. 
 
 Richard; 181. 
 
 Richard, a soldier ; 440. 
 
 Thomas ; 231. 
 
 letter from ; 383. 
 
 Thomas, of Manchester; 478-482, 
 485. 
 
 William, depositions of ; 368, 369. 
 Wharmbye, Samuel ; 410. 
 
 Wharton, Lord (1682), his eldest son ; 
 154. 
 
 C., letter from ; 255. 
 
 Humphrey ; 24. 
 
 Wharton — cont. 
 
 Thomas ; 207. 
 
 Sir Thomas ; 173, 175. 
 
 Wheck, — ; 374. 
 
 Wheler, — ; 266. 
 
 — , a notary ; 621. 
 
 Whig Club, the ; 531. 
 
 Whigs, the ; 434, 444, 456, 568. 
 Whinnybeyes, letter dated at ; 47. 
 Whitaker, — ; 548. 
 
 Ellis ; 572. 
 
 Henry, of Oldham ; 572. 
 
 John, of Hollinwood, the eldest son 
 of; 572. 
 
 Whitall, — ; 296, 369. 
 
 Whitchcott, Colonel ; 435. 
 
 Whitchurch; 371. 
 plan, the ; 382. 
 races ; 497. 
 
 White, Whyte : 
 
 Dr. ; 611, 613-619. 
 
 Mr., a preacher; 8, 12, 16. 
 
 Parson; 263. 
 
 Richard ; 229. 
 
 Thomas ; 183, 227. 
 
 Whiteford Volunteers, the ; 548. 
 Whitehall. See under Westminster. 
 Whitehaven; 150. 
 
 Whiteley, John, of Manchester ; 464. 
 Whiteside, Robert ; 230. 
 
 Whitewell, co. Lane. ; 10. 
 
 Whitfield, — ; 495. 
 
 Mr., a cardmaker ; 296. 
 
 Mr. ; 299, 300, 315-318, 346, 348, 
 369. 
 
 Whitford, Robert, letter from ; 378. 
 Whitgrave, Thomas ; 277. 
 
 Whitley, Colonel ; 237. 
 
 Cornet ; 249. 
 
 John ; 467. 
 
 Whitney, — , the highwayman ; 295, 369. 
 Whitsand Bay, reasons for building a 
 mould or harbour in ; 429, 430. 
 Whittacre, Dr. ; 279. 
 
 Whittaker, Wediker, co. Lane. ; 230. 
 Whittingham, co. Lane. ; 109, 232, 306. 
 Whittington, co. Lane. ; 7, 63, 230, 232. 
 Whittle, Hugo ; 467. 
 
 Whitworth, co. Lane. ; 12. 
 
 Whitworth, Joseph ; 232. 
 
 Widdowes, John ; 182, 194. 
 
 Widriugton, Captain, an alias of John 
 Lunt, q.v. 
 
 Wiersdale. See Wyersdale. 
 
 Wigan; 4, 13, 41, fc3, 58, 101, 109, 110, 
 115, 128, 132, 152, 153, 157, 161, 
 168, 169, 175, 178, 179, 194, 198, 
 201, 202, 226, 230, 232, 245, 246, 
 253, 262, 263, 270, 278, 279, 282, 
 283, 319, 328, 359, 362, 384, 394, 
 395, 409, 421, 422, 424, 426, 439- 
 442, 444, 446, 449, 450, 452, 453, 
 455, 457-459, 464, 479, 485, 486, 
 500, 589. 
 
 letters dated at ; 26-28, 45, 52, 88, 
 127-129, 136, 172, 177, 196, 204, 
 208, 235, 247, 283, 422, 424, 425, 
 440, 453, 597. 
 
696 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Wigan — co7it. 
 
 Aldermen of ; 127, 189, 204. 
 bailiff of the Corporation of, order to ; 
 235. 
 
 book of baptisms, &c., at ; 102. 
 Burgesses of; 71, 127, 493. 
 church ; 4, 5, 54, 442, 462. 
 church of, proceedings in a suit re- 
 lating to ; 447. 
 churchwardens of ; 5, 54. 
 
 Cocking ; 95. 
 
 Corporation of ; 236, 447. 
 
 declaration by, of the title under 
 
 which they hold the Fair, Markets, 
 and Leet ; 441, 442. 
 
 “ The Cross Keys ” in ; 458. 
 
 “ The Eagle and Child ” in ; 389. 
 election ; 455, 458, 459, 467. 
 election, poll at ; 425, 429, 511. 
 inhabitants of (Wiggoners) ; 189. 
 Lane (Road) ; 352, 353, 377. 
 market, tolls received from ; 4. 
 Mayor of ; 58, 71, 127, 128, 131, 132, 
 189, 196, 202, 213, 288, 402, 422, 
 424. 
 
 letter to ; 209. 
 
 See also Barrowe, Robert. 
 
 Bankes, — . Harvey, James. 
 Mayor, bailiffs, aldermen, &c., of, 
 “ the humble answer made to the 
 King by ; 423. 
 
 Mayor, bailiffs and burgesses of, 
 humble address of (to George I.) ; 
 459, 460. 
 
 Mayor and burgesses of, petitions of ; 
 24, 25. 
 
 Mayor and magistrates of, letter to ; 
 462. 
 
 parson of. See Fleetwood, Edward. 
 Recorder of; 127,422, 423. 
 
 See also Kenyon, George. 
 
 rector of ; 440, 446. 
 
 See also Finch, Edward. Older- 
 
 sey, Mr. 
 rectory of ; 25. 
 
 riot at, inquisition concerning ; 137. 
 rioters at ; 153. 
 
 rioters of the Corporation of, brief 
 against ; 132. 
 
 Sessions ; 93, 120, 122, 131, 150,450, 
 591. 
 
 “ The Three Legs of Man ” in ; 210. 
 Wigginton, — ; 608. 
 
 Wiggins, Thomas ; 173, 174. 
 
 Wight, Isle of ; 243, 4i05. 
 
 Wilberforce, William, letters from ; 523, 
 525, 527, 533, 538, 555. 
 
 Wilbraham, Mr. ; 494, 495. 
 
 Wild, Justice ; 112, 290. 
 
 Wilkes, Mr. ; 502. 
 
 Wilkins, Bishop. See under Chester. 
 Wilkinson, Christopher, letters from ; 1 50, 
 193, 278. 
 
 John, of Preston ; 482. 
 
 Mr. ; 274, 282, 287. 
 
 Mr. (brother-in-law of Dr. Priestley); 
 536. 
 
 Mr., of Waddow; 211. 
 
 ’ Willacy, John ; 224. 
 i Willett, Mr. ; 471. 
 
 I William TIL, King : 
 
 j as Prince of Orange. See Orange, 
 I Prince of. 
 
 as King ; 216-219, 221, 233, 236, 238, 
 239, 241, 242, 244, 245, 248, 250, 
 251, 254, 260, 270, 285-287, 292, 
 295, 298-300, 306, 307, 330, 333, 
 347, 355, 373, 382, 383, 386-388, 
 394-396, 403, 405-409, 421-424. 
 and Mary ; 217, 221, 228, 234, 235, 
 241, 308. 
 
 See also Mary II., Queen. 
 
 Williams, Abraham ; 29. 
 
 Captain ; 64. 
 
 W. ; 528. 
 
 SirWatkin; 528. 
 
 Sir William ; 264, 277, 309, 337, 344, 
 385, 524. 
 
 Zachary; 540. 
 
 his daughter, Mrs. Williams ; 
 
 540. 
 
 Williamson, James ; 484. 
 
 James, of Great Crosby; 311,313, 
 385. 
 
 Robert, letters from ; 102, 103. 
 William ; 263. 
 
 Willis, Martin ; 194. 
 
 Sir Thomas; 321. 
 
 Willmott, Lord (1644) ; 63. 
 
 Willote, Thomas ; 586. 
 
 Willoughby, Lord, chancellor of the Duchy 
 of Lancaster ; 223, 240, 241, 246, 
 273-275, 280, 281, 287, 289, 290, 
 292, 309, 319, 372, 374, 375, 379, 
 380, 382, 417, 418, 449, 450, 452. 
 
 his secretary. See Wentworth, 
 
 Guicciardini. 
 
 Margaret, Lady ; 280, 281, 375, 417. 
 
 letters from ; 321, 382. 
 
 her cousin Bromley. See 
 
 Bromley, — . 
 
 Honora, Lady, of Parham, letters 
 from; 419-421. 
 
 Lord (1783) ; 514. 
 
 Captain ; 213. 
 
 Hon. Hugh; 195, 246. 
 
 Wills, Mr. ; 490. 
 
 Wilmore, — ; 128. 
 
 Wiloughbie, Mr. See Dangerfeild. 
 
 Wilpshire, co. Lane. ; 109. 
 
 Wilson, Willson, Willsonn : 
 
 — ; 329, 337, 339, 349, 
 
 — . See also Brown. 
 
 — , grocer ; 502. 
 
 Cuthbert; 315,316. 
 
 Dick ; 400. 
 
 Edward, letter from ; 110. 
 
 George ; 308, 313, 314, 319, 320, 330, 
 335, 350, 351, 360, 365, 366, 368, 
 376, 381, 383, 385, 386, 389-391, 
 393, 402. 
 
 information of ; 301-304. 
 
 John ; 232 
 
 John, a linen weaver; 315. 
 
 John, a prisoner ; 372, 375, 392. 
 
 John, of Altcar; 137, 138. 
 
INDEX. 
 
 697 
 
 Wilson, Willson, Willsonn — cont. 
 Lawrence, of Ormskirk ; 460. 
 
 Miles ; 586. 
 
 Mr. ; 284, 413, 418, 419. 
 
 Mr., amanuensis of the Bishop of 
 Chichester; 225. 
 
 Mr., promoted to the bench ; 522. 
 Kichard ; 232. 
 
 Robert; 182. 
 
 Thomas ; 29. 
 
 Dr. Thomas, letters from ; 272, 281, 
 284, 304, 320, 373, 384, 385, 415. 
 Thomas, curate of Newchurch ; 229. 
 William ; 603. 
 
 Wiltshire, Justices of; 531. 
 
 Wiltshire, Lord (1688-9); 207, 218. 
 Wimbledon ; 526. 
 
 letter dated at ; 521. 
 
 Winchester House, letter dated at ; 49. 
 Winchester, [Thomas Cowper] , Bishop of. 
 See Lincoln, Bishop of. 
 
 Marquis of (1678) ; 108. 
 
 Marquis of (1694-7) ; 328, 419. 
 Winckley ; 71. 
 
 . . ., letter from ; 240. 
 
 Mr. ; 139, 142, 152, 354. 
 
 Thomas ; 239. 
 
 letters from ; 128, 239, 375. 
 
 Windall, Richard ; 137, 263. 
 
 Windar, letter dated at ; 127. 
 
 Windebank, Secretary ; 60. 
 
 Windham, Justice; 112, 153. 
 
 Windle, Hardshaw-within. See Hardshaw. 
 Windleshaw, CO. Lane. ; 12. 
 
 Windsor; 25, 86, 87, 107, 117, 144, 437 
 letter dated at ; 520. 
 
 Windsor, Wyndesor, Sir Andrew, letter 
 from ; 2. 
 
 letter to ; 2. 
 
 Wines ; 48, 51. 
 
 duties on, receipts from ; 276. 
 Winmarleigh, Wynmerley ; 3. 
 
 letter dated at ; 2. 
 
 Winn, Winne, .John. See Wynne. 
 
 Winnall, — ; 502. 
 
 Winstanley; 202, 253. 
 
 letters dated at; 128, 145, 189, 191, 
 210, 226. 
 
 Winstanley, James, letters from ; 43, 45. 
 
 his cousin Jollibrand; 43. 
 
 Ralph ; 442, 443. 
 
 Winstay; 502,521. 
 
 Winter, — ; 365, 385. 
 
 Winterbotham, Nathaniel ; 467. 
 
 Winwick, co. Lane. ; 13, 194, 230, 440. 
 
 letter dated at ; 371. 
 
 Wiseman, Mr. ; 184. 
 
 Wiswall ; 39, 50. 
 
 letter dated at ; 57. 
 
 Wiswall, John, letter from ; 56. 
 
 Witchcraft ; 36, 55. 
 
 Withe, the ; 62. 
 
 Wither, Bigg (Brigg) ; 531. 
 
 Withers, Thomas ; 229,230. 
 
 Withington, Harry; 146. 
 
 Ralph ; 434. 
 
 Witton, Mr. ; 9. 
 
 Woden in Barton ; 582. 
 
 Wolfe, Woolf, General; 496. 
 
 his regiment ; 493. 
 
 Mr. ; 439. 
 
 Wollsencrofte, George ; 583. 
 
 Wolmore, Samuel; 467. 
 
 Wolverhampton ; 461. 
 
 Church; 104. 
 
 Wombwell, Wombell, John ; 308, 319, 336, 
 339, 352, 353, 362, 365, 366, 368, 369. 
 381, 383, 385, 386, 389-391, 39.3, 402, 
 408. 
 
 Wood,—; 148,329. 
 
 James ; 228. 
 
 John, letter from ; 271. 
 
 Mary, wife of Richard ; ^79. 
 
 Mr., Serjeant-at-Arms ; 498. 
 the Rev. Mr., letter to ; 464. 
 
 Richard; 316. 
 
 Woodman, — , a highwaj^man ; 318. 
 Woodplumpton, co. Lane. ; 8, 47, 230, 282. 
 Woods, — , of Halsall, gunsmith ; 285. 
 
 — , of Wigan ; 360. 
 
 Die. ; 377. 
 
 1 Hamlett; 194. 
 
 Mr.; 172. 
 
 William, clerk ; 230. 
 
 Woods and Forests, Surveyor-General of. 
 
 See Robinson, John. 
 
 Woodstock; 25. 
 
 Woodstorkle, (Ireland) ; 610. 
 
 Woodward, — , a priest ; 317. 
 
 Woolfenden, Mr. ; 8. 
 
 Woolmer, Daniel ; 182, 410. 
 
 Worall, George, 587. 
 
 Worcester; 63. 
 battle of; 103. 
 
 City Charter forfeited ; 158. 
 
 Dean of. See Hicks, Dr. 
 i Worcester, Woolcester, Earl of (1586) ; 
 
 I 621, 622. 
 
 the house of ; 7. 
 
 I Worcestershire; 322,354. 
 
 I Wordsworth, Christopher, letter from ; 
 
 I 564. 
 
 Worsley, co. Lane. ; 12. 
 
 Hall, CO. Lane. ; 319. 
 
 I Worsley, — ; 66. 
 
 I Mr., of Platt ; 373. 
 
 Mrs.; 67. 
 
 Mrs., of Wardley ; 582. 
 
 Ralph; 195,410. 
 
 Richard; 58. 
 
 Sir Robert ; 587. 
 i Thomas, letter from ; 60. 
 
 Worthington, Dr. ; T 39. 
 
 James ; 28. 
 
 John ; 18. 
 
 his brother Peter ; 18. 
 
 his sister. See Birtwisle, 
 
 Dorothy. 
 
 John; 289. 
 
 Peter; 194. 
 
 Richard; 183,410. 
 
 Samuel; 410. 
 
 Thomas, of Blanisco ; 314, 359. 
 
 his son Richard ; 314, 359. 
 
 Dr. Thomas ; 314. 
 
 William ; 289. 
 
 73480. 
 
 Y Y 
 
698 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Wortley, Mr.; 386. 
 
 Woiton, Doctor ; 128. 
 
 Wrainsford, Baron ; 82. 
 
 Wrennall, Mrs. Ann. See Lunt, John. 
 Wrexham ; 537, 545. 
 
 Wrickley, Mr. ; 438. 
 
 Wright, Right, Wryht : 
 
 Lord Chief Justice ; 192, 211, 216. 
 Captain ; 213, 222. 
 
 Captain, master of a transport ship ; 
 263. 
 
 George, of Leigh ; 183, 184. 
 
 John, letter from ; 16. 
 
 John; 194, 281. 
 
 Lawrence; 196. 
 
 Mr. (1633) ; 51. 
 
 Mr. (1646) ; 476. 
 
 Mr., of Haslington ; 471. 
 
 Richard ; 229. 
 
 Sir Robert ; 156. 
 
 Wrightington, co. Lane. ; 110. 
 letter dated at ; 375. 
 
 Wrightington, Wrightingtone, John ; 583. 
 
 John, of Wrightington ; 585. 
 
 Wrigley, Henry; 196. 
 
 letter from; 67. 
 
 Writs, the King’s, in Counties Palatine; 
 
 68 . 
 
 Wroe, Rowe : 
 
 John ; 410. 
 
 Dr. Richard, warden of Manchester 
 College ; 280, 413, 440. 
 
 letters from ; 282, 355, 378, 401, 
 
 413-415, 424, 440, 451, 452. 
 
 Rev. R., letter from ; 499. 
 
 Dr. William, warden of Manchester 
 College ; 229. 
 
 Wurtemhurg, Duke of ; 407. 
 
 Wyatt, — ; 625. 
 
 Wybraham, Wybrand, Mr. ; 328, 329, 337, 
 338, 342-344. 
 
 Wyersdale, co. Lane. ; 8, 316. 
 
 Wyndesor, Sir Andrew. See Windsor, 
 Sir Andrew. 
 
 Wyndham, Francis ; 277. 
 
 Rachel; 277. 
 
 Sir Thomas ; 277. 
 
 Wyngfeld, Sir Richard, letter from ; 3. 
 Wynmerley. See Winmarleigh. 
 
 Wynnan, Gaeryt, Dutchman, letter from ; 
 
 55. 
 
 Wynne, Winn, Winne : 
 
 John ; 181 . 
 
 Mr., of Gop (?) ; 301. 
 
 Owen, warden of the Mint ; 185. 
 Peter, letter from ; 55. 
 
 Wynstay. See Winstay. 
 
 Y 
 
 Yale, Doctor David ; 5. 
 
 Yarmouth, Great, Fishermen and Adven- 
 turers of ; 276. 
 
 Yarrow, the river ; 470. 
 
 Yate, William ; 110. 
 
 Yates, Yeates : 
 
 Joseph; 181,195. 
 
 letters from ; 282, 286, 373. 
 
 Sir Joseph ; 502. 
 
 Justice ; 296, 306, 544. 
 
 Lady (1783) ; 514. 
 
 Mr.; 401. 
 
 Nicholas ; 277. 
 
 Peter, of Church Hulm ; 244. 
 
 Yelland, co. Lane. ; 230. 
 
 York; 96, 100, 147, 153, 209, 407, 443, 
 584, 598, 599. 
 
 letters dated at ; 92, 148, 149. 
 
 Assizes ; 92. 
 city of ; 97. 
 
 Dean of ; 7, 440. 
 
 manor of, letter dated at ; 38. 
 
 Mayor and Aldermen of, letters to ; 
 96, 97. 
 
 the Minster garth in ; 37. 
 
 St. Peter’s, Dean and Chapter of ; 
 171. 
 
 York, Archbishop of: 
 
 John [Piers] ; 598, 599, 601. 
 
 letters from ; 599, 602. 
 
 letters to ; 597, 600-602. 
 
 Richard [Neyle], letter from ; 49. 
 [Richard Sterne] ; 146. 
 
 [John Dolben] ; 166, 193. 
 
 [Thomas Lamplugh] ; 210. 
 
 York, [Henry], Cardinal, (son of Prince 
 James Edward Stuart) ; 533. 
 
 York, James, Duke of. See James II. 
 [Anne Hyde] Duchess of; 71, 123. 
 
 her son. See Cambridge, Duke 
 
 of. 
 
 Frederick, Duke of; 525. 
 
 Mr.; 561. 
 
 Yorke, Charles ; 524. 
 
 Philip, letter from ; 524. 
 
 S. ; 544. 
 
 Yorkshire; 144, 150, 151, 188, 292,294, 
 296, 300, 302, 395, 449, 451. 
 broad cloth ; 588. 
 gentlemen, some ; 330. 
 nobility and gentry of, petition of ; 
 208. 
 
 West Riding, order to constables for 
 keeping watch in ; 18. 
 
 Yssherwood, Mr. See Isherwood. 
 Yverdon; 563. 
 
 z 
 
 Zarmin, — ; 571. 
 
 Zouch, Lord (1586) ; 621, 622. 
 
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 1889 
 
 (3.) Appendix and Index = 
 Ditto. Vol. III. 
 
 ’> 
 
 [C. 5889 
 
 i.] 
 
 1 
 
 4 
 
 1888 
 
 (4.). Appendix . _ = _ 
 
 The Duke of Eutland, G.C.B. Vol. I. 
 
 99 
 
 [C.5614] 
 
 3 
 
 2 
 
 1891 
 
 (5.) Appendix and Index - - - 
 
 Ditto. Vol. II. 
 
 99 
 
 [C. 5889 
 ii.] 
 
 2 
 
 0 
 
 1889 
 
 (6.) Appendix and Index - 
 
 House of Lords, 1689-1690. 
 
 99 
 
 [C. 5889 
 iii.] 
 
 2 
 
 n 
 
 1890 
 
 (7.) Appendix and Index - 
 
 S. H. le Fleming, Esq., of Eydal. 
 
 99 
 
 [C. 5889 
 iv.] 
 
 1 
 
 11 
 
 1891 
 
 (8.) Appendix and Index - 
 
 The Duke of Athole, K.T., and the 
 • Earl of Home. 
 
 
 [C.6338] 
 
 1 
 
 0 
 
 1891 
 
 (9.) Appendix and Index - 
 
 The Duke of Beaufort, K.G., the Earl 
 of Donoughmore, J. H. Gurney, W. 
 W. B. Hulton, E. W. Ketton, G. A. 
 Aitken, P. V. Smith, Esqs. ; Bishop 
 of Ely ; Cathedrals of Ely, Glouces- 
 ter, Lincoln, and Peterborough ; 
 Corporations of Gloucester, Higham 
 Ferrers, and Newark; SoutWell 
 Minster; Lincoln District Eegistry, 
 
 99 
 
 [C. 6338 
 
 i-] 
 
 2 
 
 6 
 
 1891 
 
 (10.) Appendix and Index 
 
 The First Earl of Charlemont. Vol. I. 
 1745-1783. 
 
 99 
 
 [C. 6338 
 ii.] 
 
 1 
 
 11 
 
 1892 
 
 Thirteenth Eeport _ - _ 
 
 This is introductory to the following : — 
 
 99 
 
 [C.6827] 
 
 0 
 
 3 
 
 1891 
 
 (1.) Appendix . . .. . 
 
 The Duke of Portland. Vol. I. 
 
 99 
 
 [C.6474] 
 
 3 
 
 0 
 
 
 (2.) Appendix and Index - - - 
 
 Ditto. Vol. II. 
 
 
 [C. 6827 
 
 i-] 
 
 2 
 
 0 
 
 1892 
 
 (3.) Appendix. 
 
 .1. B. Fortescue, Esq. VoJ. 1. 
 
 99 
 
 [C.6G60] 
 
 2 
 
 7 
 
703 
 
 Date. 
 
 18«2 
 
 1892 
 
 1893 
 
 1894 
 
 1894 
 
 — 
 
 Size. } 
 
 ! 
 
 Sessional 
 
 Paper. 
 
 (4.) Appendix and Index = - - 
 
 Corporations of Eye, Hastings, and 
 Hereford. Capt. F. C. Loder- 
 Symonds, E. E. Wodehouse, M.P., 
 J. Dovaston, Esqs., Sir T. Barrett 
 Leonard, Bart., Eev. W. D. Macray, 
 and Earl of Dartmouth (Supple- 
 mentary Eeport). 
 
 8vo. 
 
 1 
 
 [C.6810]! 
 
 (5.) Appendix and Index - 
 
 House of Lords, 1690-1691. 
 
 » 
 
 [C.6822] 
 
 (6.) Appendix and Index 
 
 Sir William FitzHerbert, Earl of An- 
 caster, &c. 
 
 
 [C.7166] 
 
 (7.) Appendix and Index - 
 The Earl of Lonsdale. 
 
 jj 
 
 [C.7241] 
 
 (8.) Appendix and Index 
 
 The First Earl of Charlemont. Vol. II. 
 1784-1799. 
 
 Fourteenth Eeport. 
 
 This will be introductory to the following : — 
 
 (1.) Appendix and Index. 
 
 
 [C.7424] 
 
 The Duke of Eutland, G.C.B. Vol. III. 
 (2.) Appendix. 
 
 In the 
 
 Press. 
 
 The Duke of Portland. Vol. III. 
 
 
 [C.7569] 
 
 (3.) Appendix and Index. 
 
 
 
 The Duke of Eoxburghe; Sir H. H. 
 Campbell ; the Earl of Strathmore ; 
 and the Countess Dowager of 
 Seafield. 
 
 (4.) Appendix and Index. 
 
 
 [C.7570] 
 
 Lord Kenyon - - - _ 
 
 In the Press. 
 
 (5.) Appendix. 
 
 
 
 J. B. Fortescue, Esq. Vol. II. - 
 
 Ditto. 
 
 (6.) Appendix and Index. 
 
 
 
 House of Lords, 1692 - 
 
 Ditto. 
 
 Price. 
 
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 2 4 
 
 2 4 
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