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TOPOGRAPHY OF ATHENS. 
 
LONDON: 
 
 TRINrtU BY THOMAS DAVISON, VVHITEIKIAKS. 
 

' m I 
 
THE TOPOGRAPHY 
 OF ATHENS 
 
 WITH SOME REMARKS ON ITS 
 ANTIQUITIES 
 
 BY LIEUT.-COL. W. M. LEAKE R.A. 
 LL.D. RR.S. 
 
 MEMBER OF THE ROYAL ACADEMY OF SCIENCES AT BERLIN. 
 
 JOHN MURRAY LONDON 
 
 MDCCCXXI. 
 
CONTENTS. 
 
 Introduction Page i 
 
 SECTION I. 
 The Description of Athens by Pausanias ... 1 
 
 SECTION II. 
 
 Of the Positions and existing Monuments of ancient Athens, 
 concerning the Identity of which there can be little or 
 no Doubt *36 
 
 SECTION III. 
 
 Of Mounts Anchesmus and Lycabettus. — Of Dipylum and 
 the Peiraic Gate 68 
 
 SECTION IV. 
 
 First Part of the Route of Pausanias. — From the Stoa Basi- 
 leius to Enneacrunus .... 98 
 
 SECTION V. 
 Second Part of the Route of Pausanias. — From the Stoa 
 Basileius to the Prytaneium . . . .117 
 
 SECTION VI. 
 
 Third Part of the Route of Pausanias. — From the Pryta- 
 neium to the Stadium 134 
 
CONTENTS. 
 
 SECTION VII. 
 Fourth Part of the Route of Pausanias. — From the Pryta- 
 neium to the Propylaea of the Acropolis . Page 153 
 
 SECTION VIII. 
 Fifth and last Part of the Description of Pausanias. — The 
 Acropolis, Areiopagus, and Academy . .176 
 
 SECTION IX. 
 Of Peiraeeus, Munychia, and Phalerum. — Of the Long 
 Walls, and other Fortifications of the City . 300 
 
ERRATA. 
 
 Page xxxii, line 2, for Csesareia Philippi, read Caesareia Stratonis. 
 
 lv, line \,for The spirit of tolerance, read By the spirit of tolerance, 
 lxii, note, line 4, for the preceding note, read a preceding note. 
 12, line 1, insert in the margin, Cap. 11. 
 12, line 2, insert in the margin, Cap. 14. 
 1 6, line 1 1 , insert in the margin, Cap. 1 7- 
 
 24, line 18, for rivers of Athens, read rivers of the Athenians. 
 
 25, line 2 1, for quarries of Pentelicum, read quarry at Pen tele. 
 34, line 14, for JEnobius, read CEnobius. 
 
 84, line 15, for CEgaleos, read JEgaleos. 
 
 117, &c.for Psecile, read Pcecile. 
 
 145, note 2, for See page 16, read See page 25. 
 
 157, note I, for See page 17, read See page 26. 
 
 161, note I, for See page 18, read See page 27. 
 
 169, note 2, line I, for Ttiv, read Trjv. 
 
 192, line 2, for 1656, read 1676. 
 
 266, line \,for Iwara-arai, read ims-farm. 
 
 273, note I, for See Section 1, read See Introduction, p. xxxvi. 
 
 3 14, for Plutarch, &c. read Diodorus Cosmographus apud Plutarch, &c. 
 
 400, line 7, for Panhelleneium, read Panhellenium. 
 
 %* The reader will find^two ancient coins of Athens, referred to in several 
 passages of this volume, as being in the title-page. It has been found ne- 
 cessary, instead of inserting them in the title, to place them upon a separate 
 paper, to face the title. 
 
INTRODUCTION 
 
 AS inquiries into the topography and an- 
 tiquities of Athens require a frequent reference 
 to the primeval history of the Athenians, and 
 to their mythology, which differed in many re- 
 spects from that of the rest of Greece, it is 
 intended, in a few preliminary pages, to recall 
 to the reader's recollection those parts of the 
 history of Athens, whether real or fabulous, 
 which are most necessary to the elucidation of 
 its topography and antiquities. The remainder 
 of this Introduction will be devoted to a rapid 
 view of the progressive ruin of ancient Athens, 
 and of those monuments of art, which were its 
 peculiar distinction. 
 
 There can be no stronger proof of the early 
 civilization of Athens than the remote period 
 to which its history is carried in a clear and 
 consistent series. We have some reason to be- 
 lieve that Cecrops, an Egyptian, who brought 
 from Sais the worship of Neith (by the Athenians 
 
 b 
 
ii INTRODUCTION. 
 
 called AOijVij), was contemporary with Moses. 
 It is probable that, even before that time, the 
 worship of Jupiter had been introduced into 
 Athens from Crete. The rock of the Acropolis, 
 which at that early period contained all the 
 habitations of the Athenians, received from 
 Cecrops the name of Cecropia. 
 
 Among the successors of Cecrops, those 
 whose names have been chiefly recorded in 
 Athenian tradition are, 1. Amphictyon, son of 
 Deucalion of Thessaly, who is said to have suc- 
 ceeded to the throne in right of his wife Atthis, 
 daughter of Cranaus, a native Athenian, who 
 succeeded Cecrops. 2. Erechtheus the first, 
 who, by later writers, is called Erichthonius 1 . 
 He set up an image of Minerva, made of olive 
 wood, in the Cecropia, and instituted festivals, 
 called Athenaea, in the Attic cities, which were 
 then twelve in number. Erechtheus was fabled 
 to have been the son of Neptune and of the 
 Earth, to have been educated by Minerva, to 
 have been her assistant in the invention of war- 
 
 1 In reconciling the authorities, relating to the ancient 
 history of Athens, it is a very important preliminary to esta- 
 blish the identity of Erichthonius with Erechtheus the first. 
 For this purpose it is sufficient to compare Homer (II. (3. v. 
 552.) and Herodotus (1. 8. c. 55.) with Apollodorus, (1. 3. c. 
 14.) Lucian, (in Philopseud.) Pausanias, (Attic, c. 2. 18.) 
 and Aristides the Sophist, (in Minerv. et in Panathen.) 
 
INTRODUCTION. ill 
 
 horses and chariots, and to have been buried 
 in the temple which he had dedicated to her in 
 Cecropia, and which, from the circumstance of 
 his interment in it, was to the latest period 
 called the Erechtheium. 8. Pandion the first. 
 In his reign lived Triptolemus, who was sup- 
 posed to have been instructed in the arts of 
 agriculture by Ceres, and to have instituted the 
 Eleusinian mysteries. 4. Erechtheus the second. 
 He colonized a part of Eubcea, and defeated 
 Eumolpus, who, with a body of Thracians, h ad- 
 seized Eleusis ; but he was slain in the action. 
 The daughters of Erechtheus devoted them- 
 selves to death, that their father might obtain 
 success in the Eleusinian war 1 . About the 
 same time the daughters of Leos were sacrificed, 
 to avert a contagious sickness, in obedience to 
 the Delphic oracle, which required human sa- 
 crifices upon this occasion 2 . These and similar 
 remains of barbarism appear from Homer to 
 have prevailed among the Greeks as late as the 
 time of the Trojan war. 5. iEgeus, who, after 
 the direct succession had been considerably 
 disturbed by the collateral branches, recovered 
 the throne, and enjoyed a long reign of thirty- 
 
 1 Apollod. 1. 3. c. 15. 
 
 2 Aristid. in Panathen. Schol. Thucyd. 1. 1. c. 20. Sui- 
 das in Aewxopiov. iElian. Var. Hist. 1. 12. c. 28. Pausan. 
 Attic, c. 5. 
 
 Id Q 
 
IV INTRODUCTION. 
 
 nine years. 6. Theseus. In his way to Athens 
 from Troezen, where he had been living in ob- 
 scurity, Theseus cleared the country of the rob- 
 bers who opposed him, and for these brilliant 
 exploits was acknowledged by iEgeus and the 
 Athenians as successor to the throne. He after- 
 wards relieved Athens from a disgraceful tribute 
 to the king of Crete, and, having succeeded to the 
 royal authority, laid the foundation of the early 
 pre-eminence of his country, by founding the 
 Prytaneium, as a court of judicature, common to 
 all Attica, and by establishing the Panathenaea 
 in the Erechtheium, as a sacred festival for the 
 whole province. The immediate .consequence 
 of this change, which occurred about the year 
 1300 B. C, was the decline of the other eleven 
 Attic cities, a concentration of government in 
 Athens, and a great increase of population in 
 Attica, attracted by the security and justice 
 resulting from the new laws of Theseus. 
 
 Homer, the earliest of Greek historians, has 
 left us a strong confirmation of the reality of 
 those facts, which are not obviously fabulous, 
 in the history of the two great heroes of ancient 
 Attic story, Erechtheus and Theseus 1 . He 
 
 Aijfx.ov Egs^Srjos peyaX^rogos, ov ttot 'ASrjvr) 
 ©£>af/e, Aib$ duya,T*)g, fane Sh ^slScu§os" Agovga, 
 Ka W ev 'AQyvyi eicrev, kuj h) tflovi vr/ca' 
 
INTRODUCTION. v 
 
 notices the temple of Erechtheus, and those 
 periodical sacrifices of an ox and a sheep, which 
 we know to have been performed to a very late 
 period of Athenian superstition 1 ; and with re- 
 spect to the political changes of Theseus, instead 
 of naming all the cities of Attica, as he has done 
 in the other provinces of Greece, he speaks of 
 Athens alone, and of the people of Erechtheus, 
 that terrible Ar,po$, whose first specimen of 
 tyranny and ingratitude was the banishment of 
 their great benefactor himself, whom they left 
 to die an exile in the island of Scyrus. Theseus 
 introduced the worship of Venus and Peitho 2 : 
 that of Apollo Delphinius he appears to have 
 found already established 3 . 
 
 During the six or seven centuries which 
 elapsed between the Trojan war, and the reign 
 of Pisistratus, the Athenians seem to have 
 
 'EvQdSe [i,iv tocupoitn kou dgvsiols Ixdovitcu 
 
 Kovgoi 'AQyvulw, m§ ireXXo psvovv kviawttav 
 
 II. B. v. 546. 
 
 Another allusion to theErechtheium occurs in the Odyssey, 
 
 H. v. 78. 
 
 aVefirj yAaoxw7rt; 'A^vrj 
 
 *********** 
 
 "lueto & £$ MaoaSwVa xa» svgvdyuixv 'A0)fyijv 
 
 Avvs $ 'E§s^rjos ifvxivov Sopov. . . . 
 1 Philochorus et Staphylus ap. Harpocrat. in 'EitlZoiov. 
 * Pausan. Attic, c. 22. 
 3 Pausan. Attic, c. 19. 
 
vi INTRODUCTION. 
 
 been not more engaged in foreign wars or in- 
 ternal commotions than was sufficient to main- 
 tain their martial spirit and free government, 
 both of which were essential to the progress 
 made by them in civilization, commerce, and a 
 successful cultivation of the arts. The change 
 of chief magistrate from king to decennial, and 
 then to annual archon, indicates that gradual 
 increase of popular authority, which ended in 
 a purely democratical government. Solon, ap- 
 parently aware of the evils to which these 
 changes tended, endeavoured to correct them 
 by enacting that none but men of a certain 
 landed property should be eligible to magi- 
 stracies ; but the restriction was insufficient, or 
 at least came too late. The excess of demo- 
 cratic power led to its usual result ; and Pi- 
 sistratus not only usurped all the functions of 
 government to himself, but made them heredi- 
 tary also in the persons of his two sons, which 
 caused so strong a re-action in favour of de- 
 mocracy, that Cleisthenes, Cimon, and Pericles 
 could only direct affairs by flattering the peo- 
 ple, and adding to their privileges. Hence the 
 lowest classes were made eligible to all offices, 
 and were even paid for attending those multitu- 
 dinous assemblies of the Pnyx and Theatre, 
 which embarrassed all rational business, and 
 threw the fate and character of the country 
 
INTRODUCTION. vii 
 
 into the hands of those who might chance to 
 possess the popular favour. 
 
 It was in the early part of this interval of 
 times that the Pelasgi, a people of uncertain 
 origin, but who came to Athens from the north- 
 ward, fortified the Acropolis for the Athenians, 
 and obtained a settlement among them. As the 
 Athenians had already built several temples, it 
 would seem that the superior skill which re- 
 commended the Pelasgi to them was chiefly in 
 the branch of military architecture ; and it is 
 not improbable that the Greeks were indebted 
 to these people for that polygonal masonry 
 which distinguishes some of their most ancient 
 works of defence 2 . 
 
 ' B. C. 1192. Larcher Hist. d'Herod. tome 7- 
 * In this mode of buildings the facing of the wall is entirely 
 formed of large blocks of stones, which are for the most part 
 irregular polygons, but which, however varied they may be in 
 magnitude, or the number of their sides, are carefully fitted to- 
 gether without cement. It has been customary to denominate 
 this kind of masonry Cyclopian ; but without much propriety; 
 for, from an inspection of the walls of Tiryns, which are cited 
 by Pausanias, as the most remarkable Cyclopian work in 
 Greece, as well as from his description of the structure of 
 those walls, it is evident that they were not formed of artificial 
 polygons, such as I have just described, but of rude masses 
 of rock, the interstices of which were filled up with smaller 
 stones; a mode of building essentially different from the 
 beautiful masonry seen at Athens, (in the Pnyx), at Argos, 
 Ambracia, iEniadse, and so many other fortresses in Greece. 
 
viu INTRODUCTION. 
 
 In the course of the same ages, we may sup- 
 pose that several of the Athenian temples were 
 founded or renewed upon a more magnificent 
 plan. It was probably about the eighth century 
 before the Christian aera that the Athenians 
 built the Hecatompedum, or great temple of 
 Minerva, in the Acropolis, which was then ren- 
 dered necessary by the inadequacy of the tem- 
 ple of Minerva Polias to the increased dimen- 
 sions of Athens, and to the multitudes assembled 
 from every part of Greece, by the growing ce- 
 lebrity of the Panathenaic festival. 
 
 The usurpation 1 of the ambitious, but hu- 
 mane, enlightened, and patriotic Pisistratus, 
 far from being an impediment to the prosperity 
 of Athens, operated in aid of its rapid improve- 
 ment in splendor and civilization, as has often 
 happened when power has fallen into the hands 
 of a person of taste and magnificence. By 
 establishing a public library, and by editing 
 the works of Homer, Pisistratus and his sons 
 fixed the Muses at Athens. 
 
 Many fine examples of polygonal masonry are also found in 
 Italy, in the ruins of some of the cities, which flourished in 
 independence before the preponderance of Rome, and where 
 this mode of building seems to have been introduced by the 
 Pelasgi, or by whatever other Grecian people the Latins 
 were indebted to for their alphabet, and for the ./Eolic dialect 
 of the Greek language, which forms the basis of the Latin. 
 1 B.C. 561. 
 
INTRODUCTION. IX 
 
 They founded the temple of Apollo Pythius 1 , 
 and began the building of that of Jupiter Olym- 
 pius\ They greatly advanced the dignity of 
 the republic among the states of Greece, by 
 raising each quinquennial revolution of the 
 Panathenaic festival to a footing of equality 
 with the other great assemblies of Greece ; and 
 it was not long after their time that the splen- 
 dor and riches of Athens, by moving the envy 
 and cupidity of the Persians, became one of the 
 causes of the invasion of Attica, which was 
 defeated at Marathon 3 . 
 
 Hitherto, however, the progress of the useful 
 and ornamental arts had not been greater at 
 Athens than in many other parts of Greece, 
 as at Sicyon, Corinth, iEgina, Argos, Thebes, 
 and Sparta. Still less was she able to bestow 
 that encouragement upon the arts which they 
 received in the opulent republics of Asia ; for, 
 although her territory was more extensive, and 
 her resources already greater than those of any 
 other city of Greece Proper, except Sparta, we 
 are told that, before the invasion of Xerxes, the 
 whole annual revenue of the state did not ex- 
 ceed 130 talents 4 . 
 
 1 Thucyd. 1. 6. c. 54. Meurs. Pisist. c. 9. 
 
 2 Aristot. Polit. 1. 4. c. 11. Vitruv. proem ip 1. 7. 
 
 3 B. C. 490. 
 
 4 Demosth. Philip. 4. p. 141. Reiske. This sum was equi- 
 valent at that period to about 300,000/. of our present cur- 
 
X INTRODUCTION. 
 
 It was to an event the most unlikely to produce 
 such a result, that Athens was indebted for a de- 
 gree of internal beauty and splendor, which no 
 other Grecian city ever attained. The king of 
 Persia, in directing against Greece an expedition 
 of a magnitude unparalleled in the operations of 
 one civilized nation against another, made the 
 capture of Athens his principal object. His suc- 
 cess was most fortunate for the Athenians ; for, 
 by forcing them to concentrate all their exer- 
 tions in their fleet, in which they were as su- 
 perior in numbers to each of the other states of 
 Greece as they were in skill to the Persians, it 
 led to their acquiring the chief honours of 
 having obliged Xerxes to return in disgrace to 
 Persia, accompanied with such a degree of in- 
 fluence in Greece, that even the rivals of Athens 
 were under the necessity of giving up to her the 
 future conduct of the war, now become ex- 
 clusively naval. By these means the Athe- 
 nians acquired an unlimited command over the 
 resources of the greater part of the Greek 
 islands, and of the colonies on the coasts of 
 Asia, Macedonia, and Thrace ; and thus, at the 
 very moment when the destruction of their city 
 rendered it necessary for them to renew all 
 
 » 
 rency. For some remarks on the relative value of the Attic 
 
 talent at different periods, see the additional Note X. at the 
 
 end of the volume. 
 
INTRODUCTION. xi 
 
 their principal buildings, fortune gave them 
 the means of indulging their taste and mag- 
 nificence to the utmost extent. The same 
 sources of wealth continued to enrich the re- 
 public during the fifty years which intervened 
 between the victory of Salamis and the Pelo- 
 ponnesian war ; and it was in this short space 
 of time that all the edifices were constructed, 
 which continued to be the chief pride and orna- 
 ment of Attica, until barbarism resumed its 
 reign in Greece. 
 
 If we follow literally the evidence of Hero- 
 dotus 1 , we must suppose that, after the retreat 
 of the Persians, the Athenians had again to lay 
 out every street in Athens, and that they had 
 to renew every public building from its founda-: 
 tions. But experience shows that an invader, 
 in the temporary possession of an enemy's ca- 
 pital, seldom has the power and leisure for 
 destruction equal to his will ; and that the total 
 annihilation of massy buildings constructed of 
 stone is a work of considerable difficulty 2 . It 
 appears from Pausanias, that there still remained 
 
 1 Herod. 1. 9. c. 13. 
 
 2 Among several existing ruins which might be named in 
 proof of this observation, there is none more remarkable than 
 Egyptian Thebes, whose magnificent remains, still bearing 
 the marks of the Persian invaders, show, at the same time, 
 how small a progress had been made in their destruction. 
 
xii INTRODUCTION. 
 
 at Athens at a late period several monuments 
 of an age anterior to the Persian war. 
 
 The remarks of that traveller, upon the 
 temples of Bacchus and of the Dioscuri, and 
 upon the state of the temples of Juno, in the 
 Phaleric road, and of Ceres at Phalerum, can- 
 not be reconciled with the words of Herodotus, 
 unless we take those words in a sense admitting 
 of considerable latitude and exception. It is 
 probable that the vengeance of the Persians 
 was chiefly directed against the works of de- 
 fence, and against the most important of the 
 public buildings. We have reason to believe 
 that they destroyed the great temple of Mi- 
 nerva, in the Acropolis, so completely, that The- 
 mistocles had no scruples in applying the ruins 
 to the repairing of the walls of the Acropolis, 
 while with regard to the Odeium, Erechtheium, 
 Lenseum, Anaceium, and the temples of Venus, 
 and those of Vulcan and Apollo Pythius, the 
 destruction was confined to the roofs and com- 
 bustible parts only ; so that they were probably 
 left, together with a great number of the smaller 
 fanes and heroa, in such a state, that it was 
 not difficult to restore them. 
 
 The new buildings which rose at Athens in 
 the half century of her highest renown and 
 riches may be divided into those erected under 
 the administrations of Themistocles, of Cimon, 
 
INTRODUCTION. xm 
 
 and of Pericles. Utility appears to have been 
 the sole object of the first of these great men. 
 The private opulence and liberal disposition of 
 Cimon inspired him with views of magnificence, 
 which were completed by Pericles, at the ex- 
 pense of the tributary states. 
 
 The earliest of the buildings of Cimon was 
 the temple of Theseus. The Pcecile, which was 
 adorned with pictures, executed in part by the 
 same artist who painted the Theseium, seems, 
 from this circumstance, to have been nearly of 
 the same date. TheDionysiac theatre, principally 
 intended to furnish a place of representation for 
 the tragedies of iEschylus, was begun about the 
 same period, although it was not finished until 
 long afterwards. The Stose, the Gymnasia, and 
 the embellishments of the Academy and of the 
 Agora, which Cimon executed in great part at 
 his own expense, were probably the next in 
 order ; and it seems not to have been until 
 after the battle of the Eurymedon 1 that the 
 southern wall of the Acropolis and the Long 
 Walls were built, the expense of these works 
 having been chiefly defrayed out of the Persian 
 spoils 2 . 
 
 For Pericles was reserved the completion of 
 the military works, which Themistocles had con- 
 
 1 B. C. 470. 2 Plutarch in Cimon. 
 
XIV INTRODUCTION. 
 
 ceived, and which Cimon had partly executed. 
 He made considerable progress also in the build- 
 ing of the new Erechtheium ; he constructed 
 some of the Stoae of the Cerameicus ; and pro- 
 bably repaired several of the temples destroyed 
 by the Persians in various parts of Attica. But 
 his great works were the entire construction, 
 from the foundations, of those magnificent build- 
 ings, the mystic temple of Eleusis, the Parthe- 
 non, and the Propylaea ; in all which we are at 
 a loss whether most to admire the rapidity or 
 the perfection of the execution. 
 
 But the meridian of Athenian prosperity was 
 now passed. The Peloponnesian war gave a 
 sudden check to the great designs of Pericles. 
 The Lacedaemonians, in hostile invasion, were 
 in sight from the walls of Athens ; and during 
 twenty-seven years, the necessities of an army 
 of 32,000 men, and those of a navy of 300 tri- 
 remes 1 , left hardly a drachma disposable for the 
 embellishment of the city. 
 
 1 Meurs. de fortuna Athenarum, c. 7. Attic. Lect. 1. 1. 
 c. 1. 
 
 The public revenue of Athens at this time was partly 
 domestic and partly foreign. The former was chiefly derived 
 from maritime commerce, the markets, the peroixo), or so- 
 journers, the tribunals, and from the silver mines of Lau- 
 rium, the profits of which were first applied to the expenses 
 of the navy by Themistocles, in the ^Eginetic war. The 
 origin of the foreign tribute paid to Athens was the sum 
 
INTRODUCTION. XV 
 
 The command of the seas, which had en- 
 abled the Athenians to cany on the war with 
 glory for so many years, in despite of the im- 
 prudence, inconsistency, and extravagance of 
 
 assessed by Aristides, after the retreat of Xerxes, upon the 
 cities which did not send ships to join the Athenians in 
 carrying on the war with Persia. This treasure, which was 
 collected at Delus, was called o iff' 'AgurrslSov <pd§0f, and 
 amounted annually to 460 talents, (Thucyd. 1. I.e. 96.) 
 It was transferred to Athens, converted into a permanent 
 revenue of the Athenian state, and increased to 600 talents, 
 by Pericles, (Thucyd. 1. 2. a 13.) Alcibiades raised it. to 
 900, (Andocid. adv. Alcib. p. 116. R.) and it was increased 
 in the course of the Peloponnesian war to 1200 or 1300, 
 (iEschin. de fals. leg. p. 337. R. — Plutarch in Aristid.) Ari- 
 stophanes, who (Vesp. v. 657.) has enumerated the different 
 sources of revenue, estimates the sum total at near 2000 
 talents ; whereas Xenophon states its amount, both foreign 
 and domestic, at 1000 only. It probably did not in any 
 year exceed 1600 or 1800 talents, a sum equivalent at that 
 period to about three millions and a half of our present 
 currency. If such an income should appear inadequate 
 to the support of so large a military establishment as that 
 of Athens, and of which the land forces were often aug- 
 mented by foreign mercenaries, and often employed upon 
 foreign expeditions, it must be remembered, on the other 
 hand, that the navy was in great part composed of triremes, 
 fitted out at the expense of opulent Athenians, or by the 
 maritime cities tributary to Athens ; for the (po§og, or tribute 
 in money, was chiefly supplied by the inland towns. The 
 tributary cities appear from the comic poet, to have 
 amounted in all to no less than a thousand. 
 
 EJctjV ye KoKzis %/Atat a? vvv fov $o§ov vfuv ditdyova-i. 
 
 Aristoph. Vesp. v. 705. 
 
XVI INTRODUCTION. 
 
 their government, was at length lost. Their 
 rivals learnt to beat them upon their own ele- 
 ment ; and the loss of the army in Sicily, to- 
 gether with the defeat of the fleet at iEguspo- 
 tami, placed Athens at length at the mercy of 
 the Lacedaemonians \ The only injury, how- 
 ever, which she suffered in her buildings, was 
 the destruction (probably not very complete) 
 of the Long Walls and walls of Peiraeeus ; and 
 only ten years had elapsed, when the enemy 
 having in their turn been defeated by Conon 
 at Cnidus, the Athenians resumed their naval 
 superiority in Greece, again commanded the 
 resources of the greater part of the islands and 
 colonies, and once more applied their wealth to 
 the defence or adornment of the city. The 
 Long Walls, and the walls of the maritime city, 
 were re-established in the year after the battle of 
 Cnidus 2 . The work was performed by the Per- 
 sian fleet, and by the fleet of Conon, then lying 
 in the Athenian harbours, by the Boeotian and 
 Argive troops, then acting as auxiliaries to the 
 Athenians, and by mercenary artificers attracted 
 from every part of Greece by the liberal pay 
 which Conon offered 3 . 
 
 Athens had soon so far recovered from the 
 
 1 B. C. 4-04. ' B. C. 393. 
 
 3 Xenoph. Hell. 1. 4. c. 5. Diodor. Sic. 1. 4. c. 85. Corn. 
 Nep. in Conon. 
 
INTRODUCTION. xvn 
 
 effects of the Peloponnesian war, that, when the 
 management of the finances fell into the hands 
 of a prudent and active administration, the re- 
 sources of the republic were almost as great as 
 they had ever been 1 . The Dionysiac theatre 
 was now completed, a stadium was constructed 
 for the Panathenaic contests, and a Gymnasium 
 was built in the Lyceium. Lycurgus, son of 
 Lycophron, who had the credit of having caused 
 the execution of these works, was not less at- 
 tentive to the military safety of the republic, 
 than to the ornament of the city. He formed a 
 large magazine of offensive and defensive armour 
 in the Acropolis, built covered docks for the ships 
 of war in Peiraeeus, and filled the storehouses 
 with a complete equipment for 400 triremes 2 . 
 
 1 Plutarch de X Rhet. in Lycurg. According to a census 
 taken in the year B. C. 377, the whole property of Attica, in 
 lands, houses, and goods, was valued at about 6000 talents, 
 (Polyb. 1. 2. c. 62. — Demosth. ite% ) o-uupoglcvy, p. 183. R.) the 
 talent being then equivalent to about 1450Z. sterling, of the 
 present day. An income-tax of ten per cent, upon the an- 
 nual revenue of this property, would not raise much above 
 40,000/. sterling. The customs produced no more than 30 
 or 40 talents, (Andocid. de Myst. p. 66. R.) and the mines of 
 Laurium had not improved. The <p 6^0$, therefore, from the 
 tributary cities must still have been the chief branch of 
 Athenian revenue. Under Lycurgus it amounted to 1200 
 talents ; but the talent was now less than half its value in 
 the time of Pericles. 
 
 1 Lycurgus died B. C. 328. 
 
 c 
 
xvni INTRODUCTION. 
 
 But the time was fast approaching when naval 
 superiority over the republics of Greece, could 
 no longer secure the preponderance, or even 
 ensure the safety of Athens. Her own bright 
 example, and the light of genius and science 
 kindled within her walls, spread around her 
 beyond the bounds of Greece, and produced the 
 effects of order and civilization, among nations 
 which had never entered into the political sys- 
 tem of Greece, in the earlier periods of her 
 history. Attica was unfortunately not an island ; 
 and as soon as all the natural resources of the 
 fertile and extensive regions of Macedonia were 
 called forth by a strong and enlightened govern- 
 ment, the conflicting interests of a collection of 
 republics could not long withstand the highly 
 disciplined armies of a warlike nation, directed 
 by the undivided councils of an active, crafty, 
 and ambitious monarch. 
 
 Nothing at this time saved Athens, and the 
 other states of Greece, from becoming depend- 
 encies of Macedonia, but the dispersion of the 
 Macedonian power in the distant conquests of 
 Egypt and Asia. The consequences of this dis- 
 persion, and of these conquests, totally changed 
 the complexion of Grecian politics. Epirus and 
 ^Etolia, relieved from the pressure of Macedo- 
 nian power, and rising above the disunited and 
 uncivilized state, which had hitherto kept them 
 
INTRODUCTION. xix 
 
 in obscurity, now obtained a considerable weight 
 in the Grecian balance of power. The new 
 kingdoms established in the east by the suc- 
 cessors of Alexander, soon became members 
 also of the Grecian system ; and, by enlarging 
 the boundaries of the language, manners, and 
 civilization of Greece, brought the whole coun- 
 try from Sardinia to Persia within the scope of 
 the Grecian statesman. Instead of confining 
 his attention to a few small republics, acting 
 upon one another, and upon one great foreign 
 power, he had now to watch the motions, learn 
 the interests, and speculate upon the designs 
 of many powerful monarchies, among which 
 Athens, deprived of a great part of her external 
 influence, and soon rivalled, upon her favourite 
 element, even by the republic of Rhodes, could 
 not hope to enter as a power of equal rank, 
 though still able to maintain a high degree of 
 prosperity and political importance. 
 
 It was now her wisest course to side with the 
 strongest. Such was the constant aim of the most 
 able and honest of her later statesmen ; and it 
 was by means of her alliance with Macedonia, 
 and afterwards with Rome, that she preserved 
 her station during the remaining ages of inde- 
 pendent Greece. At no period was Athens 
 more happy and secure than when Demetrius 
 of Phalerum, supported by a Macedonian gar- 
 
 c 2 
 
XX INTRODUCTION 
 
 risen, administered its affairs*. S 
 was the revenue, that, among many other works 
 undertaker- at this time, a aodecastrle portico 
 was added to the mystic temple at Eleusis, by 
 the celebrated Philo; and the same architect 
 was employed to build an arsenal in the Pei- 
 reeus, which was considered one of the most 
 wonderful of the Athenian edifices. Twice 
 only after this period did Athens suffer any 
 material injury trom hostile attacks. Having 
 joined the Romans, assisted by the naval forces 
 of Attains, and the Rhodians, against Philip, 
 the Macedonians invested Athens before the 
 Romans could come to her assistance, demo- 
 fished the groves of the suburban Gymnasia, 
 and destroyed building in the plain of 
 
 Athens 5 . In the latter instance, by too readily 
 espousing the cause of Mhhridates, when he 
 carried the war into Greece, and thus aban- 
 doning the alliance of Rome, she forgot the 
 ::.:::::: ~ ■:'..: ;• ~ :..:~. r.ii : -: •.:: >. : r y:;:ec:::n 
 for more than a century, and exposed herself to 
 ::.-: v r :: : ::; : : . >; ~:«: :r..;". :: R.r.::. ::r- 
 
 :_r:: r?\ 
 
 T:.r =i_::i.r. :-.?•; ~±r.:i : : A:..:> r\y:::i 
 
 7:-. j.;v- .; 
 
 twekv jcb, caiei ■ 307 B. C 
 
 •B.C90O. Lcr ffia.LSl.c-4*v«. 
 
INTRODUCTION. -- 
 
 at once with the destruction of the Peiraic 
 
 :\::;-. :::::ie by Sybi. A:::i_ it:::: :: :i- 
 i : :i " bi 7 i: : i : : : : : m t : : 7 : : in i : - 
 
 customed route, and commercial security, which 
 increased as the Roman a lin ii 1 7 i- 
 
 •bz-i b-V 111 7 17. 7 E71. H1J LlVr E77_ 71771- 
 
 tained a considerable degree g: wwi l rwrr in 
 
 Athens; but her gradual downfall as a ma- 
 ritime state was inevitable : and, in less than a 
 century after the siege by Syfla, the Athenian 
 navy was almost extinct, little remained either 
 
 :: :i7 Pirn:: :: 1 : iti "...:. ii: 777 7 711777777:7 
 €-77—17771^:71:: 7 :bi57r: :7 ii::::t::i: :: 7771 
 ei:b ::' :i: 7 ::7E 
 
 But the respect which the arms or political 
 influence of Athens could no longer command, 
 — 7; 5: 77:7 :: :i: 77: — 7:77:1 :z _t: : :t7t: 
 
 Z.'.-Tj: 77 177 b: .7 7 Z 771. 77 I Z7 771- 177 7 7 7777 
 
 ::li :: !Mi7i7b:z, ilii:E7 7777 e:_7 777:e:::~ 
 :: :b: ; ::-... :-. zzzi -7:77iri7 7 :: 1-7 t7: 7 ■. ill :: 
 it: sibl ::zi7:7iz- :: be .777 ^:bi:l ti mibi 
 
 :t :: -7771 :bi h:e: -kbfil 177:::: 711 :bi 
 
 It:: 7:: 71 17:: "5 H H:i::7:77777. E:~7_7 7777. 1771 
 
 7 zLzzzizzz. 
 
 . - bl7 5 717 177717777: - 1- I 7-7777 "IE Z.ZZ 
 1ZZJ 771 — 17 :b :bl: 777-blZ bli 1 E77:Z^77 7±7I7 
 
 i in: ii :i: J. : 171775. ~b:. 77:17 77:7 7777. i 
 
 1 Soabo, p. 395. LocaB.Fhnd.LXT.lSl 
 
XXU INTRODUCTION. 
 
 of the conquest of Corinth and Carthage 1 , had 
 applied themselves with a rapidly increasing 
 ardour to Grecian arts and literature, and who, 
 from that time, treated Athens with a filial re- 
 spect and indulgence, which was in a certain 
 degree shown to her even by Sylla himself 2 . Al- 
 though Julius Caesar had to pardon the Athe- 
 nians for their adherence to the adverse party 
 of Pompey, Antony for their having espoused 
 the cause of Brutus and Cassius 3 , and Augus- 
 tus for the favours which they bestowed upon 
 Antony, Athens received distinguished be- 
 nefits from all these mighty Romans. Julius 
 Caesar bestowed some donations upon the city, 
 which contributed to the erection of one of the 
 still existing buildings 4 . Antony made Athens 
 his favourite place of residence, during his fre- 
 quent expeditions into the east; nattered the 
 Athenians, by assuming their manners and mode 
 of life ; and bestowed upon them the islands of 
 
 1 Corinth and Carthage were taken and destroyed in the 
 same year, B. C. 146. 102 years afterwards, or B. C. 44, 
 they were both restored and colonized by Julius Caesar, 
 (Appian. in It. Pun. ad fin.) 
 
 2 Strabo, p. 398. Appian. Mithrid. c. 38, 39. Plutarch, 
 in Sylla. 
 
 : > The Athenians erected the statues of Brutus and Cas- 
 sius, by the side of those of Harmodius and Aristogeiton, in 
 the Cerameicus. Dion. Cass. 1. 47. c. 20. 
 
 * The Propylaeum of the new Agora. Sec the inscriptions 
 upon this monument in Stuart's Ant. of Ath. vol. I. c. 1. 
 
INTRODUCTION. xxm 
 
 iEgina, Cea, Icus, Sciathus, and Peparethus 1 . 
 Augustus indeed showed some degree of resent- 
 ment towards the Athenians for their attachment 
 to his rival, and deprived them of one of the 
 islands, (iEgina) which they had received from 
 Antony 2 , as well as of Eretria in Eubcea; but. 
 his clemency and favourable inclinations to- 
 wards them are sufficiently indicated, by his 
 leaving them in possession of all the other gifts 
 of Antony ; by the pecuniary donations which, 
 added to those given by Caesar, enabled the 
 Athenians to erect the Propylasum of the new 
 Agora ; and even by the edict forbidding their 
 sale of the right of citizenship, by which he 
 showed a respect for their ancient name, which 
 they no longer entertained themselves. 
 
 We are informed that, a short time before his 
 death, Augustus was called upon to quell a 
 revolt of the Athenians ; but it appears to have 
 been a mere local tumult, which was suppressed 
 as soon as it broke out 3 , and it has not even 
 been noticed by the principal historians of the 
 life of Augustus. We can hardly doubt, from 
 the testimony of Strabo, that, from the time of 
 Sylla, Athens continued to enjoy its own laws, 
 
 1 Appian. de Bel. Civ.l. 5. c. 7. 
 a Dion. Cass. 1. 54-. c. 7. 
 
 3 'A9ijvaTo» <rfa<ridZeiv dp^d^svoi xoXatrQevfes ItfauVavro. 
 
 Euseb. in Chron. 
 Oros. 1. 6. c. 22. 
 
XXIV INTRODUCTION. 
 
 and the respect of the Romans ; or that Au- 
 gustus, in whose time Strabo lived, generally 
 treated the Athenians with lenity and favour 1 . 
 He did not disdain the honour of initiation into 
 the Eleusinian mysteries 2 ; and there are several 
 other proofs in the remaining monuments of 
 Athens, of the friendly connexion which sub- 
 sisted between him and the Athenians. 
 
 Germanicus testified his respect to the Athe- 
 nians, by entering the city without the insignia 
 of his rank, and preceded by a single lictor 3 . 
 
 Vespasian and Domitian, being disgusted 
 with the philosophers at Rome 4 , seem to have 
 been adverse to the Athenian schools which 
 produced them ; but there is no reason to think 
 that Athens received any ill treatment from 
 these two emperors. As the succession of ar- 
 chons was unbroken until the reign of Gallienus, 
 no change appears to have been made by Ves- 
 pasian when he made Greece a Roman pro- 
 vince 5 , beyond that of confirming the authority 
 of the Roman proconsul over the city, than 
 
 1 Eu'AAaf T7j tfoXei cvyyvwix^v svstpe xa) ju-£%f^ *vv 
 
 Iv sXsvQegta re Etrrt ku) tipy rfocga, fol$ Vuipaiois. Strabo, p. 
 398. 
 
 s Sueton. in Aug. 
 
 3 Tacit. Annal. 1. 2. c. 53. 
 
 4 Dion. Cass. 1. 66. c. 13.— 1. 67. c. 13. 
 
 5 Sueton. in Vespas. c. 8. Eutrop. 1. 7. c. 19. Oros. 1. 7. 
 c.9. Pausan. Achaic. c. 17. 
 
INTRODUCTION. XXV 
 
 which nothing could be more conducive to its 
 advantage ; for it is probably to a similar con- 
 trol over the democracy of Athens, that we 
 may ascribe the general tranquillity which the 
 city enjoyed, during the prevalence of the Ma- 
 cedonian and Roman power in Greece. 
 
 Hadrian and Alexander Severus both visited 
 Athens, while they were yet in a private station. 
 The former was Archon Eponymus, and both 
 were initiated in the Eleusinian mysteries, as 
 was likewise the emperor Marcus Aurelius, at 
 the time of his visit to Athens, after the Mar- 
 comannic war 1 . 
 
 From, the accession of Nerva, Athens con- 
 tinued for near a century and a half to enjoy, not 
 only the protection, but the peculiar favour of 
 a succession of several Roman emperors. 
 
 No other city ever enjoyed her fortune in 
 the prosperity which attended her so long after 
 the loss of her political importance. Even the 
 respect which has been paid to Rome, since the 
 decline of her temporal power, is but a feeble 
 representation of that enjoyed by Athens during 
 five centuries, among all the nations into which 
 Grecian civilization had penetrated. We can- 
 not have a stronger proof of this fact than 
 
 1 Dion. Cass. 1. 69. c. 16. Philost. in Hadrian. Hist. 
 August, in Sever. Ead. in Marc. 
 
XXVI INTRODUCTION. 
 
 that the most remarkable buildings erected in 
 Athens after the decline of her naval power, 
 were executed at the expense of foreign po- 
 tentates. 
 
 The first example of this generosity occurred 
 when Ptolemy Philadelphus constructed a mag- 
 nificent gymnasium near the temple of Theseus 1 . 
 
 When the Athenians entered into alliance 
 with the Romans and Attalus 2 the first, king of 
 Pergamus, the latter presented some magnifi- 
 cent dedications in the Acropolis 3 of Athens, 
 and the Athenians testified their gratitude, to 
 Attalus and to Ptolemy, by creating two new 
 tribes, with the names of Attalis and Ptolemais*. 
 
 Not many years afterwards, Antiochus Epi- 
 phanes undertook a work which the Athenians, 
 in the height of their power, had been unable 
 to accomplish ; and which, when completed, 
 
 1 About 275 B. C. 
 
 2 Polyb. 1. 16. c. 25. Liv. 1. 31. c. 14. 
 
 3 Pausan. Attic. 25. These were four statuary composi- 
 tions, placed upon the southern wall of the Acropolis to- 
 wards its eastern end. The subjects of three were compli- 
 mentary to the ancient glory of the Athenians. The fourth 
 recorded the action from which Attalus himself derived his 
 greatest fame, namely the defeat of the Gauls in Mysia, by 
 which they were driven into the part of Phrygia, which they 
 ever afterwards occupied, under the name of Galatia. Liv. 
 1. 38. Pausan. Attic, c. 8. 
 
 4 Pausan. Attic, c. 5, 8. 
 
INTRODUCTION. xxvil 
 
 exceeded in magnitude and costliness all their 
 other buildings. This was the temple of Ju- 
 piter Olympius, which Antiochus began to erect 
 upon the foundations laid by Pisistratus 360 
 years before. After a long interruption at the 
 death of Antiochus, the work was resumed at 
 the joint expense of the kings and states in 
 alliance with Augustus, and was finally com- 
 pleted by the emperor Hadrian. 
 
 Very soon after the capture of Athens by Sy 11a, 
 Ariobarzanes the second, king of Cappadocia, 
 repaired the Odeium of Pericles, which had suf- 
 fered a partial destruction in the siege. But Ha- 
 drian was the greatest of all the regal benefac- 
 tors of Athens. He not only completed theOlym- 
 pium, which for so many years had been the 
 despair of the Athenians, but erected buildings 
 of every kind, suited to a place which he wished 
 to render at once the centre of religion, of phi- 
 losophy, and of polite education. Besides the 
 Olympium and two other temples, he built a 
 Stoa for walking and conversation, a library for 
 study, and a gymnasium for corporeal exercises ; 
 and he bestowed upon the Athenians large sums 
 of money, a yearly allowance of corn, and the 
 whole island of Cephallenia 1 . 
 
 During the ages of which we are now treat- 
 
 1 Pausan. Attic, c. 18. Dion. Cass. 1. 69. c. 16. 
 
xxvili INTRODUCTION. 
 
 ing, several opulent individuals also, both Attic 
 and foreign, emulating the Athenian citizens of 
 antiquity, to whom the city had been indebted 
 for many of its minor buildings, made it their 
 glory to adorn Athens with edifices, erected at 
 their private expense. Andronicus Cyrrhestes 
 built a Horologium in the Agora 1 j Agrippa con- 
 structed a theatre ; and Herodes, son of At- 
 ticus, rivalled even the imperial benefactors of 
 Athens, by covering the Stadium with seats of 
 Pentelic marble, and by erecting the theatre, 
 the ruins of which are still seen on the south- 
 west side of the Acropolis. 
 
 Rich in the accumulated magnificence of 
 eight or ten centuries, Athens was never so 
 splendid as in the age of the Antonines, when 
 the ancient monuments of the Pericleian age 
 were still in such unimpaired preservation as to 
 rival the recent structures even in this respect. 
 Although the works of Ictinus, Mnesicles, and 
 Phidias, had now been exposed to the attacks of 
 six hundred winters, Plutarch describes them as 
 still possessing all their original freshness j and 
 expresses his wonder that buildings, remarkable 
 for the rapidity with which they had been con- 
 
 1 Now a Tekich of Turkish Dervishes, but by the Greeks 
 called " The Winds," (crroyf dvipovs) from the figures of the 
 winds represented on the eight faces of the buildings. 
 
INTRODUCTION. XXIX 
 
 structed, should nevertheless have been executed 
 with such perfection, as seemed to have endued 
 them with a perpetual youth 1 . 
 
 Not many years after Plutarch had thus de- 
 scribed the buildings of the age of Pericles, 
 Greece was visited by the traveller to whose 
 writings we are chiefly indebted for a know- 
 ledge of the ancient topography of the country, 
 and of all the treasures which it still contained 
 in the various productions of the arts of design. 
 It appears from Pausanias himself, that he was 
 living in the reign of Hadrian 2 , and that he 
 travelled in Greece during that of Marcus Au- 
 relius 3 . As he states that the theatre of Atticus 
 Herodes was not begun when he wrote his At- 
 tica, and that it was finished when he wrote his 
 Achaica, it may be supposed that he passed se- 
 veral years in Greece. This indeed is sufficiently 
 evident from the minuteness of his remarks on 
 the topography, antiquities, local history, and 
 traditions of every part of the country ; for such 
 accurate information could not have been ob- 
 tained in a transient journey. 
 
 1 Plutarch, in Pericl. 
 
 a Attic, c. 5. Arcad. c. 9. 
 
 3 When he wrote the section of his work intituled the 
 Prior Eliacs, (see c. 1.) 217 years had elapsed from the time 
 of the restoration of Corinth by Julius Caesar. The Prior 
 Eliacs, therefore, were written 173 years after the Christian 
 aera. 
 
xxx INTRODUCTION. 
 
 Besides visiting Greece, Pausanias had seen 
 a part of Arabia 1 ; had visited Egyptian Thebes 2 ; 
 and had penetrated to the temple of Jupiter Am- 
 nion in Libya 3 . In Judaea 4 he had particularly ex- 
 amined Joppa 5 , the Jordan, the lake of Tiberias, 
 and the Dead Sea 6 ; and he speaks of the 
 Orontes and Daphne 7 , as if he had extended 
 his travels also into that part of Syria. He had 
 travelled through many parts of Asia Minor 8 , 
 and had inspected the cities of Ionia and of 
 some of the neighbouring provinces, with no 
 less attention than those of Greece 9 . He had 
 visited Rome 10 , and had probably travelled 
 through Epirus 11 , Macedonia 12 , Thessaly 13 , and 
 through the islands of Sicily 14 and Sardinia 15 . 
 
 In regard to his writings, it appears that he 
 composed a work, which has not reached us, 
 
 I Boeot. c. 28. " Attic, c. 42. 
 
 3 Eliac. prior, c. 15. — Bceot. c. 16. 
 
 4 Eliac. post. c. 24. — Phocic. c. 12. 
 
 * Messen. c. 35. a Eliac. prior, c. 7. 
 
 » Eliac. post. c. 2. — Arcad. c. 23, 29. 
 
 8 Achaic. c. 17. — Bceot. c. 21. — Phocic. c. 32. 
 
 9 Messen. c.35. — Achaic. c. 2, 3, 4, 5.— Phocic. c. 12. 
 
 10 Eliac. prior, c. 12. — Arcad. c. 46. — Bceot. c. 21. — 
 Phocic. c. 5. 
 
 II Attic, c. 17. '* Eliac. post. c. 5. — Bceot. c. 40. 
 
 u Attic, c. 13. — Eliac. post. c. 5. — Achaic. c. 27. — Phocic. 
 c.22. 
 
 14 Eliac. prior, c. 23. •* Phocic. c. 17. 
 
INTRODUCTION. XXXI 
 
 upon his Syrian travels 1 : that in Greece, he 
 confined his minute researches to those in- 
 teresting districts, his description of which has 
 fortunately survived the wreck of ancient lite- 
 rature ; and that, having made a more su- 
 perficial journey through the provinces to the 
 north of Mount GEta, he incorporated all his 
 more important remarks upon them in the ex- 
 tant books upon the countries to the south- 
 ward of that barrier. The insertion, in his 
 Achaica, of his observations upon the cities 
 of Ionia, leaves little or no doubt that such was 
 his process in regard to Asiatic Greece; and 
 as Stephanus of Byzantium frequently refers 
 to the extant books of Pausanias, under the 
 same titles, and in the same order, as we now 
 possess them, and to no other work of our au- 
 thor, except that upon Syria, we have a strong 
 confirmation that these were his only published 
 writings. It has just been shown that we have 
 the testimony of Pausanias himself, as to his 
 having travelled in Syria ; and his preference 
 of that country as a subject for his pen, is fully 
 accounted for by Stephanus, from whom we 
 learn that he was a native of Dorus 2 , a mari- 
 
 1 Stephan. de Urb. in TaLCSx, Td&, Atvgog, Mafjafc/xfa, 
 
 2 Ilaotrav/a^ 5g sv ry 7% tfarf/fo; avtov xt'ieei £w§ie7s 
 avrous xaXeT. Steph. Byz. in Awpo;. 
 
XXXll INTRODUCTION. 
 
 time city at the foot of Mount Carmel, not far 
 from Caesareia Philippi. 
 
 It is fortunate for us that Strabo and Pausanias 
 were men of very opposite characters, and that 
 they adopted a totally different plan in their 
 travels and writings. Strabo had adorned and 
 strengthened a mind, naturally powerful and 
 philosophical, with all the learning of the age, 
 together with the experience derived from ex- 
 tensive travels 1 . Pausanias was at least equal to 
 Strabo as a traveller ; but he was less favoured 
 by nature, both in his personal qualities, and in 
 the time in which he lived. He was infected 
 with all the superstition and credulity of an 
 ardent votary of polytheism, but accompanied 
 with a sincere love of honour and justice, and 
 with a warm admiration of the virtues which 
 had ennobled ancient Greece, not unmixed 
 with a melancholy consciousness that the fabric 
 of his devotion was rapidly falling to ruin. Ex- 
 cept in some detached pieces of history, his 
 style is very deficient in method; is full of in- 
 volved and ambiguous expressions; attempts a 
 conciseness, which is attended with obscurity ; 
 largely partakes of the affectation of the so- 
 phists of that age, among whom he is supposed 
 to have held a high rank ; and, when compared 
 
 1 He informs us, p. 1 17, that he had visited all the countries 
 from Armenia to Etruria, and from ./Ethiopia to the Euxine. 
 
INTRODUCTION. Xxxiii 
 
 with that of Strabo, serves to show how much 
 the written Greek had declined in the century 
 and a half which had elapsed from the time of 
 the one writer to that of the other. 
 
 While Strabo, desirous of presenting to his 
 readers a general system of geography, w r as 
 obliged to trust in great part to the information 
 of others, Pausanias fortunately confined his 
 principal inquiries to one country, and that the 
 most interesting of all. The description of 
 Greece by Strabo is consequently extremely 
 imperfect, when compared with that which 
 Pausanias has left us. Sometimes he passes 
 over the most celebrated regions without any 
 other notice than that of their total ruin and 
 desolation ; and speaks of the annihilation of 
 cities, which Pausanias found little impaired 
 by time, and of some of which there still exist 
 considerable remains. As his account of the 
 sea coast is generally more accurate and de- 
 tailed than that of the inland districts, we are 
 tempted to believe that few parts of the interior 
 were visited by him ; but that his travels in 
 Greece were principally performed by sea. 
 
 The work of Pausanias, on the contrary, bears 
 undoubted marks of the author having subjected 
 every part of the country to a minute personal 
 examination ; and no writer more strongly pos- 
 sesses internal evidences of truth and fidelity. 
 
 d 
 
XXXI v INTRODUCTION. 
 
 He often disappoints us by some absurd dis- 
 cussion, in the place of those circumstances 
 which it would have been interesting to know ; 
 and he always fatigues by his dry and inani- 
 mate manner. To say that it is " worth looking 
 at" is the strongest expression of admiration 
 which he bestows upon the inimitable perform- 
 ances of the great masters of Grecian sculpture; 
 and he passes without the slightest change of 
 style, from the description of some splendid 
 colossus in ivory and gold, the work of a Phidias, 
 or Praxiteles, to that of a group of small figures 
 in clay, or of some ancient statue in wood. 
 But it is precisely this cold conciseness that fur- 
 nishes the best assurance that he has faithfully 
 described Greece as he found it ; and at this 
 distance of time, in the absence of all other au- 
 thority of the same kind, one cannot but value 
 his work the more, from his having been de-„ 
 ficient in that ardour of genius, which often 
 makes travellers the dupes of their own feelings, 
 and leads them to exaggerate and misrepresent. 
 Together with a large portion of history and 
 mythology, of which we should otherwise have 
 been ignorant, Pausanias has preserved for us 
 much important information, and such as none 
 but a diligent traveller could have obtained, 
 upon the history of those arts in which the 
 Greeks have so peculiarly excelled all other 
 
INTRODUCTION. XXXV 
 
 nations. From him alone do we derive an 
 adequate idea of the brilliant genius, profound 
 study, and unrivalled skill, which they applied 
 to the arts of design ; of the private economy, 
 and public magnificence, which must have con- 
 spired to adorn every small city with so many 
 elegant buildings and works of art ; as well as of 
 the immense number of those works, which, in 
 spite of all the calamities to which Greece had 
 been exposed, still adorned the country as late 
 as the latter end of the second century of our 
 aera. 
 
 But replete as the work of Pausanias is with 
 information of this kind, it is still too confined 
 to do justice to the fertility of the subject. It 
 unfortunately happened that the author's fa- 
 vourite pursuits were those of an antiquary, 
 mythologist, or devout polytheist, rather than 
 those of a historian or topographer ; and 
 that his judgment in matters of art naturally 
 partook of the declining taste of the times in 
 which he lived. His written remarks seem also 
 to have been in many instances modified by 
 prudential considerations, arising from the po- 
 litical circumstances of the times. Such a zeal- 
 ous admirer of the antiquities and mythology of 
 the Greeks could not be otherwise than ex- 
 tremely shocked at the prostitution to vicious 
 or tyrannical Romans, of the divine honours 
 
 d 2 
 
xxxvi INTRODUCTION. 
 
 conferred upon the ancient heroes. " Evil (he 
 obscurely remarks in the Arcadica 1 ^, has now- 
 arrived at such a pitch as to overspread every 
 land and every city, and men are raised to the 
 dignity of gods only by the excess of compliment 
 and flattery." A mixed sentiment of fear and 
 indignation produced upon him the effect of 
 silence or obscurity, and induced him, while he 
 kept his attention steadily fixed upon the works 
 of the best times of Greece, to pass unnoticed her 
 numerous monuments of national degradation. 
 But it is chiefly in his description of Athens 
 that we have to lament the brevity of Pausanias. 
 Here, besides the confined nature of his work, 
 which obliged him in every part of the country, 
 to confine his narrative to the most remarkable 
 objects 2 , he was at once oppressed by the co- 
 
 1 C. 2. 
 
 3 dtfexgivs 8s ccTfo tujv iroXXcuv 1% d^yjs o Xoyog jotoi td h{ 
 <rvyy %oL<priv anjxowo. Id. Attic, c. 39. 
 
 3 8s sv rr, (riyy$a.<pr, jxoi rf/ArliiSi eiravopQujfia sysvsro, ju,ij rd 
 ifdvra jxe £$£%$$, dxxd rd [jidXia-ra ct£ia jtx.viju.ijf siriXs^dpsvov 
 d-rr' avtujv slpyxsvxi, 8rjXw<rco 8s it^h rov Xcyw rcJ sg ILirapTid' 
 rots- epo) yd§ J£ doyijs yjSeXr^sv o Xoyo$ ditb itoXXxv xai ovx 
 ajjictv d<pyy7}<rewv, wv £xa.<rrot ita.^d cr<p<<n Xsyovriv, diroxfivou td 
 ajfjoXoycurara. Id. Lacon. c. 11. 
 
 o68s ovo<7U)v k<TTr l xa.<riv dv8gidvre$ ou8s routoi; ifdcriv eirsteipi 
 .... litcxrois 8s ij avTols sfyev I5 8o%xv, ij* rol; av8£id>riv vitfj^ef 
 dpsivov stsomv ireTtoiyjcrOai, rotravra, xa) a.vro$ pvyo-fyo-opai. Id. 
 Eliac. poster, c. 1. 
 
INTRODUCTION. xxxvii 
 
 piousness of the subject, and by the reflection 
 that he was at the beginning of a work which 
 treated of the whole of Greece 1 . When it is 
 considered, moreover, that there existed at that 
 time numerous works, descriptive of Athens 3 , 
 we are no longer surprised at the occasional 
 obscurity of his topographical description of the 
 city, or at the brevity with which he has treated 
 of some of its most interesting monuments 3 . 
 
 Strabo had felt equally oppressed by the 
 magnitude of this part of his subject : he was 
 
 1 In the midst of his description of the Acropolis, he 
 checks himself by saying, Ae7 $e [is d<plKe<rQou rou \6you •ffpoa-ca, 
 iravrd Q[aoIujs eirs^iovra I'd ' EXXtjvud. Pausan. Attic, c. 26. 
 
 2 There were fifteen books upon the Acropolis by Helio- 
 dorus (Athen. 1. 6. c. 3. Casaub.) and four by Polemo (Stra- 
 bo, p. 396. Athen. 1. 11. c. 6. — 1. 13. c. 6.) Harpocration 
 quotes works on Attica or Athens, by Hellanicus, by Istrus, 
 by Callistratus, or Menecles, by Cleidemus, by Staphylus, by 
 Phanodemus in not less than nine books, by Androtion in not 
 less than twelve books, and by Philochorus in not less than 
 sixteen books. Amelesagoras published a dissertation upon 
 Attica, intitled, like the works of several of the preceding 
 authors, -jj 'Ar0<£, (Antigon. Caryst. Hist. Mirab. c. 12.) 
 and Heliodorus wrote a treatise upon the dedicatory tripods, 
 (Harpocrat. in 'ilvyj'rwp.) 
 
 3 Pausanias is particularly brief upon the subject of the 
 Parthenon ; but besides the works upon the Acropolis, just 
 mentioned, the treatise upon the construction of that temple 
 by the architect Ictinus himself, and Carpion, mentioned 
 by Vitruvius, (proem, in 1. 7.) was probably still extant. 
 
xxxvin INTRODUCTION 
 
 still more brief in proportion as the plan of his 
 work was more comprehensive, and he was 
 satisfied with naming only a few of the principal 
 places and buildings of Athens. 
 
 The description given by Pliny of the Gre- 
 cian pictures and statues collected at Rome in 
 his time, concurs with the work of Pausanias, 
 and with the general tenor of Grecian history, 
 to lead us to believe that Greece Proper suf- 
 fered less in its works of art, from Roman spolia- 
 tion, than Sicily and Asiatic Greece. The sub- 
 jugation of the European states was gradual, 
 and accompanied by a succession of wars, 
 alliances, and negotiations, during which the 
 power of the Romans not being unchecked in 
 any part of the country, they had objects of 
 higher importance in view, than the collection 
 of works of art — a pursuit which, even among 
 conquerors the most anxious for such acquisi- 
 tions, easily yields to the promotion of political 
 and military advantages, or to the levying of 
 pecuniary contributions. 
 
 The valuable spoil exhibited by T. Quinctius 
 Flamininus, on his triumphal entry into Rome, 
 after his long and successful command of the 
 Roman armies in Greece, consisted chiefly of 
 an immense number of the celebrated gold coin 
 of Macedonia, called Philippics 1 . When a few 
 1 Plutarch in Flatnin. 
 
INTRODUCTION. xxxix 
 
 years after the departure of Flamininus, Q. 
 Fulvius Nobilior plundered the temples of the 
 gods at Ambracia, he was obliged by the Ro- 
 man senate to restore the statues A Impressed 
 with veneration for a common religion, and 
 wishing to conciliate a half-subdued people, who 
 commanded respect by their superior civiliza- 
 tion, the Romans were at first unwilling to vio- 
 late the temples where the choicest works of 
 Grecian art were generally deposited as offer- 
 ings. 
 
 It was not long, however, before their vic- 
 tories over the Carthaginians, and their increas- 
 ing influence in Greece and Asia, rendered 
 some of them less scrupulous. The conquest 
 of Syracuse by Marcellus was soon followed 
 by the triumphs of P. ^Emilius Paullus, and 
 Q. Caecilius Metellus, over Macedonia, and of 
 Mummius for the conquest of Achaia 2 . To 
 
 1 Liv. 1. 38. c. 44. It appears from Pliny (Nat. Hist. 1. 35. 
 c. 10.) that Fulvius retained a celebrated picture of the 
 Muses. 
 
 a The numerous statues brought from Macedonia by 
 iEmilius Paullus are mentioned by Plutarch. Two of them 
 were by Phidias, (Plin. N. H. 1. 34. c. 8.) Metellus Mace- 
 donicus carried to Rome the equestrian statues by Lysippus 
 of the Macedonians, who fell in the battle of the Granicus, 
 (Veil. Paterc. 1. 1. c. 11.) or according to Pliny, (I. 34. c. 
 8.) of Alexander, and his friends. Mummius and Lucullus 
 
 
xl INTRODUCTION. 
 
 these events, and to the immense quantities of 
 books, statues, and pictures, which they in- 
 troduced into Rome, is to be ascribed the rise 
 and the establishment of that taste for the arts 
 and literature of Greece, which soon essentially 
 altered the Roman character. 
 
 After the entire conquest of Asia, this taste 
 quickly degenerated into luxury, and must often 
 have been gratified at the expense of the Gre- 
 cian cities. It sufficiently appears from the 
 orations of Cicero against Verres, that pro- 
 vincial governors, by violence, solicitation, or 
 more frequently by forced purchase, frequently 
 deprived the public edifices of the Greeks of 
 their pictures and statues ; but it is not less 
 evident from the expressions of the orator, that 
 such practices were held in the greatest dis- 
 repute among the Romans in general, and that 
 the Greeks indulged in a manifestation of re- 
 sentment at such spoliations, which equally 
 prove that they were not very common. 
 
 Pausanias, in mentioning a single example by 
 Sylla 1 , expressly remarks, that such things were 
 contrary to the usual conduct of the Romans, 
 
 filled Rome with brazen statues, brought by the former from 
 Achaia, and by the latter from Asia, (Plin. ibid.) 
 
 1 He carried off an ivory statue of Minerva from her tem- 
 ple at Alalcomenae. Bceot. c. 33. 
 
INTRODUCTION. xli 
 
 (yQovs dxxofpia rwv Pwjw-alwy,) and he adds that it was 
 for this sacrilege of Sylla, and for his treatment 
 of the cities of Thebes, Athens, and Orchome- 
 nus, that the gods afflicted him with the dis- 
 gusting disease of which he died. 
 
 During the ages which elapsed between the 
 first entrance of the Romans into Greece, and 
 the complete establishment of their power over 
 that country, Attica appears to have suffered 
 less than any of the countries which the arts of 
 Greece had adorned. Once only in the course 
 of this time did a conqueror indulge in the 
 plunder of the city 1 . After the assault by Sylla, 
 it is not to be supposed that his soldiers, who 
 even carried away the votive shields from the 
 Stoa Eleutherius, left any valuable works of art 
 of easy transportation in the Cerameicus, or 
 other quarters of the city. But Sylla soon ex- 
 tended his pardon to Athens ; and there is 
 reason to believe that he never exercised his 
 privileges of a conqueror by the removal of 
 any of the celebrated Athenian works of art. 
 The description by JPausanias of the state of 
 Athens, 250 years afterwards, as well as the 
 enumeration, given by Pliny, of the Grecian 
 
 1 For the conduct of Sylla at Athens, see Strabo, p. 398. 
 — Appian. B. Mithrid. c. 38, 39.— Plutarch in Sylla.— Pau- 
 san. Attic, c 20.— Phocic. c, 21.- 
 
xlii INTRODUCTION. 
 
 statues at Rome, furnish a strong presump- 
 tion in favour of this opinion ; and in the 
 account which Plutarch has left us of the tri- 
 umph of Sylla, we find none of that display of 
 Grecian statuary works, and other similar plun- 
 der, which distinguished the triumphal entries of 
 ./Emilius Paullus, Metellus Macedonicus, Mum- 
 mius, Lucullus, and Pompey . It is true that the 
 columns which had been prepared for the Olym- 
 pium by Antiochus Epiphanes, but not yet 
 erected, Sylla did not scruple to order to be 
 conveyed to Rome, to be used in the temple of 
 Jupiter Capitolinus l ; and he seized upon the 
 library of Apellicon of Teus, which had been 
 first collected by Aristotle, and augmented by 
 Theophrastus 2 . But money for the support of 
 his army was his great object. He plundered 
 the sacred treasuries of Delphi, Olympia, and 
 Epidaurus 3 ; and when the Acropolis of Athens 
 capitulated, he took forty pounds of gold, and 
 six hundred of silver, from the Opisthodomus 4 . 
 The good fortune of Athens, during the Ro- 
 
 1 PHn. Nat. Hist. 1. 36. c. 6. 
 
 4 Plutarch in Sylla. Strabo, p. 609. 
 
 s Appian. Mithridat. c. 54-. Pausan. Bceot. c. 7. 
 
 * Appian. Mithr. c. 39. The gold of the statue of Minerva 
 in the Parthenon had been carried off 210 years before, by 
 Lacharcs; yet Pausanias describes the statue as still made of 
 ivory and gold in his time. 
 
INTRODUCTION. xliii 
 
 man wars in Greece, was partly the effect of her 
 early alliance with Rome, and arose in part from 
 the veneration in which she was held as the 
 mother of learning and the arts. This respect 
 increased with the advancement of the Romans 
 in Grecian civilization ; and it was fostered by 
 the opinion, which soon prevailed among the 
 opulent at Rome, that their education was in- 
 complete without the study of Greek literature, 
 and a residence at Athens. In the advantages 
 derived from these sentiments among the Ro- 
 mans, all the surrounding provinces of Greece, 
 full of places illustrious by their sanctity and 
 ancient celebrity, would naturally in some de- 
 gree participate. 
 
 The opportunities of collecting plunder of 
 every kind, which occurred to the Romans in 
 authority in the conquered countries, ceased in 
 great measure with the establishment under 
 Augustus, of a new system of government 
 throughout the Roman world 1 . From this 
 time no extensive plunder of Grecian works of 
 art could be undertaken but by the emperors 
 themselves, and such was still the influence of 
 a common religion, that to remove the sacred 
 offerings from the Grecian temples, could only 
 be inflicted as a punishment upon an offending 
 
 Tacit. Ann. 1. 1. c. 1. 
 
xliv INTRODUCTION. 
 
 city, or undertaken by those emperors who 
 were totally indifferent to public opinion. 
 
 Augustus removed some of the sacred offer- 
 ings from the temple of Minerva Alea, at Te- 
 gea, because Tegea had led the whole con- 
 federacy of Arcadia, except Mantineia, to take 
 part against him in his war with Antony 1 . Pau- 
 sanias justifies the action by the right of con- 
 quest ; and as he mentions several occasions 
 upon which statues had been removed from 
 Grecian temples by conquerors, beginning from 
 the war of Troy, without mentioning a single 
 instance in which the Romans had exerted a 
 similar privilege, he furnishes a strong argu- 
 ment that such examples were by no means 
 frequent. 
 
 The celebrated Cupid of Praxiteles, which 
 was removed to Rome by Caligula, was re- 
 stored to its temple by Claudius'; and we 
 find that, even under the tyrant Nero, Bareas 
 Soratus, his proconsul in Asia, sensible how 
 deeply the injury would be felt by one of the 
 most flourishing cities of his government, ven- 
 tured to oppose Acratus in collecting works of 
 art for the emperor, and prevented him from 
 
 1 Pausan. Arcad. c. 46. 
 
 8 Pausan. Bceot. c. 27. It was carried off a second time 
 by Nero, and was destroyed by fire at Rome. 
 
INTRODUCTION xlv 
 
 removing some sacred offerings from Perga- 
 mus 1 . 
 
 The only Roman emperors who are recorded 
 as having plundered Greece of its productions 
 of art, are Caligula and Nero. 
 
 Caligula is said to have stript some of the 
 Grecian cities of their finest works in painting 
 and sculpture, and not even to have spared the 
 temples 2 . He ordered some of the most cele- 
 brated statues to be brought to Rome, in order 
 by changing the heads to convert them into 
 statues of himself 3 . But these excesses not 
 being begun until the middle of his short reign, 
 and both the Greeks and Romans of that time 
 lending themselves unwillingly to such sacri- 
 lege, his spoliations were never carried into 
 execution to the extent which he designed. 
 
 It has been supposed 4 , that, in conformity with 
 
 1 Tacit. Ann. 1. 16. c. 23. 
 
 2 Joseph. Ant. Jud. 1. 19. c. 1. Pausan. Bceot. c. 27. 
 
 3 Sueton. in Calig. c. 22. Dion. Cass. 1. 59. c. 28. 
 
 4 By Chandler, (Travels in Greece, c. 15.) but who, as 
 usual, neglects to cite his authority. His remark about 
 changing the heads seems to show that he had mistaken the 
 words of Suetonius, which are as follows : " datoque nego- 
 tio, ut simulacra numinum, religione et arte praeclara, inter 
 quae Olympii Jovis, apportarentur e Graecia, quibus, capite 
 dempto, suum imponeret." Here is no mention of Athens ; 
 it is clear, therefore, that Suetonius meant the same Olym- 
 pian Jupiter, of which Dion Cassius speaks, and which Jo- 
 sephus expressly states to have been at Olympia. 
 
xlvi INTRODUCTION. 
 
 his orders, a statue of Jupiter was removed to 
 Rome from the Athenian Olympium, but I 
 cannot find the fact attested by any ancient 
 author ; and it seems very unlikely that there 
 should have existed any great statue of Jupiter 
 Olympius at Athens at this period, as the tem- 
 ple was not finished and dedicated until the reign 
 of Hadrian. It is evident from Suetonius and 
 Dion Cassius, that the statue of Jupiter, which 
 Caligula chiefly wished to erect in his palace 
 at Rome, was the celebrated chryselephantine 
 work of Phidias at Olympia. We learn, how- 
 ever, from the same authors, and from Josephus, 
 that his orders with regard to this statue were 
 never executed 1 ; and we know from Pausanias 
 that it still remained in its place 135 years after- 
 wards 2 . 
 
 It was by Nero that the cities of Greece and 
 Asia were most cruelly plundered of their 
 works of art 3 . According to Dion Chrysostom 4 , 
 
 1 Sueton. in Calig. c. 57. Dion et Joseph, ubi sup. The 
 god is said to have uttered a loud laugh, whenever the 
 workmen attempted to move him. Memmius Regulus, who 
 was charged by Caligula to send the statue, excused himself 
 from executing his master's orders by this and other pro- 
 digies, but he would probably have suffered for his credulity, 
 if he had not been saved by the emperor's death. 
 
 * Prior. Eliac. c. 10. 
 
 » Pausan. Eliac. prior, c, 25, 26. Bceot. c. 27. Phocic. c. 7. 
 
 * Orat. Rhod.p. 355. Morell. 
 
INTRODUCTION. xlvii 
 
 who wrote about fifty years afterwards, Nero 
 spared no place except Rhodes ; but notwith- 
 standing this strong testimony, the words 1 of 
 which would even lead us to believe that Athens 
 suffered more than any other city upon this oc- 
 casion, we learn from Pliny, that there still re- 
 mained after Nero's spoliation, 3000 statues at 
 Athens, and as many at Olympia and Delphi 2 ; 
 and it is remarkable that among the Greek 
 statues at Rome, enumerated by the same au- 
 thor 3 , and the greater part of which, as he 
 tells us, were transported thither by Nero, few 
 are stated to have been brought from Greece 
 Proper, and not one from Athens. We perceive 
 from Pausanias that, long after the time of Nero, 
 the Acropolis still preserved its most celebrated 
 dedications. There is some reason to think, 
 therefore, that the most eminent cities of Greece 
 did not suffer greatly even in the reign of this 
 emperor ; that ancient prejudices were still suf- 
 ficiently powerful to divert the collectors into 
 places more distant and obscure ; and that Se- 
 cundus Carinas, the agent for Nero's collections 
 
 1 Ne^ujv ro/auri;v sitiQuplav x«< (nfovftrjV tfspi rovro £%ouv f 
 axrrs judo's t'cvv l£ '0\vu,irlag dvo<r%£<r$ai, ju-tj^s rcuv 1% AeX<pu>v y 
 xair 'oi Tta.vTujv [/.xXutto. ri^cras ravta. td Isgd' stt $s rov$ trXsltr- 
 tovg tdjY sk ttjS 'Ax^OTtoXsws 'AflrjvTjOev [usrsveyKwv. 
 
 2 Hist. Nat. 1. 34. c. 7. 
 
 3 Hist. Nat. 1. 34. c. 8. 
 
xlviii INTRODUCTION. 
 
 in Greece, was less active or successful in that 
 province than Acratus in Asia 1 . It is not im- 
 probable that the religious veneration, and 
 general respect of the Romans for Athens, 
 which had so long protected it, operated in 
 some measure upon the superstitious mind of 
 Nero himself; for we are told that, when so 
 near as Corinth, he was afraid to visit Athens, 
 because it was the abode of the Furies 2 , whose 
 vengeance he feared for the same crime for 
 which they had tormented Orestes. The strong 
 terms in which Dion Chrysostom alludes to the 
 robberies of Acratus in Asia 3 , and the favours 
 conferred upon Greece by Nero, which Plu- 
 tarch 4 and Pausanias 5 are far from denying, are 
 further reasons for thinking that Asia suffered 
 more than Greece from that monster's passion 
 for collecting statues. 
 
 But, however numerous the statues taken 
 
 1 Per Asiam atque Achaiam, non dona tantum sed simu- 
 lacra numinum abripiebantur, missis in eas provincias,Acrato 
 et Secundo Carinate ; ille libcrtus cuicunque flagitio promp- 
 tus, hie Grseca doctrina ore tenus exercitus, animum bonis 
 artibus non induerat. Tacit. Ann. 1. 15. c. 4-5. 
 
 2 Dion Cass. 1. 63. c. 14. 
 
 3 "lore yap "Axfarov IxeTvov, 5f t^v OMOV^evrjv a-^aSov a/it surety 
 itecieXQutv rourov %a'f»v xcd p-ijJg xwy.yv Travels (i^sfx,iav. Dion. 
 Chr. ubi sup. 
 
 4 In Flamin. 
 
 1 Achaic. c. 17. 
 
INTRODUCTION. xlix 
 
 from Greece by Nero, Caligula, and by some of 
 the Romans, who enjoyed uncontrolled power 
 in Greece in the time of the republic, may have 
 been, we have still the undoubted testimony of 
 Pausanias that far the greater part of the most 
 perfect monuments of Grecian skill and genius, 
 remained untouched in the reign of Marcus Au- 
 relius, and that the sanctity of Delphi, Olympia, 
 Epidaurus, Helicon, and of so many other tem- 
 ples both in the cities and sacred groves, still 
 afforded protection to numerous works of Cala- 
 mis, Myron, Phidias, Alcamenes, and the other 
 great masters of ancient sculpture. 
 
 It was probably somewhat different with re- 
 gard to pictures. In the time of Pausanias 
 there seem to have remained few works of the 
 great masters in this art, with the exception of 
 such as were immoveable from their having 
 been painted on the walls of the public build- 
 ings 1 . This was the most ancient practice; 
 but as in process of time the painters of Greece 
 executed works upon moveable tabulae, easily 
 transported, and intended for sale to persons of 
 every country, the concentration of wealth at 
 Rome attracted the greater part of these works 
 
 1 There was a remarkable exception in the Pcecile, where 
 we learn from two letters of Synesius, that the pictures of 
 Polygnotus were painted upon <ra.v\fo$, and that they were not 
 removed until the fourth century. 
 
 e 
 
1 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 to the imperial capital, where it is probable that, 
 among opulent individuals, pictures were more 
 in request than statues ; for painting being an 
 art which speaks more intelligibly to the senses, 
 seems, in every age and country since the de- 
 cline of Grecian art, to have excited more 
 general admiration than sculpture. 
 
 Not long after the age of the Antonines, a 
 cause of destruction began to operate, which, 
 although slow in its progress, has been more 
 surely fatal to the fine works of the ancients 
 than Roman spoliation, or the zeal of the early 
 Christians, or the ignorant violence of the 
 northern barbarians. The decline of taste, 
 which began to be very evident in the produc- 
 tions of the age of Diocletian, went hand in 
 hand with the decline of Paganism itself; and 
 as the artist of antiquity was inspired by the 
 proud consciousness that his work was to be an 
 object of religious worship, and sometimes, by 
 the belief of divine assistance, so the decay of 
 superstition was necessarily accompanied by 
 the inability to produce works equal in merit 
 to those of the ancients, by a neglect of the 
 ancient works themselves, and by their gradual 
 destruction. 
 
 This cause had not been long in operation, 
 when a more active motive of injury occurred 
 in the hostility of the Christians towards idola- 
 
INTRODUCTION. li 
 
 try. It happened, however, by a remarkable 
 coincidence, that, at the same period when the 
 conversion of the Roman emperors first en- 
 abled the Christians to raise their hands against 
 those idols, which they had long denounced 
 from the pulpit, a practice was revived at Con- 
 stantinople, which tended to save a great num- 
 ber of ancient works from destruction, though 
 it had the effect of removing them from their 
 original situations. In attempting to make new 
 Rome a rival of the old, it was an object with 
 the founder of Constantinople, and many of his 
 successors, to adorn the capital with statues, 
 and other similar works of art. 
 
 Constantine collected numerous statues from 
 Asia, and plundered some of the sacred places 
 of Greece 1 ; but as he not only allowed a per- 
 fect toleration to the Pagans, but favoured their 
 liberty of worship, and did not himself alto- 
 gether renounce the Pagan deities 2 , it is not to 
 be supposed that he often removed any of the 
 idols from the temples where their worship was 
 still practised. 
 
 Constantius, a more zealous Christian, had no 
 
 1 See Banduri. Comment, in Antiq. Const, p. 668. ed. Par. 
 Petr. Gyll. de Topog. Const. 1. 2. c. 13l Euseb. de Vita Con- 
 stant. 1. 3. c. 54?.— Sozomen. 1. 2. c. 5. — Zosim. 1. 2. c. 21. — 
 1. 5. c. 24. 
 
 * See Gibbon, e. 20. 
 
 e2 
 
lii INTRODUCTION. 
 
 such scruples, and he not only issued edicts to 
 forbid sacrifices, and the adoration of images 1 , 
 but he directed the temples to be shut. If we 
 may trust Libanius, he, in some instances, even 
 threw down temples, and made presents of their 
 estates to his favourites c ; and his enmity to 
 idolatry so far encouraged the religious fury of 
 some of the followers of the church in Asia, 
 that bishops were seen marching at the head 
 of their congregations to overthrow the Pagan 
 temples, and destroy the statues. 
 
 The collecting of ancient statues at Constan- 
 tinople by Julian, having had the object of re- 
 establishing polytheism, may have saved those 
 whose temples were already in ruin, without 
 removing any from the places where their wor- 
 ship still subsisted. 
 
 But, both from the collectors and from the 
 destroyers of the ancient works at this period, 
 the cities of Asia appear to have suffered much 
 more than those of Europe. The excesses of 
 the Christians appear to have been confined 
 almost entirely to the eastern provinces, where 
 they were mere numerous, and where the national 
 manners still partook of their original barbarism, 
 in proportion to their distance from the centre of 
 
 ' Cod. Theodos. vol. 6. tit. 10. 
 
 2 (Orat. pro Templis.) — giving them away, says Libanius, 
 like slaves or horses. 
 
INTRODUCTION. liii 
 
 Grecian civilization. The cities of Asia, more- 
 over, were more conveniently situated for the 
 transportation of the objects to Constantinople, 
 than those of European Greece ; and it is re- 
 markable, that, among the places enumerated 
 by Codinus 1 , and by an anonymous author of 
 earlier date, whom he has followed 2 , as having 
 contributed their works of art to the ornament 
 of the new capital, all, except one, are in Asia. 
 In Greece, properly so called, there is reason 
 to think that such spoliations were not carried 
 to a great extent during any part of the period 
 in which the collecting of ancient works of art 
 chiefly prevailed at Constantinople ; nor does it 
 appear that the temporary activity of the govern- 
 ment against Paganism was there attended with 
 any destructive effect to the temples and sacred 
 offerings. The Isthmian, Pythian, and Nemean 
 games were still celebrated : the Roman colony of 
 Corinth still indulged in the slaughtering of wild 
 beasts in the theatre 3 : and the temples, with 
 the exception of that intermission during the 
 reign of Constantius, which w r as both short and 
 local, were freely open to the Pagan rites, until 
 the reign of Theodosius 4 . 
 
 1 Georg. Codin. de Origin. Constant, p. 29. ed. Par. 
 a Anon, de Antiq. Const, ap. Banduri Imp. Orient, vol. 1. 
 3 Julian Epist. 35. 
 * Zosim. 1. k c.29. 
 
Hv INTRODUCTION. 
 
 Athens enjoyed the particular favour of some 
 of the early Byzantine emperors ; and there is 
 no record of her having experienced a different 
 treatment from any of them. Constantine 
 gloried in being appointed a-t^af^yos of Athens, 
 and, in return for the honour of a statue, which 
 the Athenians conferred upon him, he presented 
 the city with a yearly gratuity of corn 1 : Con- 
 stans followed his example by bestowing several 
 islands upon the city 2 . 
 
 Such favours could not be shown without ac- 
 cording protection to the schools of philosophy 
 and literature, which were the chief distinction 
 of Athens, and to the religion, under which Attic 
 learning had flourished, and with which it was 
 inseparably connected. The church of Athens, 
 although it boasted of having been founded by 
 St. Paul, had made a very slow progress, and 
 was still one of the most obscure in Greece. 
 Unable to manifest any opposition to poly- 
 theism in its strong hold, the Athenian Chris- 
 tians derived their chief praise from the con- 
 trast of their peaceable demeanour, with the oc- 
 casional turbulence of the Pagan population of 
 
 1 Julian Orat. 1. p. 8. Spanh. The principal duty of the 
 fftpxTfj-yb; at that period, was to superintend the provisioning 
 of the city, which accounts for the title having been conferred 
 upon Constantine. 
 
 a Eunap. in Proacres. 
 
INTRODUCTION. lv 
 
 tlie city 1 . The spirit of tolerance inherent in 
 the Athenian religion, which gave a hospitable 
 reception to the deities of all nations, (even to 
 those whose names were unknown,) the Chris- 
 tians of Athens were exempted from those per- 
 secutions, under which the church was gene- 
 rally found to flourish; and they had no provoca- 
 tion to acts of violence, when the Christian re- 
 ligion at length obtained the ascendancy. Their 
 priests took quiet possession of the magnificent 
 temples of the Athenian mythology ; and every 
 thing ensured, as well to the ancient religion as 
 to the philosophy of Athens, a tranquil and 
 gradual downfall. Nor probably was there in 
 any part of Greece, that violent hostility of the 
 Christians against the emblems of Paganism, 
 which (whether caused by bigotry, or the love 
 of plunder), distinguished the Christians of some 
 parts of Asia. 
 
 The reign of Julian was followed by the 
 struggles of the empire against the Goths ; in 
 the course of which Athens was a second time 
 taken by these barbarians, and a second time 
 escaped with little injury to its buildings and 
 works of art. On the former occasion, which 
 occurred in the reign of Gallienus 2 , the Goths 
 had sailed from the Euxine into the iEgean sea, 
 
 1 Origen cont. Cels. 1. S. p. 128. Spencer. 
 
 2 A. D. 267. 
 
lvi INTRODUCTION. 
 
 and, having entered without opposition the un- 
 fortified Peiraeeus, they marched to Athens, the 
 walls of which, after having remained neglected 
 from the time of their destruction by Sylla, had 
 been recently repaired against the threatened 
 invasion of the Gauls in the reign of Valerian 1 . 
 While the Goths were engaged in the plunder 
 of the city, they were attacked at the harbour 
 by Dexippus, at the head of the Athenians, and 
 were obliged hastily to abandon their conquest 2 . 
 Soon after the defeat and death of Valens at 
 Hadrianople 3 , the Goths overran Thessaly and 
 Epirus ; but, by the prudent counsels of Theo- 
 dorus, prefect of Achaia, Athens, and the 
 southern provinces, were saved from their ra- 
 vages 4 . Twenty years afterwards, headed by 
 Alaric, they were more successful; and Athens, 
 together with the greater part of Greece, fell 
 into the hands of the barbarian conquerors 5 . 
 As Alaric had recently become a zealous Chris- 
 tian, and was followed by a troop of monks, the 
 idols and buildings of the Pagans might be sup- 
 posed to have suffered severely upon this occa- 
 
 1 Zosim. I. I.e. 29. Zonar. 1. 12. c.23. 
 
 2 Gibbon, c. 10. 
 8 A. D. .'37N. 
 
 * See Chandler luscript. Ant. p. 58. 
 5 Zosim. 1. 5. c. 5. Claudian in Rufin.l. 2. v. 191. Euiuip. 
 in vil. Maxim. 
 
INTRODUCTION. lvii 
 
 sion ; but whether the victor was softened into 
 compassion by the singular beauty of the place, 
 and its buildings, a charm which has operated 
 upon other barbarous conquerors of Athens, or 
 whether it was merely the effect of the splendid 
 ransom which he received, it seems certain that 
 Alaric treated the city with the greatest lenity. 
 Some words of the poet Claudian, and a rhe- 
 torical nourish of Synesius 1 , have been thought 
 to prove that Zosimus has not given a fair tes- 
 timony of the forbearance of Alaric upon this 
 occasion ; but the historian adds a fact which 
 gives the strongest confirmation to his previous 
 assertions. At the time when he wrote his 
 history 2 , which must have been several years 
 after the departure of Alaric from Greece, the 
 Minerva Promachus of Phidias, a colossus higher 
 
 1 The decline of Athens was a fine subject for the rhe- 
 torical taste of Synesius, who seems also, as bishop of a town 
 in the Cyrenaica, to have taken some pride in giving a pre- 
 ference to Alexandria over Athens, as the seat of learning 
 
 o 
 
 in those days. He has certainly represented Athens as being 
 in a more decayed condition than it could possibly have been 
 in his time. It appears from Synesius, that the Pcecile had 
 preserved its pictures until they were carried away by a 
 proconsul, who was probably the same accused by Zosimus 
 of having assisted Alaric in passing unopposed through 
 Thermopylae. His name was Antiochus. Zosim. 1. 5. c. 5. 
 — Synes. ep. ap. Ep. Graec. Mut. p. 192, 246. 
 
 * It ends at the year 410, in the reign of Theodosius the 
 younger. 
 
lviii INTRODUCTION. 
 
 than the Parthenon, was still standing, together 
 with other brazen statues in the Acropolis 1 . 
 We may be assured, that, if Alaric had plun- 
 dered the citadel, the avarice of the conquerors 
 would not have overlooked the metallic value 
 of these statues ; nor would the enemies of 
 idolatry have left in its place so conspicuous an 
 object of their abhorrence as the Minerva Pro- 
 machus. Thus it appears that, at the close of 
 the fourth century, the emblems of Paganism 
 were still unmolested at Athens. The Athe- 
 nians, about the same time, showed an instance 
 of their adherence to ancient customs, by de- 
 dicating an image in marble of the prefect Theo- 
 dorus-, and another in brass was also ordered to 
 be erected to him by the same Theodosius, who 
 soon afterwards became one of the most de- 
 termined enemies of Paganism. 
 
 At the end of the forty years which followed 
 the accession of Theodosius to the throne, the 
 successive decrees of that emperor, of Arcadius, 
 of Honorius, and of Theodosius the younger, 
 had almost entirely expelled the ancient super- 
 stition 3 . If from some of these decrees, con- 
 firmed by contemporary authors, we perceive 
 
 ' ...... rrjv U^oftay^ov 'A9>jvav U$ hcrriv aut^v o^dv h ffif 
 
 dyx.\f/,a<riv. Zosim. 1. 5. C. 6. 
 2 Chandler Inscript. Antiq. p. 58. 
 See Codex Tlicodos. vol. (?. tit. 10. 
 
INTRODUCTION. lix 
 
 that the Christians were excited by them to a 
 cruel persecution of Paganism, and to an ex- 
 tensive destruction of the emblems of the ancient 
 worship, others tend to show that such ex- 
 cesses were never intended by the government, 
 and that they were checked as soon as known. 
 After having forbidden idolatry, and the open- 
 ing of temples to pagan sacrifices, the next 
 object of the emperors was to preserve the 
 temples from destruction, and to convert them 
 to useful purposes, and, in considering as merely 
 ornamental, the statuary works with which the 
 Greek and Roman cities were still crowded, to 
 save them as such from the hands of bigotry or 
 wanton violence. It appears that Theodosius 
 adorned his capital with several of the finest 
 and most curious ancient statues, after having 
 removed them from their temples ; for, upon 
 comparing Cedrenus 1 with the authors who have 
 written on the foundation of Constantinople, 
 there is reason to believe that the Venus of 
 Cnidus, the Myndian Cupid, the Minerva Lin- 
 dia, and the celebrated statue of ivory and gold 
 by Phidias, fromOlympia, together with another 
 
 1 G. Cedren. p. 254. ed. Par. Zosimus also (1. 5. c. 14.) 
 mentions the statue of M. Lindia. It stood, together with the 
 Jupiter of Dodona, before the senate-house. These two 
 alone escaped destruction, when many other fine Grecian 
 works were destroyed by fire in that building. 
 
lx INTRODUCTION. 
 
 (recumbent) Jupiter, were transported to Con- 
 stantinople by Theodosius. 
 
 Greece, properly so called, seems still to have 
 escaped from the collectors and destroyers of 
 images better than the other provinces. The 
 fervor of the newly-converted Theodosius was 
 soon diverted from the Pagans to the heretical 
 Arians, whose active and obstinate hostility 
 formed a remarkable contrast to the mildness 
 and submission of the Pagans. 
 
 In Athens, and the surrounding regions, so 
 long the favourite abode of the Pagan my- 
 thology, the festivals and schools of philosophy 
 were still allowed to subsist ; and it is probable 
 that even the imperial edicts against sacrifices 
 were still secretly transgressed in the temples 1 . 
 Neither among the decrees which forbad idola- 
 try, nor among those which were issued to re- 
 press the excesses of the Christians, do we find 
 any one directed to the prefecture of Illyria, of 
 which Greece formed a part", until so late as 
 the year 426, when the emperor Theodosius the 
 younger, having discovered 3 that some remains 
 of the Pagan worship still existed in the prer 
 
 ' Zosim. 1. 4. c. 29. 
 
 * Zosim. 1. <2. c. 33. 
 
 9 " quamquam jam nullos esse credainus," are the 
 
 words of the emperor in a prior decree, of the year 423, which 
 was addressed to the prefecture of the east, and which con- 
 firmed the former edicts against the Pagans in that quarter. 
 
INTRODUCTION. Ixi 
 
 fecture of Illyria, issued an angry edict for the 
 destruction of all the temples. 
 
 It is probable that the great temples of Athens 
 had before this period been converted into 
 churches ; but the province towards which 
 this last decree is directed serves to confirm 
 the supposition, that the downfall of Paganism 
 had been slower in Greece than in any other 
 part of the empire. In conformity with the 
 same opinion, we may remark, that, among the 
 works enumerated by Cedrenus, by the authors 
 who have treated of the foundation of Constan- 
 tinople, and by Nicetas, in describing the statues 
 which were destroyed by the Franks upon the 
 capture of Constantinople in 1204, none of the 
 celebrated works of Greece, described by Fau- 
 sanias, and other writers, are to be found, with 
 the exception of the Olympian Jove, already 
 mentioned, the Muses from Mount Helicon, the 
 Apollo of Delphi, and the twisted serpents from 
 the same place, which originally supported a 
 golden tripod, dedicated from the spoils of the 
 victory of Platsea 1 . Codinus, indeed, has also 
 
 1 Zosim. 1. 2. c. 31 . Euseb. de vita Const. 1. 3. c. 54. So- 
 zom. 1. 2. c. 5. Socrat. 1. 1. c. 16. The monument of the 
 battle of Plataea, described by Herodotus, (1. 9. c. 81.) was 
 seen by Pausanias, (Phocic. c. 14.) but deprived of the golden 
 tripod, which had been carried off by the Phocians. The 
 brazen serpents, which supported it, were brought to his new 
 
lxii INTRODUCTION. 
 
 made mention of a monolithe statue, (no other- 
 wise described,) a fragment of which remained 
 in his time in the Strategium. He informs us 
 also that two elephants at the golden gate came 
 from the temple of Mars at Athens ; and he 
 states generally, that Athens had contributed 
 many of the works with which Constantine 
 adorned his new city : but as he has not de- 
 scribed any of the great works mentioned by 
 Pausanias, or other authors, and as much un- 
 certainty, ignorance, and difference of opinion, 
 are shown by the Byzantine authors, in regard 
 to the statues collected at Constantinople, both 
 in describing them, and in noticing the places 
 from whence they were brought, it is not im- 
 probable that the name of Athens may have 
 been introduced among that of the other cities, 
 more from its fame than any other cause, and 
 that in the course of time, the origin of many of 
 the works collected, may have been forgotten, 
 as so often happens among collectors of anti- 
 quities, to the great diminution of the utility 
 and interest of the objects. 
 
 The state of the arts in the age of Constan- 
 
 capital by Constantine, together with the Pythian Apollo, 
 and the Heliconian Muses. The Muses were destroyed 
 seventy years afterwards, in the conflagration mentioned in 
 the preceding note, (Zosim. 1. 5. c. 24.) A part of the twisted 
 serpents are still to be seen in the Atmeidan at Constan- 
 tinople. 
 
INTRODUCTION. lxiii 
 
 tine and his successors, may also have operated to 
 save some of the finest productions of the an- 
 cient masters from being removed from Greece ; 
 for the declining taste of that period was hardly 
 competent to distinguish all the merits of the 
 ancient works, or sufficiently keen to prompt the 
 Byzantine collectors to transport them from the 
 places difficult of access, in which many of them 
 were situated. 
 
 It appears, moreover, that the far greater 
 part of the statues collected at Constantinople, 
 were of Roman or Byzantine princes, or of 
 eminent men and women of the court, or of 
 saints, to whose images some miraculous pro- 
 perties were attributed. Some of these were 
 no doubt ancient statues, converted by a change 
 of head, or merely of name ; but many must 
 have been productions of the times when the 
 persons lived. It appears also, that a very 
 large proportion of the statues collected at Con- 
 stantinople, had been brought from Rome 1 . 
 
 It was probably about the year 420, of the 
 Christian sera, in the reign of the younger Theo- 
 dosius, that the truth of the Christian religion, 
 aided by imperial edicts and example, effected 
 the complete abolition of Paganism at Athens, 
 and in the surrounding parts of Greece 2 . The 
 
 1 Codin. de Orig. Const. 
 
 * A biographer of John Chrysostom ( George of Alexan- 
 
lxiv INTRODUCTION. 
 
 Parthenon, and the temple of Theseus, having 
 been protected from the injuries of time by their 
 solidity and excellent construction, and having 
 escaped all the effects of barbarous fanatism, 
 were at length, with all their external decora- 
 tions still uninjured, converted into Christian 
 churches. The slow and gradual conversion of 
 the Greeks had the natural effect of blending 
 the rites of the two religions, and of introducing 
 many of the ancient ceremonies and customs of 
 Paganism into the church ; and we are not sur- 
 prised to find that the Christians chose for the 
 converted temple, the saint most resembling 
 the Pagan deity to whom it had before been 
 sacred. Thus the Parthenon, which had de- 
 rived its name from the virginity of Minerva, 
 became sac/ed to the Panaghia, or virgin mother 
 of Christ, and the warrior St. George supplied 
 the place of the hero Theseus in the Theseium. 
 Towards the middle of the fifth century, the 
 Vandal pirates of Genseric visited Greece 1 , but 
 
 dria,) has given him the credit of having converted a great 
 body of the Athenians about the year 370; but as this tale 
 is very extravagant in all its circumstances, and is not con- 
 firmed either by Chrysostom himself, or by Palladius, it has 
 been generally rejected. (See Montfaucon Op. Job. Chry- 
 sost. vol. 13.) From what has already been stated in the 
 text, it appears highly improbable that the Christians of 
 Athens should have been very numerous at that early period. 
 1 Gibbon, c 36. 
 
INTRODUCTION. lxv 
 
 we are not informed to what extent Attica, or 
 any other part of the country, may have suffered 
 upon this occasion. The maritime situation of 
 Athens, however, and its feeble walls hastily 
 repaired two centuries before 1 , and in such a 
 state a century afterwards, as to require their 
 renewal by Justinian 2 , were circumstances to 
 attract and to favour the attempts of the bar- 
 barians. 
 
 Although Paganism received a mortal blow 
 by the conversion of the people of Athens, and 
 by the dedication of their temples to the Chris- 
 tian worship, some remains of their boasted 
 philosophy survived for more than a century 
 afterwards 3 , when the schools of Athens were 
 finally closed by a decree of Justinian. 
 
 The reign of this emperor contributed to the 
 destruction of some of the remaining buildings 
 of antiquity, and to the preservation of others. 
 
 1 Zonar. Ann. 1. 12. c. 23. 
 
 e Procop. de JEdif. 1. 4. c. 2. 
 
 s The philosophy of Athens at this time seems to have 
 been nothing more than astrology. When Justinian was 
 building the church of Saint Sophia, he consulted two Athe- 
 nian philosophers, who (adds Codinus) were also astronomers, 
 to know whether the walls and pavement should be inlaid 
 with gold. Their reply contained some Attic salt. They 
 predicted, that, if the emperor adorned the church in the 
 manner proposed, some poor kings would come and overturn 
 it ; but that if he built it of plain marble it would last for 
 ever. Codin. de Orig. Const. 
 
 f 
 
lxvi INTRODUCTION. 
 
 While such as were easily susceptible of repair 
 were converted into churches, many of those 
 which were in a state of dilapidation were en- 
 tirely demolished for the sake of the materials, 
 used in the construction of numerous new build- 
 ings erected by Justinian in every part of the 
 empire. We are told by one of the Byzantine 
 writers 1 , who has described the foundation of 
 St. Sophia, that, among the materials brought 
 from different ancient cities upon this occasion, 
 were some columns from Athens. These could 
 not have been any of the numerous columns 
 of the Olympium, for the loss of all traces of 
 which it is now so difficult to account, because 
 there are no columns of their magnitude in the 
 mosque of St. Sophia ; but it seems not impro- 
 bable that some of the columns of coloured 
 marble, which support the galleries of that 
 building, may have belonged to the porticos of 
 Libyan and Phrygian marble erected at Athens 
 by Hadrian 2 . 
 
 It was to Justinian that Greece was indebted 
 for a new branch of cultivation, which, spread- 
 ing by slow degrees, at length assisted ma- 
 terially in supporting industry and commerce 
 in that country, during the ages of their 
 greatest depression. The art of rearing the 
 silk-worm, and of weaving its produce into cloth, 
 
 1 Codin. de Orig. Const. 2 Pausan. Attic, c. 18. 
 
INTRODUCTION. lxvii 
 
 such as had hitherto been brought into the Ro- 
 man empire at a great expense from the east, 
 flourished in Greece for several centuries before 
 it was introduced into Italy. When Roger, 
 king of Sicily, invaded Greece in the middle 
 of the twelfth century, and captured Thebes, 
 Athens, and Corinth, he carried back with him 
 from those cities some Greek artisans, who 
 taught the manufacture of silk to the Sicilians, 
 from whom it spread quickly over Italy 1 . The 
 manufacture of silken stuffs has since that time 
 been transferred from Greece to countries where 
 industry is more encouraged ; but the culture of 
 the raw commodity still subsists, although at 
 present almost entirely neglected in the three 
 cities, from whence Sicily first derived its silk. 
 
 After the suppression of the schools of Athens, 
 and the dispersion of the few remaining votaries 
 of Grecian science and superstition, Greek lite- 
 rature took refuge among the clergy, in the con- 
 vents, in Constantinople, and in Thessalonica. 
 Here it was preserved from being entirely extin- 
 guished during the four dark centuries which fol- 
 lowed the reign of Heraclius, at whose death the 
 eastern empire became reduced to those narrow 
 boundaries, which were never afterwards en- 
 larged. As, during this period, there was scarcely 
 
 1 See Gibbon, c. 53, 56. 
 
lxviii INTRODUCTION. 
 
 any contemporary historian to record the for- 
 tunes of the imperial capital, we cannot be sur- 
 prised that not a trace should be found of the fate 
 of Athens, now dwindled to a provincial town, 
 and deprived of every remnant of science. 
 
 It has often been supposed that the fury of 
 the Iconoclasts, or image-breakers, which for 
 near 120 years 1 divided the empire into two con- 
 flicting parties, alike regardless of the encroach- 
 ments of the Musulmans on one hand, or of the 
 Sclavonians on the other, was an active cause of 
 the destruction of the statuary works of the 
 ancients. 
 
 But there is no good reason to believe that, 
 in the provinces, the Iconoclasts exercised any 
 active or efficient hostility against the ancient 
 statues. The emissaries of Leo the Isaurian, 
 and of his son Constantine, were generally re- 
 sisted with success*; and although Leo himself 
 destroyed some of the ancient works collected 
 at Constantinople, where the quarrel chiefly 
 raged, he left a far greater number uninjured*. 
 The Iconoclast dispute, moreover, was en- 
 tirely a Christian quarrel. The fury of the 
 breakers of images was directed, not against the 
 Pagan superstition, which was no longer an ob- 
 
 1 From about A. D. 723 to 842. 
 • Gibbon, c. 49. s Codin. de Orig. Const. 
 
 
INTRODUCTION. ixix 
 
 ject of jealousy to the church, but against the 
 images of Christ and the saints ; and it was di- 
 rected, not against statues, but against pictures 1 . 
 
 But althougri there- u :. e :e?,sor. to r.;::r:.-: t;u.t 
 : Iconoclasts sought ou: the p reductions of 
 
 ancient sculpture for the purr.:-— of destroying 
 them, it wa- keuur the age or' the- leer, ttuist 
 dispute that those works fnahiy uisappeared 
 from every part of the ancient world, with the 
 sole exception of the Byzantine capital, where 
 a few monuments of ancient sculpture were still 
 preserved through the dark ages, together with 
 those relics of ancient literature, which have 
 contributed so much to polish and instruct 
 modern Europe. 
 
 In Greece, in proportion as the Scythian 
 
 1 In the acts of the synod of Conit.ii:: .i.\i .e. A. D. ~5i. 
 which forbad the ose of images, tibere b M ^ri:::i ::" 106 
 thing but pictures and colours. Hie words used throughout 
 are -. :;.:;... ■. ::;, rs>. ::.-.. ^./ 2, t.'v-.w;. azitbe 5-,— :i i~\zz 
 
 :..-_.: i-.r-.:-„. ;_.-y.;.; r.>rrr,v T:,-r^-;>- - = ;. r-U 
 
 r<07 spsfOK&zrw?' ^jorjtarijo^y&a^. Hist. ConciL toL 7- p- 415. 
 
 Hie word enow, which among the Pagan Greeks was used 
 for a portrait or resemblance, either in painting or sculpture, 
 became gradually applied in ecclesiastical language to that 
 kind of resemblance only, which was employed as an object 
 of adoration in the churches. With this sense the word has 
 been ba.- iei d:vn :: :be zzaiz: iav, beizg z:^ esc.uiive'.j 
 -~U ------ : - -be i:::_:r5 :: s^.:.: ; . -s-bicb :be Greeii biz^ b: 
 
 their churches, houses, ships, &c 
 
Ixx INTRODUCTION. 
 
 tribes settled in every part of the country, such 
 monuments ceased even to be considered orna- 
 mental. A few may have been found by those 
 barbarous settlers, and broken or melted by 
 them ; but the greater part had probably been 
 either concealed by the priests during the ope- 
 ration of the imperial decrees against Paganism, 
 in the hopes of more favourable times, which 
 never arrived, or had been buried in the ruins of 
 so many public edifices of all kinds, which fell 
 into disuse, neglect, and destruction, in con- 
 sequence of the impoverished and depopulated 
 state of the country, and in consequence of the 
 new systems of religion and civil government. 
 The state of Greece during the 250 years, 
 which elapsed between the beginning of the 
 thirteenth and the middle of the fifteenth cen- 
 tury, was not favourable to the preservation of 
 any monuments of antiquity, which Athens may 
 have preserved at the beginning of that period. 
 In the melancholy account which Nicetas 1 has 
 left of the melting of the ancient bronzes by 
 the Franks, when they took Constantinople in 
 1204, we see how totally regardless the an- 
 cestors of some of the most civilized nations of 
 Europe were of the works of the ancient Greeks, 
 and how incapable they were of feeling any 
 
 1 Nicetas Choniat, ap. Banduri. Imp. Orient, vol. 1. p. 93. 
 
INTRODUCTION. lxxi 
 
 share of that respect for them, which, together 
 with the ancient language, was still cherished 
 among the Greeks themselves. 
 
 The account which the same author 1 and 
 others have given of the state of Greece at this 
 time, shows how naturally the country divides 
 itself into small states, ready to contend with 
 each other for boundaries, and such objects of 
 jealousy as usually occur among neighbours. 
 
 According to the treaty of partition made by 
 the Crusaders after the capture of Constan- 
 tinople, Greece was to be divided between 
 Boniface, Marquis of Montferrat, and the Ve- 
 netians. The latter were to have the Morea and 
 the islands ; the former was to have all the country 
 north of the Isthmus, with Thessalonica for his 
 capital. But the Franks were unable to realise 
 the possession of all their conquests, several 
 districts remaining in the power of independent 
 tribes, or of Greek princes of the imperial fa- 
 milies, or of adventurers who had acquired, and 
 were still able to maintain, their independence 
 by force of arms. Thus Epirus and iEtolia 
 were in the power of John Ducas ; the Vla- 
 khiotes retained Mount Pindus ; and the Greeks 
 of A'grafa, the recesses of the ancient Dolopia. 
 In the Morea, Messenia belonged to the family 
 
 1 Nicet. in Balduin. — G. Acropol. Hist. &c. 
 
lxxii INTRODUCTION. 
 
 of Melisseno, who were descendants of a sister 
 of the emperor Alexius Conmcnus the first; 
 Laconia was in the hands of Leon Khamareto, 
 and Corinthia and Argolis in those of Leon 
 Sguro. The Venetians took possession of 
 Candia, and of several other islands, but were 
 not able to make good their claims to any 
 part of the Morea, where two French adven- 
 turers, of the families of Champlite and Ville- 
 hardouin, having made themselves masters of 
 all those parts of the peninsula which were not 
 occupied by the Greeks, established the Frank 
 principality of Achaia. Leon Sguro, who was 
 married to a daughter of the dethroned Greek 
 emperor Alexius, attempted to oppose the ad- 
 vance of the Marquis of Montferrat, at the cele- 
 brated passes of Tempe and Thermopylae), but 
 he was not more successful than the Greeks of 
 old had been against the Persians or the Gauls. 
 His previous conduct, moreover, had been 
 such as to facilitate the success of the Franks ; 
 for, desirous of turning the confusion of the 
 empire to his own aggrandizement, he had 
 attacked Athens, and, failing in an attempt 
 upon the citadel 1 , had injured the town, burnt 
 
 1 Nicet. in Bald. c. 2. This circumstance may serve to 
 show that Athens was already reduced nearly to its present 
 dimensions. It appears that Leo's attack was upon the 
 citadel, and that it was made without passing through the 
 
INTRODUCTION. lxxiii 
 
 the farms, and carried away the cattle of the 
 Athenians. He had also taken and ill-treated 
 Thebes, so that no sooner had the Franks made 
 good their passage over Mount (Eta, than they 
 found the Boeotians ready to receive them as 
 masters. 
 
 Michael Choniates, brother of the historian 
 Nicetas, who had defended Athens against 
 Sguro, was not quite so well pleased to give up 
 his authority to the Marquis ; but rinding that 
 between the two invaders no hope remained, he 
 was content to submit. He was replaced by a 
 Latin bishop sent from Rome, and the duchy 
 of Athens was conferred by the Marquis of 
 Montferrat, as king of Thessalonica, upon the 
 most illustrious of his followers, a Burgundian, 
 named Otho de la Roche. 
 
 After these conquests, Boniface received the 
 voluntary submission of the inhabitants of Eu- 
 boea, who even constructed a bridge over the 
 Euripus for the passage of his army ; but he 
 was not equally successful in the Mor6a, where 
 
 town. The citadel, therefore, was no longer surrounded as 
 anciently on every side by the town, but was already unin- 
 habited on one side, which we cannot doubt, was the south, 
 as at present. It seems also that the city was but slightly 
 provided with means of defence ; and we know that, until 
 the Albanian invasion in 1770, the city itself had no other 
 protection than such as was afforded by the junction of the 
 outer houses, with a few gates and loop-holes. 
 
lxxiv INTRODUCTION. 
 
 he laid an ineffectual siege to the Acrocorinthus 
 and Nauplia. 
 
 For a particular account of the revolutions of 
 Greece, during the two centuries which followed 
 the Latin conquest of Constantinople, I must 
 refer the reader to the history of Constantinople 
 under the French emperors, by the diligent and 
 accurate Du Cange. The fate of Athens itself 
 during the same period, may be comprised in a 
 few lines. 
 
 The recovery of Constantinople by Michael 
 Palaeologus, in 1261, was preceded and followed 
 by the expulsion of the Franks from many parts 
 of Greece. Macedonia and Thessaly were again 
 united to the imperial city, and the Greeks re- 
 covered several places in the Morea; but their 
 possession of the latter was only temporary, and 
 in general the provinces of southern Greece 
 continued to be divided between the Greeks 
 and Franks nearly in the same proportions, 
 which had been established after the Latin con- 
 quest of Constantinople. The Despotate of the 
 West, and all the southern parts of the Mor^a, 
 remained in the hands of Greek princes. The rest 
 of Greece, including the islands, continued to 
 be occupied by Frank chieftains, the fluctuation 
 of whose politics depended upon the influence 
 of the popes and of the kings of Naples, and still 
 more upon the two great naval powers, the Ve- 
 
INTRODUCTION. lxxv 
 
 netians and Genoese. It was the fate of Athens 
 never to revert to the Greeks, but to be a Frank 
 principality, from the year 1204, until, in the 
 middle of the fifteenth century, it was absorbed 
 into the Turkish empire. It is to this long re- 
 sidence of foreigners, that we are to ascribe 
 some peculiarities in the Attic dialect of mo- 
 dern Greek, found in no other parts of Greece, 
 except in the islands, which have been under 
 Frank dominion for an equal space of time. 
 
 The family of La Roche enjoyed the duke- 
 dom of Athens, which included Attica, Bceotia, 
 and parts of Phocis and Euboea, for about the 
 same period as the French remained in posses- 
 sion of Constantinople. It then fell to Walter 
 de Brienne, who married the heiress of La Roche. 
 His son Walter, by means of his Frank mer- 
 cenaries, who were chiefly Catalans, enlarged 
 the boundaries of the duchy, and took Corinth, 
 Argos, and some other fortresses, from the 
 Greek princes of the Mor6a. 
 
 The successes of Walter, however, led to his 
 ruin ; for, unable to satisfy all his greedy ad- 
 venturers of Catalonia, he came at length to an 
 open quarrel with them, and lost his duchy and 
 his life in a battle on the banks of the lake Co- 
 pais in Bceotia 1 . The Catalans chose Roger 
 
 1 A. D. 1311. 
 
lxxvi INTRODUCTION. 
 
 Deslau, one of their prisoners, for their duke, and 
 from Athens, as their principal fortress, made 
 some conquests from the Despot of the West, 
 particularly Neopatra, (the ancient Hypata,) at 
 the northern foot of Mount (Eta, which con- 
 tinued to be the chief bulwark of the duchy to 
 the northward, until this city, together with all 
 Thessaly, and the vale of the Spercheius, fell 
 into the hands of the Turks. The Catalans were 
 prevented from making any further advances in 
 this direction by the Albanians. 
 
 On the death of Roger Deslau, the fortresses 
 in the Mor£a falling off from the rest of the 
 alliance, and the Catalans being again at a loss 
 for a leader of sufficient talents and influence to 
 preserve order and union among the different 
 chieftains, each of whom was in possession of 
 his castle and small district, they came to the 
 determination of placing the duchy under the 
 protection of the house of Arragon l . Hence, 
 for the next sixty years Attica, Bceotia, Phocis, 
 and the valley of the Spercheius, were generally 
 an appanage of the younger branches of the 
 royal family of Sicily. The duchy of Athens, 
 and Neopatra, (as it was then called) was go- 
 verned by deputies, who resided at Athens, and 
 who administered the duchy in the name of the 
 Sicilian prince. At the end of this period it 
 1 A. D. 1326. 
 
INTRODUCTION. lxxvii 
 
 fell into the hands of the Florentine family of 
 Acciajuoli. 
 
 The first of these was Nerio, or Renerio, ne- 
 phew of Nicholas, grand seneschal of the king- 
 dom of Naples. In the year 1364, Nerio obtained 
 from the titular empress, Mary of Bourbon, the 
 principality of Vostitza (the ancient iEgium) in 
 Achaia. Some years afterwards he was sent by 
 Jane the first, queen of Naples, to seize upon 
 Corinth and Argos, under the pretence that they 
 had been a part of the conquests of Walter de 
 Brienne 1 . When the troops of the Holy League, 
 formed between France, Naples, Venice, and 
 Genoa, and cemented by pope Boniface the 
 ninth, passed over into Greece, with the pretence 
 of settling the quarrels of the Greek empire, and 
 of preventing the further encroachments of the 
 Turks, Nerio was opposed to the Catalans, 
 Navarese, and other adventurers, who were in 
 possession of several parts of the duchy of 
 Athens. Together with a considerable share of 
 courage and conduct, Nerio joined a great in- 
 fluence, derived from his matrimonial alliances, 
 for he had espoused a Genoese lady of Eubcea, 
 had given one of his daughters in marriage to 
 Charles Tocco, duke of Ioannina, and the other 
 to Theodore Palseologus, Despot of the Morea, 
 and brother of the Greek emperor. 
 1 A. D. 1371. 
 
lxxviii INTRODUCTION. 
 
 Having reduced the whole duchy, Nerio re- 
 ceived, in 1394, the patent of duke of Athens 
 from Ladislaus, king of Naples and Hungary ; 
 and, dying not long afterwards, he bequeathed 
 Athens to the Venetians, Thebes to his illegiti- 
 mate son Antonio, and Corinth to his son-in- 
 law the despot of the Morea. But Antonio 
 seized upon Athens before the Venetians could 
 assert their rights; and, having had the pru- 
 dence to keep upon good terms with both 
 Greeks and Turks, he enjoyed a long and 
 peaceful reign. As he is said to have adorned 
 Athens with several buildings, it is not im- 
 probable that the high tower at the entrance of 
 the citadel is the work of this prince. 
 
 Upon the death of Antonio, his widow en- 
 deavoured to obtain the succession for herself, 
 and the Turks having now established them- 
 selves in Thrace, from whence they were ex- 
 tending their incursions into Greece, she sent 
 Laonicus Chalcocondyles, father of the historian, 
 with rich presents to Adrianople, to procure the 
 sanction of the Sultan, Murat the second, to her 
 claims. But Nerio and Antonio, two relatives 
 of Antonio the first, who had lived in his court, 
 seized, in the mean time, upon the citadel, 
 which gave the Sultan a pretext for sending his 
 Turks to plunder Boeotia. 
 
 Nerio soon found himself obliged to give 
 
INTRODUCTION. lxxix 
 
 way to the superior talents and activity of 
 his brother Antonio, and retired to Florence. 
 Antonio did not long enjoy his acquisition. 
 Upon his death, in 1435, his widow, who was a 
 Greek, and heiress of the family of Melisseno 
 of Messenia, endeavoured to transfer all his 
 possessions, including Athens and Thebes, to 
 one of the Palseologi, Despot of the Morea; 
 but, before she could put the design in exe- 
 cution, Turakhan seized upon Thebes for Sul- 
 tan Murat ; and Nerio Acciajuoli the second, 
 returning from Florence to Athens, resumed 
 the duchy as tributary to the Sultan. 
 
 During his reign, in the year 1445, the 
 Sultan marched to the Isthmus of Corinth, 
 took the intrenchments of Hexamili, and re- 
 ceived submission and tribute from the princes 
 of the Morea ; but this lasted no longer than 
 the Turkish army remained in that part of the 
 country, and the Greek despots were not finally 
 reduced until Mehmet the second marched into 
 the Morea, five years after the conquest of 
 Constantinople. 
 
 On the death of Nerio the second, his widow 
 administered the government of Athens for some 
 time in the name of her young son ; but, having 
 married a nobleman of Venice, of which re- 
 public the Turks were already extremely jealous, 
 the Sultan sent Francesco, son of Antonio Ac- 
 
lxxx INTRODUCTION. 
 
 ciajuoli the second, to Athens as governor. 
 This young man, who, according to the usual 
 Turkish mode, had been brought up among the 
 attendants of the Sultan, as a hostage for the 
 fidelity of his father, had not been long in pos- 
 session of Athens, before he gave evidences of 
 his Turkish education, by putting to death the 
 widow of his uncle Nerio, though neither she 
 nor her Venetian husband made any opposition 
 to his assumption of the government. 
 
 This event furnished an opportune pretext 
 to the ambitious Mehmet the second, who had 
 now succeeded to the scymetar of Ali Osman, 
 to order his general, Omar, son ofTurakhan, to 
 seize upon Athens. Francesco having retired 
 into the citadel, made a capitulation, by which 
 he retained the government of Thebes ; and 
 Omar, in the month of June 1456, took pos- 
 session of Athens, which, three years after- 
 wards, was visited by Mehmet himself, on his 
 return from the conquest of the MoreV. 
 
 The humiliation of Athens was now com- 
 plete. Obliged at last to bend her neck to the 
 yoke of the oriental barbarians, who, for more 
 than nineteen centuries, had been kept at a 
 distance by the effects of Grecian superiority 
 in all that makes a nation powerful, Athens has 
 
 1 A. D. 1459. 
 
INTRODUCTION. lxxxi 
 
 ever since considered herself fortunate in re- 
 ceiving the orders and protection of the Sultan, 
 through the mediation of a black eunuch slave, 
 the guardian of the tyrant's women 1 . This envied 
 privilege was granted by Mehmet himself, who, 
 having expressed the highest admiration at the 
 beauty of the situation, the magnificence of the 
 ancient buildings, the strength of the citadel, and 
 the convenience of the harbours, thought the 
 whole district not unworthy of becoming an ap- 
 panage of his harem. He punished some of the 
 Athenians for a conspiracy, either real or pre- 
 tended, to restore Francesco ; and soon after his 
 return to Constantinople, he ordered Francesco 
 himself to be put to death. The Parthenon 
 was converted from a Christian church into a 
 mosque ; a minaret was erected at its south- 
 western angle, and such alterations were made 
 at the western entrance of the Acropolis, as the 
 recent invention of artillery had rendered ne- 
 cessary for its defence. 
 
 At the end of that great revolution, which, 
 having begun in the abandonment of ancient 
 civilization to the northern barbarians, had. 
 ended in the conversion of all those barbarous 
 nations to Christianity, and in the consequent 
 
 1 Chalcocond. 1. 9. p. 241. 
 
 g 
 
lxxxii INTRODUCTION. 
 
 commencement of a new and better civilization, 
 Greece felt the effects of the great change in 
 the partial revival of letters, though it was soon 
 disturbed by the progress of the Mohammedans, 
 and at length destroyed by the Turkish con- 
 quest, which, while the rest of Europe has been 
 in a state of progressive improvement, has re- 
 duced Greece to the level of the Musulman 
 nations. 
 
 The darkness of Greek history during the 
 four centuries preceding the twelfth, is sud- 
 denly illumined by the histories of Anna Com- 
 nena and Nicetas, from whom it appears that 
 Greece emerged from that darkness nearly in its 
 present state. Although the learned of Constan- 
 tinople might turn with pride and satisfaction to 
 the ancient authors for models of the written 
 language, we find undoubted proofs in the By- 
 zantine writers of the twelfth century, that the 
 country had then undergone all the changes in 
 its language, in its population, and in its names 
 of places, which characterize modern Greece. 
 The grammar of the language had assumed 
 nearly the same form which distinguishes the 
 modern languages of Europe, derived from the 
 Latin ; and its poetry no longer regarded the 
 structure of feet, and quantity of syllables, but, 
 like that of the nations of modern Europe, 
 
INTRODUCTION. lxxxiii 
 
 was regulated by accent, to the exclusion of 
 quantity. 
 
 A fond attachment to the ancient glory of 
 the nation might induce the Byzantine writers, 
 and in particular the learned princess Anna, to 
 prefer the use of names so dear to classical re- 
 collection, as Peloponnesus and Sparta ; but 
 it is evident from Nicetas, that those of Morea 
 and Mistra were already in use. The people 
 of Greece, divided as they now are into Ro- 
 mans, (Fwpouoi,) Albanians, ('A?eav7ra*,) and "Wal- 
 lachians, (BAa^oj,) had severally settled them- 
 selves in the districts where we now find them, 
 while the Bulgarians, who had pervaded every 
 part of Greece, had already established the 
 names of Sclavonic derivation, which we find 
 spread over every part of the country, from the 
 north of Macedonia to Cape Matapan. The 
 degree of dependence of each part of the country 
 upon Constantinople, its political divisions, and 
 the towns in which the population had chiefly 
 concentrated itself, were nearly the same as 
 they are at the present day. In the Morea 1 , 
 Patra, Mistra, and the maritime fortresses of 
 Monemvasia, Anapli, Koroni, and Methoni, 
 already held the chief rank. Beyond the Isth- 
 
 1 Tripolitza has acquired some greater degree of im- 
 portance of late years, from its having become the seat of 
 government instead of Anapli (Nauplia). 
 
 g2 
 
Ixxxiv INTRODUCTION. 
 
 mus, the towns of note were Athens, Thebes, 
 and Euripo, (Chalcis of Eubcea) ; in Thessaly 
 and Epirus, Larissa, Trikkala, Arta, and Ioan- 
 nina ; and in Macedonia, Achris, Scopia, Serrae, 
 Berrhaea, and Thessalonica. 
 
 Athens among the rest seems to have emerged 
 from the dark ages nearly in the state in which 
 we now find it. Deprived of the adventitious 
 circumstances which caused its ancient splen- 
 dor, and even of the maritime commerce, which 
 is absolutely necessary to raise it above a small 
 provincial town, Athens was probably reduced 
 nearly to its present population of eight or ten 
 thousand, soon after piracy, the natural curse 
 of the Levant seas, had resumed its reign, and 
 had reduced the maritime commerce of Athens 
 to its state in the heroic ages. 
 
 It happened most opportunely for the Turks 
 that, about the time when their martial virtue 
 began to decline, and when they began to b 
 opposed to armies in which the art of war was 
 making rapid improvements, the discoveries of 
 a new continent, and of a maritime route to 
 India, together with the new views of ambition, 
 commerce, and international policy, which arose 
 out of those events, diverted the attention of 
 civilized Europe from the countries which had 
 been conquered by the Turks from the Chris- 
 tians. Had it not been for these events, it is 
 
 i 
 
INTRODUCTION. lxxxv 
 
 probable that the Turks would long since have 
 been expelled from Europe, and from the shores 
 of the Mediterranean, instead of being left to 
 the present time in the undisturbed abuse of 
 the finest regions of ancient civilization. 
 
 The antipathy which must always prevail 
 between Mohammedans and Christians, threw 
 an additional veil over the fate and condition 
 of Athens, reduced as it was to the provincial 
 town of a barbarous empire. So great was this 
 obscurity two hundred and fifty years ago, when 
 Greek literature had already been cultivated in 
 several parts of Europe with ardour and success, 
 that Athens was «hardly known to exist as an 
 inhabited place ; and still less was it suspected 
 to retain any remains of its ancient magni- 
 ficence. This poverty and obscurity, however, 
 were attended with some advantage ; for, com- 
 bined with the strength of the Acropolis, and 
 the distance of the city from the sea shore, they 
 served in great measure to protect it from the 
 pirates, and from the corsairs of the Turks, Ve- 
 netians, Genoese, and other nations, which have 
 frequented the iEgean sea, and desolated its 
 coasts, in the course of the wars in which those 
 nations have been engaged in the Levant. 
 Twice only since the Turkish conquest have 
 the events of war carried ruin or spoliation into 
 the city itself. In the year 1464, the Venetians 
 
lxxxvi INTRODUCTION. 
 
 landed at the Peiraeeus, surprised the city, and 
 carried off their plunder and captives to Euboea. 
 Two centuries afterwards, Athens again expe- 
 rienced from the same nation an interruption 
 to her lethargic repose. 
 
 At the end of the campaign of 1687, in which 
 the Venetians, under Francesco Morosini, after- 
 wards Doge, made those important conquests 
 in the Corinthian gulf and Morea, which gave 
 to the Venetians the possession of the peninsula 
 for eight and twenty years, Morosini, with the 
 Venetian fleet, entered the gulf of iEgina, in- 
 tending to proceed against Eubcea ; but the sea- 
 son appearing too far advanced, he determined 
 to apply the remainder of the autumn to the re- 
 duction of Athens, thus securing at least a con- 
 venient station for the winter in the Peiraeeus. 
 Having sent a squadron into the straits of Eu- 
 bcea to prevent the Turks of Egripo from 
 assisting those of Athens, Morosini proceeded 
 with his armament from iEgina to the Peiraeeus. 
 Here he was met by the chiefs of the Greek 
 community, who, in offering submission and as- 
 sistance, informed him at the same time that 
 the Turks had retired into the citadel, abund- 
 antly provided with the means of defence, and 
 that they had sent to demand succour from the 
 Seraskier at Thebes. 
 
 On the 21st of September, 8000 infantry and 
 
INTRODUCTION. Ixxxvii 
 
 870 horse, under Count Konigsmarck, a Swede, 
 disembarked, marched to Athens, and sum- 
 moned the citadel without effect. On the 25th, 
 four large mortars, and several pieces of heavy 
 ordnance were placed in battery ; the cannon 
 on the hill of the Pnyx, two of the mortars at 
 the eastern foot of the Acropolis, near the Latin 
 convent, where the regiment of the Prince of 
 Brunswick was quartered, and the two others on 
 the northern side of the town. 
 
 On the 26th the fire was opened. As the west- 
 ern end of the hill was the only assailable point, 
 the fire was principally directed against the Pro- 
 pylaea, and the modern defences below that 
 building. To the explosion of a Turkish maga- 
 zine, which soon took place, we may probably 
 attribute the destruction of the beautiful little 
 temple of Victory without Wings, the frieze of 
 which is now in the British Museum ; for no- 
 thing but a few fragments of the temple have 
 been found by any traveller who has visited 
 Athens since the siege ; and we know from 
 Spon and Wheler that, a few years before the 
 siege, it was complete, and used as a powder 
 magazine. 
 
 The operations were for a short time inter- 
 rupted by a party of the Seraskier's cavalry, 
 who suddenly made their appearance in the 
 plain, but they were soon attacked and put to 
 
lxxxviii INTRODUCTION. 
 
 flight by the Venetians. On the 27th, the de- 
 fences of the western end being much injured, 
 and several of the guns dismounted, the be- 
 siegers began to make approaches towards the 
 enemy's works, but they proceeded with dif- 
 ficulty on account of the rocky nature of the 
 ground. The fire, meantime, was continued 
 from the mortars upon the citadel. The Par- 
 thenon being so conspicuous an object, and oc- 
 cupying so large a portion of the citadel, could 
 not long escape injury ; but this might have been 
 comparatively insignificant, had not the Turks 
 unfortunately collected in the temple, together 
 with their most valuable property, a large quan- 
 tity of combustible ammunition. Towards the 
 evening of the 28th, a shell, falling upon the centre 
 of the building, inflamed the magazine. The ex- 
 plosion reduced all the middle of the temple to a 
 heap of ruins ; but, having occurred nearer to the 
 eastern than to the western end, it threw down 
 all the wall at that extremity, and precipitated 
 to the ground all the statues of the eastern pe- 
 diment, while the western front received little 
 injury, and a part of the Opisthodomus was left 
 standing, together with some of the lateral 
 columns of the peristyle adjoining to the cell. 
 The conflagration caused by the explosion, 
 spreading to the houses of the citadel, and the 
 Pasha and his son having soon afterwards been 
 
INTRODUCTION. lxxxix 
 
 killed by another shell, the Turks made offers 
 to capitulate, and on the 29th of September 
 signed terms, by which they were to leave the 
 place in five days, to give up all their slaves 
 and prisoners, and to be transported with their 
 families to Smyrna. 
 
 On the 4th of October, 3000 Turks, of whom 
 500 were military, marched out, and were em- 
 barked. The Venetians found 18 pieces of can- 
 non in the fortress. These they distributed in 
 three redoubts, which they built between the 
 city and Peiraeeus, to secure the road from the 
 cavalry of the Seraskier. But a more formidable 
 enemy than the Turks soon began to molest 
 them. It was not long before the plague made 
 its appearance in the Venetian garrison of the 
 Acropolis, when Morosini, to prevent its spread- 
 ing from the city to the fleet in Peiraeeus, and to 
 the camp at Munychia, threw up an intrench- 
 ment from Port Munychia to Port Peiraeeus, 
 which converted the peninsula of Munychia into 
 a fortified place of arms. In the course of the 
 winter, preparations were begun by the Vene- 
 tians for their' expedition against Negropont, 
 when Morosini, embarrassed by the plague, 
 finding that Negropont would demand all his 
 armament, and that Athens would require a 
 larger force than he could spare to keep up the 
 
xc INTRODUCTION. 
 
 communication with the sea, from whence alone 
 his garrison could be supplied with provisions, 
 resolved upon abandoning his recent conquest 
 entirely. It was in vain that the Greeks, dread- 
 ing the vengeance of the Turks against them, 
 offered the payment of 20,000 reals, besides 
 maintaining the garrison. In the month of 
 March 1688, the Acropolis was dismantled, and 
 the ordnance was conveyed to the Peiraeeus. 
 The Greeks then proceeded to the same place, 
 not without some disturbance from the Turkish 
 cavalry, and bitterly complaining that the pre- 
 tended friendship of their fellow Christians had 
 produced no other result, than the loss of their 
 homes and estates. 
 
 On the 4th of April, the Venetian garrison 
 evacuated the Acropolis, retired into the en- 
 trenched camp of Munyehia, and in three days 
 afterwards embarked. The emigrant Greeks 
 having embarked in Venetian ships, some went 
 to Salamis, JEgina, and the islands of theiEgean, 
 others to Corinth and Nauplia, near which latter 
 place the senate of Venice allotted habitations 
 and portions of land to some of the emigrants, 
 in the district of Iri, (the ancient Asine) ; while 
 to others they gave annual stipends. The greater 
 part of the emigrant families were, however, in 
 the course of a few years prevailed upon by 
 
INTRODUCTION. XCi 
 
 the Turks of Athens to return, and the district 
 of Iri is now very little cultivated or inhabited 1 . 
 Thus ended this fatal expedition, no less de- 
 structive to the remains of Athenian art, than use- 
 less as a military enterprise ; for it contributed 
 nothing to facilitate the acquisition of Euboea, 
 or to complete the conquest of Peloponnesus. 
 In three days the works of Pericles received 
 from a nation which not only prided itself upon 
 the encouragement of the arts, but which had 
 even rivalled the ancients in painting, more in- 
 jury than had been caused by many centuries 
 of the grossest ignorance and barbarism. A 
 few years before the siege, when Wheler, Spon, 
 and De Nointel visited Athens, the Propylasa 
 still preserved its pediment ; the temple of Vic- 
 tory without Wings was complete ; the Parthe- 
 non, or great temple of Minerva, was perfect, 
 
 i For the history of the siege see Fanelli, Atene Attica, a 
 work published sixteen years afterwards, and in which the 
 pomp of expression forms an amusing contrast with the 
 poverty of thought. But the best authorities are the two 
 following contemporary documents: — I. Letter of a Vene- 
 tian captain, employed in the siege, preserved by Bulifone. 
 Lettere Memorabili, Raccolta Seconda, p. 83. 2. The of- 
 ficial report of the Venetian government upon the campaign 
 of 1687, transmitted to London, translated into English, and 
 published with the royal arms of James II. on the 16th of 
 December, 1687, under the title of " Journal of the Venetian 
 Campaign,'' &c. 
 
xcn INTRODUCTION. 
 
 with the exception of the roof, and of the central 
 figures in the eastern, and of one or two in the 
 western pediment; the Erechtheium was so 
 little injured that it was used as the harem of a 
 Turkish house ; and there were still some re- 
 mains of buildings and statues on the south 
 side of the Parthenon. If the result of the 
 siege did not leave the edifices of the Acropolis 
 quite in the deplorable state in which we now 
 see them, the injury which they received on 
 that occasion was the cause of all the dilapida- 
 tion which they have since suffered, and indeed 
 has rendered the transportation of the fallen 
 fragments of sculpture out of Turkey their best 
 preservative from total demolition. 
 
 In fairness to the Venetians, however, it must 
 be confessed that they neither appear to have 
 previously known the value of the antiquities 
 contained in the Acropolis, nor to have had 
 any expectation of the fatal effects of their 
 fire. The great cause of all the destruction, 
 which the buildings of the Acropolis have suf- 
 fered in modern times, has been the practice pre- 
 vailing among the Athenian Turks of depositing 
 their powder in the convenient receptacles af- 
 forded by the ancient buildings. Although works 
 so exquisitely finished as those of the Acropolis 
 could not fail to receive cruel injury from a bom- 
 bardment and cannonade at a range of five or six 
 
INTRODUCTION. xcm 
 
 hundred yards, the solidity of ancient Athenian 
 architecture would have defied the Venetian 
 projectiles, if it had not been for the deposits of 
 powder in the temples of Victory and Minerva. 
 It was in like manner by a powder magazine, 
 supposed to have been inflamed by lightning, 
 that the eastern portico of the Propylaea, to- 
 gether with the adjacent parts, were thrown 
 down about the year 1636. At present the 
 ammunition of the Turkish citadel is deposited 
 in the northern portico of the Pandrosium, 
 which has been closed for that purpose, and 
 thus there wants only a casual thunderbolt, or 
 the stupid or predestinarian negligence of a 
 Turkish keeper, to scatter in atoms this most 
 exquisitely finished of all the Athenian edifices. 
 The removal of the statues of the western 
 pediment of the Parthenon, which even the 
 explosion had been unable to displace, was be- 
 gun by Morosini himself, who thought that the 
 car of Victory, with its horses of the natural size, 
 and of such admirable workmanship as to strike 
 the Venetians themselves when they came to ex- 
 amine them with astonishment and regret, would 
 be a fine accompaniment to his triumphal entry 
 into Venice, and a noble monument of his con- 
 quest of Athens, or according to the more can- 
 did expression of the Italian historian, of the 
 voluntary abandonment of the Attic conquest. 
 
xciv INTRODUCTION. 
 
 By the awkwardness of the Venetian engineers, 
 however, the whole groupe was thrown down in 
 the act of lowering it, and according to the 
 testimony of an eye-witness 1 , broken to atoms. 
 The destruction of these horses was so complete, 
 that no remains of them have been discovered 
 among the other fragments found at the foot of 
 the western pediment, and conveyed to Eng- 
 land by Lord Elgin. 
 
 It has already been observed, that, until the 
 middle of the sixteenth century, Athens was 
 hardly known to preserve any remains of an- 
 tiquity, or even to exist as an inhabited place. 
 The study of Greek literature, spreading rapidly 
 over Europe, produced at that time an endea- 
 vour to penetrate the darkness which had en- 
 veloped Greece since the Turkish conquest, and 
 which had rendered it less known and less ex- 
 plored than the wilds of the lately discovered 
 new world. It was not that travellers had not 
 occasionally penetrated into Greece at an earlier 
 period, for it appears that Ciriaco d'Ancona 
 copied some inscriptions at Athens in 1437; 
 
 1 The Venetian Captain abovementioned, whose company 
 was quartered in the Acropolis, expresses himself as follows : 
 " Sopra l'entrata eravi l'effigie de Giove, il trionfo della nas- 
 cita di Minerva, e due cavalli che tiravano il carro, ove essa 
 sedcva. L'eccellentissimo Capitan Generale mand6 a le- 
 tare quci cavalli, ma la poca accortezza di alcuni gli fece 
 cadere e si ruppero non solo, ma si difecero in polvere." 
 
INTRODUCTION. XCV 
 
 and we are informed by Spon, that he saw at 
 Rome a manuscript on vellum, of an Italian 
 architect named Giambetti, of the date of 1465, 
 in which the artist had given designs of the 
 Tower of the Winds at Athens, of Sparta, and 
 of other places ; but the truth was, that the 
 progress of literature was still so slow that little 
 curiosity was shown for such inquiries. In the 
 year 1573, Martin Kraus, or Crusius, a learned 
 professor of Tubingen, and the first who taught 
 Greek in Germany, curious to ascertain the 
 actual state of Greece, and of the Greek 
 language, contrived to open a communication 
 with some Greeks at Constantinople upon those 
 subjects. In a letter addressed to Theodore 
 Zygomala, he states that Athens was described 
 by the modern historians of Germany as totally 
 destroyed, and occupied only by a few fisher- 
 men's huts, and he desires to know from his 
 correspondent whether such was the truth. 
 Zygomala answers that, being a native of Nau- 
 plia, he had often visited Athens, but, in at- 
 tempting to describe its antiquities, he ex- 
 poses his ignorance, for he calls the Parthe- 
 non, the Pantheon ; and, by a mistaken ap- 
 plication of a passage in Pausanias, he supposes 
 the horses of the car of Victory in the western 
 pediment to be the work of Praxiteles 1 . 
 
 To TfcivSsciv, oiKoSopyv vikujitclv itdna; oiKO§0[xas } yhvittcvs 
 
XCVi INTRODUCTION. 
 
 Another correspondent of Crusius, Symeon 
 Kavasila, commits a still grosser blunder as to 
 the Parthenon, by calling it the temple of the 
 Unknown God, mentioned by St. Paul 1 . He 
 states the citadel of Athens to have been then 
 inhabited by the Turks, and the lower town by 
 the Christians, which seems to indicate a more 
 marked separation of the two nations, than 
 exists at the present day, when all the higher 
 class of Turks resides in the city. The extent 
 of Athens appears also to have been at that time 
 somewhat greater than it now is on the side of 
 the Olympium ; for, if I understand his words 
 rightly, one third of the ancient Hadrianopolis 
 was then inhabited, where in another century 
 there remained only two or three cottages. 
 
 sxrbg Std Tta.<ry)$ rrjg omo8ou.tJ$ lyouvav rd; Icroplag 'EAAijvwv 
 xa) ravfoc, rdg Qeias' xa) u.srd ruJv aAAcuv, litavu) rr t g /xsya'Aijf 
 VvXys, "tirirovs $60 <p^va<r<rojj.avovi eU <rd%Ka, rb JcxfTv i^uypvs, 
 ovs Xtysrat on cXdfcvos TL^a^irsXr^. Theod. Zygomalas ap. 
 Mart. Crus. Turco-Gruec. 1. 7. ep. 10. 
 
 1 YldXai /*ev to ruv 'Afyyuiv aarv rpitrXoxov r,v, xa) ditav 
 olxouj&evov. Nt»v 8s rb jtxev eo~wTS£0v oite% dxgoiroXis, h a> xa) 
 vxb$ tuj AyvioVra) ©sou, cLirav virb povcuv 'l<r[x.ay)Xiru>v olxov- 
 jxevov rb $s exrbs (to dya^Bta^v <pr)<u) oXov virb rcnv Xgio-riavcSv 
 tov 8k efcujttpov (ev w xa) v Cao-iAeia Sid [/.a^d^cw xa) xioviuv 
 yutyiatuov, s<p cvv, rys iruAvjj litiyky^aKTai [x.ov6<m^ov — AIT liv 
 'AQrjvcu, Qyjoswf y rffiv itoXis) rb rgirov olxovjAevov oXov $s lv 
 oo~u> 01 avfywitoi ovTsg rvy^dyovaiv (J£ sv uvfybg Tov dpiS[x.bv 
 ^XidSe; SouSexa) d<p* t£ 1? kitrd fjuXiwv TtzQityo^tyov. S. Kaba- 
 silas ap. M. Crus. Turco-Graec. 1.7. ep. IX. 
 
INTRODUCTION. xcvn 
 
 With this exception Athens seems to have been 
 nearly of its present dimensions, to which in- 
 deed we have reason to believe that it was re- 
 duced long before the time of Kavasila 1 . We 
 can hardly doubt, therefore, that the popula- 
 tion of 12,000, which he assigns to the city, was 
 considerably above the truth. 
 
 Deshayes, who was French ambassador to the 
 Porte in 1621, passed through Athens in his 
 way to Constantinople. He published a few 
 observations upon the place, in which he de- 
 scribes the Parthenon as being of an oval form, 
 and he adopts the supposition of Kavasila, as to 
 its being the temple of the Unknown God, a mis- 
 take which probably originated with the Athe- 
 nians themselves, who at that period had ab- 
 surdly affixed the name of arsenal of Lycurgus 
 to the Propylaea, and those of Lantern of De- 
 mosthenes, Temple of the Winds, and Palace of 
 Themistocles, to some of the other buildings. 
 
 Thus, until the middle of the seventeenth 
 century, although curious inquirers might learn 
 that Athens was not only a considerable city, 
 but that it still contained many monuments of 
 antiquity, they must notwithstanding have been 
 totally at a loss to understand which of the cele- 
 brated buildings of the ancients had survived. 
 
 1 See page lxxii, note 1. 
 
XCVin INTRODUCTION. 
 
 It was to the establishment in Greece of the mo- 
 nastic orders of the Roman church, that Europe 
 was indebted for the first accurate information 
 upon this subject 1 . Dr. Spon, a physician and 
 learned antiquary, of Lyons, having opened a 
 correspondence with the Pere Babin, a Jesuit 
 at Athens, received from him such a descrip- 
 tion of that place as Spon thought worthy of 
 being published. This was done at Lyons in 
 1674. In the same year, the Marquis de Noin- 
 tel, being appointed French ambassador at Con- 
 stantinople, made a short stay at Athens in his 
 way, and left there Jacques Carrey, a young 
 artist, who was employed for six weeks in 
 making drawings. The originals of these de- 
 signs, executed very rudely and inaccurately, 
 partly in red chalk, and partly in black lead, 
 are now in the National Library at Paris. Fac 
 similes of them have lately been presented 
 to the British Museum. They represent in 
 twenty-eight drawings the two pediments of 
 the Parthenon, the metopes of the southern 
 side of the same temple, and a great part of 
 the frieze on the outside of its cell. Among 
 the buildings of the lower town there delineated, 
 are the church of the Megali Panaghia, with 
 three Corinthian columns in its wall, two an- 
 
 1 The Jesuits first went to Athens in 1645. The Capuchins 
 in 1658. 
 
INTRODUCTION. xcix 
 
 cient friezes in the wall of the church of Gor- 
 gopiko, a view of the eastern extremity of the 
 city, which comprises the Olympium, the banks 
 of the Ilissus, and Mount Hymettus, and lastly 
 a nearer view of the Olympium. 
 
 It appears from these drawings, that, what- 
 ever modern houses may have existed around 
 the Olympium, in the time of Kavasila,they were 
 reduced in another century to two or three cot- 
 tages near the fountain Enneacrunus, together 
 with a few others which stood in a range of 
 gardens, on the banks of the Ilissus, extending 
 from Enneacrunus as far as the bridge over 
 the Ilissus in the road to Sunium. We learn 
 from Spon, that Callirhoe, the ancient name of 
 Enneacrunus, which is now applied to the river 
 Ilissus, as well as to the fountain, was then 
 attached also to the hamlet near it. This ham- 
 let, as well as the houses and gardens below it, 
 have long since disappeared. 
 
 It further appears from Carrey, that there ex- 
 isted the ruins of a considerable building at the 
 northern end of the bridge of the Stadium ; 
 of which a fragment, together with an arched 
 entrance to the bridge, remained in the time of 
 Stuart, but has since been destroyed, as well as 
 the greater part of the bridge. The columns 
 of the Olympium were in the same state in the 
 time of Carrey as at present, with the excep- 
 
 h £ 
 
C INTRODUCTION. 
 
 tion of the single column, which Stuart and 
 Chandler mention to have been taken down a 
 little before their visit to Athens. Within the 
 area of the great cluster of these columns, Car- 
 rey has represented a Greek church, which no 
 longer exists. It was called the church of St. 
 John, at the Columns, (<rra)$ Mkiweus), and its 
 position, not connected with any part of the 
 ancient building, seems to indicate that the 
 ruin of the Olympium took place at a remote 
 period. 
 
 In the year 1675, Athens was visited by the 
 Earl of Winchelsea, English ambassador to the 
 Porte, and in the following year by Mr. Vernon, 
 of whose travels in Greece a short account was 
 soon afterwards published in the Philosophical 
 Transactions . The same year was distinguished 
 in modern Athenian annals by the visit of Dr. 
 Spon and Sir George Wheler, from whom, and 
 from the drawings of Carrey, we derive all our 
 knowledge of the state of Athens, prior to the 
 siege, which forms the great a?ra in the modern 
 history of Athenian antiquities ; for, as to 
 Guillet, who published in lG7«5, the pretended 
 travels in 1669 of his brother La GuilletieVe, 
 it is evident that the work is nothing more than 
 a romance, constructed indeed with some de- 
 gree of learning and ingenuity, and founded 
 upon some correct information acquired by 
 
INTRODUCTION. ci 
 
 Guillet from the missionaries, then recently 
 established in Greece, added to that which he 
 found in the printed account of the Pere Babin ; 
 but mixed up with adventures of his own in- 
 vention, and with descriptions taken from 
 Pausanias or other ancient authors, of build- 
 ings annihilated long before his time, but which 
 he represents as still in existence \ What 
 indeed are we to think in the present day, of 
 a traveller, who states that he saw ruins of the 
 Lyceium, with trees and an aqueduct near the 
 ascent to the Acropolis, an inscription to the 
 Unknown God on the front of the Parthenon, 
 a Pantheon near the Bazar more magnificent 
 than the Pantheon at Rome, with two horses 
 
 1 Spon at first was inclined to defend Guillet against Ver- 
 non, who, having carried Guillet's book with him to Athens, 
 gave testimony to its falsehood in his letter to the Royal 
 Society. In his Voyage, first published at Lyons in 1678, 
 Spon even allows that La Guilletiere had been seven 
 days at Athens ; but feeling himself unable at the same 
 time to avoid making some observations upon Guilletiere's 
 absurdities, Guillet attacked him in a " Dissertation sur un 
 Voyage, publie par un Medecin Antiquaire. Paris, 12mo. 
 1679." Spon immediately published a " Reponse a la Cri- 
 tique, publiee par M. Guillet, sur le Voyage de Grece de 
 Jacob Spon. 12mo. Lyons, 1679." In this work Spon ex- 
 presses doubts that such a person as La Guilletiere had ever 
 existed, brings proofs of the manner in which Guillet's in- 
 formation was obtained, and gives a list of 112 errors in his 
 book. 
 
CH INTRODUCTION. 
 
 before it 1 , the work of Praxiteles, but placed 
 there by Hadrian — who pretends to have seen 
 ruins of a temple of Neptune, of the Pryta- 
 neium, of the Metroum, of the Bucoleium, of 
 several of the porticos of the Cerameicus, to- 
 gether with many of the statues described in 
 that quarter by Pausanias, — who discovers the 
 theatre of Bacchus in the plain half hid with 
 trees and grass — who finds an ancient building 
 called the Lantern of Diogenes, which no other 
 traveller ever heard of — who discovers temples 
 of Vulcan and Venus Urania, where Spon and 
 Whelcr saw only two modern mosques — and 
 who finds the marble seats still remaining in 
 the Stadium, although none of them were to be 
 seen six years after his pretended journey. 
 
 As frequent reference will be made in the 
 course of the present work to the description 
 given of the buildings of Athens, by Spon and 
 Wheler, it will be unnecessary to say more at 
 present upon the state of Athens in their time. 
 
 One cannot, however, pass the mention of 
 their names without expressing surprise that 
 their publications, which first gave civilized 
 Europe an adequate idea of the treasures of 
 ancient art which Athens still retained, should 
 
 1 The inscription to the Unknown God, and the horses 
 before the Pantheon, are evidently improvements upon the 
 blunders of Zygomala and Kavasila. 
 
INTRODUCTION. Cili 
 
 not have roused any government or individual 
 to an attempt to convert those models to the 
 improvement of architecture and sculpture at 
 home, by means of accurate drawings, or casts 
 of the originals. But literature and the arts 
 were still so little encouraged in the age of 
 Louis the fourteenth, either in France or Eng- 
 land, that it passed away without any endeavour 
 to acquire a further knowledge of the produc- 
 tions of the greatest school of Grecian art. 
 
 It was not until ninety years after the publi- 
 cation of the travels of Spon and Wheler, that 
 an English artist, studying at Rome, perceived 
 that he was not yet at the fountain head of true 
 taste in architecture, and determined to pro- 
 ceed to Athens with the view of making such 
 a stay there as should enable him to bring 
 away drawings of all the principal remains of 
 antiquity. Stuart 1 having engaged Revett, an- 
 other architect, to join him, they proceeded 
 to Athens in the year 17-51, where they re- 
 mained during the greater part of three years. 
 The first part of the result of their labours was 
 published in I76I ; soon after which a further 
 knowledge of Greece and of its remains of an- 
 tiquity was obtained by a private society in 
 London, which has done more for the improve- 
 ment of the arts by researches into the existing 
 
 1 See Preface to Stuart's Antiq. of Athens, vol. 1. 
 
civ INTRODUCTION. 
 
 remains of the ancients than any government 
 in Europe. 
 
 In the year 176-i, the society of Dilettanti 
 engaged Mr. Revett to return to Greece, in 
 company with Mr. Pars and Dr. Chandler; 
 the former an able draftsman, the latter well 
 qualified to illustrate the geography and an- 
 tiquities of the country by his erudition. The 
 result of this mission has put the public in 
 possession of the designs of several Athenian 
 antiquities, left imperfectly examined by Stu- 
 art, together with architectural details of some 
 of the most celebrated temples of Asiatic 
 Greece, a volume of Greek inscriptions by Dr. 
 Chandler, and two volumes of travels in Asia 
 Minor and Greece by the same person. 
 
 As Chandler, with the exception of Spon and 
 Wheler, is the earliest modern traveller who 
 has applied a competent share of judgment 
 and learning to the examination of any part of 
 Greece; and as the public has consequently been 
 indebted to him for many important discoveries 
 in illustration of its ancient history and topo- 
 graphy, it would perhaps be ungrateful to ac- 
 cuse him of indolence, or want of enterprise ; 
 but he cannot so easily be excused for having 
 omitted to cite the ancient authorities in any of 
 those very numerous passages of his works in 
 which he had recourse to them, as the omission 
 
INTRODUCTION. cv 
 
 renders it often difficult to judge of the ac- 
 curacy of his conclusions. 
 
 The researches of Stuart and Chandler upon 
 the topography of Athens have cleared up 
 much that had been left obscure and faulty by 
 Spon and Wheler, and in some instances Chand- 
 ler's superior learning enabled him to correct 
 the mistaken impressions of Stuart ; but others 
 he has left uncorrected, and he has added many 
 errors and negligences of his own, as well in 
 the application of ancient evidence, as in the 
 actual state of the ruined buildings. 
 
 The changes which occurred in the state of 
 Athens, between the Venetian siege and the 
 time of Chandler, were so small that Chandler 
 found it sufficient for the explanation of his 
 topography to insert a copy of the plan of 
 Athens, published by Fanelli from the Venetian 
 engineers. 
 
 The alterations produced in the half century 
 which has elapsed since the visit of Chandler 
 have been more considerable. Five years after- 
 wards, the descent of the Albanians into Greece, 
 which followed the insurrection excited in the 
 Morea, by the Russians, obliged the Athenians 
 to surround their city with a wall. In this 
 operation the two Ionic columns belonging to 
 the frontispiece of the aqueduct of Hadrian, 
 at the foot of Mount Anchesmus, were de- 
 
CVl INTRODUCTION. 
 
 molished, and its inscribed architrave was 
 placed over the neighbouring gate of the mo- 
 dern walls. The temple of Triptolemus, de- 
 signed by Stuart, and found by Chandler some- 
 what impaired, with one of the columns pro- 
 strate, has suffered the further destruction which 
 Chandler predicted, nothing but the site and 
 part of the pavement being now apparent 1 . Se- 
 veral other remains dispersed about the town 
 have been taken away by travellers, whose 
 eager desire to possess some specimen of Athe- 
 nian art, will always find the means of gratifica- 
 tion as long as Athens is in the hands of the 
 Turks ; nor can it be doubted that these bar- 
 barians will make use of the ancient materials 
 as often as they have need of lime or stone for 
 the construction or repair of their buildings. 
 
 It would be highly unjust, however, to accuse 
 the Turks alone as the cause of the dilapidation 
 of the ancient works of Greece. The same 
 motives of destruction had been in operation 
 many centuries before they set foot in Greece ; 
 and although the Greeks have always enter- 
 tained some degree of respect for the works of 
 
 1 The original cause of its destruction was a mass accord- 
 ing to the Latin rites, celebrated in the temple, then a Greek 
 church of the Panaghia, by the Marquis de Nointel, in 
 1674. The Greeks having desecrated the church in con- 
 sequence, it fell into neglect and gradual dilapidation. 
 
INTRODUCTION. evil 
 
 their illustrious ancestors, it cannot be doubted 
 that this respect has often given way to the 
 claims of temporary convenience. There is 
 scarcely a village in Greece that does not bear 
 marks of having been built or repaired with the 
 materials of ancient edifices. 
 
 The squared blocks of the ancient walls fur- 
 nished convenient materials to the modern ma- 
 son: while the fine marbles, employed by the 
 ancients for their sculpture, or for the more deco- 
 rative parts of their architecture, supplied him 
 with a choice substance for his cement or coat- 
 ings. It cannot be doubted that many works 
 of ancient sculpture have in this manner disap- 
 peared, and the same cause of destruction is 
 still in active operation 1 . 
 
 In those cities which have never ceased to be 
 inhabited, the remains of antiquity have been 
 continually disturbed for purposes of modern 
 construction. Those towns also where the 
 chief population of the district has established 
 itself at no great distance from the ancient site, 
 
 1 It frequently happens indeed that the wrought stones 
 of the ancients are too massy for the artisans of the present 
 day, who find it more convenient to resort to the native 
 quarry than to remove the ancient materials ; but the magni- 
 tude of the masses has not always saved them, for in several 
 places I have seen masons breaking up the finished materials 
 of the ancients into smaller rude lumps,, for the convenience 
 of transportation. 
 
cvin INTRODUCTION. 
 
 have been scarcely less liable to have their ma- 
 terials removed for the same uses. The ancient 
 cities therefore which, having been abandoned 
 or reduced to a very small population at an 
 early period, have at the same time been at too 
 great a distance from any modern town to be 
 largely resorted to for materials, are those which 
 are most likely still to preserve valuable remains 
 of antiquity below the surface of the soil 1 . 
 
 1 Perhaps the reader will not be displeased if I take this 
 opportunity of naming the places which appeared to me to 
 be most remarkably in the latter predicament. In the Pelo- 
 ponnesus were Corone (at the modern Petalidhi) Messene, 
 Thuria, the city of the Taenarii, or Caenepolis of the Eleu- 
 thero Lacones, (at seven or eight miles to the north-west of 
 Cape Matapan), Gythium, Amyclae, Prasiae, Thyraea, Asine 
 of Argolis, Hermione, Trcezen, Epidaurus, Phlius, Manti- 
 neia, Megalopolis, Orchomenus, Clitor, Phigalia, Psophis, 
 Elis, Dyme, Pallene, Sicyon. Beyond the Isthmus were 
 Eleusis, and many others of the Demi of Attica, Eretria, 
 Histiaea, and several other cities of Eubcea, Plataea, Tana- 
 gra, Thespiac, Cyrrha, Haliartus, Coroneia, Chacroneia, Or- 
 chomenus, Opus, Elateia, Thronium, Heracleia of Mount 
 CEta. To these may be added many cities in Thessaly, 
 Epirus, Acarnania, iEtolia, and Macedonia, particularly the 
 following: — In Thessaly, ThebaePhthioticse, Pagasac, Deme- 
 trias, Metropolis, Pelinnaeum, Gomphi, and Cyretiae. In Epi- 
 rus, Phoenice,Gytanae, Pandosia, Cichyrus, Cassope, and Pas- 
 saron. In Acarnania, Argos Amphilochicum, Thyrea, Stratus, 
 and the city of the ./Eniadae ; and in iEtolia, Thermus, and 
 Calydon. In all these places the state of the soil appears to 
 indicate that the sites have been little disturbed since the 
 
INTRODUCTION. C1X 
 
 But the aAoTj, or sacred groves, which were 
 purposely removed from the ordinary habita- 
 tions of men, in sequestered valleys or moun- 
 tain solitudes, where sumptuous temples were 
 filled or surrounded with the statuary works of 
 the first masters a ; these, above all, are the situa- 
 tions where the ancient works of art have not 
 only been better preserved from the spoliations 
 of latter times, but where they were originally 
 more abundant than in any other places, ex- 
 cept in cities of the first rank. 
 
 The sea-coast has generally been unfavour- 
 able to the preservation of remains of antiquity, 
 on account of the facility of transporting the 
 materials by water to other places near the 
 coast, where new buildings w^ere erected. Many 
 modern towns, churches, and monasteries, have 
 thus been built or repaired at the expense of the 
 
 respective places fell to ruins, and to promise a rich harvest 
 of ancient remains. 
 
 1 It is hardly necessary to name Olympia, Delphi, Nemea, 
 and the Isthmus, as places to which I particularly allude. 
 To these may be added the Grove of the Muses on Mount 
 Helicon, the sanctuaries of Jupiter and of Despcena in 
 Arcadia, the Heraeum of Argolis, the Hierum of Epidauria, 
 the oracular fane of Apollo in Mount Ptous, the temples of 
 Minerva Itonia in Bceotia and in Thessaly, Actium, Dodona, 
 and many insulated temples in various parts of the country, 
 the sites of which are certainly known, though little now 
 remains of their buildings above ground. 
 
CX INTRODUCTION. 
 
 ruined cities on the coast, which have greatly 
 suffered also from the spoliation or wanton vio- 
 lence of the Turks, Genoese, Venetians, French, 
 and other nations, who have carried on war or 
 commerce in the Grecian seas during the last 
 eight centuries. 
 
 In some instances the magnitude of the an- 
 cient city has been such, that its materials 
 are not yet exhausted, even although placed 
 in a situation very much exposed to modern 
 depredations. Such are Sparta and Tegea, 
 which, although they have served for ages as 
 quarries to the neighbouring towns of Mistni 
 and Tripolitza, yet still retain numerous re- 
 mains of antiquity below the surface. 
 
 But above all the cities of Greece, Athens, 
 although it has never ceased to be a large in- 
 habited place, still affords the best prospect of 
 discoveries interesting to the artist and an- 
 tiquary. Here every fragment that is found 
 bears testimony to the pre-eminent taste and 
 skill of the ancient people ; and although the 
 buildings of the modern town forbid researches 
 throughout a great part of the site, all the 
 southern and western parts of the Asty, the 
 suburbs of the Gardens and of Agrae, the Lon- 
 gomural town, and the entire Peiraic city are 
 open to the labours of the excavator. If the pre- 
 sent state of the citaaei precludes the pos- 
 
INTRODUCTION. CXI 
 
 sibility of exploring that fertile mine, we have 
 at least the consolation of reflecting, that the 
 buildings which encumber the site will preserve 
 whatever works of the ancients may remain, 
 until a better fortune shall revisit Greece ; for 
 it can hardly be doubted, that several fine speci- 
 mens of ancient sculpture are buried under the 
 modern buildings. The frequent ruin of those 
 buildings, caused by the slightness of their con- 
 struction, has been continually accumulating 
 the soil above the ancient platform of the 
 Acropolis ever since the beginning of the 
 seventh century, at which period we know 
 that the platform still supported some of the 
 statues which had stood there for a thousand 
 years. 
 
 But, although the present condition of Greece 
 may render it difficult to make researches in 
 some of the most interesting spots, the same 
 difficulty does not occur with regard to the 
 sites of cities or temples, which are now only 
 occupied by the shepherd, or the cultivator of 
 the soil. The Turks have seldom shown much 
 repugnance to such undertakings, when proper 
 measures have been taken to obtain their pre- 
 vious consent ; and every nation in civilized 
 Europe is interested in the acquisition, by any 
 one nation, of those works which, in proving 
 the superiority of the ancients in some par- 
 
cxn INTRODUCTION. 
 
 ticular brandies of art, afford us at the same 
 time the means of imitating them. 
 
 Nor ought that superiority to excite in the 
 modern artist sentiments of jealousy or of de- 
 spair. In accounting for it, something may 
 perhaps be attributed to the more acute percep- 
 tions, to the more beautiful forms and colours 
 of animate and inanimate nature, and to the 
 brighter skies of a southern climate. Some- 
 thing more may be ascribed to circumstances 
 from which we are happy to be exempt ; such 
 as the eager collision of rivalry between small 
 independent states, the stimulus given to the 
 imagination, and the encouragement afforded 
 to the display of its powers, by an absurd but 
 elegant superstition ; to which we may add, 
 the insecurity of life and property, and the fre- 
 quent exercise of unruly passions, arising from 
 the imperfection of political and religious in- 
 stitutions, circumstances which, however hostile 
 to individual happiness, have always been found 
 favourable to the poetry of the arts of design, as 
 well as to the poetry of language. 
 
 Much of the superiority of the ancients in 
 art may undoubtedly be attributed to these cir- 
 cumstances ; but their chief causes are within 
 the reach of every modern nation. These were 
 profound study, a gradual melioration of style 
 and execution, and a long experience, begin- 
 
INTRODUCTION. cxiii 
 
 ning where the experience of another more 
 ancient people ended, and which finally led, 
 after a succession of trials and improvements 
 during several centuries, to the productions of 
 the age of Pericles. 
 
 Of the three great branches of art in which 
 the ancients peculiarly excelled, little can be 
 expected at this distance of time in the more 
 perishable art of painting. Some new proofs 
 may perhaps yet reach us of their being at 
 least our equals in design; but in the other 
 attributes of painting, the amount of their pro- 
 ficiency will probably ever remain problema- 
 tical. 
 
 In the department of the statuary, although 
 modern Europe has produced many fine works 
 since the revival of the arts in Italy, it will 
 hardly be denied that the discovery of some of 
 the works of the great masters of the fifth and 
 fourth centuries before the Christian aera, would 
 add infinitely to our materials for the improve- 
 ment of sculpture. When we consider, that, 
 although we have many examples of the asto- 
 nishing perfection which the ancients attained 
 in smaller works, such as bronzes, coins, and 
 gems, we have scarcely any undoubted originals 
 of human or colossal size, belonging to those 
 favoured ages, with the exception of the mar- 
 bles of the iEginetan and Athenian temples, 
 
CX1V INTRODUCTION. 
 
 it must be allowed that the discovery of some 
 of those numerous works of the ancient mas- 
 ters, which were still untouched in the second 
 century of the Christian sera, and probably 
 much later, would be the most interesting 
 event that could occur to sculpture. 
 
 But it is particularly in architecture that 
 we need the guidance of the Greeks. By fol- 
 lowing the modern Italians, who took for their 
 models corrupted Roman imitations of Greek 
 architecture, a style was introduced into Eng- 
 land, which, having prevailed for about two 
 centuries, has not been much corrected in the 
 course of the half century during which we 
 have enjoyed a knowledge of the genuine archi- 
 tecture of the Greeks, by the drawings which 
 have been published of the antiquities of 
 Athens, Ionia, Magna Graecia, and Sicily. 
 
 The more we examine the buildings of the 
 ancients, the stronger do the proofs appear of 
 that profound study which they bestowed upon 
 this most useful and ornamental of arts. Nor 
 is their taste and judgment less conspicuous 
 in the application of their rules according to 
 circumstances of place and occasion; a branch 
 of the art, which some recent examples show to 
 be not less difficult than the rules themselves. 
 
THE 
 
 TOPOGRAPHY OF ATHENS. 
 
THR 
 
 TOPOGRAPHY OF ATHENS, 
 
 SOME REMARKS UPON ITS ANTIQUITIES. 
 
 SECTION I. 
 
 The Description qf Athens by Pausanias. 
 
 As the only detailed description of ancient 
 Athens is found in the work of Pausanias, I shall 
 begin by submitting to the reader a translation 
 of all his information upon the topography of 
 the city; — retaining his more important re- 
 marks upon the buildings, monuments, and 
 works of art, but omitting the greater part of 
 the history or mythology which he has intro- 
 duced. 
 
 After having described the remains of the 
 maritime city, Pausanias . speaks of the two 
 roads, which led from thence to Athens, in the 
 following terms : 
 
 " In the road which leads to the city from Cap. i. 
 
2 DESCRIPTION OF ATHENS 
 
 Cap. i. Phalerum there is a temple of Juno, without 
 doors, and without a roof. It is said to have 
 been burnt by Mardonius, son of Gobrias 1 . The 
 statue w r hich it now contains is said to be the 
 
 cip.2. work of Alcaraenes. At the entrance into the 
 city is the tomb of Antiope the Amazon. The 
 Athenians possess likewise a tomb of Molpa- 
 dia 8 . 
 
 " In the ascent from Piraeeus are the ruins 
 of the walls built by Conon, after the sea-fight 
 at Cnidus ; for the walls of Themistocles, 
 built after the departure of the Medes, were 
 destroyed under the government of the men 
 called The Thirty. The most illustrious tombs 
 on the road are those of Menander, son of Dio- 
 peithes, and of Euripides, the latter of which is 
 empty, Euripides having been buried in Mace- 
 donia. Near the. gates is a monument, upon 
 which is the statue of a soldier standing by a 
 . horse. Who it is I know not ; but Praxiteles 
 made both the horse and the soldier. 
 
 1 Pausanias (Phocic. c. 35.) again mentions this half- 
 burnt temple on the Phaleric road (eV5 oSiv-rf iaXr^ixf.) 
 
 3 It appears from Pausanias (in this place, and in c. 15.) to 
 have been the Athenian tradition that Antiope was brought 
 to Athens by Theseus, when he made war upon the Ama- 
 zones, in company with Hercules, and took Themiscyra on 
 the Thermodon. When the Amazones invaded Attica, An- 
 tiope was slain by an arrow from Molpadia, and Molpadia 
 was slain by Theseus. 
 
BY PAUSANIAS. 
 
 "Entering the city, the first object that Cap. a. 
 occurs is a building set apart for the equipment 
 of certain processions, some of which occur 
 every year, and others at longer intervals 1 . 
 Adjacent to it is a temple of Ceres, contain- 
 ing statues 2 of Ceres, of Proserpine, and of 
 
 1 By the latter, Pausanias seems to allude to the greater 
 Panathensea, which were celebrated every fifth year. The 
 Hopirrix, or vases of gold and silver used in the sacred pro- 
 cessions, (Meurs. Attic. Lect. 1. 2. c. 15.) were kept in this 
 building, which itself also bore the name of Pompeiura, and 
 contained a brazen statue of Socrates, by Lysippus, (Diogen. 
 Laert. in Socrat.) a picture of Isocrates, (Plutarch, de X 
 Rhet. in Isocrat.) and the portraits of certain comedians by 
 Craterus. — (Plin. Nat. Hist. 1. 35. c. 11.) At the beginning 
 of the Peloponnesian war, the vases, together with the Per- 
 sian spoils, were valued at 50O talents, (Diod. Sic. 1. 12. c. 
 40. ) They were renewed out of the property of the Thirty 
 Tyrants, (Philochor. ap. Harpocrat. in Uoprfsia.) and again 
 by Lycurgus, son of Lycophron, (Plutarch, de X Rhet. in 
 Lycurg.) and again by Androtion, (Demosth. adv. Androt.) 
 Alcibiades was accused of applying some of them to his own 
 use. (Plutarch, in Alcib. — Andocid. cont. Alcib.) 
 
 4 It may be right to remark, in entering upon this de- 
 scription of Athens, that Pausanias has four words to express 
 our words statue, image, ^figure, namely, ayaA^a, %6avoy, 
 dvSpicL; and cIkojv — the two former applicable to gods, or 
 deified or ideal persons, the two latter to portraits of men. 
 Sc'avov, though employed by Strabo (p. 396) in speaking of 
 one of the most celebrated works of Phidias in marble, is 
 reserved by Pausanias exclusively for statues in wood : alxcvv 
 is the only general word applicable to figures of animated 
 
4 DESCRIPTION OF ATHENS 
 
 C| p- 2- Iacchus holding a torch. It is written on the 
 wall, in Attic letters, that these statues are the 
 works of Praxiteles. Near the temple of Ceres 
 is a Neptune on horseback, hurling his spear at 
 the giant Polybotes; but the inscription which 
 is now upon the statue ascribes it to another, 
 and not to Neptune. Before the porticoes, 
 {(ttozi) which lead from the city gates to the 
 Cerameicus, are several images in brass of illus- 
 trious men and women. One of the porticoes 
 contains certain temples of the gods, the gym- 
 nasium of Mercury, and the house of Polytion, 
 wherein some noble Athenians are said to have 
 
 beings of every kind. When Pausanias makes mention of 
 detached and entire statues, he joins one of the four sub- 
 stantives above-mentioned to the verbs lo-rr^i, xslpai : in 
 speaking of works in relief (which he sometimes calls rviroi) 
 he employs the verb litspydtfi^ai or iTtifyyydX/jix.zi. Paint- 
 ings are always described by ygdtpic, and its derivatives ; 
 ntoitZ is applied to all the arts, to poetry, painting, and sculp- 
 ture. — Nao; is a closed building, or temple properly so called, 
 but Ispov, (a sanctuary of any kind,) is also frequently used 
 by Pausanias, in speaking of a building which we know to 
 have been a vdos, as of the temples of Theseus and of Mars, 
 at Athens, and of Ceres, at Phalerum ; of the temple of 
 Jupiter Panhellenius, in TEgina ; of the temple of Latona, at 
 Argos, &c. So that in Pausanias Ispov, without any other 
 designation, may generally be taken in the same sense as 
 vdo$ , and the more so as he has the expressions, lepov TsfAevos, 
 and Upos treUSoXoc, to describe sanctuaries where there was 
 no vaof, or where the vdlf is not particularly referred to. 
 
BY PAUSANIAS. 
 
 imitated the Eleusinian ceremony \ The house Cap. 2. 
 is now sacred to Bacchus, who is surnamed 
 Melpomenus, for the same reason that Apollo 
 is called Musagetes. Here are statues of Mi- 
 nerva Paeonia, of Jupiter, of Mnemosyne, of the 
 Muses, and of Apollo ; the last of which is the 
 work and dedication of Eubulides. Here also 
 is seen the face of Acratus, one of the com- 
 panions of Bacchus, projecting from the wall. 
 Near this building is another containing images 
 in clay, which represent Amphictyon, king of the 
 Athenians, entertaining Bacchus and the other 
 gods. Here is also Pegasus of Eleutheras, who 
 introduced the worship of Bacchus among the 
 Athenians. 
 
 " The quarter called Cerameicus receives its c ap . 3. 
 name from the hero Ceramus 2 , who is said to 
 have been the son of Bacchus and Ariadne. 
 The first object on the right is the Stoa Basi- 
 leius, where the (Archon called) Bacnxzvs holds 
 
 1 Pausanias here alludes to Alcibiades, and his companions, 
 who were accused of having privately represented in derision 
 the Eleusinian mysteries. Thucyd. 1. Q, c.lj. — Plutarch in 
 Alcib. — Plato, in Phgedr. — Andocides de Mysteriis. 
 
 a The Greeks were fond of tracing their names of places to 
 heroes: but Herodotus, (1. 5, c. 88.) in alluding to the Athe- 
 nian pottery manufactured for exportation in very ancient 
 times, suggests a more probable derivation of Cerameicus 
 than that given by Pausanias. 
 
(5 DESCRIPTION OF ATHENS 
 
 Cap. 3. his court 1 . His office, called Batn'xeia, lasts for 
 one year. Upon the roof of this Stoa are statues 
 of baked earth, representing Theseus throwing 
 Scyron into the sea, and Aurora carrying away 
 Cephalus. Near the same Stoa stand statues 
 of Conon, of his son Timotheus, of Evagoras 
 king of Cyprus, of Jupiter Eleutherius, and of 
 the Emperor Hadrian 2 . Behind it is another 
 Stoa, which contains paintings of the gods, 
 called the Twelve, and other paintings on the 
 further side, of Theseus, Democracy, and the 
 People, signifying that Theseus first esta- 
 
 1 Before the Stoa Basileius was a brazen statue of Pindar, 
 wrapt in a cloak, and seated in a chair, with an optn book 
 lying upon his knees. ^Eschin. in Epist. 4. 
 
 2 The statue of Conon was of brass, (Demosth. Orat. in 
 Leptin.) and the others were probably of the same material. 
 The statue of Jupiter Eleutherius gave name to the portico, 
 which was adjacent to it, and which follows next in the de- 
 scription of Pausanias. (Harpocrat. in BacriAgiOf Sro'a. Plato 
 in Theagen. Xenoph. in CEconom.) Jupiter Eleutherius was 
 also called Jupiter Soter. (Isocrat. in Evagor. Hesychius in 
 'EAEuflffJo;. Menander ap. Harpocrat. in 'EXsvQ.) He was 
 erected after the Persian war. (Aristid. in Panathen.) The 
 proximity of the Royal and Eleutherian stoae is confirmed 
 by Harpocration (in BarlXeio; Urocc,) and by Hesychius (in 
 eadem voce,) and that of the portico of Jupiter Eleutherius, 
 and thePompeium, by Diogenes Laertius (in Diogen. Cynic.) 
 Shields of distinguished warriors were hung up in the portico 
 of Jupiter Eleutherius. They were carried off by the sol- 
 diers of Sylla. (Pausan. Attic, c. 26. Phocic. c. 21.) 
 
BY PAUSANIAS. 
 
 blished equal rights of citizenship among the Cap. 3. 
 Athenians. There is also a picture 1 of the ex- 
 ploits performed near Mantineia, by the Athe- 
 nians who were sent to assist the Lacedaemo- 
 nians. Xenophon and others have described 
 the whole war. There is a battle of horsemen 
 in the picture, in which Gryllus, son of Xeno- 
 phon, is the leading figure among the Athe- 
 nians, and Epaminondas in the Boeotian cavalry. 
 Euphranor made these pictures for the Athe- 
 nians 2 ; and he made also the statue of the god 
 in the neighbouring temple of Apollo Patrous. 
 Before the same temple are two other statues of 
 Apollo, one of which is by Leochares, and the 
 other by Calamis. The latter is surnamed 
 Alexicacus, which name it is said to have re- 
 ceived because Apollo, by means of the oracle 
 of Delphi, put a stop to the plague which seized 
 the Athenians in the Peloponnesian war 3 . Here 
 also is a temple of the Mother of the Gods*, 
 
 1 This picture is again mentioned by Pausanias in Arcad. 
 e.g. 
 
 s These pictures by Euphranor, in the Stoa Eleutherius, 
 were much celebrated. Plutarch, de Glor. Athen. — Plin, 
 Nat. Hist. 1. 35. c. 11. 
 
 3 See also Pausan. Arcad. c. 41. Neoptolemus, son of 
 Nicocles, was honoured with a statue in the Agora, because 
 he had covered the altar of Apollo with gold. Plutarch, 
 de X Rhet. in Lycurg. 
 
 4 The Metroum served also as a place of deposit for the 
 
8 DESCRIPTION OF ATHENS 
 
 Cap.3. whose statue was wrought by Phidias; and 
 near it 1 is the CouAsunjfio*, or council-house of 
 those called the five hundred, who form the 
 yearly council of the Athenians. The building 
 contains a wooden image of Jupiter Bulaeus 2 , 
 an Apollo by Peisias, and a statue of the Athe- 
 nian people by Lyson. Protogenes of Caunus 
 painted the Thesmothetae. Olbiades, son of 
 Callippus, was he who led the Athenians to 
 Thermopylae to protect Greece against the in- 
 
 Cap.s. vasion of the Gauls 3 . Near the council-house 
 
 archives and written laws of the state. (Athen. 1. 5. c. 14. 
 1. 9. c. 17. Liban. in Declam. 13, lG. Diogen. Laert. in 
 Epicur. Suidas in Mij'ffayu'f'njf, Harpocrat. in M^rfcuov.) 
 And it was the tribunal of the first Archon or Archon Epo- 
 nymus. (Suidas in v A^av.) It once contained a brazen 
 statue of a young woman, three feet high, called the TSco- 
 <p6go;, because it had been dedicated by Themistocles when 
 he held the office of vSatcuv sirurrxTrjs. The statue was 
 carried by Xerxes to Sardes, where Themistocles afterwards 
 saw it. (Plutarch in Themist.) 
 
 ' ^schines (in Ctesiph. p. 576, Reiske.) also observes 
 that the Metroum was near the senate-house. And, accord- 
 ing to Arrian, (1. 3. c. 16.) it was over-against the statues of 
 Harmodius and Aristogeiton. 
 
 8 In the senate-house there was also a chapel dedicated to 
 Jupiter Bulajus and Minerva Bulaea, ( Antiphon irsfi ^ops-jrou,) 
 and a statue or altar of Vesta Bulaea. (Plutarch, de X Rhet. 
 in Isocrat. Dinarchus ap. Harpocrat. in BouAa/a.) 
 
 3 This event is related at length in the Phocics. c. 19, et 
 seq. 
 
BY PAUSANIAS. 9 
 
 of the five hundred is a building called Tholus, Cap. 5. 
 where the Prytanes sacrifice 1 , and where are 
 some small silver images of the gods. Higher 
 up are statues of the heroes, who gave name to 
 Athenian tribes. These Eponymi, for so they 
 are called, are Hippothoon, son of Neptune, 
 and of Alope, daughter of Cercyon ; Antiochus, 
 son of Hercules by Meda, daughter of Phylas ; 
 Ajax, son of Telamon, and the following Athe- 
 nians : Leos, who, in obedience to the divine 
 oracle, gave up his daughters for the common 
 safety; Erechtheus, who defeated the Eleusinii 
 in battle and slew their leader Immaradus, son 
 of Eumolpus ; iEgeus ; CEneus, bastard son of 
 Pandion ; Acamas, son of Theseus ; Cecrops, 
 and Pandion 2 . To these ten ancient Eponymi 
 Attalus the Mysian, and Ptolemaeus the Egyp- 
 tian, have been added, and in my time the 
 Emperor Hadrian. Next to the statues of the Cap. 8. 
 Eponymi are those of Amphiaraus, and of 
 Peace 3 , bearing her son Plutusj of Lycurgus, 
 
 1 The Prytanes, or tribe of the council of five hundred in 
 office, dined here every day, as well as sacrificed. Pollux. 1. 
 8. c. 15. (Harpocrat. et Suidas in ©s'Xo;.) The Tholus was 
 also called Scias. (Suidas in 2x;a;. Ammoniusap. Harpo- 
 crat. in ©o'xoj.) 
 
 2 Pausanias here expresses a doubt, whether it was the 
 first or second kings of the names of Cecrops and Pandion, 
 who had the honour of being Eponymi. 
 
 3 This statue was the work of Cephisodotus of Athens. 
 
10 DESCRIPTION OF ATHENS 
 
 Cap. 8. son of Lycophron, in brass; of Callias, who, as 
 most of the Athenians say, made peace with Ar- 
 taxerxes, son of Xerxes ; and of Demosthenes 1 . 
 Near the last is the temple of Mars, where are 
 two statues of Venus, a statue of Mars by Al- 
 camenes, a Minerva by Locrus of Paros, and a 
 Bellonaby the sons of Praxiteles. Around the 
 temple stand Hercules, Theseus, Apollo, having 
 his head bound with a riband ; Calades, who is 
 said to have written laws for the Athenians, and 
 Pindar, who, having praised the Athenians, re- 
 ceived this and other rewards from them. Near 
 these stand Harmodius and Aristogeiton, who 
 slew llipparchus. Some of these statues of men 
 are made by Critias, but the most ancient are 
 the work of Antenor. These Xerxes, when he 
 took Athens, and when the Athenians aban- 
 doned the city, carried away with him as spoils. 
 They w r ere afterwards sent back to the Athe- 
 " nians by Antiochus 2 . 
 
 See Bceot. c. 16. where Pausanias commends the wisdom of 
 the artist in making wealth the child of peace. Cephisodo- 
 tus was brother to the wife of Phocion. (Plutarch, in Phoc.) 
 
 1 According to the biographer of the ten orators this 
 statue was the work of Polyeuctes, and stood near the altar 
 of the twelve gods. (Plut. de X Rhet. in Demosth.). 
 
 2 It appears that there were two sets of statues of Harmo- 
 dius and Aristogeiton ; the more ancient made by Antenor, 
 the others, made to supply the place of the former, by Praxi- 
 teles. (Compare this passage of Pausanias with Plin. Nat- 
 
BY PAUSANIAS. IX 
 
 "Before the entrance of the theatre called Cap. 8. 
 Odeium, are statues of the Ptolemaei kings of 
 Egypt, namely, the son of Lagus, who received 
 the surname of Soter from the Rhodians ; Phila- 
 delphus (whom I have already mentioned among 
 the Eponymi) together with his sister Arsinoe ; 
 and Philometor, the eighth in succession from Ca P- 9 - 
 the son of Lagus, together with his only legiti- 
 mate daughter Berenice: both the latter are 
 in brass. Next to the Egyptians are Philip, 
 king of Macedonia, and his son Alexander ; 
 and Lysimachus, who was of Macedonian 
 origin, and the spear-bearer of Alexander : 
 
 Cap. 11. 
 
 Hist. V, 34. c. 8.) These statues were of brass, (Arrian. 1. 3. 
 c. 16, I. 7. c. 19. — Plutarch de X Rhet. in Antiphon.) Pausa- 
 nias here says they were restored to Athens by Antiochus 5 
 but Valerius Maximus (1. 2. c. 10.) gives this honour to Se- 
 leucus, and Arrian (ibid.) and Pliny (1. 34. c. 8.) to Alexan- 
 der the Great. The order may perhaps have been given by 
 Alexander, and executed by one of his successors. We learn 
 from Arrian (ibid.) that, among the statues restored to 
 Athens upon the same occasion, was a Diana, surnamed Ksf - 
 %oua. Near the Harmodius and Aristogeiton were erected 
 gilded statues of Antigonus and Demetrius mounted in a 
 chariot, (Diodor. Sicul. 1. 20. c. 46.) and brazen statues of 
 Brutus and Cassius. (Dion Cass. 1. 47. c. 20.) The varying 
 policy of the Athenians towards the family of Antigonus, 
 and the speedy ascendancy of the enemies of Brutus and 
 Cassius, are circumstances sufficient to account for the 
 silence of Pausanias concerning these statues, which pro- 
 bably no longer existed in his time. 
 
12 DESCRIPTION OF ATHENS 
 
 c«p. H. there is also a statue of Pyrrhus, son of Mix- 
 cides. In the entrance of the Odeium, among 
 other things, is a statue of Bacchus worthy of 
 inspection. Near this place is a fountain called 
 Enneacrunus, (fountain of nine pipes) con- 
 structed in this manner by Pisistratus. There 
 are wells in evevy part of Athens, but this is the 
 only fountain 1 . Above it are two lemples, one 
 of which is dedicated to Ceres and Proserpine ; 
 in the other is a statue of Triptolemus, of whom 
 I will relate what is reported. * * * While in- 
 tending to proceed further in this matter, as well 
 as in an explanation relative to the Athenian 
 temple called Eleusinium 2 , 1 was deterred from 
 it by a vision in my sleep. I return, therefore, 
 to those things which it is lawful for all persons 
 to speak of. In front of the temple, where is 
 the statue of Triptolemus, are a brazen ox, pre- 
 pared for sacrifice, and a sitting statue of Epi- 
 menides of Gnossus. Still farther on is the 
 temple of Eucleia, dedicated in honour of the 
 
 1 Pausanias means the only fountain of sweet water ; for 
 he afterwards mentions two other fountains, which were of 
 water not potable. 
 
 * The same temple of Ceres and Proserpine just men- 
 tioned by Pausanias. It was called Eleusinium, because the 
 lesser Eleusinian mysteries were celebrated in it. Daeira, 
 mother of Eleusis, and lmmaradus, son of EumofpU'*, were 
 said to be buried in the Eleusinium. Clem. Alexand. Cohort, 
 ad Gent. Arnob. adv. Gent. 1. 6. 
 
BY PAtJSANIAS. 13 
 
 victory gained over the Medes* who landed in c»p- **• 
 the district of Marathon, 
 
 " Above the Cerameicus, and the Stoa called 
 Basileias, is the temple of Vulcan. I was not sur- 
 prised at seeing a statue of Minerva, standing 
 by that of the god 1 , knowing what is said con- 
 cerning Erichthonius 2 . Observing the blue (yxau- 
 xodj) eyes of Minerva, I recognized the mythology 
 of the Libyans, according to whom Minerva is the 
 daughter of Neptune and of the lake Tritonis', 
 whence she has blue eyes like those of Neptune. 
 Near the temple of Vulcan is the temple of Ve- 
 nus Urania, where still remains a statue in 
 Parian marble, the work of Pheidias 4 . 
 
 " In approaching the Stoa, which is called Ca P- ,5 - 
 Pcecile,from its pictures, there is a brazen image 
 
 1 This was probably the celebrated Vulcan of Alcamenes, 
 (Cicero de Nat. Deor. 1. 1. c. 30. Valer. Max. 1. 8. c. 11.) 
 The temple is called by Plato (in Critia) the temple of Vul- 
 can and Minerva, 'AQyvag 'Htpaurrov re Is gov. 
 
 2 See Apollodorus, 1. 3. c 14. The sequel of this strange 
 fable is, that Minerva took charge of Erichthonius, and de- 
 livered him, during her absence from Athens, to the care of 
 the daughters of Cecrops. The well-known event is stated 
 by Pausanias a little further on. 
 
 3 See Herod. 1. 4. c. 180. 
 
 4 It was probably in this temple of Venus that Zeuxis had 
 dedicated his celebrated picture of Love, crowned with roses. 
 Aristoph. Acharn. v. 957. et Schol. ibid. 
 
14 DESCRIPTION OF ATHENS 
 
 Cap. is. of Mercury, surnamed Agoraeus 1 , near a gate 
 upon which is a trophy erected by the Athe- 
 nians, when victorious in an equestrian combat 
 over Pleistarchus, who commanded the cavalry 
 and foreign troops of his brother Cassander. 
 The first picture 2 represents the Athenians and 
 Lacedaemonians opposed to each other at CEnoe 
 of Argolis, not in the height of action, or ex- 
 hibiting any great actions of valour, but just 
 entering into battle, and beginning to engage 
 hand to hand. In the middle wall are Theseus 
 and the Athenians fighting against the Ama- 
 zones ; next to which are the Greeks who 
 have taken Ilium, and their kings are assem- 
 bled to consult about the violation of Cassandra 
 by Ajax. Ajax appears in the picture, and 
 Cassandra, together with other female captives. 
 The extremity of the painting represents the 
 battle of Marathon, where all the Attic troops, 
 together with the Boeotians of Plataea, are fight- 
 ing hand to hand with the barbarians. Here 
 the contest is equal, but beyond, the barbarians 
 
 1 This Mercury was also called Hermes at the Gate. 
 Harpocrat. in 'Efju,^ air) 7% irvXtSi. 
 
 2 These pictures were by Polygnotus, Micon, and Panoe- 
 nus, or Pantoenus, brother or nephew of Phidias. (Plutarch 
 in Ciinon. Dio»en. Laert. in Zenon. Plin. I. 35. c. Q. 
 Aristoph. Lysistrat. v. 681. jElian. Hist. Animal. 1. 7. c. 28. 
 Pausan. Eliac. c. 11 ) There was also a picture by Pam- 
 
BY PAUSANIAS. 15 
 
 are flying and driving one another into the Cap. 15. 
 marsh ; and on the margin of the painting are 
 the Phoenician ships, and the Greeks slaying » 
 the barbarians, who are throwing themselves ou 
 board. The hero Marathon, from whom the place 
 receives its name, is represented, and Theseus as 
 if rising out of the earth ; Minerva also, and 
 Hercules, (for the Marathonii say that they were 
 the first to worship him as a god;) among the 
 combatants the most conspicuous are the pole- 
 march Callimachus; Miltiades, one of the com- 
 manders, and the hero Echetlus, of whom I 
 shall make mention hereafter 1 . In the Poecile 
 
 philus of Alcmena and the Heraclidae, imploring the assist- 
 ance of the Athenians against Eurysthenes. (Aristoph. 
 Plut. v. 370. et Schol.) The head of Butes, appearing from 
 behind a rock, was seen in one of the pictures, probably 
 that of the Amazones, whence the proverb Oarrov r t BouVtjj . 
 (Hesych. et Suid. invoc.) Lucian (in Demonact.) speaks of 
 a brazen statue of Cyneegeirus, without hands, in the Poecile. 
 The Stoa Poecile was more anciently called Stoa Peisianac- 
 tius. (Diog. Laert. in Zen. Plutarch in Cimon. Suidas 
 in 'Zrox.) The sect of Stoics was formed in the Poecile. 
 (Diog. Laert. in Zen.) 
 
 1 Namely, in his chapter upon Marathon, Attic, c. 22. 
 A dog which had accompanied one of the soldiers to Mara- 
 thon, was introduced into the picture of the battle. (.^Elian. 
 Hist. Anim. 1. 7. c. 28.) And it appears that among the 
 portraits of the Athenian commanders was that of the poet 
 iEschylus, whom we know to have been engaged in this action. 
 (Vita iEschyli. Athen. 1. 14. c. 6. Pausan. Attic, c. 14.) 
 
16 DESCRIPTION OF ATHENS 
 
 c»p. 15. are also brazen shields, on some of which are 
 inscriptions, signifying that they were taken 
 from the Scionaei and their allies ; others, which 
 are covered with pitch to preserve them from 
 the injuries of time, and from rust, are said to be 
 the shields of the Lacedaemonians, who were 
 
 cap. i6. captured in the island of Sphacteria. In front of 
 the Stoa is a brazen statue of Solon, who wrote 
 laws for the Athenians ; a little beyond which 
 is another statue in brass of Seleucus 1 . 
 
 " In the Agora 2 , together with some things 
 which are not interesting to all persons 3 , there 
 is an altar of Pity 4 , (Ixtou) to whom the Athe- 
 nians alone of all the Greeks give divine 
 honours. They have likewise altars of Mo- 
 desty (aiSws), Fame (^ms), and Impetuosity 
 (°7w)- 
 
 1 Seleucus Nicator, with whose history Pausanias occupies 
 the remainder of this chapter. 
 
 2 The Agora of the time of the Roman empire was in a 
 
 quarter called Eretria ry; 'AQyvr,(riv 'Egsr^ias j vuv 
 
 l<rr\v dyopa.. Strabo, p. 44J. 
 
 3 One of the things here alluded to was probably the 
 statue of the Roman Sophist Lucius Egnatius Victor Lollia- 
 nus, whom we know from his biographer Philostratus to have 
 had a statue in the Agora. There was also an altar of Ju- 
 piter Agoraeus in the Agora. (Hesych. in 'Ayofato;.) 
 
 4 The Athenians were much celebrated among foreigners, 
 for this altar of Compassion. Philostrat. in Polluc. Apollo- 
 dor. 1. 3. c. 8. Diodor. Sicul. I. 13. c. 22. Statii Theb. 
 I. 12. v. 500. Claudian de Bell. Gildon. 
 
BY PAUSANIAS. yj 
 
 ** In the Gymnasium, which is not far from Cap. 17. 
 the Agora, and which is called Ptolemaeum 
 from its founder, are Hermae 1 of stone worthy 
 of inspection, a brazen image of Ptolemseus, 
 and other statues of Juba the Libyan, and of 
 Chrysippus of Soli. 
 
 " Near the Gymnasium is the temple of 
 Theseus 2 . Here are pictures, one of which 
 represents the battle of the Athenians with the 
 Amazones, The same subject is represented 
 upon the shield of Minerva 3 , and upon the base 
 of the statue of Jupiter at Olympia 4 . There is a 
 painting also in the temple of Theseus of the fight 
 of the Centaurs and Lapithse, where Theseus 
 alone is represented as having slain a Centaur, 
 the others being engaged in an equal combat. 
 The picture of the third wall is not very clear 
 
 1 Hermae were square crrijAai, or columns, surmounted with 
 the head of a deity, and often with a portrait. Pausan. Attic. 
 c. 19. Arcad. c. 32. 39. The Athenians were the first who 
 gave the name of Hermee to statues of this kind, (Attic. 
 c. 24.) Hipparchus erected great numbers of them with 
 short moral precepts in verse upon them. (Plat, in Hip- 
 parch. Hesych. in 'lititacy^Bloi 'Egpou. Harpocrat. in 'Egpctl.) 
 Some Hermae are still to be seen at Athens, with the names 
 of victors in gymnic contests upon them. 
 
 3 The vicinity of these two buildings is noticed also by 
 Plutarch in the life of Theseus. Qrpzv; * * xsitai h pery 
 7*jj iroXei 7Taf a to vvv yvpvdo-iov. 
 
 3 In the Parthenon. See Pausanias (Attic. 24.) and Pliny, 
 (1. 36. c. 5.) 
 
 4 See Eliac. Prior, c. 11. 
 
 *c 
 
18 DESCRIPTION OF ATHENS 
 
 Cap. 17. to those who do not understand the subject, 
 partly because it is injured by time, and partly 
 because Micon has not expressed the whole 
 affair. When Minos brought Theseus, and the 
 other young men and women of Athens, to 
 Crete, he was enraged with Theseus for op- 
 posing his love to Peribaea. Among other in- 
 juries to Theseus, Minos denied that he was the 
 son of Neptune, asserting that Theseus could 
 not recover a seal-ring which Minos happened 
 to have on his finger, and which he threw into 
 the sea. It is said that Theseus not only 
 brought up the seal, but also a golden crown, 
 which had been presented to him by Amphi- 
 trite. The Athenians established the sanctuary 
 (a-^xof) of Theseus, after the Medes had been 
 at Marathon, when Cimon, son of Miltiades, 
 having expelled the people of Scyrus, punished 
 them for the death of Theseus, and brought 
 back his bones to Athens. 
 
 " The temple of the Dioscuri is ancient. 
 Here are the two gods on foot, and their sons 1 
 on horseback : here also is a painting by Poly- 
 gnotus, of the wedding (of the two former) with 
 
 1 Their names were Anaxis and Mnasinous. — Pausan. 
 Corinth, c. 22. The temple was often called Anaceium, 
 because Castor and Pollux (the Dioscuri) were commonly 
 called oi "Ava.xs$ by the Athenians. Plutarch in Thes. — 
 -Elian. Var. Hist. 1. 4. c. 5. — Stridas in voc. — Harpocrat. in 
 'hvaxshv ct in lloh'jyvvjrof. 
 
BY PAUSANIAS. 19 
 
 the daughters ofLeucippus 1 ; and another paint- Cap. us- 
 ing by Micon, of those who sailed with Jason to 
 Colchis, in which the principal figures are Acas- 
 tus and his horses. 
 
 " Above the temple of the Dioscuri is the sa- 
 cred inclosure(»£fovr£ J !Asvoj)of Aglaurus. It is said 2 , 
 that Minerva gave Erichthonius, shut up in a 
 box, to the care of Aglaurus, and of her sisters 
 Herse and Pandrosus, with orders to them not 
 to examine into the contents of the box. They 
 say that Pandrosus obeyed, but that the two 
 other sisters having opened the box, were seized 
 with madness upon seeing Erichthonius, and 
 threw themselves over the most precipitous 
 part of the Acropolis. Here the Medes ascend- 
 ing, slew those Athenians, who, thinking that 
 they understood the oracle better than Themis- 
 tocles, fortified the Acropolis with stakes and 
 palisades. Near this place is the Prytaneium, 
 where the laws of Solon are preserved in 
 writing. Here are images of the goddesses 
 Peace and Vesta 3 , and, among other statues of 
 
 1 Leucippus, son of Periere^, had two daughters, Hilaeira 
 and Phoebe. The Dioscuri carried them offfrom Messene, 
 and married them, Castor the former, and Pollux the latter. 
 Apollod. 1. 3. c. 10, ]]. 
 
 2 For this fable see also Antigonus Carystius, (c. 12.) who 
 has followed Amelesagoras. 
 
 ? The statue of Vesta was near the entrance of the Pry* 
 
 * C 1 
 
20 DESCRIPTION OF ATHENS 
 
 Cap. is. men 1 , that of Autolycus the pancratiast. The 
 names on the statues of Miltiades and Themis- 
 tocles have been changed into those of a Thra- 
 cian and a Roman. 
 
 " In going from thence to the lower parts of 
 the city is the temple of Serapis, whom Ptole- 
 mceus was the means of introducing among the 
 Athenian deities. Not far from thence is the 
 place where Theseus and Peirithous are said to 
 have entered into an agreement to proceed to 
 Sparta, and afterwards to Thesprotia 2 . Near 
 this place is the temple of Lucina. The Athe- 
 nians are the only people who clothe the statues 
 of this goddess to the extremity of the feet. 
 The women report that two of the statues in 
 this temple are from Crete, dedicated by 
 
 taneium. (Plutarch de X Rhet. in Demosth.) A lamp, 
 never extinguished, burnt before it. (Theocrit. Idyl. 21. v, 
 36. J. Poll. 1. I.e. 1.) To the right of the statue of Vesta 
 in entering, was the statue of Demochares, son of the sister 
 of Demosthenes, clothed, and girded with a sword. (Plu- 
 tarch ubi supra.) There was also a statue of Good Fortune 
 in the Prytaneium. (.'Elian. Var. Hist. 1. g. c. 3£).) 
 
 1 It seems from Pausanias, ^Attic. c. 26.) that one of these 
 was a statue of Olympiodorus, who commanded the Athe- 
 nians against Demetrius Poliorcetcs and Cassander. 
 
 2 For the purpose of carrying off Helena, daughter of Tyn- 
 darus, king of Sparta, and Persephone, daughter of Aidoneus, 
 king of the Molossi. Plutarch in Thes. Pausan. Attic. 
 c. 17. 
 
BY PAUSANIAS. 21 
 
 Phsedra, and that the third and most ancient Cap. is. 
 was brought from Del us by Erysichthon 1 . 
 
 " The Emperor Hadrian dedicated the tern* 
 pie of Jupiter Olympius, and the statue, which 
 is remarkable, not so much for its size, (for 
 there are other statues equal to it, and the 
 Colossi of Rome and of Rhodes are much 
 larger,) as from its being made of ivory and 
 gold, and with great skill considering its mag^ 
 nitude 2 . Here also are other images of Ha- 
 drian ; two of Thasian and two of Egyptian 
 stone. Before the columns are brazen statues, 
 (of Hadrian) presented by those cities which 
 the Athenians call colonial 3 . The whole ex- 
 
 1 Erysichthon was son of the first Cecrops, and brother of 
 Pandrosus, Herse, and Aglaurus. He died in his father's 
 life-time at Prasiae, on the coast of Attica, on his return from 
 Delus, where he had been sacrificing. Apollod. 1. 3. c. 14. 
 Phanodemus ap. Athen. l.g.c. ll.Pausan. Attic, c. 2. 18. 31. 
 
 2 As the words of the Greek text at the beginning of this 
 paragraph do not make sense with what follows, they have 
 been omitted in the translation, and some conjectures re- 
 garding them will be offered hereafter. The whole sentence 
 is obscure in the Greek ; it sufficiently appears, however, that 
 the statue of Jupiter was colossal. This, indeed, is evident 
 form another passage in Pausanias, (Corinth, c. 27.) where 
 he says that the Epidaurian iEsculapius, which was a chrys- 
 elephantine statue of considerable size, was half as large as 
 the Jupiter Olympius at Athens. 
 
 3 Here again there appear to be some words deficient in 
 the Greek text. 
 
22 DESCRIPTION OF ATHENS 
 
 Cap. is. terior inclosure (we^'foxo*) is four stades in cir- 
 cuit, and is full of statues of Hadrian, each of 
 the cities of Greece having dedicated one 1 ; 
 but the Athenians have greatly surpassed them 
 all by the colossus, worthy of examination, 
 which they have erected behind the temple. 
 The peribolus contains the following antiquities 
 — a Jupiter in brass, the temple of Cronus and 
 Rhea, the temenus of Olympia'- , and a chasm in 
 the earth one cubit in depth, through which the 
 waters of the deluge of Deucalion are said to have 
 run off. Into this chasm they throw every year 
 wheaten flour, mixed with honey. There is 
 also a statue of Isocrates upon a column, and a 
 representation in Phrygian marble, of Persians 
 holding a brazen tripod : both the statues and 
 the tripod are worthy of observation. Deuca- 
 lion is said to have erected the most ancient 
 temple of Jupiter Olympius ; and his tomb, 
 which is not far distant from the present tem- 
 
 1 For the inscriptions upon the pedestals of some of these 
 statues, see Spon, tome 2. p. 284, and Stuart's Athens, vol. 
 3. c. 3. 
 
 2 Tf/xsvoj rijv eTrlxXr^iv 'OAi/pria?. This seems to be the 
 same as the to rrjs r>jV ris '0\vtx.irla; mentioned by Plutarch 
 (in Theseo), and the same also as the temple of Earth (ro 
 rvjs r-rjs) which Thucydides names among the ancient tem- 
 ples situated in this quarter. (See p. 46. n. 1.) Pausanias 
 therefore probably wrote reju-svoj tyj$ rijs sirUkt)<riv 'OXvpirlxg, 
 " the temenus of Tellus Olympia." 
 
BY PAUSANIAS. 23 
 
 pie, is shown as a proof that he dwelt at Athens. Cap. is. 
 Hadrian constructed also other buildings for 
 the Athenians, namely, a temple of Juno and 
 Jupiter Panhellenius, and a sanctuary common 
 to all the gods. But the most illustrious of 
 his works are a hundred and twenty columns 
 of Phrygian stone. Attached to the porticoes 
 are walls, in which are buildings adorned with 
 gilded roofs and alabaster stone, and with 
 statues and paintings: books are also deposited 
 in this building. There is likewise a Gymna- 
 sium, called the Gymnasium of Hadrian, where 
 are a hundred columns from the quarries of 
 Libya. 
 
 " Near the temple of Jupiter Olympius is a Ca P- 19< 
 statue of Apollo Pythius. There is also an- 
 other sanctuary of Apollo, surnamed Delphi- 
 nius 1 . 
 
 ff Of the quarter called Kyjitot (the Gardens) 
 and of the temple of Venus nothing is related ; 
 nor of the statue of Venus, which stands near 
 the temple, and which is of a square form like 
 the Hermae, but the inscription signifies that it 
 is the statue of Venus Urania, the eldest of the 
 Fates, (Mo<?u3V.) The statue of Venus in the 
 Gardens is the work of Alcamenes, and is 
 
 1 The Delphinium was founded by iEgeus, and was sacred 
 to Apollo Delphinius, and Diana Delphinia. J. Poll. 1. 
 8. c. lo. 
 
24 DESCRIPTION OF ATHENS 
 
 Cap. 19. among the things most worthy of notice at 
 Athens 1 . 
 
 " Cynosarges is the name of a place sacred 
 to Hercules. The story of the white bitch is 
 known to those who are acquainted with the 
 oracle. Here are altars of Hercules and of 
 Hebe, daughter of Jupiter, whom they consider 
 to be the consort of Hercules : here are also 
 altars of Alcmene and of Iolaus, who was the 
 companion of Hercules in most of his labours. 
 
 " The Lyceium takes its name from Lycus, 
 son of Pandion. From the beginning it has 
 been held sacred to Apollo, and it continues to 
 be so to the present time. Behind the Lyceium 
 is the monument of Nisus, who, having been 
 slain by Minos, king of Megara, was brought 
 and buried here by the Athenians. 
 
 " The rivers of Athens are the Eilissus, and 
 a river of the same name as the Celtic Eridanus, 
 which descends into the Eilissus. It is said 
 that Oreithyia 2 was playing near the Eilissus, 
 when she was carried off by the wind Boreas ; 
 that Oreithyia is the consort of Boreas ; and 
 
 1 This statue is mentioned also by Lucian de Imag. and 
 by Pliny, (1. 36. c. 5.) who says that Phidias was thought to 
 have put the finishing hand to this celebrated work of his 
 scholar Alcamenes. 
 
 « Oreithyia was the daughter of king Erechtheus the Se- 
 cond, and sister of Procris, Creusa, and Chthonia. Apollod 
 1.3. c 15. 
 
BY PAUSANIAS. 25 
 
 that, on account of this affinity, he assisted Cap. ie. 
 the Athenians by destroying many of the bar- 
 baric triremes. The Athenians consider the 
 Eilissus sacred also to other deities. There is 
 an altar on its bank to the Mnsae Eilissiades. 
 They likewise show the place where Codrus, son 
 of Melanthus, king of the Athenians, was slain 
 by the Peloponnesians. Beyond the river is the 
 district called Agree, and the temple of Diana 
 Agrotera. Here Diana is said to have first 
 hunted when she came from Delus, whence her 
 statue has a bow (in the hand.) 
 
 " The stadium of white marble is wonderful 
 to behold, and not very easy to be credited by 
 those who only hear of it. Its magnitude may 
 be imagined from this: it is a hill rising from 
 the Eilissus, of a semi-circular form in the 
 upper part, and extending from thence in a 
 double right line to the bank of the river. It 
 Was built by the Athenian Herodes, who used 
 a great quantity of marble from the quarries of 
 Peritelicum in its construction. 
 
 " There is a street leading from the Pryta- Cap. 20. 
 neium, called Tripodes, from which the quarter 
 takes its name. Here are * * * 1 temples of the 
 
 1 In our copies of* Pausanias, the words are vao) 0eu3V eg 
 fovro u,syd\oi, but it is more probable that he wrote ov 
 IJ.eyd.X01, not " large," but '<* small temples/' for the latter 
 description exactly suits one of these buildings, still exiting, 
 
26 DESCRIPTION OF ATHENS 
 
 Cap. 20. gods, supporting brazen tripods, which encircle 
 some admirable works of art; among these is a 
 Satyr, which Praxiteles considered one of his 
 finest works 1 . In a neighbouring temple of 
 Bacchus, there is a young Satyr extending a 
 cup, and a Cupid and Bacchus standing to- 
 gether, the work of Thymilus. 
 
 " But the most ancient sanctuary of Bacchus 4 
 is near the Theatre : within its peribolus are 
 two temples sacred to Bacchus, and as many 
 statues ; one of them is surnamed Eleuthereus 15 , 
 
 vulgarly called the Lantern of Demosthenes, to fxvxpi rov 
 Ai)[j,orQavov$. 
 
 1 It was commonly called 6 its$i£6r t ?o$. Plin. Nat. Hist. 
 1. 34. c 8. Pausanias here relates the celebrated stratagem 
 of Phryne, who had received permission from her lover Praxi- 
 teles to make choice of one of his works, and who wished to 
 discover to which of them he himself gave the preference. 
 She raised a false alarm of his laboratory being on fire; upon 
 which he ordered that, above all, his Cupid and his Satyr 
 should be saved. Phryne very naturally made choice of the 
 Cupid, as the more pleasing figure of the two. Athenaeus, 
 who relates the same story, (I. 18. c. 7.) calls the Satyr -rov 
 £7tj rgnrotiuiv o~xrv%ov, the Satyr of the Tripods. 
 
 2 At this temple the ancient festival of the great Diony- 
 siacs was celebrated. The peribolus with its contents was 
 known by the name of Lena?um, and the quarter in which it 
 stood by the name of Limnac. Hesych. in Eirl Ar^alw, et in 
 A<ju,vayevff. Thucyd. 1. 2. c. 15. A :hen. 1. ll.c. 3. Har- 
 pocrat. in Ev \itxv. Aristoph. Han. v. 218. ct Schol. ibid. 
 Steph. Byzant. in Aluvxi. 
 
 i It was made of wood, and received its epithet from 
 
BY PA US AN IAS. 27 
 
 the other, made of ivory and gold, is the work Cap. 20. 
 of Alcamenes. Here also are pictures repre- 
 senting Bacchus conducting to heaven Vulcan, 
 whom he had intoxicated 1 ; Pentheus and Ly- 
 curgus punished for their injuries to Bacchus ; 
 and Ariadne sleeping, while Theseus is. seen re- 
 tiring, and Bacchus approaching. Near the 
 temple of Bacchus and the Theatre is a build- 
 ing said to have been made in imitation of the 
 tent of Xerxes 2 . The ancient edifice having 
 
 its having been brought from Eleutherae. Pausan. Attic. 
 c. 38. 
 
 1 Pausanias here informs us that Vulcan, in order to be 
 revenged of Juno for turning him out of heaven, made her a 
 present of a golden throne with hidden springs, which pre- 
 vented her, after being seated upon it, from rising up again. 
 Bacchus alone of all the gods could succeed in persuading 
 Vulcan to liberate the queen of heaven. 
 
 2 Plutarch, and a comic writer cited by him, give a lively 
 description of the shape of the Odeium, near the theatre of 
 Bacchus, in the following passage : 
 
 To $e 'XloVjoy 7-n /xsv ivto; iroXusS^ov xou tfoAucrruAoy, rr, $' 
 sgtifyzi tfsgixXivsg xa) xa,ravtc$ hx fiictf xogutprjg rfeiroirjyJvov, 
 slxova, Aeyoutn ysvetrQcu xou [il^r^a rijV ScccriXsu); <rxy)vyj$ t 
 sificrrarovvTog xa) rourcv Usgixksovc. Aib xcc) ird\tv Yi^xrivog 
 Iv ®ga.rra.i; Tta\Z,et it^hg avrbv. 
 
 'O a-^r/oxstpaXog Zeus oSs it^vkpyzrcu 
 TlspixXsy; TtpSehv bit) tou xgavlov 
 
 "E^wv kifsiSrj Tovtrrgaxov Tfac^oly^etoci. Plutarch in Pericl. 
 The well-known deformity which tempted Cratinus, in this 
 passage, to make the satirical comparison between the 
 pointed cranium of Pericles, and the tent-shaped Odeium, 
 
28 DESCRIPTION OF ATHENS 
 
 Cap. so, been burnt by Sylla, commander of the Ro- 
 mans, when he took Athens, was afterwards 
 
 Cap, 21. built a second time 1 . The Theatre 2 contains 
 many statues of tragic and comic poets, who* 
 
 and to call Pericles the Squill-headed Jupiter, had obliged 
 the statuaries to cover his head with a helmet. So Plutarch 
 informs us tii the preceding passage, and so we find him re- 
 presented in a bust in the British Museum. 
 
 The numerous columns of this building, remarked by 
 Plutarch, are alluded to likewise by Theophrastus, in Caract. 
 ITep d.$QktoryJa.$ — irotroi eicri xioveg tou 'XiJsToy. 
 
 1 According to Appian (Bell. Mithrid. c. 38.) it was burnt 
 by Aristion, who defended Athens against Sylla, and who 
 destroyed it, that the besiegers might not make use of the 
 timber in assaulting the Acropolis. It was restored by 
 Ariobarzanes, king of Cappadocia, as appears from the fol- 
 lowing passage of Vitruvius, (1. 5. c. 9.) — Patris Liberi fa- 
 num et exeuntibus e theatro sinistra parte, Odeium quod 
 Pericles (alii legunt Themistocles) columnis lapideis, navium 
 malis et antennis e spoliis Persicis pertexit : idem autem in- 
 censum Mithridatico bello rex Ariobarzanes restituit. 
 
 An inscription, of which a copy taken by the Consul of 
 France in 1743, was sent to Paris, records the gratitude to 
 Ariobarzanes of the persons who had superintended the repair 
 of the Odeium. The prince is there surnamed Philopator, son 
 of Ariobarzanes Philoromaeus. Hence he appears to have 
 been the son of the prince with whom Cicero describes his 
 interview in Cappadocia. (Cicer. Ep. ad Fam. 1. 15, ep. 2.) 
 
 * This theatre was distinguished by the name of the Dio- 
 nysiac Theatre, (rb dta.T'gov rb Atovv7ia.y.bv or to h> Aiovvg-ou 
 Qearoov) as being within the sacred inclosure of Bacchus. — 
 Plutarch de X llhet. et deer. Athen. in fin. ejusd. op. J. Poll. 
 1. 8. c. 10. 
 
BY PAUSANIAS. 29 
 
 for the most part, are of obscure reputation 1 ; Cap, 21. 
 for, of the writers of comedy, Menander is the 
 only one who attained to glory. Here are 
 images of the illustrious tragedians, Euripides 
 and Sophocles ; but the statue of iEschylus 
 appears to have been made long after his death, 
 and long after the picture, wherein the battle of, 
 Marathon is described 2 . 
 
 "In the wall of the Acropolis, which is 
 turned towards the theatre, and is called No- 
 tium, (the southern,) there is a gilded head of 
 Medusa, and around it an aegis 3 . On the 
 summit of the theatre is a cavern in the rocks 
 under the Acropolis. Upon the cavern stands 
 a tripod ; within it are images of Apollo and 
 Diana destroying the children of Niobe. On 
 the road from the theatre to the Acropolis is 
 the tomb of Calos 4 . He was the pupil of Dae- 
 
 1 Dion Chrysostom (Orat. llhod. p. 355. ed. Morell.) re- 
 proaches the Athenians with having placed the statue of an 
 obscure poet near that of Menander. 
 
 a Pausanias probably means the picture of the battle of 
 ?>Iarathon in the Poecile, where it seems, therefore, that the 
 portrait of JEschylus appeared among the other Athenians 
 engaged in the action. 
 
 3 It was dedicated by Antiochus . . . 'Avrio^os, ov $rj xa\ 
 vvsp tou Qsoctgov rov 'A$rjvri<ri 1) ah/); y XP' J<r V Ka * * 7r ' atJ ' T1 jV ^ 
 Topyui. Pausan. Eliac. prior, c. 12. 
 
 4 It appears from Diodorus, (1. 4. c. 76.) from Lucian (in 
 Piscator.) and from Apollodorus (1. 3. c. 15.) that the name 
 of this celebrated mechanic was Talos, and not Calos. 
 
30 DESCRIPTION OF ATHENS 
 
 Cap. aa. dalus, and the son of his sister 1 , and was slain 
 by Daedalus, who, in consequence of the mur- 
 der, fled to Crete. The temple of ^scula- 
 pius is well worthy of remark for the statues of 
 Bacchus and his children, and for the pictures 
 which it contains. In the same temple is a 
 fountain, at which Halirrhothius, son of Nep- 
 tune, is reported to have been slain by Mars, 
 for having disgraced his daughter Alcippe; and 
 this murder is said to have been the first upon 
 which judgment was pronounced. In the same 
 temple there is a Sarmatian breast-plate, which 
 shows that the barbarians are not less skilful in 
 the arts than the Greeks 2 . 
 
 c«p. 23. « Beyond the temple of ./Esculapius, in the 
 way to the Acropolis, is the temple of Themis, 
 before which is the monument of Hippolytus. 
 The worship of Venus Pandemus and Peitho 
 was established by Theseus, when he collected 
 the Athenians into one city. The ancient 
 statues no longer remain, but those which now 
 
 1 Her name was Perdix, (Apollod.l. 3. c. 15.) Her sanc- 
 tuary was near the Acropolis. (Suidas in nip&xoj Isfiv.) 
 Perdix was sometimes confounded with Talos. Sec Ovid in 
 the metamorphosis of Perdix into a partridge. Hygin. fab. 
 39. 2/4. Sophocles comic, ap. Suid. ibid. 
 
 * It was made of the hoofs of horses, wrought and joined 
 together, so as to resemble the skin of a serpent. Pausanias 
 adds some other curious observations upon the arms of the 
 Sannatians, who were ignorant of the use of iron. 
 
BY PAUSANIAS. 31 
 
 exist are not by the most obscure artists. There Cap. 22. 
 is also a temple of Tellus Curotrophus and 
 Ceres Chloe. 
 
 " There is but one entrance into the Acropo- 
 lis, the hill being on every other side precipitous, 
 and surrounded with a strong wall. The roof 
 of the Propylaea is of white marble, and excels 
 all other works in ornament and in the mag- 
 nitude of the stones. As to the equestrian 
 statues, I cannot positively say whether they 
 represent the sons of Xenophon, or whether 
 they are placed only for ornament. On the 
 right hand of the Propylaea, QruJv n^onrvXaluv h 
 Je£«a) is the temple of Victory without wings 1 . 
 From thence is a prospect of the sea: and there 
 iEgeus, seeing his son's ship return with black 
 sails, threw himself down, and perished. His 
 monument exists among the Athenians, and is 
 called the heroum of iEgeus. On the left of 
 the Propylaea (Iv d§i<rrs§a rujv U^itvXalwv) is a build- 
 ing, containing pictures. Those which are not 
 obliterated by time represent Diomedes, bring- 
 ing from Lemnos the bow of Philoctetes ; 
 Ulysses carrying off the statue of Minerva from 
 Troy ; Orestes slaying iEgisthus, while Pylades 
 kills the sons of Nauplius, who come to the as- 
 
 1 Near the Temple of Victory stood a triple statue of 
 Hecate, by Alcamenes. It was called Epipyrgidia. (Pausan. 
 Corinth, c. 30.) 
 
32 DESCRIPTION OF ATHENS 
 
 Cap. 22. sistance of ^Egistlms ; Polyxena about to be 
 sacrificed at the tomb of Achilles : Achilles dis- 
 guised among the virgins of Scyrus; Ulysses 
 encountering Nausicaa, and her attendants, 
 washing clothes at the river — the two latter by 
 Polygnotus 1 ; a picture of Aleibiades, signifying 
 that he was victorious in a horse-race at Nemea 2 ; 
 Perseus bringing the head of Medusa to Poly- 
 dectes at Seriphus ; a boy carrying balloting- 
 vases ; a wrestler, by Timaenetus ; and Musaeus, 
 who, according to the ancient verses, of which 
 Onomacritus appears to me to have been the 
 author, received the gift of flying from Boreas, 
 " In the very entrance of the Acropolis are 
 Mercury Propylseus, and the three Graces 3 , said 
 
 1 Pliny (Nat. Hist, 1. 35. c. 11.) states the picture of Achil- 
 les at Scyrus to have been the work of Athenion of Maroneia. 
 
 2 In this picture, which was by Aglaophon, Nemea was 
 personified, bearing Aleibiades upon her knees. This inso- 
 lent person dedicated, at the same time, a picture, by the 
 same master, in honour of his victories at Delphi and at 
 Olympia, in which two women, named Pythias and Olym- 
 pias, were crowning him. (Athen. 1. 12. c. 9.) The latter 
 picture was perhaps among those obliterated by time. 
 
 3 In the Bceotics, (c. 35.) Pausanias says that the three 
 Graces by Socrates were before the entrance into the Acropo- 
 lis, (7TfO ryj; kg ryv dx^otoXr/ ecroJ&u.) Here his words are xara 
 rf/V e<ro$ov avrr t v yj§7) tijv 1$ axj oVoAiv. The Graces of Socrates 
 were draped, (Pausan. Bceot. c. 35. Diogen. Laert. in So- 
 crat.) like all the more ancient Graces. In later times the 
 Graces were represented naked. (Pausan. ibid.) 
 
BY PAUSANIAS. 33 
 
 to be the work of Socrates, son of Sophroniscus, Cap; 92. 
 whom the Pythian priestess declared to be the 
 wisest of men. Here is a brazen Lioness 1 in c ap . 23. 
 honour of Leaena, the mistress of Aristogeiton, 
 who was tortured to death by Hippias ; beside 
 which stands a Venus by Calamis, dedicated by 
 Callias 2 . Near it is a brazen statue of Diitre- 
 phes, pierced with arrows"; and not far from 
 the latter (for I do not wish to speak of the por- 
 trait-statues of persons of little note), are a 
 Hygieia, called the daughter of iEsculapius, and 
 a Minerva, surnamed Hygieia 4 . Here likewise 
 
 1 The lioness was represented without a tongue, to com- 
 memorate the heroic act of Leaena, who bit off her tongue to 
 defeat the inquiries of Hippias, (Plutarch de Garrul. — Plin. 
 Nat. Hist. 1. 3-t. c. 8.) Pliny says this statue was the work 
 of Iphicrates. Its position near the Propyleea is marked by 
 Plutarch, (ibid.) who says that it was h TfvXats fys 'A>tf<j- 
 
 * This statue of Venus, and the adjacent Lioness, pro- 
 bably stood in the same sanctuary ; for it appears from Demo- 
 chares (ap. Athen. 1. 6. c. 13. Cas.) that there was a sanctuary 
 at Athens, called to isgov tijs Aeedrqs 'AtygoSifv};. 
 
 3 For the exploits of Diitrephes, see Pausanias in this 
 place, and Thucydides. (1. 7. c. 27. 29.) 
 
 4 This statue was of brass, and dedicated by Pericles. A 
 favourite workman of Mnesicles, the architect of the Propy- 
 laea, (Plutarch, in Pericl.) or a favourite slave of Pericles, 
 (Plin. Nat. Hist. 1. 22. c. 17.) having met with a bad fall, and 
 having been despaired of by the physicians, Minerva ap- 
 peared to Pericles, in a dream, and recommended a remedy, 
 which effected a speedy cure, whereupon Pericles raised a 
 statue of Minerva, in the character of Health, near an altar 
 
 *D 
 
34 DESCRIPTION OF ATHENS 
 
 Cap. 23. is a small stone, upon which Seilenns is said to 
 have reposed, when Bacchus visited the earth. 
 " In the Acropolis of Athens I also beheld 
 the brazen image of a boy, bearing a vessel for 
 lustral aspersions, by Lycius, son of Myron, 
 and Perseus slaying Medusa, by Myron himself. 
 There is likewise a sanctuary of Diana Brauro- 
 nia, with a statue by Praxiteles ; and a figure 
 in brass of the horse Durius, from which Me- 
 nestheus, Teucer, and the sons of Theseus, are 
 represented as issuing to surprise the Trojans 1 . 
 Of the statues which stand next to the horse, 
 that of Epicharmus prepared to run a race in 
 armour, was made by Critias ; then occurs iEno- 
 bius, who obtained a decree for the recall of 
 Thucydides, son of Olorus, from exile, who, 
 having been treacherously slain, is buried at the 
 gates Melitides; then Hermolycus the pancra- 
 
 cap. 24. tiast ; and Phormio, son of Asopichus. There 
 also is Minerva punishing the Seilenus Marsyas 
 for taking up the flutes which she had wished to 
 throw away 2 . Over-against these is Theseus, 
 
 of Hygieia, in the Acropolis. The remedy was said to have 
 been a plant, which grew on the walls of the Acropolis, and 
 which was thenceforth called Partheniura. 
 
 > Spears also projected from this statue of the Trojan 
 horse, according to Hesychius (in Aovgw.) 
 
 « For this fable see Apollodorus, 1. 1. c. 4. — Hygin. fab. 
 165. Stuart (Antiq. of Athens, vol. 2. p. 27.) has published 
 a marble, found at Athens, which represents Minerva throw- 
 ing away the flutes, and Marsyas about to take them up. 
 
BY PAIJSANIAS. 35 
 
 contending with the Minotaur ; Phrixus sacri- Cap. 24. 
 ficing the ram, which had carried him to the 
 Cholci, and looking at its thighs, burning upon 
 the altar. Here also, among other statues, 
 are Hercules strangling the serpents ; Minerva 
 rising from the head of Jupiter ; and a Bull, 
 dedicated by the council of Areiopagus. The 
 Athenians have also a temple to the Genius of 
 Pious Men, (Wouflaiwv fa/^wv.) To such persons 
 as prefer works made with skill, to those which 
 are remarkable for antiquity alone, the two fol- 
 lowing are worthy of observation, namely, a 
 Man, with a helmet on his head, and with nails 
 of silver, by Cleaetas; and Earth imploring 
 showers from Jupiter. Here also are statues of 
 Timotheus, son of Conon, and of Conon him- 
 self; Procne and Itys, dedicated by Alca- 
 menes ; Minerva causing the olive to sprout, 
 while Neptune raises the waves ; a Jupiter, by 
 Leochares ; and another Jupiter surnamed Po- 
 lieus 1 . 
 
 " In entering the temple. called Parthenon 2 , 
 
 1 Pausanias here, and again in c. 28. informs us, that, at 
 the festival of Jupiter Polieus, called Diipolia, an ox was 
 sacrificed ; that the priest, who slew the ox with an axe, ran 
 away ; and that the axe was tried for the injury. The cus- 
 tom was as old as the reign of Erechtheus, before whose 
 time there was a law against slaying oxen, (Varro de Re 
 Rust. 1.2. c. 5.) derived probably from Egypt. 
 
 2 The common appellation of the celebrated statue by 
 
 *D 2 
 
36 DESCLUPTION OF ATHENS 
 
 Cap. 24. all the works in the pediment (Jv ro~$ xaxwixsvotg 
 dsrols) relate to the birth of Minerva ; and those 
 behind (otho-Ss) to the combat of Neptune and 
 Minerva for the Attic land. The statue itself 
 is made of ivory and gold. The figure of a 
 sphinx occupies the summit of the helmet, on 
 either side of which are griffins (yfwrej 1 ). The 
 statue is erect, with a robe reaching to the feet. 
 On the breast is a head of Medusa in ivory ; in 
 one hand is a Victory, four cubits high 2 , and in 
 
 Phidias, in the great temple of Minerva, was y Uagtevos, 
 " the virgin," (see Pausan. Eliac. prior, c. 11. — Phocic. c. 
 34.) whence the temple was called 6 TLxplevuv, or the virgin's 
 habitation. Hesychius indeed has said that the Parthenon re- 
 ceived its appellation from the virgin daughters of Cecrops ; 
 but the Scholiast of Demosthenes (cont. Androt.) more pro- 
 perly remarks ITafflsvcJv vabg fy h Ty 'AxpotoXei UxpUvou 
 'Abi)vx$. 
 
 1 The words eiriKsirai and sirei^yacfjiivoi, which, in this 
 passage, are applied, the former to the sphinx, and the latter 
 to the griffins, confirm the remarks upon those words in page 
 2; for we know from existing monuments, that the sphinx 
 was an entire figure, and that the griffins were in relief. 
 " Aristeas of Proconnesus (adds Pausanias in this place,) 
 describes these animals as having the body of a lion, and 
 the wings and beak of an eagle." Such is precisely their 
 form on the ancient heads of Minerva. 
 
 2 The words of Pausanias (oi Kara to vrkpov y xepaAij 
 MeSovo-ys eXstpavtos e<rfiv l^TtBtoi^ivri, xx) N/xij re ocrov retr- 
 tra'fwv itrj^ujy Jv Sh tr, ytiip bopj £%£J, &c.) are obscure, and 
 perhaps defective; but there can be little doubt that his 
 meaning was that which is given in the text ; for it is proved 
 
BY PAUSANIAS. 
 
 the other a spear, near which is a serpent, sup- Cap. 24. 
 posed to represent Erichthonius. At the feet 
 is a shield 5 on the pedestal the birth of Pan- 
 dora is represented in relief. I recognized no 
 other portrait-statue in the temple than that of 
 Hadrian, and in the entrance that of Iphicrates 1 , 
 
 from coins of Athens, that the Victory was in the goddess's 
 hand. This is further confirmed by a passage in Epictetus, 
 who says, yj 'A^va ij $ei$lov sKT'sivatrocr^v %b\o. hcu Trjv Njjojv 
 Iff' axftrfi $£%a.[x,svy). (Arrian. in Epict. Dissert. I. 2, c. 8.) 
 According to Pliny, (1. 36. c. 5.) the statue was 26 cubits 
 high; and, besides the accompaniments mentioned by Pausa- 
 nias, had a sphinx of brass under the spear ; upon the con- 
 vex side of the shield a representation of the battle of the 
 Amazones, (see also Pausan. Attic, c. 17.) and on its concave 
 side, the contest of the Gods and Giants; on the sandals was 
 the battle of the Centaurs and Lapithae. Pliny, who, in the 
 passage referred to, states the works upon the shield to have 
 been embossed by Phidias, (Phidias ccelavit, &c.) says 
 in another place, (1. 35. c. 8.) that the shield was painted 
 (pictum) by Phidias, and that the interior of the shield was 
 painted by Pantsenus, the brother of Phidias. The eyes of 
 Minerva were of ivory, except the pupils, which were of 
 stone. (Plato in Hipp. Maj.) 
 
 1 Pliny (1. 35. c. 10.) says, that the Propylaeum of the 
 temple of Minerva, by which, I suppose, is meant what we 
 generally call the Pronaus, was painted by Protogenes, who 
 had represented the triremes Paralus and Hemionis, together 
 with several other vessels on a smaller scale. The painting of 
 the Paralus is praised by Cicero, (Verrin. 4. c. 60.) Within 
 the temple were portraits of Themistocles and of Heliodorus : 
 the former was dedicated by the sons of Themistocles, (Pau- 
 san. Attic, c. 1. 37.) 
 
 37 
 
38 DESCRIFMON OF ATHENS 
 
 cap. 24. the author of many admirable works. Over- 
 against the temple is a brazen Apollo, sur- 
 named Parnopius (the expeller of locusts), 
 made by Phidias. 
 
 Cap. 25. « The statue of Pericles, and that of his 
 father Xanthippus, stand in separate parts of 
 the Acropolis : near the latter are seen Ana- 
 creon of Teos, represented as a man singing 
 when intoxicated, and images, by Deinomenes, 
 of Io, daughter of Inachus, and of Callisto, 
 daughter of Lycaon j the former of whom was 
 changed into a cow, and the latter into a bear, 
 and both from the same cause, namely, the love 
 of Jupiter, and the anger of Juno. 
 
 " Upon the wall called Notium are repre- 
 sented the war of the giants, who inhabited 
 Thrace and Pallene, the battle of the Athenians 
 with the Amazones, the battle of Marathon, 
 and the destruction of the Gauls in Mysia. 
 Each of these are three feet (in height) : they 
 
 cap. 26. were dedicated by Attalus. Here also is an 
 image of Olympiodorus 1 , near which is a brazen 
 
 1 Olympiodorus commanded the Athenians in their con- 
 tests with the Macedonians under Demetrius and Cassan- 
 der. His actions are related by Pausanias at some length, 
 in this and the following chapter. One of his exploits was to 
 take by assault the Museium, which Demetrius had formed 
 into a separate fortress, and had garrisoned with Macedo- 
 nians. It is in relating this action that Pausanias describes 
 
BY PAUSANIAS. 39 
 
 statue of Diana, surnamed Leucophryne, dedi- Cap. -26. 
 cated by the sons of Themistocles, for Diana 
 Leucophryne was particularly honoured by the 
 Magnetes, the government of whose city was 
 given to Themistocles by the king of Persia. 
 There is also an ancient sitting statue of Mi- 
 nerva, with an epigram upon it, signifying that 
 it was the offering of Callias, and the work of 
 Endseus, a disciple of Daedalus. 
 
 " There is a building called Erechtheium, 
 before the entrance of which is an altar of 
 Jupiter Hypatus ; in the entrance is an altar of 
 Neptune, (whereon sacrifices are also made by 
 command of the oracle to Erechtheus); an- 
 other altar of Butes 1 5 and a third of Vulcan; 
 and on the walls are pictures of the Butadse 2 . 
 
 the Museium as follows : " Within the ancient peribolus of 
 the city there is a hill over-against the Acropolis, called Mu- 
 seium, where Musseus is said to have sung, and, dying of 
 old age, to have been buried. Here a monument has been 
 since erected to a certain Syrian." This Syrian, whom he 
 does not name, was Philopappu*. 
 
 1 Butes was twin brother of Erechtheus the second, and 
 his descendants were hereditary priests of Minerva Polias, 
 Neptune, and Erichthonius. Apollod. 1. 3. c. 15. — Hesych. 
 et Harpocrat. in 'Ereo fouraJa*. 
 
 2 Among them were portraits of the orator Lycurgus, son of 
 Lycophron, and of his family, by Ismenias of Chalcis. There 
 stood also in the portico wooden statues of Lycurgus and of 
 his three sons, made by the two sons of Praxiteles. (Plu- 
 tarch de X Rhet. in Lycurg.) 
 
40 DESCRIPTION OF ATHENS 
 
 Cap. 26. The building is two-fold; within it is a well of 
 salt-water 1 , from whence issues a sound when 
 the south wind blows ; and upon a stone is the 
 figure of a trident 2 : these are said to have 
 relation to the contest of Neptune and Minerva, 
 for the possession of Attica J . All the city and 
 land is sacred to Minerva ; whatever other 
 deities may be worshipped in the demi, Mi- 
 nerva is no less honoured by them ; but her 
 most sacred statue is that which was a com- 
 mon offering of the demi, before they were 
 collected into the city, and which is now 
 in the Acropolis, then called Polis. It is 
 reported to have fallen from heaven. Before 
 the statue is a golden lamp, made by Calli- 
 machus ; it has a wick of Carpasian flax, which 
 is not consumed by fire, and it is filled with oil 
 once a year, burning during that time night 
 and day 4 . A brazen palm-tree, above the lamp, 
 
 1 This was the Qx\oc<r7a 'EpE*£0iji>, fabled to have been 
 produced by a blow of Neptune's trident. Apollod. 1. 3. 
 c. 14. Herodot. 1. 8. c. 55. 
 
 2 O^jj rrjV dy.coitoMv xa) to itct\ tyj; Tgixivrj ey^si ri tr^uehv. 
 Hegesias ap. Strabon. p. 396. 
 
 3 In memory of the amicable termination of this contest, 
 there was an altar of Oblivion in the temple of Polias. (Plu- 
 tarch. Sympos. 1. 9. qu. 6.) 
 
 4 'Analog vevi's b rr t g Ho\tdfof, ev <Z 6 ao-fsaroj Xv^vo(. 
 Strabo, p. 3G6. The Carpasian flax was made of the stone 
 called Amiantus, produced in CarpftSUS, a city of Cyprus. 
 
BY PAUSANIAS. 41 
 
 reaches to the roof, and carries off the smoke. Cap. 26. 
 In the temple of Polias 1 is a wooden Hermes, Cap. 27. 
 said to have been presented by Cecrops, and 
 now almost hidden by branches of myrtle. The 
 other offerings most worthy of mention are a 
 folding chair, made by Daedalus ; and some 
 spoils of the Medes 2 , namely, the breast-plate 
 of Masistius, who commanded the cavalry at 
 Platseas, and a scimitar, said to be that of 
 Mardonius 3 . Concerning the olive-tree, no- 
 
 Aristion, when besieged in Athens by Sylla, allowed the 
 flame to expire, for which he was not less detested than for 
 his acts of cruelty, and for his fatal policy in opposing the 
 Romans. (Plutarch in Sylla.) 
 
 1 Pausanias omits to notice the sacred serpent of the 
 Erechtheium, (Herod. 1. 8. c. 41. — Plutarch in Themist. et 
 in Demosth. — Philostr. Icon. 1. 2 — Hesych. in Q'l'xdvgov. — 
 Etymol. Mag. in £gdxav\os) which his contemporary, Phi- 
 lostratus, shows to have been still an inhabitant of the 
 temple in his time. 
 
 * Demosthenes mentions among these spoils the $'.<pgos 
 doyu§6irovs s or silvei'-footed chair, upon which Xerxes sat to 
 view the battle of Salamis. (Demosth. in Timocrat. Ulpian. 
 ad Olynth. 3.) Harpocration and Suidas (in d^yvooircvs) 
 state the chair to have been in the Parthenon ; but, as De- 
 mosthenes names it, in conjunction with the scimitar of Mar- 
 donius, which we find to have been, as late as the time of 
 Pausanias, in the temple of Minerva Polias, it is probable 
 that the two lexicographers have confounded the Parthenon 
 with the temple of Polias. 
 
 3 This Pausanias doubts, because Mardonius was opposed 
 to the Lacedaemonians, and was slain by a Spartan soldier. 
 
42 DESCRIPTION OF ATHENS 
 
 Cap. 27. thing is related, except that it is an evidence of 
 the contest (of Neptune and Minerva) for the 
 country ; and that when the Medes burnt the 
 city, the olive was also burnt, but that it 
 sprouted the same day to the length of two 
 cubits 1 . The temple of Pandrosus 2 is con- 
 tiguous to that of Minerva. Pandrosus was 
 the only one of the sisters who remained faith- 
 ful to her trust. Near the temple of Polias 
 dwell two virgins, called Canephori, who, 
 when the festival arrives, receive in the night 
 from the priestess of Minerva baskets, the con- 
 tents of which are unknown both to them and 
 to the priestess. These they carry upon their 
 heads to an inclosure near the statue of Venus 
 in the gardens, where, having deposited them in 
 a natural cavern, they receive other covered 
 burthens, which they deliver up as soon as they 
 come out of the cavern. The two virgins are 
 then dismissed, and two others are conducted 
 to the Acropolis in their place. 
 
 "Not far from the temple of Minerva Polias 
 is the statue of an old woman, one cubit in 
 height, said to be the priestess Lysimacha 3 : 
 
 1 Herodotus (1. 8. c. 55.) relates the same story, except 
 that he is contented with a sprout of one cubit, (mj^oaTov.) 
 
 3 Thallo, one of the Horae, received divine honours, to- 
 gether with Pandrosus. (Pausan. Bceot. c. 35.) 
 
 3 Lysimacha had been priestess sixty-four years. Her 
 
BY PAUSAN1AS. 43 
 
 here also are great brazen images of two men, Cap. 27. 
 ready to engage in fight ; one is called Erech- 
 theus, the other Eumolpus 1 : upon the base are 
 statues of men * * * and Tolmides himself 2 . 
 Here are some ancient statues of Minerva, no 
 part of which is consumed, though they are 
 unable to bear a blow, and are still black with 
 the fire which burnt them when Athens was 
 taken by Xerxes. There are also the hunting of 
 a wild boar ; Cycnus fighting with Hercules ; 
 Theseus finding the slippers and sword of 
 iEgeus under the rock, every part of which is 
 of brass, except the rock ; and Theseus leading 
 the Cretan bull from Marathon to be sacrificed 
 to Minerva in the Acropolis ; this work was 
 dedicated by the Marathonii. 
 
 " For what reason Cylon, who attempted to Cap. 28. 
 obtain the tyranny of Athens 3 , was thought 
 worthy of a brazen statue, I do not know ; but 
 I suppose it was for his beauty, and because he 
 
 statue was the work of Demetrius. (Plin. Nat. Hist. 1. 34. 
 c 8.) 
 
 1 " Those Athenians, (adds Pausanias) who are knowing 
 in antiquity, are not ignorant that this is Immaradus, son of 
 Eumolpus ; he having been the person who was slain by 
 Erechtheus, and not Eumolpus himself." Apollodorus, how- 
 ever, (1.3. c. 15.) says it was Eumolpus. 
 
 9 The text here is so much corrupted, that it is impossible 
 to discover the exact meaning of the author. 
 
 3 See Herod. 1. 5. c. 7l.and Thucvd. 1. i.e. 126. 
 
44 DESCRIPTION OF ATHENS 
 
 Cap. 28. was victorious in the Diaulus at Olympia, and 
 married the daughter of Theagenes, king of 
 Megara. Besides all the other things which I 
 have described, there are two dedications from 
 the tenth of military spoils. One of these is in 
 honour of the victory gained over the Medes at 
 Marathon. It is a brazen image of Minerva, 
 by Phidias ; on the shield are sculptures of the 
 Lapithaa fighting with the Centaurs. They say 
 that these, and all the other figures in relief 
 upon the shield, were wrought by Mys, but that 
 Parrhasius, son of Evenor, designed both these 
 and the other works of Mys. This statue is so 
 placed, that the crest of the helmet and the 
 point of the spear are seen in sailing from Su- 
 nium towards Athens 1 . The other offering 
 from the tenth of military spoils, is a brazen 
 chariot, dedicated after the victory of the Athe- 
 nians over the Boeotians and Chalcidcnses of 
 Eubcea 2 . There is likewise a statue of Peri- 
 
 ' Such is the obvious meaning of the words dtto Ho-jviou 
 Tpoo-vXtovtriv sativ r)8r) o-yvorra, and not that the spear and 
 crest were visible from Sunium, as the passage has often been 
 interpreted. Sunium is not in sight from any part of the 
 plain of Athens. 
 
 2 We learn from Herodotus, who has described the battle, 
 (1. 5. c 79.) that the brazen chariot, dedicated from the 
 spoils, had four horses, and that it stood on the left hand on 
 entering the Acropolis, through the Propylaa. — ribem-nov 
 
BY PAUSANIAS. 4£ 
 
 cles 1 , son of Xanthippus, and another brazen Mi- Cap. 28. 
 nerva, which is the finest of the works of Phi- 
 dias 2 , and is surnamed Lemnia, as having been 
 dedicated by the people of Lemnus. 
 
 " Part of the walls of the Acropolis are said 
 to have been raised by Agrolas and Hyperbius, 
 two of the Pelasgi, who lived under the Acro- 
 polis ; the remainder by Cimon, son of Mil- 
 tiades. 
 
 " In descending towards the lower city there 
 is a fountain a little below the Propylaea, near 
 which is a sanctuary of Apollo and Pan in a 
 cave, where Apollo is said to have had con- 
 nexion with Creusa, daughter of Erechtheus 3 . 
 Not far distant is the Areiopagus 4 , so called 
 because Mars ("A^?) was the first person here 
 tried for the murder of Halirrhothius, as I 
 have already related 5 . Here is an altar of Mi- 
 nerva Areia, dedicated by Orestes, on escaping 
 
 vaAxeoy, to 5s a.gio'i'sgys %££0£ £<ttv)ks irgujT'ov icriovti hg *&> 
 Ilf OTToAaia itt kv ry 'Avcf oitaXzi. 
 
 1 Probably the same mentioned in chapter 25. 
 
 2 This was probably the Minerva KaXXl^o§ <po$ 3 mentioned 
 by Pliny, (1. 34. c. 8.) 
 
 3 i. e. of Erechtheus the second, according to the gene- 
 alogy of Apollodorus. Euripides (Ion. v. 11.) says §o7So$ 
 £%eu%sv yajAOJf— -B/a Kgkva-av, thus endeavouring to save the 
 credit of the future wife of Xuthus. 
 
 4 The words of Pausanias are Kaflo xal 6 v A§£iog tfotyo;. 
 
 5 Cap. 21. See also Demosth. in Aristocr. 
 
46 DESCRIPTION OF ATHENS BY PAUSANIAS. 
 
 Cap. 23. punishment for the murder of his mother. Here 
 also are two rude stones 1 , upon one of which 
 the accuser sits, and upon the other the de- 
 fendant 8 . Near this place is the sanctuary of 
 the goddesses called Semnas, but whom Hesiod 
 in his Theogonia names Erinnyes 3 . iEschylus 
 was the first to represent them with snakes in 
 their hair ; but here their statues have nothing 
 ferocious in their aspect, nor have those of the 
 other subterranean deities here represented, 
 namely, Pluto, Hermes, and the Earth. Within 
 the same inclosure is the tomb of CEdipus. 
 
 Cap. 29. ( ( Near the Areiopagus is seen a ship, con- 
 structed for the use of the Panathenaic pro- 
 cession." 
 
 In the preceding extract the reader may have 
 remarked, that Pausanias has named some of 
 the buildings, or monuments, of Athens, with- 
 out any indication of their locality. Such are 
 
 1 The common reading is dfyvgovs \l6ovs, " silver stones," 
 but there can be little doubt tbat it ought to be dgyous 
 
 2 The court of Areiopagus was open to the sky, — viraifyloi 
 ihy.dtfivto. J. Poll. 1. 8. c. 10. In later times it had a roof 
 of clay. Vitruv. 1. 2. c. 1. 
 
 3 It was said to have been founded by Epimenides. Lobon. 
 Argius. ap. Diogen. Laert. in Epimen. Its situation on the 
 Areiopagus is shown by Dinarchus, — stiw§ >ci;xc<;j tde Ss/x-va? 
 Qtd; h 'Afeico Hdyiu. Din. cont. Demosth. p. 35. Iteiske. 
 
OMISSIONS OF PAUSANIAS. 47 
 
 the tomb of Molpadia the Amazon 1 , the heroic 
 monument of ^Egeus 2 , and all the structures of 
 Hadrian, except the Olympium 3 . Such also are 
 the several Courts of Judicature, which he 
 names in the 28th chapter, after speaking of 
 the Areiopagus, the greatest and most ancient 
 of them. Among these courts the position of 
 the Prytaneium and Delphinium may indeed 
 be inferred from his description ; but he has 
 said nothing to show the situation of the others 
 mentioned by him, namely, the Parabystum, 
 Trigonum, Batrachus, Pheenicus, Heliaea, and 
 Palladium 4 . 
 
 But, besides the objects which Pausanias has 
 named, there are some others, the fame and 
 importance of which were such, that we are 
 surprised to find that he has omitted all notice 
 of them. For example, in the midst of the 
 Cerameicus was the Leocorium, or monument 
 of the daughters of Leos, one of the most re- 
 
 1 C. 2. 
 
 2 C. 22. 
 
 3 C. 18. In like~manner, in subsequent chapters of the 
 Attica, he mentions altars of Anteros (c. 30.}, and ofAm- 
 philochus (c. 34.) 
 
 4 There were also tribunals at the Odeium, Theseium, 
 Bucoleium, Thesmothesium. For the Courts of Justice 
 at Athens, see Pollux. 1. 8. c. 10. and Meursii Areopag. 
 c. 11. 
 
OMISSIONS OF PAUSANIAS. 
 
 vered among the ancient monuments of Athens'. 
 The altar of the twelve gods in the Agora, was 
 not less celebrated 2 . There were also some 
 places of considerable celebrity, in the quarter 
 called Melite, of which I shall have occasion to 
 speak more fully hereafter, and there were 
 many others of minor note, which the reader 
 will find noticed below 3 . Some of these build- 
 ings may indeed have been ruined and neg- 
 lected in the time of Pausanias, but others must 
 have existed, being mentioned by contemporary, 
 or less ancient authors. 
 
 In addition to these, Athens itself retains 
 evidence in some of its ancient buildings, con- 
 structed before the time of Pausanias, of the in- 
 completeness of his description. These re- 
 mains are the Pnyx — the Horologium of An- 
 dronicus Cyrrhestes — the arch of Hadrian near 
 the Olympium — and the vestiges of a Roman 
 
 I Thucyd. 1. I.e. 20. — 1. 6. c. 5J. — Cicero de Nat. Deor. 
 1. 3. c. 19. — Demosth. in Conon.— iElian Var. Hist. 1. 12. c. 
 28. — Aristid. in Panathenaico. — Liban. in Declam. 27. — 
 Strabo, p. 396. — Hegesias ap. Strab. ibid. — Phanodemus ap. 
 Harpocrat. in Ascokoqiqv, — Suidas, Hesycb., et Etymol. Mag. 
 in AewMOgtov. 
 
 s Herod. 1. 6. c. 108.— Thucyd. 1. 6. c. 54.— Xenoph. 
 Hipparch. c. 3. — The altar of the twelve gods was near the 
 statue of Demosthenes, (Plutarch de X Rhet. in Demosth.) 
 consequently not far from the temple of Mars. 
 
 3 See the additional Note II. at the end of the volume. 
 
OMISSIONS OF PAUSANIAS. #35 
 
 aqueduct constructed by Hadrian and Anto- 
 ninus Pius 1 , of which a part of an arch, adorning 
 the reservoir, was still standing in its place in 
 the year 1756 2 . 
 
 1 See the inscription in Spon (Voyage, &c. tome 2. p. 99.) 
 <z Stuart's Antiq. of Athens, vol. 3. c. 4. 
 
= 36 AHKIOPAGUS. 
 
 SECTION II. 
 
 Of the Positions and existing Monuments of ancient 
 Athens, concerning tlve Identity of which there can be 
 little or no Doubt. 
 
 The positions which ancient history and 
 local evidence concur in determining with the 
 greatest certainty, are the river Ilissus, — the 
 Acropolis with its three principal buildings, the 
 Parthenon, Erechtheium, and Propylaea, — the 
 Areiopagus, the Theseium, the Museium, the 
 Pnyx, the temple of Jupiter Olympius, the 
 fountain Enneacrunus, the Stadium, the Dio- 
 nysiac theatre, the Odeium of Herodes, and the 
 Agora of the time of the Romans. 
 
 Of the identity of the Ilissus, or of the Acro- 
 polis and its existing edifices, it cannot be ne- 
 cessary to speak in the present state of our 
 knowledge of the topography of Athens. All 
 the other places mentioned in the following 
 section have, at no distant period of time, been 
 mistaken by some of those who have visited or 
 described Athens. 
 Areiopagus. The principal evidence of the Areiopagus 
 having been the rocky height, which is sepa- 
 rated from the western end of the Acropolis by 
 
AREIOPAGUS. *37 
 
 a hollow, forming a communication between the 
 northern and southern divisions of the city, is 
 found in the preceding extract from the Attica 
 of Pausanias, (c. 28.) confirmed by a passage 
 in Herodotus 1 , who very clearly describes this 
 hill, under the name of Areiopagus, as the 
 place where the Persians were posted when 
 they attacked the western end of the Acropolis. 
 vEschylus 2 alludes to the same rocky height, 
 under the same appellation, as the situation of 
 the camp of the Amazones ; and a passage in 
 Lucian 3 , which, as speaking of it in connexion 
 with other adjacent positions in the city, will 
 more properly come under consideration here- 
 after, no less surely points to the same height as 
 the Areiopagus ; so that this maybe considered 
 
 » Of §s Usgtrou sgdpsvoi kit) to xxtccvthv tvjs dngottoXios 
 o^flov toy 'AQyvcuoi xaXsovcriv 'Apyiov tfdyov, ktfoXiopteov r^oitov 
 roiovSs. Herodot. 1. 8. c. 52. 
 
 2 Ildyov 8' 'A§s7ov, tov $' 'A^aZ,6va>v sfyav, 
 2>«jvaV 9' or ^a9ov ©ojtricuf xatd fQovov 
 "EtpccTrjXa.Tovo'ocr xou itoh.iv ysoittoXiv 
 Tyjv J' vtyrtvgyov dvtertv %yw<r«,v Tote 
 "Aget $' !0uov evQev strT eitcuvvpos 
 Ust^oc, Ttdyo$ t 'A§e7o$. — iEschyl. Eumenid. v. 688. 
 The original city of Theseus occupied the hill of the Acro- 
 polis only. 
 
 3 Lucian. in $}$ %aTr)yopovjj,eyos. 
 
 See also Etymol. Mag. in Age~o$ Kayos, and Eustath, 
 Comment, in Dionys. Alexand. 
 
 *E2 
 
Theseium. 
 
 *38 THESEIUM. 
 
 as one of the most certain among the positions 
 of ancient Athens. It appears that the court 
 of Areiopagus, and the temple of the Semnae, 
 occupied only the highest or eastern summit of 
 the hill, which agrees very well with the au- 
 thorities tending to place other buildings on the 
 more western parts of the ridge, as will be seen 
 hereafter 1 . 
 
 The identity of the temple of Theseus may 
 be presumed from the importance of the ex- 
 isting building 2 , and from its vicinity to the 
 ruins of the Gymnasium of Ptolemy. But the 
 best proof is to be found in some of the re- 
 maining sculptures of the temple. The ten 
 metopes of the eastern front, together with the 
 four adjoining metopes of either flank, are 
 adorned with sculptures in high relief, which 
 represent the labours of Hercules and Theseus, 
 the union of whose worship at Athens, in con- 
 sequence of the gratitude of Theseus towards 
 Hercules, is well known 3 . 
 
 1 See Section V. p. 11 7. 
 
 2 For the importance of the temple of Theseus, see Plu- 
 tarch (de Exil.) who places it on a level in sanctity with the 
 Eleusinium and Parthenon. See also Strabo and Hegesias 
 ap. Strab. p. 396. 
 
 3 Plutarch in Thes. For some further remarks upon the 
 construction and sculptures of the Theseium, see the addi- 
 tional Note III. at the end of the volume. 
 
 
MUSE1UM. *39 
 
 The Museium is described, by Pausanias 1 , Milium, 
 as a hill opposite to the Acropolis, included 
 within the ancient circuit of the city-wall 2 , 
 and having the monument of a certain Sy- 
 rian upon it. By the first part of this de- 
 scription, the traveller is at once directed to the 
 hill, which, almost equal in height to the Acro- 
 polis, is separated from it by a valley on the 
 south side : and here he not only finds the 
 foundations of the city-walls crossing the sum- 
 mit of that hill, but the monument also of the 
 Syrian just within the walls. This Syrian, whom 
 Pausanias has not named, was Caius Julius 
 Antiochus Philopappus, grandson of Antiochus, 
 the fourth and last king of Commagene, who 
 was deposed and carried to Rome by Vespa- 
 sian, together with his two sons, Epiphanes and 
 Callinicus 3 . It appears from the monument 
 that Philopappus, son of Epiphanes, attained 
 under Trajan to the dignities of Consul and 
 Frater Arvalis, that, having retired to Athens, 
 he was enrolled in the dermis Besa, of the tribe 
 Antiochis, and that he erected this monument, 
 
 1 "Ea-'ti $1 kvrbs rou Kspitokov dp%a,iov to Movcrs7ov, dit dvnxpu 
 7% dxpoiroXstos Xocpos, Ivfla Moutraloy a$eiv kcc) drfo&a.vdvrxyrjpa.'i 
 T'X'pfivot.i Xsyovtriv vtrrepov Sb pt,vrj(ji.a, aJroQi dv$p) wx.o$0[/,^Sy} 
 ~Zv,pu). Pausan. Attic, c. 25. 
 
 2 i. e. the limits of the city on this side, before the Long 
 Walls were built. See Section IX. 
 
 3 Sueton. in Vespas. c. 8. — Joseph. Ant. Jud. 1. 19. c. g. 
 1. 20. c. 7.— -De Bell. Jud. 1. 7. c. 7. 
 
#40 P> T YX. 
 
 which he decorated in a lower compartment 
 with one of the triumphs of his benefactor 
 Trajan, and above with three statues, seated 
 in niches, of himself, his father, and grand- 
 father 1 . 
 Pnyx. With no less certainty the Pnyx, which was 
 
 the most common place of public assembly in 
 ancient times-, but which was afterwards less 
 frequented for that purpose than the Dionysiac 
 theatre 3 , is indicated by the description of its 
 being over-against the Areiopagus 4 , in view of 
 the Propylaea 5 , at no great distance from the 
 Museium 6 , and near the city walls 7 , — as having 
 
 1 See Stuart, vol. 3. c. 5. But I cannot agree with him, 
 that the inscription on the pilaster referred to any other 
 Philopappus than him, whose statue is in the neighbouring 
 central niche j or that there were ever any statues on the 
 top of the monument. 
 
 2 Aristoph. in Acharn. v. 20. Equit. v. J ±6. v. 1106. Pac. 
 v. (579. Concion. v. 384. 
 
 3 Pollux. 1. 8. c. 10. See page *4l, note 1. 
 
 * Mercury say3 to Justice in the $); KaTT/jyopov^tvos of Lu- 
 cian, au-nj hracvQa irov hir\ tou itdyou (A^siov) xaflrjero, tyv 
 ITvt/xa o§w<ra. 
 
 UgoirvXciia. raDVa* Aypoo-Qtvys ev QiXivKikois' Suvcctai /xev 
 Seixrixuus XeyecrQai, are o^w^ivevv rwv YlcwvXalwv dito ryjg 
 Hwms. — Flarpocrat. in voce. 
 
 'Ov yd§ ev aa-fsi x.a,TE<rrgoire$cV<rxv, ovSe ryv /^a^ijv 
 vvvrj^av ev %pw ntefi, rvjv Tlvvxa, ko) to Moo <te7ov. Plutarch in 
 Theseo. 
 
 7 . . . . itfos r<Z rel^si fw ev Ty TJvvkL Schol. Aristoph. 
 Aves. s. 999. — Suidas in Msrwv. 
 
PNYX. *41 
 
 been constructed for the meetings of the peo- 
 ple, not with the magnificence of a regular 
 theatre, but with the simplicity of ancient 
 times 1 , and as having a pulpit of stone 2 turned 
 from the sea towards the interior country 3 . 
 
 All these data accord so exactly with the re- 
 mains of a monument, still existing on a height 
 to the. north of the Museium, and to the west 
 of the Areiopagus, that it is singular there 
 should ever have been a difference of opinion as 
 to those remains. Yet Spon 4 took them for the 
 Areiopagus, Wheler 5 was in doubt whether they 
 belonged to the Areiopagus or Odeium, and 
 Stuart 6 has given a plan and section of them as 
 of the theatre of Regilla ; thus mistaking the 
 most ancient of the Athenian edifices for the 
 most modern. 
 
 Stuart opposes to the opinion of Chandler, 
 
 1 Uvv% $y yv xujfiov rfgb; ryv dx§oira\iv xoefso-x.evdtrpevov 
 xatd Trjv TtaXaioLv dirko'fyjra., ovk s\; Ssdrgou itaXvitparyiLOvvvfiv' 
 avQis $e td /xsy aWa, Iv Tip Atovv<riax.uj Qsdrpcv, [jlovccs 5e T&S 
 dpxjzipeo-las h tfjj ILvvxi. Pollux. 1. 8. c. 10. 
 
 a "OirTi; xpofth vvv Tou Ai'9ou tou sv Hvvxl. Aristoph. in 
 Pace, v. 659. In quern loc. Schol. . . . \l8w $s tw GrjpaTi 
 r<p £v Ty HvvkL 
 
 3 .... to %yj(jt,a, To sv Tlvvxl ifsrtoiypsvov uxtt* dtfotXiitetv 
 Ttgbs Tvjv QdKoctrtrav vatspoy of Tg idnovTa, Tf^bs Trjv %cupav ditk- 
 o-rpstyxv. Plutarch in Themistocl. 
 
 * Spon, Voyage, &c. torn. 2. p. 116. 
 
 5 Wheler 's Travels, p. 382. 
 
 Stuart's Antiq. of Athens, vol. 3. p. 51. 
 
'42 PNYX. 
 
 who first demonstrated the identity of this mo- 
 nument, now generally acknowledged to be the 
 Pnyx, First, 
 
 That Plutarch 1 states the Sr^a, or pulpit, to 
 have been turned so as to look towards the 
 sea, which is the reverse of what we now find 
 it to be : 
 
 2dly. That Lucian, in his bis accusatus, places 
 Justice on the Areiopagus, looking westward 
 towards Pnyx, at the same time that she beholds 
 Pan approaching, whose abode was in the grotto 
 under the Acropolis, exactly in the opposite 
 direction. 
 
 But 1. There is every reason to think that 
 the existing monument, whose rude massy 
 wall is of the highest antiquity, is anterior 
 to the time of Themistocles, and was built, as 
 we now see it, to face the Agora; that The- 
 mistocles, by some temporary alteration, which 
 has not lasted to the present time, turned the 
 place of assembly to face the sea, in order to 
 promote his design of giving the Athenians 
 a taste for maritime affairs, contrary to their 
 ancient prejudices; and that the thirty tyrants 
 restored it to its former state. Or supposing 
 the existing remains to be of less ancient date, 
 we should still expect to find the bema as the 
 latest change had left it ; that is to say, turned, 
 as we now find it, towards the city. 
 1 Plutarch, supra. 
 
OLYMPIUM. *43 
 
 2. The objection taken from Lucian is still 
 less valid. Pan is supposed to be very near to 
 Justice when he is perceived by her; for he im- 
 mediately begins conversing with her. He per- 
 ceived her from his grotto as she was sitting 
 upon the Areiopagus, advanced to meet her, 
 and arrived just as Mercury was setting off to 
 the Acropolis 1 . 
 
 We are equally well assured that the cluster oivmpium. 
 of magnificent columns of Pentelic marble, at 
 the south-east end of the city, near the Ilissus, 
 belonged to the temple of Jupiter Olympius. 
 They are of the Corinthian order, sixteen in 
 number 2 , six feet and a half in diameter, and 
 
 1 AIKH. My rfpoTspov ditaK^g, w 'Ep^y, ifp)v eitfeiy o fftig 
 ouTog 6 rfpovidv hcrT'.v, 6 xsgdrcpogog, 6 rrjv cvpiyya, o \d<rio; ex 
 Tolv o-xsXolv. 
 
 'EPMHE. Titprjg, dyvoelg rov Havcc, ?ujv Atovutrov QspaitovTwv 
 Toy Sax^ixcuTccTov ; ovTog Jjxsi [x,lvrb tfgoo-Qsv dva to YlapQeviov 
 virb $«-rov Adftftog htlttKovv xx\ rijv Ma^ adwya.Se Twv tapZdpwv 
 difoSaTiv yxsv axXrjTOg Tolg ' k^vaioig o-v^a.'xps x-ai to die 
 exeivov, ttjv vtfb Tri dxpoitoXei ftfyXvyya TavTyv aVoAaSo/xeyOf, 
 oVasi luxpbv uitb tou Ue\a<rytxou, eg to peToixixby arvvTeXwv xa\ 
 vuv, dig To e\xbg, \Swv ex yetTovwv itpocreiTi $e%iwo*6^evog. 
 
 ITAN. XaipsTe w 'E^uy xa) Alxy. 
 
 Lucian in S)g xaTr t yo§ovpevog. 
 
 3 There was a seventeenth column, belonging to the 
 western front, standing unlil about the year 1760, when it 
 was taken down by order of the governor of Athens, to build 
 a new mosque in the Bazar. (Stuart's Antiq. of Athens, vol. 
 3. p. 15. Chandler's Travels in Greece, c. 15.) 
 
<44 OLYMPH'M. 
 
 above sixty feet high, standing upon an arti- 
 ficial platform, supported by a wall, the re- 
 mains of which show that the entire circuit of 
 the platform was 2300 feet. It appears from the 
 existing remains that the temple consisted of a 
 cell, surrounded by a peristyle, which had ten 
 columns in front, and twenty on the sides ; that 
 the peristyle, being double on the sides, and 
 quadruple at the posticum and pronaos, con- 
 sisted altogether of 120 columns, and that the 
 whole length of the building was 354 feet, and 
 its breadth 171. Such vast dimensions would 
 alone be sufficient to prove these columns to 
 have belonged to that temple, which was the 
 largest ever built in honour of the supreme 
 pagan deity 1 , and one of the four most magni- 
 ficent ever erected by the ancients 2 , even if 
 
 i Jovis Olympii templum Athenis, unum in terris inchoa- 
 tum pro magnitudine Dei. Liv. Hist. 1. 41. c. 20. 
 
 8 The other three were the Ionic temples of Diana at Ephe- 
 sus, and of Apollo near Miletus, and the Doric temple, sacred 
 to Ceres and Proserpine, at Eleusis. Vitruv. in Proem. 1. 7. 
 According to Pliny, the Ephesian temple was 425 feet long, 
 and 220 broad. Recent observations have proved the tem- 
 ple of Apollo at Branchidae, near Miletus, to have measured 
 368 feet by 165, and the mystic temple of Eleusis 216 by 
 178. The temples of Jupiter at Agrigentum and Selinus 
 were, the former 358 feet by 172, the latter 331 by 161 ; 
 but they were never finished, as appears, in regard to the first, 
 from Diodorus (1. 13, c. 82), and in regard to that of Selinus 
 from the existing ruins. 
 
ENNEACRUNUS. *45 
 
 Thucydides J had not pointed out this side of 
 the city as the position of the Olympium, or if 
 Vitruvius had not left us a description of the 
 Olympium 2 , exactly conformable with the exist- 
 ing ruins. The coincidence between the extent 
 of the exterior inclosure and the dimensions of 
 the peribolus of the Olympium, as stated by 
 Pausanias, is still a further confirmation of the 
 identity. 
 
 The fountain Enneacrunus, the most import- EnneacrQ - 
 ant point in Athens for the elucidation of the 
 topography of Pausanias, inasmuch as the sim- 
 ple text of his narrative, uncompared with other 
 authorities, generally leaves an impression on 
 the reader's mind that this fountain was towards 
 the central or western part of the city 3 , was, 
 on the contrary, exactly at its south-eastern 
 extremity, on the bank of the Ilissus. 
 
 The proofs are, 1. That Thucydides expressly 
 declares Enneacrunus to have been on the south- 
 
 1 1. 2, c. 15. See the next page, note 1. 
 
 2 Cellae magnitudinem et columnarum circa dipteron col- 
 locationem, &c. Romanus Cossutius nobiliter est architec- 
 
 tatus In asty Olympium Corinthiis sym- 
 
 metriis et proportionibus, uti supra dictum est, architec- 
 tandum Cossutius suscepisse memoratur. Vitruv. Proem, i. 
 7. See the plan by Reveley, and the other drawings of this 
 building in Stuart's Antiquities of Athens, vol. 3. c. 2. 
 
 3 Such was Wheler's opinion : he supposed Enneacrunus 
 to have been between the Acropolis and Areiopagus. Tra- 
 vels, p. 383. 
 
>46 ENNEACRUNUS. 
 
 ern side of the city, in the quarter earliest in- 
 habited, where were the most ancient temples 
 of Jupiter Olympius, Apollo Pythius, and Bac- 
 chus in Limnis 1 . 2. That it was near the 
 temple of Jupiter Olympius 2 . 3. That it was 
 near the Ilissus 3 . 4. That its ancient name 
 of Callirrhoe, which was never obsolete 4 , though 
 the epithet of Enneacrunus prevailed in com- 
 mon use, is still applied to a fountain in this 
 situation, and to the river itself. In 1676, when 
 
 1 To 8s tff>b rourov i dx^oiroXis ij v~jv ovrx iroXis yv xx) to uV 
 auVijy itpos vo'tov [UxXio-tx tst^xjx^svov Tsxurjgiov 8s tx ydg 
 iegx sv avrr, ?rj dx^oitoXsi not.) xXXcuv Qsuiv sen xa) tx e%cu itpog 
 tovto to ju-ifoj rrji moXsius pxXXov 18gvrai, to t\ tov Ajo? tou 
 'OXvuirlov not,) to TLvQiOV xa) to Tij$ Tij$ xx\ to sv Ai^vais Afovucrou 
 (L to. d^yxiOTs^x Aiovvcix KoisItxi, .... t8g vtzI re xx) xXXx 
 iff a dgyaix TavTt)' xa) r»? xgyvy rn vvv |U,sv, tujv Tvgdwwv ovToj 
 <rxevx<rxvTcuv, 'Evvsxxgovvcv xxXovpsvy, to 8s irdXai tpxveguJv 
 Twv Ttvjyuiv ovtcuv, KxXXtppir) wvo\hxv\).zvr., IxeivyTs syyvg outrr, 
 Ta TtXsia-Tov x£tx sy^cwvTO' xa) vvv sTi dirb tov d^yalov irgo ts 
 ya-iuxuiv xa) sg aXXx tujv isfvuv vo^l^sTai row 3$ari xgijo-Qou. 
 Thucyd. 1. 2. c. 15. 
 
 * Tagavrlvos 8s Itto§s! tov tov A<oV vyuiv xaTavxtvdXfivraq 
 'AQyvalovs 'Evvsax^ovvov itXrjo-iov ficreAaflr'va* ipYftplo-affQai tx ex 
 Tyjg 'ATTixrjs s\$ to dcTv tfityr, ditavTa. Hierocl. in Proem. 
 Hippiat. 
 
 3 'Evysxxgtwo; xfij'vij 'AflijVrct irx^d tov '{Xivtov -tj "K^ots^ov 
 KxXXt§ o't) ssxsv <x<p' rjs tx XovT^x Ta); ya^ovj^svais peTixri. 
 
 Etymo). Mag. in voce 'Evvsax. 
 
 * Thucyd. ibid. 
 
 Et quos Callirhoe novies errantibus undis 
 Implicat. 
 
 Stat. Theb. I. 12. v. 629. 
 
ENNEACRUNUS. #47 
 
 Spon and Wheler visited Athens, there were 
 two fountains and some houses, a little below 
 the south-eastern angle of the peribolus of the 
 Olympium ; the place was called Kallir6i (k«a- 
 A*f o'tj), and one of thefountains preserved a stream 
 of water 1 . Not many years ago, an excava- 
 tion made in this spot showed that the natural 
 course of this vein of water was from the north, 
 and that it here joins the bed of the Ilissus. At 
 present, owing to neglect and the obstruction 
 of the earth collected on the bank, it finds its 
 way into the Ilissus at the foot of a rock, which 
 crosses the bed of that stream. Here it forms 
 a pool, which in the drought of summer be- 
 comes muddy and very scanty, but which is 
 still resorted to, as the only place in the neigh- 
 bourhood furnishing sweet water. In seasons 
 of extraordinary rain, the Ilissus, or rather a 
 part of its stream, forms a small cascade over 
 this rock, in which, above the spring or pool, 
 are seen four or five excavated channels, in- 
 tended for water-courses. It cannot be doubted 
 that the vein of water from the north was that 
 which supplied the ancient Enneacrunus, and 
 with a little care it might again be made a 
 perennial fountain. 
 
 A slight examination of the site of Athens is 
 
 • Wheler's Travels, p. 376. Spon, Voyage, &c tome 2, 
 p. 122. 140. 
 
*48 ENNEACRUNUS. 
 
 sufficient to convince the traveller of the cor- 
 rectness of Pausanias, in saying that Ennea- 
 crunus 1 was the only natural source of potable 
 water, for such must be considered the mean- 
 ing of his words. Of water fitted for domestic 
 purposes, but too saline to be drinkable, there 
 are other sources in Athens, and with aque- 
 ducts of such water ancient Athens was amply 
 provided 2 . There was a fountain, also, called 
 the fountain of Panops, on the north-east side 
 of the city, near the Lyceium, and the gate 
 Diocharis 3 , but as it had fallen into neglect 
 before the time of Augustus 4 , and not a vestige 
 of it is now to be seen, it was probably no more 
 than an artificial source drawn from the Ilissus 
 by the same conduit that watered the Lyceium 5 , 
 so that Enneacrunus was still the only natural 
 fountain of sweet water. 
 
 1 (fpeata ju-sv xa) fox TfcLoys rr t $ itoXewf Icrri, ityiyt) Sh avtrj 
 jxo'vij. Pausan. Attic, c. 14. 
 
 2 Aquae enim species est, quae cum habeat non satis per- 
 lucidas venas, spuma uti flos natat in summo, colore similis 
 vitri purpurei. Haec maximc considerantur Athenis : ibi 
 enim ex hujusmodi locis et fontibus ct in asty et ad portum 
 Piraeeum, ducti sunt salientes, e quibus bibit nemo propter 
 earn causam, sed lavationibus et aliis rebus utuntur. Vitruv. 
 1. 8. c. 3. 
 
 5 See the authorities hereafter under the head of Lyceium. 
 
 4 Strabo, p. 397. 
 
 5 Theoplir. Hist. Plant. 1. I.e. 11. 
 
FOUNTAINS OF ATHENS. 49 
 
 It appears unaccountable that Athens should 
 have depended upon this source alone, and upon 
 its wells for potable water, when such an aque- 
 duct from the Cephissus as was constructed 
 by Hadrian and Antoninus Pius, or such even 
 as the Turks have drawn from the Ilissus, 
 would have 'provided an ample supply. But 
 there are strong reasons for thinking that the 
 Athenians before the time of Antoninus never 
 enjoyed such a plentiful supply of pure water 
 as was administered to them by the aque- 
 duct, then completed; for Dicsearchus 1 , who 
 lived 450 years before that time, in the most 
 flourishing period of the republic, observes, that 
 the city was dry and ill supplied with water, 
 which cannot be said of it at the present 
 day ; and 300 years before the time of Dicasar- 
 chus, Solon 2 enacted a law, according to which, 
 the right of fetching water from a well was con- 
 fined to a small district around it. Had the 
 Ilissus supplied the fountains of the city, that 
 stream would not have been described by Plato 
 as flowing in summer, or have been praised by 
 him for its pleasant waters 3 , but like the Ilissus 
 
 1 'H 5s itoXi; fopa itoLva,, ovk svvfoof. Dicaearch. Stat. 
 Graeciae. 
 
 2 Plutarch. Parall. in Solon. 
 
 5 xara rov 'iAjctrov icJjxsv pacrrov oiv yfuv xara 
 
 to uJart.ov ffip^oucrj tov$ itobxs hvon xcCi ovk ayM, aXXa ts kx) 
 
 E 
 
50 FOUNTAINS OF ATHENS. 
 
 of the present day, the waters of which are all 
 either consumed in the gardens of the valley of 
 Ambelokipo, or diverted into the artificial foun- 
 tains of Athens, it must have been always dry, 
 except after heavy rains. The only other source 
 from whence a plentiful supply of water can be 
 drawn for the use of Athens is at the foot of 
 mount Pentelicum, near Cephissia, where are 
 the springs of the principal branch of the 
 Cephissus, towards which w r e still ti'ace the re- 
 mains of Hadrian's aqueduct ; but had such an 
 aqueduct existed in the better ages of the 
 Athenian republic it would surely have been 
 mentioned, or alluded to by some of the an- 
 cient authors. 
 
 It has been supposed that the epithet 6 rd,s xprjvas 
 ayuuv attached by the comic poet 1 to the astro- 
 nomer Meton, the words eitKrrdrris xpyvwv by which 
 Plutarch describes one of the offices held by 
 Themistocles, and the title x/>ijvaf%ij found in 
 other ancient authors', had all reference to the 
 superintendance of some such work as the aque- 
 
 •nj'v h rrjv (ugccv row etov$ re xa) tys r^kpas 
 
 %af levta yo'Jv xa) xaflaf a xa) Jiapanj td vSdria 
 
 Qalverai. Plato in Phaedr. vol. 3. p. 229. ed. Serran. 
 1 Tig 8' effrtv i^Btot raurx rauTys (ppovrityuv ; 
 Mstujv 6 Aevxouv isv'g. OlSa, 6 rag xoyvag aywv. . 
 Phrynichus in Mdvorpoitiu, ap. Schol. Aristoph. Aves, v. QQQ. 
 '* Hesych. in Kp^va'yyT]. 
 
STADIUM. 5X 
 
 duct of Hadrian ; but it is to be observed that 
 they are equally applicable to magistrates having 
 the inspection of the distribution of water from 
 cisterns rilled by rain, or from those fountains of 
 water unfit for drinking, which are noticed by 
 Vitruvius. As to the office of Themistocles, who 
 is described by Plutarch 1 as having had the duty 
 of inquiring after those who illegally drew offthe 
 water from the established conduits, it seems to 
 have been a consequence of the same regula- 
 tions, which are still found necessary to prevent 
 the waste, and unfair distribution of the waters 
 of the Cephissus, and other rivulets of the plain 
 of Athens ; no person being now allowed to turn 
 any of those waters into his house, or gardens, 
 or olive-grounds, without purchasing permission 
 from the government, or from such other per- 
 sons as have established a right in them. 
 
 Among the ancient monuments of Athens, stadium. 
 there is none of which the identity is less doubt- 
 ful than the Stadium. It was first constructed 
 in its existing form and situation about the 
 year 350 B. C. for the gymnic contests of the 
 panathenaic festival, by Lycurgus, son of Lyco- 
 phron, who for this purpose levelled a torrent- 
 bed upon the banks of the llissus 2 . About 
 
 1 ~Evpwv T'ovg v<py)py)[x,avov$ ro vSciup xa) u'apO'X i si'£V<ravtas . 
 Plutarch, in Theraistocl. 
 
 2 Ka» TfZ ctatiiu) rw TlavaQyvcuKu! -tvjv KgrirfiSa ifs^isSvjxsv, 
 
 E 2 
 
62 STADIUM. 
 
 five centuries afterwards, it was covered with 
 seats of Pentelic marble by Herodes, son of 
 Atticus, near four years being required to com- 
 plete the undertaking 1 . The marble seats have 
 all disappeared, but the entire cavea remains, 
 together with the masses of masonry, by which 
 the semicircular end on the south was formed 
 out of the torrent-bed. Similar ruins of the 
 double extremity at the opposite end are also 
 seen, together with the piers of a wide bridge 
 over the Ilissus, and the site of a building 
 on the summit of either hill. Of these two 
 buildings one was a temple of Fortune, where 
 stood a statue of the goddess in ivory 2 ; the 
 other may have been the tomb of Herodes, who 
 was buried in the Stadium with every demon- 
 stration of respect 3 . Enough remains to form a 
 judgment of what the entire structure must have 
 been when complete, and to justify the terms 
 of admiration used by Pausanias 2 and Philostra- 
 
 e£efya<ra/xevof rouro, xa) ryjv ydpa.lpa.v o/xjAijy iron/jo-af. Plu- 
 tarch de X Rhet. in Lycurg. 
 
 1 To <rrdhov (Aeo'xou X(flou) uirep rbv 'iXurcrbv titru Terrdpwv 
 ituv £TfEteXy)<rev, epyov j-fuvflejf i/Vt/j ifdvta rd 6av^a<rloc' ouSh 
 ydp Qsarpov autw dpuWoirat. Philostrat. in Herod. 
 
 ? To $e eir) $drepa roo <rta,Slou vew$ lite^i tv^tjs xa) dyaXpa 
 iXtfdvnvov ug xv^epvuj<rr)s itdvta. Philostrat. ibid. 
 
 s Philostrat. ibid. 
 
 4 To SI dxovtratri fx.lv 6v% 6/xoiw; eifccywybv, ftavfua 8' ISovtri, 
 <rra,h6v s<rrt Xsvxov \iSov [xaytQos $s avrov ry$e dv fif [/.dXicra 
 
DIONYSIAC THEATRE. £3 
 
 tus, who saw it soon after it had been so mag- 
 nificently embellished by Herodes. Its length, 
 though probably the same between the metae 
 as the other Stadia of Greece, is considerably 
 greater in the part destined for the spectators, 
 being 675 feet in the interior. It may be con- 
 jectured that there were nearly thirty rows of 
 seats, which rendered it capable of accommo- 
 dating about 25,000 persons ; but a much greater 
 multitude might be assembled upon the slope of 
 the two hills, above the seats, upon such an ex- 
 traordinary occasion as that whereon Hadrian 
 gratified the corrupted taste of the Athenians, 
 and disgraced a Grecian Stadium by the Roman 
 exhibition of the slaughter of a thousand wild 
 beasts 1 . 
 
 The Dionysiac theatre, or theatre of Bacchus, Dionyiiac 
 
 i • n * ■ , • i Theatre. 
 
 is another point ot Athenian topography, upon 
 which there can be no doubt, and its position 
 is of such importance, that a mistake in regard 
 to it led Stuart to several erroneous conclusions 
 on the topography of the city. He supposed 
 that the theatre, whose ruins are seen under the 
 
 'texfiatlpon'O' ccvouQev opov; uitsp toy 'IX«nrov dp'xpn.zvov ex /aij- 
 
 tovTO dvrjp 'A0i)vaTo£ 'HpwSrjs ujno§6pri<re x.a) ol ro ifoXv ftjs 
 AlfioTOpaj rrjs YlEvrsXriviv kg trjv ohoSoprjv avTjAcJOij. Pausan. 
 Attic, c. 19. 
 
 1 Athenis mille ferarura venationem in Stadio exhibuit. 
 Spartian. in Hadrian. 
 
54 DIONYSIAC THEATRE. 
 
 south-west corner of the Acropolis, was the 
 Dionysiac theatre, and that the building, of 
 which the form only, together with some ves- 
 tiges of one of the wings, are traced near the 
 south-east angle, was the Odeium of Pericles : 
 in which opinion it is no less surprising that 
 he should for a moment have imagined that 
 a building, so evidently of the construction 
 of Roman times as the former, could have 
 been the theatre where the works of iEschylus 
 and his followers in the drama were first repre- 
 sented, as that so large an edifice as the latter 
 could ever have been covered by a pointed 
 wooden roof in the manner in which the tent- 
 shaped building of Pericles was constructed 1 . 
 
 It is now admitted, by the generality of tra- 
 vellers, that the theatre at the south-west angle 
 of the citadel is neither the Dionysiac theatre 
 nor the Odeium of Pericles, but the Odeium 
 of Herodes, and that the Dionysiac theatre 
 was that of which vestiges are seen near the 
 south-eastern angle 2 . Like the other theatres 
 of Greece, its extremities were supported by 
 solid piers of masonry, while the middle of it 
 was excavated on the side of the hill. 
 
 The strongest proof that these remains belong 
 
 1 See page 18, note 2. 
 
 * Chandler was the first who gave his opinion that these 
 remains belonged to the theatre of Bacchus. Barthelemy 
 
DIONYSIAC THEATRE. 
 
 to the theatre of Bacchus is to be found in the 
 choragic monuments still existing in that part 
 of the site of Athens. Upon some of these are 
 seen vestiges of the tripods, well known to 
 have been the usual prizes of the leaders of 
 the victorious Chori 1 , in the contests of music 
 and poetry, decided in the Dionysiac theatre 2 , 
 and to have been often dedicated in the sacred 
 inclosure of Bacchus 3 , of which the theatre 
 was a part. We not only find the cavern at 
 the summit of the theatre in the rocks of the 
 
 followed him in the Voyage du Jeune Anacharsis, where, 
 speaking of the choragic monuments found in the vicinity of 
 this theatre, he justly remarks, " II convenoit que les trophees 
 fussent elevees aupres du champ de bataille." Jeune Anach, 
 tome 2. c. 12. But some late authors have still adhered to 
 the opinion of Stuart. See Visconti's Elgin Marbles, p. 122. 
 127. Memoirs on Turkey, edited by Walpole, p. 546. 
 
 1 Plutarch in Arist. in Themist. et in Nicia. Lysias in De- 
 fens. Largit. Pollux. 1. 3. c. 30. Athen. 1. 2. c. 2. Plutarch 
 has given the words of the choragic inscriptions of Aristides 
 and Themistocles, and the reader will find others (some of 
 which still exist at Athens) in Spon, in the Inscriptiones An- 
 tiquse of Chandler, and in Stuart, vol. 1. c. 4. and vol. 2. c. 4. 
 
 a Twv $s dyujvuiv, 01 [x,sv yvptsvtxo), of<3s xccXov^svoi tntyvixo't, 
 WQihOLcrbzhv dv Aiovwiaxo/ te xa; [t,ov<riKoi, &c. "Kouplx <5s tcvv 
 ply arfdfoov, ?uiv Ss Qsafpbv. Pollux. 1. 3. c. 30. 
 
 3 v/)«j£ dvafiti^a.T'a, xopriyiKOvg rpitroSces h Aiovv<rov 
 
 •x.astkXntev. Plutarch in Aristid. 
 
 Tolg '/opyiyiKoig I'p'nroa'ty vrfoxsl[/,evo$ Iv Aiovv<rov 
 
 vkoj? sviKii<rs ydp KoXXdnig ^oprf/^a.;. Plutarch in Nicia. 
 Whence it appears that Nicias built a small temple to sup- 
 port his tripods. 
 
 55 
 
56 DIONYSTAC THEATRE. 
 
 Acropolis, described by Pausanias*; but we 
 observe also its choragic inscription and the em- 
 bellishments of architecture, by which the ca- 
 vern was converted by Thrasyllus, the victorious 
 Choregus, into a small temple, like those erected 
 by Nicias and Lysicrates. The only point wherein 
 the description of Pausanias appears deficient is, 
 that it mentions a tripod above the cavern, with- 
 out taking any notice of the statue of Bacchus, 
 formerly seated upon the entablature of the small 
 temple, and now in the British Museum. It is 
 to be observed, however, that there are holes in 
 the lap of that statue, which indicate the position 
 of a tripod, and that the custom of supporting 
 trjpods by statues was not uncommon 2 . The 
 statue was placed between tw T o other choragic 
 monuments, and just below two columns, formed 
 with triangular capitals for the support of tri- 
 pods. At no great distance from the same spot, 
 to the eastward, is the beautiful little temple, 
 built by Lysicrates, in honour of the victory of 
 
 xa) to vmyTypiov kv Atovvrov rplitovs. Athenaeus, 
 
 1. 2. c. 2. 
 
 From these passages, iv Aiovvaov seems to have been the 
 common expression for in the sacred inclosure of Bacchus. 
 Thus also Thucydides says to kv Ai^vatg Aiovvcov, and tj iv 
 Aiovvtov Ex.y.Xrpia, and the biographer of the Ten Orators, 
 (in Lycurg.) tosv Aiovvo-ov QkxTpov. 
 
 1 Ev $s Ty xopv<pri row GsaTpov ait^Konqv io'Tiv iv Tou$ itkTpoag 
 vitoTTjV dxpo'iroXtv. Pausan. Attic, c. 21. 
 
 2 Pausan. Attic, c. 16. Lacon. c. 16. Messen. c. 14. 
 
DIONYSIAC THEATRE. 57 
 
 his chorus, with a roof rising to a triangular 
 apex, for the support of his prize-tripod. It 
 answers exactly to one of those temples which 
 are mentioned by Pausanias as standing in the 
 quarter of the Tripods, between the Prytaneium 
 and the sacred inclosure of Bacchus. When the 
 connexion therefore between the choragic monu- 
 ments and the Dionysiac theatre are considered 
 on the one hand, and on the other the extreme 
 difficulty of supposing that any street passing by 
 the monument of Lysicrates could have con- 
 ducted, or have had any relation to the theatre at 
 the south-west end of the Acropolis, it can hardly 
 be maintained that the latter was the theatre 
 of Bacchus, or any longer questioned that 
 the site of the Dionysiac theatre is indicated 
 by the hollow at the south-east end of the 
 Acropolis. 
 
 We have a strong confirmation of its identity . 
 in an ancient brass coin of Athens, now for 
 the first time published in the title-page of 
 the present essay 1 . This curious medal re- 
 presents the great Athenian theatre viewed from 
 below. Its proscenium and cavea are distinctly 
 seen ; its gradation of seats interrupted by one 
 diazoma, or lateral corridor of communication ; 
 and even the cunei, or separations, formed by 
 the radiating steps, which led from the orchestra 
 
 1 It belongs to the splendid collection of Mr. Paj'ne Knight, 
 who has permitted it to be engraved for this work. 
 
58 DIONYSIAC THEATRE. 
 
 to every part of the theatre. Above the theatre 
 rises the wall of the Acropolis, anciently called 
 Notium, over the centre of which is seen the 
 Parthenon ', and to the left of it the Propylaea. 
 That no doubt may remain with regard to the 
 identity of the theatre, the designer of the coin 
 has even represented, at the foot of the wall 
 above the centre of the theatre, the ainjxam or 
 grotto mentioned by Pausanias, with a pilaster 
 in the centre, exactly as we see it at the present 
 day, or still better, as shewn by Stuart'-', in its re- 
 stored state, cleared of the modern wall, by which 
 the aperture was closed when the cave was 
 formed into a small church, dedicated to Uavayia, 
 ZTtyMornro-a, or our Lady of the Cavern. The artist 
 seems even to have intended to describe other 
 smaller grottos, which still exist, in the same 
 line with the great one. 
 
 It is impossible to form any correct estimate 
 of the dimensions of the theatre from its exist- 
 
 1 T il» Ss ty Tuiv ev Ty oijtoujuii'T) ■ko.KXkttov Qsatpov dfyoXoyov 
 y,kya. xa) 9aojxa<rrov. 'AQ^vaj lepov ifoXvtsXss diro'Stov afctov 
 6ea$ o xaXou'/xevoj- Hapfev&v vvepxeipsvos rov dedxpov peyaXrjv 
 Y.artdmXrfew ttoiel ro7g Qsujpovo-iv . Dicacarch. stat. Graeciee 
 ap. Hudson. Min. Geogr. vol. 2. p. 8. 
 
 Picaearchus, in here noticing the magnificent appearance 
 of the Parthenon rising above the theatre, seems to allude ex- 
 actly to the scene intended to be commemorated by the de- 
 signer of the coin. The coin was probably struck about two 
 centuries later than Dicaearchus, who wrote in the time of 
 Demetrius Phalereus, or about 3 JO B. C. 
 
 2 Stuart's Antiq. of Athens, vol. 2. c. 4. pi. 3. 
 
DIONYSIAC THEATRE. 59 
 
 ing vestiges ; but it must have descended much 
 lower into the plain than has generally been 
 imagined, or than the present remains would 
 indicate, if we are to infer from a passage in 
 Plato \ that it was capable of containing more 
 than 30,000 persons. At the Hierum of Epi- 
 daurus, where the theatre is sufficiently pre- 
 served to enable us to judge that it could not 
 have contained more than 15,000 spectators, 
 even with a seat to each person, so narrow as 
 If foot in width, the total diameter is 366 feet ; 
 whereas the diameter of the Athenian theatre, 
 at the place which is generally thought to have 
 been its lower termination, is not more than 
 260 feet. The theatres at Argos and Sparta, 
 and that near Dramatziis, in Epirus, were about 
 500 feet in diameter' 2 , and yet could not have 
 
 1 rfalftujy t)\x(ov ovtiuv sri ofe ty ifpuitri tpaycvSla. svlxvjarsv 
 'AyaQwv, ft] va-fspsla y r) ?d stftvlxia aDvsv avro$ ts xa) ol yo- 
 psvfca * * * tov ~S.ujxpa.tr) xaQiZ,e<rdai xa) s\its~v ort Ej ccv 
 *X° l (<P°'- va '') w 'Aya'Swv, st Toiovrov s'tr t r] <rocpla * * * r] \hsv 
 4[J*r] <pa.v\Y) r)$ ay sly xa\ a^$iv*ttftT]<r\.\i*Qs wtntsp ovap ovtra, r] 8s 
 vr) Xa/z.TZ'fa xa) iro'XXyjv stfl8o<riv syovtra, yfysrfapd crou vsov ovfos 
 ovfcu <rfo8pa s^sXajx^s xa) sxiparjs sysvsto tfpcJrjv sv ^aptvo-l fcuv 
 *E\\r)vujv nXsov y rgurpv ploi$ . 'Tltpi(rtrjs si, s<pr), oj 'Zcuxparsg, 6 
 , Aya,Qujv. Plato in Conviv. vol. 3. p. 173. \"]b. ed. Serran. 
 
 2 1 found the theatre of Megalopolis to be 550 feet in dia- 
 meter, but as it is situated in a plain, and consists of a vast 
 mass of earth, there may perhaps be some deception, arising 
 from the deposition of soil, in the course of ages, at the foot 
 of the hill, by which the base may have been expanded, and 
 consequently the apparent diameter of the theatre. There 
 
60 THEATRE OF HERODES. 
 
 contained more than 30,000 persons, allowing 
 to each spectator the width of seat already 
 stated. Unless, therefore, we imagine the great 
 theatre of Athens to have been much smaller 
 than those of Argos and Sparta ; and unless we 
 refuse to admit the obvious inference from the 
 passage of Plato cited in the note, it is ne- 
 cessary to conclude that the Dionysiac theatre 
 was not less than 450 or .500 feet in diameter, 
 and consequently that it must have extended 
 quite to the foot of the hill, where indeed the 
 level space necessary for the orchestra and 
 scene could alone be found. 
 
 It might then, but not otherwise, have justi- 
 fied the terms of admiration in which it is 
 spoken of by Dicaearchus, who not only men- 
 tions its magnitude, but describes it as the most 
 beautiful theatre in the world, 
 odemm of The theatre at the south-east end of the Acro- 
 
 Herodes. # ... 
 
 polis being admitted to be the Dionysiac thea- 
 tre, that at the south-western end must have 
 been the Odeium built by Herodes son of 
 Atticus, and named by him in honour of his 
 deceased wife, the Odeium of Regilla 1 . Its 
 architecture is precisely that of the age when 
 Herodes lived 2 , and as to the silence of Pau- 
 
 can be little doubt, however, that Pausanias was correct in 
 saying that the theatre of Megalopolis was the largest in 
 Greece. (Arcad. c. 32.) 
 
 1 Philostrat. in Herod. — Pausan. infra. 
 
 s Tiberius Claudius Atticus Herodes, born at Marathon, 
 
THEATRE OF HERODES. 61 
 
 sanias concerning it, when describing the road 
 from the Dionysiac theatre to the Propylasa, 
 wherein he must have passed very near, if not 
 over, a part of the ground where the Odeium 
 stood, he himself explains it in his description 
 of Patrae, by remarking that the Odeium of 
 Herodes at Athens did not exist at the time 
 he wrote his Attica 1 . As the total diameter of 
 this theatre within the walls was 248 feet, it 
 could not well have contained more than 8000 
 spectators, a capacity quite incompatible with 
 the multitudes sometimes assembled in the 
 theatre of Bacchus, which Stuart supposed this 
 building to have been ; but sufficient, upon the 
 supposition that it was the Odeium of Herodes, 
 to allow us to give credit to the assertion of 
 Pausanias, that it excelled all the other odeia or 
 music-theatres in Greece. We are informed by 
 Philostratus 2 , that it had a roof of cedar ; but 
 we can hardly suppose that it extended over 
 the whole area. 
 
 inherited great wealth from his father. He lived in the reigns 
 of Nerva, Trajan, Hadrian, Antoninus, and Aurelius, and 
 was one of the greatest benefactors Athens ever had. 
 
 1 xsjcoVpjraj 8e kcu eg ccXXa rb wSelov (Patrense) dfyoXoyou- 
 •ta.ro, row iv v JLX\r l (n it\r]v ye Srj roil 'Aflijvrtrr roSro ydg (i.sysBsi 
 re xa) eg ry)v itda-av vrfspyjp-Ks xocratrKeurjv dvrjp ASrjvouog kifolrj- 
 (rsv'E.pciSrjs ig pvypyv ditoOa,vov<rr)g yvva.ix.6g' ifiot & sv ty 'ArQi'Si 
 (rvyypatpy rb eg roilro irocpeiQi/) rb wSslov, on it^otepov eft £%ei- 
 yarro /xoj rd ig Afyvxlovg , % vityjpy.ro 'Hpxtyg too o'lKoSoprjparog. 
 Pausan. Achaic. c. 20. 
 
 2 Avifiijxe $s 'Hptutyg AQr,va.ioig xa) rb eici Tsy'iWri Uatpov, 
 xefyov %vvQe)g rbv opotpov. Philostrat. in Herod. 
 
62 CAVE OF PAN. 
 
 CaveofPan. The grotto, sacred to Apollo and Pan, is a 
 situation also of no small importance in the 
 topography of Athens, and being one of those 
 natural features of the place which have sur- 
 vived the ruins of so many magnificent monu- 
 ments, it may be fixed with the greatest cer- 
 tainty. We have seen that Pausanias de- 
 scribes it as a cavern converted into a tem- 
 ple, and as situated under the Propylaea, near 
 to a spring of water. Under the wall of the 
 northern wing of the Propylaea, near the road 
 which forms the present access to the citadel 
 from the centre of the town, are still found 
 both the cavern and the spring. The cavern 
 contains two excavated ledges for the altars and 
 statues of the two deities, together with several 
 niches for votive offerings 1 : the water of the 
 spring now supplies an artificial fountain a little 
 lower down the hill, and is conveyed from thence 
 by an aqueduct to the principal mosque near 
 the Bazar. 
 
 We find the position of the cave of Apollo and 
 Pan exactly represented on a coin of Athens, 
 which has been published by Stuart 2 and Bar- 
 thelemy 3 , and which is inserted in the title- 
 page of this volume, from another of the same 
 coins in the British Museum. It presents a 
 
 1 A statue of Pan, which is now in the public library at 
 Cambridge, was found in a garden at no great distance 
 below the cave. 
 
 2 Antiquities of Athens, vol. 2. p. 3f. 
 
 1 Itecueil de Cartes, &c. relatif au Voyage du Jeune Ana- 
 charsis, No. 2/. 
 
NEW AGORA. 63 
 
 view of the north-western side of the Acropolis, 
 with the Propylasa to the right, the Parthenon 
 to the left, and the colossal statue of Minerva 
 Promachus between them ; the grotto of Apollo 
 and Pan is represented a little, to the left of the 
 stairs, which (as it appears from this coin, as well 
 as from existing vestiges of the stairs themselves 
 cut in the rock) formed an ascent for foot pas- 
 sengers from the north side of the city to the 
 Propylsea. 
 
 Another position in ancient Athens of which New 
 there can be no doubt, although it has some- 8 
 times been mistaken, is the new Agora in the 
 quarter of Eretria, apparently the only one in 
 use in the time of Augustus when Strabo wrote, 
 and of Antoninus when Pausanias travelled. The 
 propylaea or gateway of this Agora is still in 
 existence. It consists of a portico of four Doric 
 columns supporting a pediment ; besides which 
 there are some remains of one of the antae, which 
 terminated two walls, forming a quadrangular 
 vestibule between the columns, and the door 
 leading into the Agora. The jambs of this door 
 are likewise in their original places. The proofs 
 of the destination of the building are found in 
 its plan 1 , and upon comparing together three in- 
 scriptions, which have been published by Spon 2 , 
 
 1 Stuart's Antiq. of Athens, vol. 1. p. l. 
 a Spon, Voyage, &c. torn. 2. p. 274. 
 
64 HOROLOGIUM OF ANDRONICUS. 
 
 and Wlieler 1 , and by Stuart. One of these in- 
 scriptions, which is still to be seen upon the epi- 
 stylium of the portal, shows that the building 
 was erected out of the donations bestowed upon 
 Athens by Julius Caesar and Augustus ; another 
 copied by Stuart from a quadrangular base in 
 the entrance of the portal, proves that the base 
 supported a statue of Julia Augusta, erected at 
 the expense of one of the two agoranomi or 
 directors of the market; and the third is a long 
 decree of the emperor Hadrian respecting the 
 sale of oils, and the duties to be paid upon them, 
 inscribed upon one of the jambs of the inner 
 door. A fourth inscription on the apex of the 
 pediment shews that upon the summit stood a 
 statue of Lucius Caesar, the grandson of Au- 
 gustus, and his adopted son. 
 Horoiogium Very near the new Agora, and consequently 
 cm. in the most convenient situation for the public 
 
 when that quarter was the most central and 
 frequented part of Athens, stands the tower 
 erected by Andronicus Cyrrhestes, to indicate 
 the quarter from whence the wind blew, the 
 hour of the day by the sun when the weather 
 was clear, and by water when it was cloudy 2 . 
 
 1 Wheler's Travels, p. 389- 
 
 1 Stuart's Antiq. of Athens, vol. i. c. 3. This building 
 is vulgarly called the Toxver of the Winds from the cha- 
 racteristic figures in relief of the eight winds on the exterior 
 wall of the building. 
 
HOROLOGIUM OF ANDRONICUS. 
 
 The tower of Cyrrhestes is accurately de- 
 scribed by Varro 1 and Vitruvius 2 , the age of 
 the former of whom concurs with the architec- 
 ture of the building to show the probability that 
 it was erected about the same time that Scipio 
 Nasica (in the year 159 B. C.) constructed for 
 the first time, at Rome, a public Horologium, 
 which, like the tower of Andronicus, is stated 
 to have marked the hours by day and night by 
 means of water 3 . 
 
 The water-clock within the tower of Andro- 
 nicus was supplied by the stream which rises 
 under the cave of Pan : a part of the aque- 
 duct used for conveying it to the Horologium 
 is still to be seen, built into the wall of a 
 modern house, and it now conducts the water 
 
 » In eodem Hemisphaerio medio circum Cardihem, est 
 orbis Ventorum octo : ut Athenis in Horologio, quod fecit 
 Cyrrhestes. Varro de Re Rustica, I. 3. c. 5. 
 
 * Andronicus Cyrrhestes collocavit 
 
 Athenis turrim marmoreum octogonon et in singulis lateribus 
 octogoni, singulorum ventorum imagines exsculptas contra 
 suos cujusque flatus designavit, supraque earn turrim metam 
 marmoream perfecit, et insuper Tritonem aereum collocavit, 
 dextra manu virgam porrigentem j et ita est machinatus, uti 
 vento circumageretur et semper contra flatum consisteret 
 supraque imaginem flantis venti indicem vergam teneret. 
 Vitruv. 1. l. c. 6. 
 
 3 Scipio Nasica collega Laenatis, primus aqua divisit horas 
 seque noctium ac dierum : idque horologium sub tecto di- 
 cavit anno urbis 5Q5. Plin. Nat. Hist. 1. 7. c. 60. 
 
 F 
 
 65 
 
56 HOROLOG1UM OF ANDRONICUS. 
 
 of the spring to the neighbouring mosque, for 
 the use of the Turks in their ablutions. As 
 water-clocks were called Clepsydrae, and as 
 Clepsydra seems clearly, upon comparing the 
 two passages cited in the note 1 , to have been 
 the name of the spring, which rises near the 
 cave of Pan, it was natural for Stuart to sup- 
 pose that the tower of Andronicus was a Clep- 
 sydra, and that it had either given that name to, 
 or taken it from, the spring near the cave of Pan. 
 But this could not have been the case, for the 
 spring was called Clepsydra, from its imaginary 
 course under ground from Athens to Phalerum 2 , 
 
 1 KI. wov rb rou Ylavbg xa\6v. 
 MX. xcu i3uJs e5' dyvr t &Jr dvkx^oi^ k$ itoXrv ; 
 KI. xdxXicrx Syirov Xcivo-apevv) ry KXstyvfya. 
 
 Aristoph. Lysistrat. v. 909. 
 
 UoXis here means the Acropolis. 
 
 KaraCacn <5s ovx kg ttjv xdruj itoXiv dxx' ocrov vtto rd vpo- 
 irvXaua mrfy-fj re vSxrog ko-ri xa) vXrj<rlov ' hitoXXiuvos U^bv kv 
 triryXxlui y.ou Hxvog. Pausan. Attic, c. 28. 
 
 2 KXs^lppvrov vSujp to fijg KXetyiipxf a,vrrj 8s 1<tt\ xpyvy 
 A0 'vynv dub rijg 'Axf oiroXsws kit) o-rx^lovg elxoc/v virb yrjv 
 <pe£0[M£VY). Hesych. in KXetyigcvrov. 
 
 KXetyvS^x Kgr/vy av ' AxpoiroXsi . . . . x^yxpkvwv rwv 'Etijo-iwv, 
 
 vXygovrxi, irxvo^kvwv Ss Xrjyet bpolws nZ NelXiy e)g 
 
 XaMtiy tyrpiv ( r I<rrpos) ^xtw^kvr^v QixXrv Ttsvovcra.v, oplrjvau 
 kv rui fyxXy^ixuj dttkyjjvn vrahUv; etxoo-i. Schol. in Aristoph. 
 Aves, v. 1694. 
 
 KAgvJ/Jo^a xp^'vij yjfts to if^ors^ov 'E[x.te$u> ir^oo-yjyo^Evsro. 
 <njju,a/v£i 8e xx) to axevog' I'/ei SI rug ^vosig XYXTeXXovo-ag, 
 si$ rbv fyxXr^kwv drj^ov wfoAo'yjos', o^yxvov kv w xl wfa* \is- 
 r^oZvrxi. Hesych. in KXeyvtcx. 
 
HOROLOGIUM OF ANDRONICUS. £7 
 
 and water-clocks, under the name of Clep- 
 sydrae, are alluded to by Aristophanes 1 several 
 centuries before the earliest date we can pos- 
 sibly ascribe to the Horologium of Andronicus. 
 
 1 Aristoph. Aves, v. l6g4, Vesp. v. gS, 853. These water- 
 clocks were to regulate the time of speaking of the orators ; 
 the person who superintended them was called, o efv&wp, 
 Pollux, 1. 8. c. Q. — Hesych. — Suidas. 
 
 P 2 
 
68 MOUNT ANCHESMUS. 
 
 SECTION III. 
 
 Of Mounts Anchesmus and Lycabettus.—-Of Dipyhm 
 and the Peiraic Gate. 
 
 The positions of such important points, as 
 the Areiopagus, Olympium, Dionysiac theatre, 
 Theseium, and the other places mentioned in 
 the preceding section, being fixed beyond any 
 reasonable doubt, the names of some of the 
 other existing monuments, and the positions of 
 some of the other principal places in ancient 
 Athens may be assigned, if not with equal cer- 
 tainty, at least with a considerable degree of 
 probability. 
 
 Two of the most remarkable of the natural 
 features of the site of Athens are the ridge of 
 hills which borders its site from w T est to south, 
 and the peaked summit considerably higher 
 than the citadel, which, crowned with a small 
 church of St. George, looks down upon the city 
 from the north-eastern side. 
 
 It is surprising that no certain evidence exists 
 of the ancient name of this conical hill, one of 
 the first objects that seizes the stranger's at- 
 tention, and which enters into almost every 
 view of the scenery of Athens. It has ge- 
 
MOUNT ANCHESMUS. <>9 
 
 nerally been supposed Anchesmus, and pro- 
 bably with justice, for although the name 
 occurs but once in ancient history, and though 
 Pausanias 1 , the author who mentions it, gives 
 no certain indication of its locality, yet as he 
 describes Anchesmus as a small mountain, dis- 
 tinct from Parnes, Pentelicum, and Hymettus, 
 and which could not have been any part of the 
 ridge on the north-west side of the plain, well 
 known to have borne the names of JEgaleos, 
 Corydallus, and Paecilum, it becomes difficult 
 to find any other height near Athens, to which 
 this description of Anchesmus can be applied. 
 
 The acute summit of the hill was well adapted 
 to the statue of Jupiter, which Pausanias men- 
 tions to have stood upon Anchesmus, and if it 
 was a colossal statue, it must have had the finest 
 effect overlooking the city from this point. 
 
 The fable, related by Antigonus Carystius 3 , 
 
 1 v 0^vj Ss 'Afyvouots ear* UevtsXihov xod Hdpvys 
 
 xa.1 'T(irjttbg YisvTsX%o-i /xsV 'AflijvaV, 
 
 iv 'Yju-vjrrou Si ayaXitd s<ttiv 'T^t'tiov Ato$ xa* 
 
 £v Udgvrfli HagvyQio; Zsug ^aXxovg so~Ti koia 
 
 'Ay^sa-^b; opo; icrr\v 6u piya, jca? Aib$ dyccX^a. 'Ay^sc-plou. 
 Pausan. Attic, c. 32. 
 
 2 'A<pjxojX£V5jV Si (rrjv \A9ijvav) tig HsXXyjvyy <pip$iv o^og 
 
 ha spupa. itpb Tr t $ 'AK^oifoXsuj; ntoirpri 
 
 rv Ss 'A0r]va, (pspouirri to opo$, o vvv kxXs^toci Auxa?ijrro/, 
 xogajvYjV (pr^w d^ayrr/O-xi xcti s\its~>v OTi 'Epi^Qovios £V $a.vspw , 
 frfv Ss dK0vo-za-a,v pl^/oci to opo$, owov vvv hvTi. . Antig-on. 
 
 Carysto Hist. Mirab. c. 12. 
 
7Q MOUNT LYCABETTUS. 
 
 of the birth of Erichthonius, when Minerva is 
 said to have thrown down mount Lycabettus 
 to serve as an oulicork to the Acropolis, may 
 to some persons appear more applicable to the 
 hill of St. George than to any other, and the 
 olives, for which Lycabettus is said by a Ro- 
 man poet 1 to have been celebrated, may also 
 seem suited to a hill, which is now partly sur- 
 rounded with olive plantations. Plato, how- 
 ever, whose authority is infinitely preferable to 
 that of any Latin author, places Lycabettus 
 near to Pnyx 2 , and even the words of Antigonus, 
 epvita irpo rys a.%poito\£u)s, apply better to the ridge 
 of hills on the south-west side of the citadel, 
 than to the more distant height on the north- 
 east side of Athens beyond the city-walls. It is 
 possible that the whole ridge of hills to the south- 
 west of the Acropolis may have been called Ly- 
 cabettus, until the southern and highest part of 
 them came into distinct notice, from having 
 been formed into a separate fortress by Anti- 
 gonus, king of Macedonia 5 , and his son Deme- 
 trius 4 ; whence the name of Museium, before 
 
 1 Dives et TEgaleos nemorum, Parnesque benignus 
 Vitibus et pingui melior Lycabessus oliva. 
 
 Statu". Theb. 1. 12. v. (531. 
 
 " b'vtos rr t v IhvKO, Kai Toy AuxaEVyroV, o^ov ex rou y.ZTavfixg u 
 JIvvkos h'^ovcra. Plat, in Git. 
 
 8 Pausan. Attic, c. 26. — Lacon. c. 6. 
 
 i Plutarch. Paral. in Dcnictr. Pausan. Attic, c. 25. 
 
MOUNT LYCABETTUS. 71 
 
 specifically applied to this summit from the 
 sepulchre of Musseus 1 , but never mentioned by 
 any of the earlier Athenian writers, may have 
 become better known than that of Lycabettus 
 in the later ages of Greece. 
 
 Though it is impossible to believe that these 
 hills could have been covered with olives in the 
 most populous ages of Athens, so numerous are 
 the vestiges of habitations still seen upon them, 
 they may nevertheless, in more distant times, not 
 only have borne olives, but have abounded in 
 wolves, from which animals Lycabettus is said 
 to have taken its name 2 . The richness of the 
 olive plantations of Lycabettus may have be- 
 come so proverbial, as to have survived the 
 plantations themselves, and may thus have 
 furnished matter to the Latin poets, who were 
 generally very careless in regard to the the ac- 
 curacy of their allusions to Greece ; the praise, 
 for instance, bestowed by Statius, upon ^Egaleos 
 for its woods, and Parnes for its vines, is not 
 much less inconsistent with present appearances, 
 than what he says of the olives of Lycabet- 
 tus. 
 
 Among the positions of the city itself, the two 
 most important, and worthy of the first con.- 
 
 1 Pausan. Attic, c. 25. 
 
 2 AvKoi&y)rro$ opo; ry; 'A-rt'jjajf stpyTOU $s ovTuj $toi to fcwtHf 
 tfXrfiv&iv. Hesych. in Awcxf. 
 
73 D1PYLUM. 
 
 sideration as leading to the topography of all the 
 western side, are Dipylum and the Peiraic gate. 
 Dipylum being the gate which led from Athens 
 to the Peloponnesus, to the western part of 
 Attica, and a part of Boeotia, was the most 
 frequented of all the entrances into Athens, 
 where both the gate and the adjoining streets 
 were wider than any others 1 . Its name seems 
 to indicate that it was constructed in the same 
 manner as the gate of Megalopolis, at Messene, 
 with a double entrance, and an intermediate 
 circular court. 
 
 There is abundance of evidence to prove 
 that Dipylum was in that part of the wall of 
 Athens which separated the inner from the 
 outer Cerameicus, 2 and that it formed the com- 
 munication between them : 
 
 For Thucydides s speaks of the outer Cera- 
 meicus as separated by the walls of Athens from 
 
 1 Ab Dipylo accessit : porta ea velut in ore urbis posita 
 major aliquanto patentioroue quam camera?, est ; et intra 
 earn extraque lata? sunt vise ut et oppklani dirigere aciem a 
 foro ad portam possent : et extra limes mille ferine passus in 
 Academiae gymnasium ferens pediti equitique hostium li- 
 berum spatium praberet. Liv. Hist. 1. 31. c. 24. 
 
 2 sKtog rtl'/ovg Iv Kepa.fx.eiKx. Plato in Parmen. 
 
 3 'limits psv e£cy sv rcy KffajU.ee/Cco kxXovjjlsvm [tsrd TtLv 
 oopv$6pwv SiExoa-pei oog £KX<rra ey^pr,v rr )$ to'c-ftiiS irpoUvsu' o Se 
 
 'Appofoos via.) o 'ApHrroyiirwv aip^aav elvu) fvuv itukcuv 
 
 K2I TtSpihW)((iV TU) 'lisitxpyju ItOLfd. to At WKopicv xz\:'jy.tvov> 
 'Thucyd. 1. 6. c. 5J. 
 
DIPYLUM. 73 
 
 the quarter within the city, where stood the 
 Leocorium, which quarter we have already seen 
 from other authorities to have been also called 
 Cerameicus 1 : from Livy, Cicero 2 and Lucian 3 , 
 we know that Dipylum was the gate that led to 
 the Academy, and from a comparison 4 of Pau- 
 
 1 See page 31, note 1. 
 
 8 Cum audivissem Antiochum, Brute, ut solebat, cum M. 
 Pisone, in eo gymnasio, quod Ptolemeum vocatur unaque 
 nobiscum Q. Frater. et T. Pomponius et L. Cicero frater 
 noster, cognatione patruelis, amore germanus : constituimus 
 inter nos, ut ambulationem postmeridianam conficereraus in 
 Academia, maxim.e quod is locus ab orani turba id temporis 
 vacuus esset. Itaque ad tempus ad Pisonem omnes. Inde 
 vario sermone sex ilia a Dipylo stadia confecimus ; cum 
 autem venissemus in Academiae non sine causa, nobilitata 
 spatia, solitudo erat ea, quam volueramus. Cicero de Fin. 
 1.5. c. 1. 
 
 3 'Ecn $e ou TtoXv dito rou AnrvXov iv dpurtspa. si$ 'Axa-. 
 Srjixiav ditiovtcuy . Lucian. in Scyth. 
 
 i 'Ev ' Axa,8r)(A,la. 8s strr) Tlpoprfiscos ?«;/xoV xoc) Geovtrtv aV* 
 avrov tfpos rvjV iroktv s^ovtes xauopsva.s \a[Aitd8x$' ro 8s dyw- 
 
 yj<r/xa, &c Kara towro Tys yuipxg tpzlvsrou tfvpyo; 
 
 T<jU.wvoj, &c Selxvutai 8s x%\ "xyjpos xaXovptyos xo- 
 
 Xuvhs' 1 [iritis; svSa, f fy)$ , AT'Tixri$ -ffpujtov s\Se7v Xsyovcriv OlSliroticz.. 
 Pausan. Attic, c. 30. 
 
 U§. KaQslprtvcrov vuv s$ Kspapsixov 
 
 At. Kara' n ; 
 
 Hg. dvxtdi kir) tov ifuoyov uipyXov 
 
 At. rl 8ouj ; 
 
 Hp. dtpisftevyv r-rjv Xoc^Tfa^ evfevQsv Qsuu, &c. 
 
 Aristoph. Ranae. v. \2Q. 
 Ad quern locum Schol. Ksgapeixo) toirof 'AQrjvr.w orfoa 
 vuvzrsXwy et 'A^vaiqi rov KccixiraSov^y dywva.. Vide et Schol. 
 
74 
 
 DIPYLUM. 
 
 sanias with Aristophanes, and other authors, it 
 is certain that the Academy was in the outer 
 Cerameicus, at the end of the suburb, where 
 were the tombs of the Athenians slain in battle. 
 Finally, we learn from Plutarch 1 that there was 
 an inner Cerameicus adjacent to Dipylum, a 
 fact which is fully corroborated by a passage 
 of Lucian, cited below, compared with other 
 parallel authorities 2 . 
 
 in Aristoph. Ran. v. 131. Suidas in voce Axfj.neaSrfiopix. 
 The nvpyos uvJ/ijAoV of Aristophanes appears to he the same 
 as the nrupyos Tifj,wvo$ of Pausanias, and in these two passages 
 we have a proof of the Xafj,neaSri®opix of the outer Cerameicus 
 having been celebrated for 600 years. 
 
 is AxxS^ixv iv Kepapeixdi. Philostrat. in Herod. 
 
 'AxxSr^ix Xsysrai Ss yvfj.vdriov 'ASrfvr.crtv dnro 'AxxSyjuou 
 dvxbevro; xx\ roneo$ xxXelrxi Ss ouro$ 6 Kepxfj.eixo$. Hesych. 
 in 'Ax.a8riiJi.ix. 
 
 'ASr/vaioig Ss xx) s£uj neoXew; iv rot; At-uloi; xx\ xxrd rcug 
 oSou; dewv etrriv ispx xx) ypcuwv xx\ avSpwv rdtpoi. 'Eyyvrdruj 
 Ss tj 'AxxSrjfj.ix yjjopiw neors dvSpo; iStwrov, yviAvdciov Ss sir 
 
 kfAOv oi Ss aXXoi xxrd rr t v oSov xtivrai ryv s$ ' AxxSr t fj.ixy 
 
 xx) arfwv itrrdtrtv Inei ro7$ rdtpoig o-rijXai to. pvdjuafa xa) roy 
 StJ^ov sxdtrrov Xsyovtrxi. Pausan. Attic, c. 2y. 
 
 'O K£f XfXeiXOS Ssfcsrxi VUJ 
 
 Aij/xocna yd§ Iva rx£wfj.sv. Aristoph. Aves. v. 395. 
 
 1 "Avsv ydp rouv xxrd rr,v xXXr,v neoXiv dvaipsQsvrwv net pi 
 rr t v dyogdv <povog et'svys nezvra rov s'vro$ rev HinruXov Kepa- 
 (LEixov. Plutarch, in Svlla. 
 
 2 "AneiSi, £ij<n nepos rov yxvxXr t pov 'Epixorifxcv tj rd Sid rujy 
 roiyjjov ysypxfj.jj.svx sv rw Kepa[j.eixiy dvxyvwSi, cneov xxretrrr)- 
 
 Xirevrxi vfjuuv rd ovoixxra 'Eyuj Ss sfj.efivTJfj.rjV oti xxrd 
 
 roiyjv Tivb$ sXeys xxrxyeypdf^ai roivo;j,a sv rw KspXfJ.eixu>' 
 
DIPYLUM. 75 
 
 The exact extent of the inner Cerameicus is 
 not easily determined, but as we are informed 
 by Pausanias that a portico communicated from 
 the Peiraic gate to the Cerameicus, it may be 
 presumed that the Cerameicus extended con- 
 siderably to the right of the traveller as he 
 entered the city by Dipylum : nor can it be 
 doubted, that it extended also for a considerable 
 distance from Dipylum towards the central parts 
 of the city ; for the Psecile, the road to which 
 from Dipylum led through Cerameicus 1 , was 
 near the Agora of the time of Pausanias, the pro- 
 pylasum of which still exists. The Pascile, how- 
 ever, seems to have stood nearly upon the utmost 
 boundary of the Cerameicus eastward, for the 
 
 zts^ot. ouv 'AkISoc, xxfaa-KS^/OjJ.svrjV yS'olxXo \Csv ovSev svpv 
 tovto Ss [aovqv sttysypa^jjisvov sicriovtwv sir) fa fofyd itpbs tw 
 Anrv\(v' MsMtra cpiXsl 'Epfidti^ov, &c. Lucian in dial. 
 Meritr. Melittae, et Baccbidis. 
 
 Kou Ty Kgsa'yga 7rjv opyjirsSwv sXxol'J^v eg Ks paps mo v. 
 Aristoph. in Equit. v. 769. Ad quem locum Schol. At/o 
 0£ Of KsgapstKo) 'AQyjvjcriv, ij,sv svSov ifoXsws, 8s s^cu, evOx 
 
 •/.a) tbug sv ttoabixu) tsXsurr l o'avT'as i-Qaitfov sv Ss -far 
 
 srspw •npoecn'yj-H.ao-iv a't iropvai. 
 
 Kspap.sino) Sua rcnrot 'ASvi'vrcnv iv Ss ~tdo sfspoy rfpostfrtfiCMfip 
 at tfopvat. Suidas in Kspa^. 
 
 Kspapaxos, rctfos AQyjvyo-tv, iivQx a\ ifopvai irposo-rriKxci. 
 Hesych. in Kspay, 
 
 1 ivravQa yd§ sv Kspaixstwu vitoysvov^sv autyv (Philoso- 
 phiam) ySs yS-ij itov d<pl%erxi, eifavtovo-a s% 'Axzfyyjas «V 
 neprtzTrjarsis kx) iv tn noix'thy. Lucian. in Piscator. 
 
76 DIPYLLM 
 
 new Agora was in Eretria' ; and the Macra 
 Stoa, which there is reason to think was the 
 game as the Hermae, and situated, as will 
 hereafter be seen, between the Stoa Basileius 
 and the Psecile, was on the edge of Melite 2 . 
 According to these limits, the inner Cerameicus 
 must have comprised all the part around the 
 Theseium, and the Gymnasium of Ptolemy, 
 for these lay exactly between the part of Ce- 
 rameicus about Dipylum, and that near the 
 Paecile and new Agora : and hence it is proba- 
 ble, that the statue of the philosopher Chrysip- 
 pus of Soli, described by Cicero 3 and Diogenes 
 Laertius 4 as being in the Cerameicus, is the 
 same as that mentioned by Pausanias in the 
 (jymnasium of Ptolemy. 
 
 1 ryj; 'AQr/vytrtv 'Epstpias 75 vvv iartiv* kyopa. Strabo, p. 447. 
 
 2 IlEI. 2u 8' si t\s dvSpuiv; TE. o<rns Ijju,' eyu) ; Mircuy, 
 
 *Ov slSev 'EAAay p^o KoAwvoj. Aristopli. Aves. v. QQQ. 
 
 In qu. loc. Schol. vet ovrcu pepos ri vvv <ruvrfies yzyove 
 
 rt> KoAcuvov kx\e7v to OTtarbsv rrjs pax^ds <rrods, aAA ovx atxn, 
 Meklrr) ydp ditccv sxtHvo, <o( p' ft>fS 6pt<r(jio7$ yeypairrai rjjf 
 ifoXeuif. The Colonus here meant, is the Colonus Agorajus, 
 concerning which see below in Section V. 
 
 3 Athenis — statua est in Ccramico Chrysippi sedentis por- 
 recta manu. Cicer. tie fin. 1. 1. c. 1 1 . 
 
 4 15 <$s xai o-wju,aV(ov evreXrjs wV &j"*ov kx. rou dvSplzvTog tov Iv 
 KspctpeiKuj, os <txe$6v r< vTtBxaxpvnrai tul TTXr t <riov Itritit, ahv 
 avrov KapvsdSrjs Kpytynttfov IXiytv. Diogen. Laert. in 
 Chrysipp. 
 
DIPYLUM. 77 
 
 In the citation from Lucian, in a preceding 
 note, the Pascile is described as being in the 
 Cerameicus : from other authors 1 it appears to 
 have been in the Agora. In a passage of Plu- 
 tarch 2 , containing a decree of the Athenian 
 people for the erection of a statue to Lycurgus, 
 son of Lycophron, we have another evidence that 
 the words Cerameicus and Agora were often 
 used as synonymous ; further proof of which 
 may be derived from a comparison of passages 
 from Arrian, Lucian, and Aristotle, where they 
 speak of the statues of Harmodius and Aristo- 
 geiton 3 . It may be inferred, therefore, that 
 
 1 7rfo<riA()gre ovv rj? Sictvola xou sis *yv Sro'av rfv TLoixl\r}V 
 aitavtujv ydg vjjuv ftiiv kocKujv spyouvrd uVo^vojjU.aT'a. Ivf-n dyogoi 
 dvdxeirou. iEschin. in Ctesiph. p. 575. Reiske. The statue 
 of Solon, which Pausanias describes to have been before the 
 Pascile, is placed by Demosthenes, (adv. Aristog. 2.) and 
 iElian (Var. Hist. 1. 8. c. 16.) in the Agora. 
 
 2 'Avdxsirxi Ss au'rou slxwv lv Kspoliasixuj xatd tyytyurixa. liii 
 'Avccfyxparovs a§xovfQf, SeSo^cci ?£ A^ou Etfalvscrcu \Csv 
 Avxovpyov AvKOtpgovo; Bovratyv dpstys evsxol xcc) Sixcciorvvys 
 xa,\ <rTrj<rcci auVoy rov Aypov ya.Xxy\v elxova, ev 'Ayog a. Plu- 
 tarch, de 10 Rhet. in Lycurg. 
 
 3 'Ag[AO$iov xou 'A§ itrroysltovos ^xXxal s)xove$ vvv 
 
 xslvtat 'AQrjvricnv ev Ks§a.[/,eixu> .... ^7 dvlfAEV eg itokiv xarocv- 
 fix^v tov MijrfcJou. Arrian. de Exped. Alexand. 1. 3. c. 16. 
 
 A^Krroysltwv . . . vvv Etrtrjxs %a\xos ev tfj dyogdperd'fwv 
 tfaiSixdov. Lucian. in Parasit. 
 
 'A§fi6Siov xai ' ' Agnrfoyelfova, to ev dyo§d etaQyvai. 
 
 Aristot. Rhet. 1. i.e. 9. 
 
78 DIPYLUM. 
 
 the more ancient Agora occupied the greater 
 part of the quarter of the inner Cerameicus, 
 spreading probably over a great extent of 
 ground, and, like an Oriental Bazar, compre- 
 hending various divisions, each of which had 
 its denomination, from the commodities therein 
 exposed to sale J . 
 
 It is observable that Pausanias never applies 
 the word Agora to any part of the city, except 
 the Ereti ian Agora, which v/as the only portion 
 of the city used as an Agora under the Roman 
 empire ; and that he always distinguishes the 
 more ancient Agora by the word Cerameicus. 
 It will be convenient, therefore, to apply to the 
 latter the term of Ceramic, or old Agora ; and 
 to the former that of Eretrian, or new Agora. 
 
 To return to Dipylum. We have already seen 
 that it led from the city through the outer Cera- 
 meicus to the Academy. The Academy was six 
 or eight stades from Dipylum, near the Colonus 
 Hippius 2 , which was a height sacred to Neptune, 
 situated ten stades from the city 3 , not far from 
 the banks of the Cephissus *. Near the Academy, 
 
 1 For further particulars of these divisions, see Meursii 
 Ceramicus Geminus, c. 10". 
 
 2 See the notes, p. 72, 73. 
 
 3 KoXwvov £<rr) $e iep ov Ho<reiSwyos tfa rrjs irokews, ajre^ov 
 <rra$iov$ pdXiara Sena. Thucyd. 1. 8. c. 67. 
 
 1 Mc ipsuni hue modo (i. e. a Dipylo in Acad curiam) veni- 
 
D1PYLUM. 
 
 and in the road leading to it from Dipylum, 
 through the outer Cerameicus, were buried many 
 illustrious Athenians, and particularly those who 
 had fallen in the most celebrated actions, where- 
 in Athens had been engaged with its enemies 1 . 
 At the extremity of the outer Cerameicus was 
 situated the Academy, in a low, and rather 
 marshy situation, which rendered the air un- 
 healthy 3 . Dipylum was also the gate through 
 which, in the ceremonies of the Eleusinia, the 
 Mystae proceeded into the Sacred Way, or road 
 to Eleusis from the Agora and inner Cera- 
 meicus 3 , a fact which is evident also from the 
 
 entem, convertebat ad sese Coloneus ille locus, cujus incola 
 Sophocles ob oculos versabatur. Cicero de Fin. 1. 5. c. 1. 
 
 EvItTttou %eve rae Ss %w'f a^ 
 'Ixov rd xgaTiG-ra, yd; eiravXa 
 Toy d^yyjtoc KoXwvoV, 
 *EvSa Afyfja, &c. 
 
 ouT awrtvoi 
 
 Kgyjvai [Aiv6\)ov<ri 
 
 Kr t (pt(rou vopdSsg ^esQ§cvv. — 
 
 Sophocl. CEdip. Colon, v. 668. et seq. 
 
 1 Thucyd. 1. 2. c. 34. et Schol. — Pausan. Attic, c. 29. 
 
 2 See the authorities below. 
 
 3 'Isfa 'OiJoV ho"tiv t\v ol (x,v<rrou ito^evavrai die acrreoj I; 
 'EXeotrTva. Harpocrat. in 'Ie^a 'O5o;. 
 
 Aiayogds' did to rov$ [ivo-ras ^aK^d^siv rovTsimv dSew rbv 
 v Iax%ov SI dyopdv ZaSityvtos. Hesych. in Aiayopd;. 
 
 els 'EAsucTva oSevovriv dith Too Kspoc^eiKou tfgo- 
 
 iri|X7rovT££ rov Aiowa-ov. Schol. in Aristoph. Ran. v. 402. 
 
 79 
 
DIPYLUM. 
 
 position of the tomb of Anthemocritus, as in- 
 dicated by Plutarch and Pausanias, and by Har- 
 pocration in explanation of a passage of Isseus 1 . 
 
 From the circumstance of its communicating 
 from the inner to the outer Cerameicus, Di- 
 pylum was sometimes called the gates of Cera- 
 meicus 2 , and from that of its conducting to 
 Eleusis the Thriasian gates, or gates of Thria 3 . 
 From a passage in Plutarch's life of Sylla (to be 
 more minutely considered hereafter) it seems 
 also to have been occasionally named the Sacred 
 Gate, as leading into the Sacred Way. 
 
 As it is natural to suppose that anciently the 
 principal roads into Athens from the surround- 
 ing places followed nearly the same direction 
 
 1 rapijvai Ss 'AvQs^OKgnov tfaga, ra$ Qpixcria$ rfu\a.$, 
 
 at vvv AjVuAov oVo/xa^ovTa*. Plutarch. Parall. in Pericl. 
 
 \ov<rt 8' lit 'EAeucrTva i£ AQyvw rjv 'Adr^aclot xa\ov<riv 
 
 'OSbv 'Isga.v, 'AvSs^ok^Itov ireirolyjrai fx,vrjf*.a,. Pausan. Attic, 
 c. 36. 
 
 'I<ra7->s lv tuj irgos KaXuSuJva, " tors €a,Xave~ov to ita.£ Avfle- 
 |xoxf/roy dv$pla.v-a" rovreo-ri itgog roug 0£iacn'a»> trvKais. Har- 
 pocrat. in 'Av^gaoH^roj . 
 
 2 Aijaia'cn itu\ai$ Oi $s rag KegapeiKois irvXaf nfpos 
 
 ya.% aura; fariv Eo-Tavai tol$ ifo^vas. Hesych. in Ayfuzo-i. 
 
 Compare this with the authorities cited in note 2, 
 page 74. 
 
 3 See above in note 1. Thria was a demus and plain near 
 Eleusis, the road to which was the same as that of Eleusis, 
 or the Sacred Way. 
 
DIPYLUM. 8J 
 
 as at the present day, we must look for the site 
 of Dipylum by quitting modern Athens at the 
 Mora Kapesi, or ito-.Ta. ryj$ Mopeas, which is so 
 called as leading to the Morea by Eleusis and 
 Megara. 
 
 There can be little doubt that this road fol- 
 lows the Sacred "Way, since it proceeds directly 
 across the plain to a remarkable gap in the 
 hills on the western side of the plain of Athens, 
 where we still trace the ancient road, with 
 remains of several of the monuments which 
 stood on either side of it. 
 
 Following the direction of this route from 
 the gate of the Morea, until we reach the line 
 of the ancient walls of Athens, we find, at a 
 distance of about 300 yards, several vestiges of 
 these walls crossing a hollow to the northward of 
 a small church upon a rock, dedicated to St. 
 Athanasius. Here are even some appearances 
 of the foundations of a gate; and here, therefore, 
 without hesitation, we may fix the site of Di- 
 pylum. 
 
 Near the same spot there is a turning from 
 the Morea road to the right, leading ulti- 
 mately to Khassia, Phyle, and Thebes, but first 
 to two small hills, situated about a mile from 
 the modern walls; a little beyond which, the 
 road passes through the olive woods, and in the 
 midst of them traverses the Cephissus, running 
 
 G 
 
S2 DIPYLUM. 
 
 in two branches. The heights very clearly 
 mark the site of the demus of Colonus, 
 chiefly celebrated as the scene of the tragedy 
 of Sophocles, intituled CEdipus Coloneus. A 
 little short of the nearer height, on the left 
 hand of the road, there are some open fields 
 on the edge of the olive-groves, still bearing 
 the name of Akadhimia, or Akadhimi. Here, 
 therefore, we have the exact situation of the 
 Academy, as described by ancient authors, with 
 its name still preserved. We find, moreover, 
 that this is precisely the lowest part of the 
 plain, where two or three little rills, running 
 from the range of Anchesmus, terminate, and 
 are consumed in a tract of ground on the edge 
 of the olive-trees. These were the waters which, 
 while they nourished the shady groves of the 
 Academy, 1 and the plane trees, so remarkable 
 
 1 'AxaS^(x,iav Sevfyotpofurfdrr/v rcuv irgoeurreluiv. 
 
 Plutarch. Parall. in Sylla. 
 
 sv ' AxaSyixla. to $e scrrt yv^vdviov, itgo- 
 
 do-feiov uk<rw8e$ ovno rivog yg(»o$ ovofiao-Oivros 'ExaSyjfxou xaQd 
 xa) EuiroXis sv 'Acrrfareuroij ipijcnv. 
 
 'Ev svvxlois fyopcKriv 'ExaSijjjLOv Qeov. Suidas in 'Kxah^la. 
 
 aXXa xa) 6 Tlpwv els fov UXdrcuva Xeywv Q^oA. 
 
 Twv irdvrtvv fl'ijysTro irXarvo-tatos, aXX' dyo^tufs 
 'HSveVr); rstfi^iv \<roy§d<pos, ol 9' 'ExaSijpov 
 Aivfyetr t<pe{,o[x.evoi oifa, \eigi6i<r<rav lelo~i. 
 Koirt^ov yd% Sid rov t 'ExaSrjfila IxaXziro. Diogen. Laert. 
 in Platon. segm. 8. 
 
DIPYLUM. 
 
 for their size, 1 made the air unhealthy. 2 They 
 still cause the spot to be one of the most ad- 
 vantageous situations near Athens for the growth 
 of fruit and pot-herbs, maintaining it in a state 
 of verdure, when all the surrounding plain is 
 parched with the heat of summer, but, as too 
 often happens in southern climates, rendering 
 the air in that season pernicious. 
 
 On the side of the road leading from the 
 Mor£a gate, towards the hill of Colonus, are 
 seen several rude masses of masonry, the re- 
 mains probably of some of the numerous sepul- 
 chral monuments which once embellished this 
 most beautiful 3 of the suburbs of Athens. From 
 a part of the ground, now called Akadhimia, was 
 removed, about the year 1802, a marble (now 
 in the British Museum) which bears part of one 
 of the epitaphs placed in this quarter, to record 
 the names of the Athenians who had been slain 
 in battle. It was the sepulchral monument of 
 
 1 Celebrata? sunt primum in ambulatione Academiae Athenis 
 cubitorum 36 unius radice ramos antecedente. Plin. Nat. 
 Hist. 1. 12. c. 1. 
 
 2 JElian. Var. Hist. 1. 9. c. 10. 
 Porphyr. de Abstinent, ab esu animal. 
 
 JEnaea. Gazae. Theophrast. sive de Immort. Anim. 
 St. Basil. Homil. de legendis libris Gentiliura. 
 Id. Orat. de Temperantia et Incontinentia. 
 
 s -To ^jxoViov <njjxa, ear) kir) tou naXXicrrov itg caa- 
 
 fekv fyjs toXscus, Thucyd. 1. 2, c. 70. 
 
 G C Z 
 
84 PEIRAIC GATE. 
 
 the men who fell at Potidaea, in the year pre- 
 ceding the commencement of the Pelopon- 
 nesian war, or 432 B. C. 1 Thus from the si- 
 tuation where this stone was found, it is no less 
 useful in the illustration of topography, than 
 important as a historical and palseographical 
 monument. 
 
 Although the same rule which leads us to 
 look for Dipylum on the modern road to Eleu- 
 sis is applicable to a search for the Peiraic 
 gate, it does not directly follow that it will 
 guide us to the site of this gate with the same 
 certainty. The road to Eleusis passes, and 
 must in all ages have passed, through the re- 
 markable opening in Mount CEgaleos, already 
 alluded to, which leads to the bay of Eleusis, 
 and in the middle of which stands the monastery 
 of Dhafni. Our certainty with regard to the 
 site of Colonus and the Academy, affords also 
 the clearest evidence as to the direction of the 
 Sacred Way from the Morea gate to the pass of 
 Dhafni ; and thus furnished with the two ex- 
 tremities of the line, we can have no doubt as 
 to the site of Dipylum, which must have been 
 at the intersection of that line with the still 
 existing line of the ancient walls. 
 
 In regard to the road from the harbour of 
 
 1 See an excellent memoir upon this inscription in Vis- 
 conti's Elgin Marbles, p. 171. 
 
PEIRAIC GATE. 
 
 Peiraeeus to the Peiraic gate, the case is some- 
 what different. The demus of Peiraeeus, instead 
 of being a mere point like the pass of Dhafni, 
 occupied a considerable space ; and its site is at 
 a much greater distance from Athens than the 
 pass of Dhafni. There might have been, and 
 undoubtedly were, therefore, various roads from 
 Peirgeeus to Athens, according to the parts 
 of the demus, or of the harbour, that the pas- 
 senger was coming from, and according to the 
 quarter of Athens to which he was going. 
 
 There must, however, have been some par- 
 ticular point in the harbour where strangers 
 usually landed, and from whence there appears 
 to have been a carriage road 1 to some gate of 
 the city, which formed the principal entrance 
 into the city in this direction. 
 
 We can hardly doubt that the gate by which 
 Pausanias, after having described Peiraeeus and 
 some objects on the way from thence towards 
 Athens, conducts his reader into the city, is 
 the same as that which Plutarch calls the Peiraic 
 gate. Independently of the natural presumption 
 that such was the case, it is to be observed 
 that Pausanias notices at the gate by which 
 he enters Athens, a monument, ornamented 
 with the statue of an armed man standing by a 
 
 1 Xenoph. Hellen. 1.2. c. 4. See the passage in p. 92. 
 
PEIRA1C GATE. 
 
 horse, the work of Praxiteles. ■ It is well known 
 that a man standing by a horse was a common 
 type on the monument of a person who received 
 heroic honours, a distinction which became so 
 common in the latter ages of Greece, that se- 
 pulchral stones of the most ordinary kind are 
 still found in great numbers, with this type 
 in relief, accompanied by the person's name 
 with fyw annexed to it. Now as we learn from 
 Plutarch that the heroic monument of Chal- 
 codon stood at the Peiraic gate, 2 there seems 
 little doubt that the monument described by 
 Pausanias at the gate by which he entered 
 Athens was the heroum of Chalcodon, and that 
 the gate was the same called Peiraic by Plutarch. 
 There are two circumstances which strongly 
 mark the position of this gate to have been at 
 
 * v E<rn 8s rd<po; oo itoppui ruv tivXujv, sirlQsiAa, £%wv o-rgaftwryvy 
 Tttfuj irag£<rry}Kora.' bvrwa [asv oJjc olSx, Ilf a^riAijj Se xai rov 
 Xittov xaj rov <rr%ariujrr)v eirolrj<rev. Pausan. Attic, c. 2. 
 
 Pausanias, in here saying that he knew not to whom this 
 monument was erected, could hardly have heen sincere, for 
 it is incredible that the Athenians should have lost all memory 
 of the intention of one of the works of Praxiteles. Pausanias 
 was perhaps dissatisfied with the account given by the Athe- 
 nian antiquaries, or the statue may recently have been con- 
 verted into that of some Roman, a process which was not 
 uncommon in his time. 
 
 8 ro\$ itvXoLs Ttagd rh XaXxuJSovros rj^wov, a; vvv Jlei^aixds 
 cVojxafyuc-j. Plutarch, Parall. in Thes. 
 
PEIRA1C GATE. 
 
 no great distance from Dipylum to the S.W. 
 The one is, that Pausanias enters through it 
 into the Cerameicus, which we have already- 
 seen to have been the quarter adjacent to Di- 
 pylum ; the other, that Sylla is related by Plu- 
 tarch 1 to have broken down all the city-wall 
 between the Sacred and Peiraic gates, previous 
 to the assault of the city, which filled with 
 blood all the Cerameicus within Dipylum. As 
 we cannot believe that any other gate bore the 
 epithet of sacred than Dipylum, which was the 
 beginning of the Sacred Way, and the gate 
 
 1 'Ev £e rouioy Xsys'tcu •ttvds ev Ks§oc^eiK(p irgso-tutuiv aKOU- 
 <ra.vra,s SiaXsyoiisvuv rfgos dXXrjXovs kou kclki^ovt'ujv toy fugav- 
 vov ('Aficrrtwva) w; fMJ (pvXdfT'ovT'a, rod •fd%pb$ rr,v ire§) ro 
 'Eiftay^aXKOv sfoSov kou irgotrGoXyv oj /xoV»i Swarbv etvau kou 
 pdSiov vitegSvjvai tous rfoXsplovs, ditocyyeiXou tavTa. itgbs toy 
 "EuXXav 6 S"ou xa,r£<pg6vy)<rev dXX' sitsXtiuiv vvxrbs kou QeatrUfiEVftf 
 rov rditoy aXwVijxov sl^ero tov spyov. * * * * KarsXYjtpQrj \l\v 
 ovv ij ttoXii sKslfisv, cog 'AQyvcLlujv o\ i&psirtrrftvfti Siefivrj^ovsvov 
 aotbs Sh o 1,vXXas fo \hita%P rys HeigouKy; tTuAtj^ koli tfjs 'l&g&s 
 KOM'ot.axdi'Xs kui o-vvopaXvvois tfsg) uscras vvktocs eo"ijxocuvs tppi- 
 
 kujStjs, &c aysv ydp Katd try aXXyv itoXiv pcvoupsGivtajv 
 
 o t(sp) fyy dyopdv <povos sitecrye itdyfa. rov kvtos rov AnruXov 
 KspoL^eiKov TtoXXtig Ss Xsystou koCi Sid tfuAwj/ KataKXvo-ou ro 
 irpodo-feiov. Plutarch. Parall. in Sylla. In regard to the story 
 here mentioned by Plutarch of the blood having flowed from 
 the inner Cerameicus through Dipylum into the Suburb, it 
 is observable that the spot, where I have placed Dipylum, 
 is one of the very few in the western walls of Athens, where 
 the shape of the ground would have admitted of such an 
 ©ccuirence. 
 
88 PEIRA1C GATE. 
 
 through which the Mystae marched in their 
 progress from the Cerameicus to Elensis, it 
 seems that the breach made by Sylla was from 
 Dipylum to the Peiraic gate. This gives the 
 strongest presumption that the Peiraic was the 
 next gate to Dipylum. And as in the modern 
 walls the next gate to the Mora Kapesi is that 
 which is called Asian Kapesi as leading to the 
 Asian Limani, the name applied by the Turks 
 to port Peirseeus, 1 it hence becomes further pro- 
 bable that the ancient Peiraic gate should (like 
 Dipylum on the modern road to Eleusis) be 
 searched for in the modern road from the Asian 
 Kapesi to Peireeeus, at the intersection of that 
 road with the line of the ancient walls. The 
 Asian Kapesi is situated 120 yards south of the 
 Theseium, consequently in a part of the inner 
 Cerameicus. 
 
 Stuart, however, placed the Peiraic gate in 
 a very different situation, namely, in the hollow 
 between the heights of Pnyx and Museium, 
 near the spot where now stands a small church 
 of St. Demetrius, 2 surnamed Lumbardhaiis, or 
 
 1 For a similar reason, the Greeks call the Asian Kapesi 
 the gate of Dhrdko. 
 
 2 "Aytog AYjiiyrptos 6 AovnirapSapitf. This epithet was 
 bestowed upon Saint Demetrius lor his miraculous inter- 
 position in defence of his church, against which one of the 
 Disdars, or Turkish governors of the citadel of Athens, had 
 prepared to try the power of his artillery, when the night 
 
PEIRAIC GATE. 89 
 
 the Bombardier. As Stuart has been followed 
 in this opinion by the generality of travellers, 
 it becomes necessary to examine the question 
 more minutely, and to consider whether this, or 
 any other situation on the southern and western 
 side of the city, in the line of the ancient walls, 
 between Dipylum and the Ilissus, has an equal 
 or better claim to be considered the site of the 
 Porta Peiraica than that which I have just indi- 
 cated as being upon a first view of the question 
 the probable position of this gate. 
 
 Fortunately for the inquiry, there can be 
 very little doubt with regard to the exact si- 
 tuation of the several gates of the city on this 
 side. Foundations of the ancient walls, fol- 
 lowing the crest of the ridge of hills which 
 here bordered the site of Athens, are traceable 
 all the way from the site of Dipylum to the 
 Ilissus. There are three very marked divisions 
 in this ridge, the Museium to the south, the 
 hill of Pnyx in the middle, and to the north 
 a lower rocky height, which, for distinction 
 sake, may be called Lycabettus, although, as I 
 have already observed, that name probably be- 
 longed to the entire ridge. We cannot hesitate 
 
 before he put his design into execution, a powder magazine 
 close to the Disdar's house was inflamed by lightning, and 
 himself and his famity perished in the explosion. The ma- 
 gazine occupied a part of the Propylaea. 
 
90 PE1RA1C GATE 
 
 in believing that two of the gates leading into 
 the city on this side, were in the two passes 
 between these three hills ; and there are even 
 appearances on the foundations of the ancient 
 walls that strongly corroborate the supposition. 
 It is probable there was also a third gate in some 
 part of the ancient wall, between the southern 
 part of the hill of Museium and the Ilissus. 
 
 Upon examining the existing remains of the 
 two Long Walls, we find that from near the 
 eastern foot of the hills which formed the 
 Peiraic peninsula, 1 "they began to run in a 
 parallel line, only 550 feet asunder, directly to- 
 wards the Acropolis, and that they preserve this 
 line and relative position wherever they are 
 traceable. The pass of Lurnbardhari, between 
 the heights of Pnyx and Museium, falls exactly 
 on this line. Whether the Long Walls diverged, 
 therefore, on arriving at the foot of the hills of 
 Museium and Pnyx, or whether they were con- 
 tinued in the same parallel line quite to the 
 ancient peribolus, which runs along the sum- 
 mit of these hills, it seems equally evident that 
 the gate of Lurnbardhari was the termination 
 of the great street inclosed between the two 
 
 ' By this expression is meant the entire peninsula included 
 between the head of Port Peiraceus, and the Bay of Pha- 
 lerum, which includes within it the interior peninsula of 
 Munychia. 
 
PEIRAIC GATE. 91 
 
 Long Walls, and consequently that it was the 
 communication, not from Peiraeeus to the Ce- 
 rameicus, adjacent to Dipylum, which we have 
 already seen to have been the direction of Pau- 
 sanias in conducting his reader into the city, 
 but from Phalerum and the central parts of the 
 Peiraic peninsula to the Acropolis and central 
 parts of Athens. 
 
 It can scarcely be doubted that the road 
 which Pausanias followed from Peiraeeus to the 
 Peiraic gate, was not between the two Long 
 Walls, but that like the modern road from the 
 Peiraeeus to the western quarter of the modern 
 city, it passed to the northward of the northern 
 Long Wall, for he mentions that there were 
 several sepulchres on the way, as there were 
 likewise on the Phaleric road on the opposite 
 side of the Long Walls. 1 Here, therefore, he is 
 exactly in agreement with Plato, who describ- 
 ing the route of Leontius from Peiraeeus to 
 Athens, says, that he passed under the northern 
 Long Wall on the outside of it, and through the 
 public burying-ground. 2 
 
 There can be little doubt also that this was 
 
 1 Pausan. Attic, c. 1, 2. 
 
 2 w$ oc§ex, AsdvTio$ 6 'AyXalcvvos dnwv gx Ylsigaiscvg 
 
 vito ro fiopetov ?el%os hxrhg cCi<r§a.vQpzvQs vzytpovg irapd ru> Srj[xsiaj 
 xblixbvovs, ajxa ph \Sstv £7tj9ujw,o7, a//,a 8'av Sutr^epxivoi, &c. 
 Plato de Republ. 1. 4. vol. 2. p. 440. Ed. Serran. 
 
92 PE1RAIC GATE. 
 
 the direction of the Hamaxitus, or great com- 
 mercial carriage- road, which led from the Pei- 
 rseeus to Athens, for that it was not between 
 the Long Walls is strongly argued by the pro- 
 bability that it led not from the centre of the 
 Peiraic peninsula, which was high and rocky, to 
 the central parts of Athens, but from the head 
 of port Peiraseus to the Cerameicus, and the 
 Agora. So that in the passage of Xenophon, 1 
 where the Hamaxitus is mentioned, and where 
 he informs us that the thousand men from Phyle, 
 under Thrasybulus, who had taken possession of 
 the Peirseeus, and who, when they found them- 
 selves unable to defend the open position of the 
 Hamaxitus against the troops of the thirty ty- 
 rants, advancing against them from the city, 
 retreated into Munychia, he probably meant by 
 the Hamaxitus, not a street between the Long 
 Walls, but a great road leading from the Peirseeus 
 to the Cerameicus, parallel to the northern Long 
 Wall ; for although the Long Walls had then 
 
 1 'En $e rovrov XaGuuv 6 Qpaarii^ovXog rovg diro <tuXrjg itep\ 
 ytXiovg ijJij %vvEi\eyy.£vov$, d<ptKveTrai ryg wnrbg eg rov TLeipaid' 
 ol Se Tpidxovra, kite) r,a§ovro ravra kZoyQovv evQug dvrolg %uv re 
 rotg Aay.ujvix.oli xtxi %uv ro'ig 'mitevcn xa\ rolg oirXlraig' eitsira. 
 e^uspovv Kara. rr t v eg rov Tleipatd 'A^dfyrov dvatpepovo-av' 
 ol Se aVo QuXyg In \hev eife^elp^rav ju-ev dvievai avroug' eitei Se 
 fteyag 6 xvnXog wv iroXXyjg puXax^j eSoxei SeioSat ovtTuj iroXXolg 
 cum, %vveo-iretpdQy}o-av eir) rrjv Movvu%lav. Xenophon. Hel- 
 lenic. 1. 2. c. 4. 
 
PEIRAIC GATE. 93 
 
 been recently destroyed by the Lacedaemonians, 
 it can hardly be supposed that so hasty an opera- 
 tion as that is known to have been, and one so 
 soon repaired, should not have left some remains 
 of walls, capable of affording protection to the 
 flanks of a small body of men, if Thrasybulus had 
 had it in his power to take up that position : nor 
 is it probable, had such been the position of 
 Thrasybulus, that Xenophon would have omitted 
 to mention it. The position of Thrasybulus on 
 the Hamaxitus, seems, therefore, to have been 
 to the northward of the northern Long Wall. 
 
 Again, in regard to the attack upon Athens 
 by Sylla, we can hardly doubt that when he 
 broke down the Athenian wall, he confined his 
 operation to that part of the wall situated in the 
 plain, which would give him the easiest and 
 most direct access into the Cerameicus, where 
 he afterwards entered, this being also the part 
 of the wall most exposed to the positions 1 from 
 which his operations against Athens were carried 
 on, and particularly to the Academy, 2 at which 
 place he had felled trees to be used in the con- 
 struction of engines of attack. It is very im- 
 
 1 Appian de Bell. Mithridat. c. 33. 
 
 s uXijv £e rr ; s 'Axa$y)[j.ia,$ sKQtfTS xa) [^rj^xvds eipyd^sto 
 psyla-Tag. Id. ibid. c. 30. 
 
 •niv tk 'AxaJijjxiav sxsips ttjv $£v8po<popu)fa.Trjv rcvy irpoaffTsiwy. 
 Plutarch. Parall. in Sylla. 
 
94 PE1RAIC GATE. 
 
 probable that he should have lost his time in 
 breaching any part of the wall, on the difficult 
 approach of the hill of Pnyx, as he must have 
 done on the supposition that the Peiraic gate was 
 in the pass of Lumbardhari, between Pnyx and 
 Museium : not to mention the impossibility in 
 his circumstances of throwing down not less 
 than 1 400 yards of wall between evening and 
 midnight. 
 
 If the foregoing reasoning has any validity, 
 we are reduced in our searches for the Porta 
 Peiraica, either to the gate, which stood at the 
 opening between Pnyx and Lycabettus, or to 
 another, some vestiges of which are still to be 
 seen about midway between the former and 
 Dipylum, on the north side of Lycabettus. 
 
 It is difficult to decide which of the gates, 
 standing in these two positions, has the better 
 claim to be considered the Peiraic gate. On ac- 
 count of the diminished size of modern Athens, 
 one gate is now sufficient for the traffic in this 
 direction, which anciently employed two, and 
 instead of a gate on either side of Lycabettus, 
 there is now only one, namely, the Asian Kapesi, 
 or gate of Dhrako, which is so situated, that the 
 modern road from Peiraeeus, in approaching the 
 western side of mount Lycabettus, separates 
 into two branches, one of which turns round 
 the northern, and the other round the southern 
 
PE1RA1C GATE. 
 
 side of Lycabettus, and they join again just be- 
 fore the entrance of the Asian Kapesi. The 
 road on the north is preferred for loaded beasts 
 of burthen, on account of its being more level, 
 though more circuitous ; the latter by other 
 passengers, from its being nearer, though the 
 ascent and descent of the pass between Lyca- 
 bettus and Pnyx, but still more the descent into 
 the hollow, lying between those heights and the 
 Areiopagus, is considerably steep. 
 
 The arguments in favour of each of these 
 gates are nearly balanced. On the one hand, it 
 does not appear probable that the Peiraic gate 
 should have been situated so far out of the di- 
 rect line from the centre of Cerameicus to the 
 head of port Peiraaeus, as must have been the 
 gate which stood on the north side of Lycabet- 
 tus : on the other hand, the steep descent from 
 the Pnyco-Lycabettian pass into the city seems 
 at first sight an inconvenient situation for the 
 porticos which reached from thence to the 
 Ceramic Agora. Upon this point, however, we 
 cannot be quite sure what may have been the 
 ideas of the ancients 5 the variety of ground may 
 have given great advantages to the appearance 
 of many of the buildings, and there is certainly 
 no point in the whole circuit of the walls, 
 where a stranger having landed at Peiraeeus, and 
 entering Athens for the first time, would have 
 
 95 
 
96 PEIRAIC GATE. 
 
 been presented with so imposing a view of the 
 public buildings of the city, as in this spot. 
 The edifices of the Agora, and those upon the 
 Areiopagus, were here presented directly before 
 him, with the magnificent group of the Pro- 
 pylaea and Parthenon rising above them in all 
 their majesty. 
 
 A remarkable passage cited by Plutarch, in 
 his life of Theseus, from an Athenian antiquary 
 of the name of Cleidemus, is in favour of the 
 Peiraic gate having been in the Pnyco-Lyca- 
 bettian pass. He says, that when the Amazons 
 attacked Athens, their right wing was sta- 
 tioned at Chrysa near Pnyx ; that the Athe- 
 nians attacked them from the Museium ; that 
 the tombs of those who fell were seen in the 
 street leading to the Peiraic gate, near the 
 heroum of Chalcodon; and that the Athenians 
 being worsted in this position, retreated to the 
 temple of the Furies, where they remained until 
 they received reinforcements from Palladium, 
 Ardettus, ' and Lyceium. We have already 
 
 1 Ardettus was a demus on the banks of the Ilissus, (Pol- 
 lux, 1. 8. c. 10.) near the Panathenaic stadium, (Harpocrat. 
 in "A^Srjttos.) consequently not far from the Lyceium. It 
 may be inferred, therefore, from the passage of Plutarch, 
 mentioned in the text, that the Palladium, which appears 
 from Pausanias and other writers to have been one of the 
 Athenian courts of justice, was in the north-eastern part of 
 i the city. 
 
PEIRAIC GATE. 97 
 
 seen 1 that the temple of the Furies was near 
 the eastern end of the Areiopagus, which hill, 
 it would appear from iEschylus, then became 
 the post of the Amazons. In this action, there- 
 fore, every thing accords with the topography, 
 if we place the Peiraic gate at the Pnyco-Lyca- 
 bettian pass, but not so well, if it be placed 
 halfway between this point and Dipylum. 
 
 1 Pausanias Attic, c. 28. 
 
 II 
 
0g . ROUTES OF PAUSANIAS. 
 
 SECTION IV. 
 
 First Part of the Route of Pausanias. — From the Stoa 
 Basileius to Enneacrunus. 
 
 The next inquiry is, how far either of the 
 positions just indicated will accord with the 
 relative situations of the Peiraic gate and of the 
 buildings of the Cerameicus, as indicated by 
 Pausanias; we may then endeavour to trace 
 his route through the other parts of the city. 
 
 It has been seen, that after having entered 
 through the Peiraic gate, and passed through 
 a portico leading to the Cerameicus, he arrives 
 at the Stoa Basileius. 
 
 His subsequent progress through the city 
 may be divided into five parts. 
 
 1. Departing from the Stoa Basileius, he de- 
 scends to the fountain of Enneacrunus. 
 
 2. Resuming his situation at the same portico, 
 he proceeds from thence to the Psecile, and 
 describes that and the other buildings on the 
 northern side of the city, as far as the Pry- 
 taneium. 
 
 3. He descends from the Prytaneium to the 
 temple of Jupiter Olympius, and from thence 
 proceeds to describe the adjacent regions with- 
 out the city; namely, the suburb called the 
 Gardens, the Gymnasia of Lyceium and Cyno- 
 
STOA BASILEIUS. 99 
 
 sarges, and the suburb of Agrae, ending with 
 the Stadium. 
 
 4. Beginning anew from the Prytaneium, he 
 proceeds by the quarter of Tripodes to the 
 temple and theatre of Bacchus, and mounts 
 from thence to the Propylaea of the Acropolis. 
 
 .5. Lastly, he describes the Acropolis, and 
 having descended from thence to the Areiopa- 
 gus, concludes with an account of the cemetery 
 of the exterior Cerameicus, and the third of the 
 great Athenian Gymnasia without the walls, 
 namely, the Academy. 
 
 As Pausanias, after arriving at the Stoa Ba- 
 sileius 1 , describes two routes, one leading from 
 that Stoa by the Metroum and temple of Mars 
 to Enneacrunus, and the other from the same 
 point by the Prytaneium to the Olympium and 
 suburb of Agrae, his object appears to have been, 
 first, to convey the reader through the parts of 
 the city on the south side of the Areiopagus 
 and Acropolis, and afterwards through the op- 
 posite division of the city, on the north side of 
 the same ridge of heights. The point of the 
 ridge nearest to the Peiraic gate, or the western 
 
 « The three streets which met near the Stoa Basileius, 
 probably formed the r§lo§o$ of the Cerameicus, where stood 
 a four-headed Hermes, the work of Telesarchides. Hesych. 
 in 'Eppijs tpiKsip. — Photii Lex. M. S. in 'Eppijf rsrpxxef. 
 Epigram. Graec. ap. Brodaei Antholog. Append, p. 13. 
 
 H 2 
 
100 STOA BASILEIUS. 
 
 end of the Areiopagus, seems, therefore, to be 
 the most natural point for the separation of the 
 two routes, or, in other words, for the site of 
 the Stoa Basileius ; and the conjecture receives 
 some confirmation from the circumstance, that 
 the Basileus or second archon, from whom the 
 Stoa Basileius took its name, had the charge of 
 prosecutor in the court of Areiopagus 1 ; and 
 that, in the time of Demosthenes, the court it- 
 self was occasionally, if not generally, assembled 
 in the Stoa Basileius , instead of the ancient 
 inclosure on the summit of the Areiopagus, at 
 its eastern end. In whichever of the two spots 
 described in the preceding pages, we place the 
 Peiraic gate, it is observable that the western 
 end of the Areiopagus is equally suited to the 
 position of the Stoa Basileius : the difference 
 would be, that, in the one case, the stoa, or 
 portico of communication from the gate to the 
 Ceramic Agora, must have stood on the north- 
 ern side of Lycabettus ; in the other case, on 
 its southern side. 
 
 Having assumed this position then, for the 
 Stoa Basileius, it will follow, from what has al- 
 
 » Pollux, 1. 8. c 10. 
 
 9 . . <nj v e£ 'Af elov mikyov CouXr) v, Irav Iv rjj BxtriXsluj "Zrda. 
 xa0££o|U.ev)j iti^vyt>mX^jxi xard iroAAijv r { <rv^ixv sp' solutes 
 slvsu x.ai airavras ekvoScuv vnayju^iiv. — Demosth. in Aristogit. 
 p. 776, Ed. Reiske. 
 
TEMPLE OF MARS. jq! 
 
 ready been observed respecting the directions 
 of the first and second divisions of the route of 
 Pausanias, that all the buildings mentioned by 
 him in succession, between the Stoa Basileius 
 and Enneacrunus, namely, the temple of Apollo 
 Patrous, the Metrum, the Buleuterium, or Se- 
 nate House of the Five Hundred, the Tholus, 
 and the Temple of Mars, were on the southern 
 side of the Areiopagus. 
 
 There is also reason to believe that none of 
 these buildings were to the eastward or south- 
 ward of the hollow lying between the west end 
 of the Acropolis, and the east end of the Areio- 
 pagus, which hollow formed the ascent to the 
 Acropolis, as well from the southern as from the 
 northern parts of the city ; for, independently of 
 the presumption that the temple of Mars was 
 near the hill which took its name from that 
 deity, we learn, from Arrian 1 , a contemporary of 
 Pausanias, that the statues of Harmodius and 
 Aristogeiton, (which according to Pausanias were 
 very near the temple of Mars, and according to 
 Arrian himself, were over against the Metroum, 
 a building not far from the same temple of 
 
 i 'A§po§iov Hat 'A§i<r?oyelTOvo$ %aX>ca7 shovs$ .... xou vvv 
 xelvrai Afyvycriv h KEgapsixuJ at e]x6vs$, y dvlpev ig iroMv 
 xaravTixgu tou Mijt^w'ou. Arrian. de Exped. Alex. 1. 3. c. \6. 
 
 It is almost superfluous to remark, that the word ttoKis, 
 here certainly means Acropolis. Thucydides (1. 2. c. 1.5.) 
 says, otto ©rcriw; . . it^o rovrov r\ 'AxpoiroXts y v ^ v o"<ra, IIoAt? 
 
1Q2 TEMPLE OF MARS. 
 
 Mars) were on the ascent to the Acropolis. It is 
 the more probable that the temple of Mars was 
 not situated further south-eastward than this 
 spot, because the same statues of Harmodius 
 and Aristogeiton are repeatedly mentioned as 
 having been in the Agora, and although a part 
 of the Agora was in Melite, as we learn from a 
 comparison of the authorities relating to the 
 positions of the Macra Stoa, Eurysaceium, and 
 Colonus Agorseus^and that Melite (having com- 
 prehended the Eurysaceium, a monument in the 
 
 yp . . . . xaXs7rai Ss Sid trjv TtcxXaidv favrr t v Kafolxrjtriv xa» ij 
 Axf 6rfoXi$ fiex.fi rovSe efi vv ASrjVaiouv Ho\i$. 
 
 The architectural inscription relating to the Erechtheium 
 reported by Chandler, and explained by Mr. Wilkins (Athe- 
 niensia, p. 1Q7) begins with 'Eiricrrdtai rov veto rou ev itoXei, 
 sv to ro d^ainv ayaXfux,, &c. 
 
 In another inscription on the architrave of the outer 
 modern gate of the citadel, we find <£. 2. Ma.pxeXX7vo$ $Xa.[i. 
 xa< dttb AytovoQertuv ex rcov ISiwv rag irvXtZvag rrj ttoXei. 
 
 See also TEschyl. Eumenid. v. 688. — Aristoph. Lysist. 
 v. J5Q, 91 1 . — Stephan. Byzant. in ASijvat. — Aristid. in Panath. 
 
 1 For the proof of the Macra Stoa having been in the 
 Agora, and in Melite, see page 76, note 2. 
 
 Auo ydg ovftvv rtov KoXtovuiv 6 fiev "Initios exaXelro, ov 
 fieu^vovrai cos OlSitfoSos e'lg dvrov xara<p6yovTos, 8' ijv ev Ayoga 
 rfagd to Eufucrax«ov, 00 orvvtetrav o\ iMo~%apvovvre$. Pollux, 
 1. 7- c. 29. 
 
 roug MicrQcotovs KoXtuvlra; tovopaXfiv , iiteiSr\ ita^d rw KoXtovto 
 £}<rrijy.acny t 0$ ktrri ffAijtr/ov fqf 'Ayogds, Iv9a ro 'Htpaltrreiov 
 xa< to Evcvtrdxeiov etrrY JxaAerro 8e KoXwvos ovro$ Ayopouog. 
 Harpocrat. in K&AawVaf. 
 
CERAMIC AGORA. 103 
 
 Agora, near the temple of Vulcan, which temple 
 stood above the Stoa Basileius 1 ) must also have 
 included all the eastern part of the hill of Areio- 
 pagus 2 ; yet, from what we have already seen, of 
 the synonymous use of the words Cerameicus 
 and Agora, it is impossible not to believe, that 
 by much the largest portion of the Agora was in 
 the quarter of Cerameicus. The great extent 
 of space to the west and north-west of the Pro- 
 pylaea, which we are forced* upon the strongest 
 evidence, to include within the ancient Agora,, 
 gives sufficient reason to suspect that the ancient 
 Agora never extended to the southward and 
 eastward of the ascent to the Acropolis ; on the 
 
 Evgvo-dxsiov . . . fspsvos earfiv Eupcraxooj, -too Alavfas li* 
 'AQrjvxis . . . lv MsA/rij. Harpocrat. in Evgug. 
 
 Eurysaces, son of Ajax, dwelt in Melite, according to 
 Plutarch (Paral. in Solon.) 
 
 » Pausan. Attic, c. 14. 
 
 « It may be thought, perhaps, in reference to the passage of 
 Arrian cited in page 101, that the statues near the Metroum 
 and temple of Mars, being there stated to have been in Cera- 
 meicus, near the ascent to the Acropolis, Melite could not 
 have extended over the eastern part of the hill of Areiopa- 
 gus ; but it is to be observed, that the common practice of 
 using the words Cerameicus and Agora as synonymous, is so 
 clearly demonstrated by the passages in page 77t that we 
 cannot take the words of Arrian as a proof of the extent of 
 Cerameicus as a quarter, or in what manner its bounda- 
 ries were regulated, h fats opiirpots rijV if6\scus, to use the 
 expression of the Scholiast, who furnishes us with the evi- 
 dence upon the extent of Melite. 
 
104 CERAMIC AGORA. 
 
 other hand, that it did extend very nearly to 
 the Propylaea may be inferred from Pausanias 
 and Apollodorus, the former of whom 1 mentions 
 a statue of Venus Pandemus as standing a little 
 below the Propylaea, and the latter of whom 
 states the same statue to have been in or near 
 the Agora 2 . It may here be remarked, that the 
 great extent of the ancient Agora is in some 
 measure accounted for by that Agora, or, at 
 least, its most frequented parts, having moved 
 their position in different periods of the repub- 
 lic. Thus, in the remotest ages, when the 
 Acropolis or Cecropia was almost the only in- 
 habited part of the site of Athens, it is natural 
 to believe, that the Agora or market-place re- 
 sorted to from the neighbouring country, was 
 a little below the entrance of Cecropia, free 
 admission to which would probably not be per- 
 mitted to strangers, even from the other parts 
 of Attica, in those uncivilized ages. When the 
 chief sacred buildings were erected (as Thucy- 
 dides 3 informs us), on the south side of the 
 Acropolis, and the city began to spread over 
 the vallies to the south and west of the Acro- 
 polis, the Agora may have extended into the 
 
 1 Pausan. Attic, c. 22. 
 
 " 'AiroWoSwpo; iv rtxi rfep) Qecvv Hxv8y(x.ov <py<r)v 'AQyvyari 
 xAijflijvai ryjv d<pt$psvQe7<r<xv irep) rtjv dpyjxlxv ayopdv. Har- 
 pocrat. in TlavfyjAOs 'AppoSlTy. 
 
 3 Thocyd. 1. 2. c. 15. 
 
CERAMIC AGORA. 105 
 
 western side of the same space, with that most 
 ancient place of popular assembly, the Pnyx, 
 above the middle of it. By degrees the city 
 stretched round the Acropolis, and the Agora 
 became enlarged in the same direction, until at 
 length the best inhabited part of the city being 
 on the north side of the Acropolis, the old 
 Agora having been defiled by the massacre of 
 Sylla, and its buildings beginning to fall into de- 
 cay, the Agora became fixed, about the time of 
 Augustus, in the situation where we now see the 
 portal of that Agora. Though the city has 
 contracted its circuit since that time, and the 
 southern and western parts of the ancient site 
 have become quite uninhabited, the position of 
 the central and most frequented quarter is the 
 same as in the time of the Romans, the modern 
 Bazar occupying exactly the same situation as 
 the Eretrian, or Roman Agora. It thus appears 
 highly probable, that, in the most flourishing 
 times of the republic, the Agora encircled and 
 inclosed within its boundaries the whole of the 
 hill of Areiopagus, round which, it is probable, 
 that Xenophon 1 intended that the Athenian 
 horsemen should march, when he recommended 
 
 1 offwv lepd x.a) dydXpafa. iv tvi dyopa. b<tti ravta, dp^d- 
 psvoi diro twy 'Epawv jcj/jcAuj Ksp) r-rjv dyopdv xa« ra ispd 
 tfepisXavvoisv ripwvrss rov$ fleooV- • • • 'ErfsiSdv Ss ifaXiv ntpo; 
 tais 'Eppcus ylvwvrcci ifspieXyjXxKorssy &c. Xenoph. Hip- 
 parch, c. 3. 
 
10($ M ELITE. 
 
 them to set out from the Hermae in the Agora, 
 and having visited all the temples of the gods in 
 their progress round the Agora, to return to the 
 Hermae. 
 
 If the position of the temple of Mars was 
 such as I have here supposed, what becomes, it 
 may be asked, of all the space between it and 
 the neighbourhood of Ilissus, and how can we 
 account for Pausanias having leapt at once from 
 the Areiopagus to the Odeium, near Callirhoe? 
 The difficulty is undoubtedly great, and per- 
 haps the only one of magnitude which occurs 
 in regard to the topography of Athens ; but 
 when we consider the proofs which have already 
 been given of the incompleteness of Pausanias's 
 description in several respects, of the intention 
 which he repeatedly announces of describing 
 only the things most deserving of notice, to- 
 gether with the existence in his time of several 
 very diffuse descriptions of Athens by other 
 authors, it becomes not at all unlikely that his ac- 
 count of this part of the city has been purposely 
 neglected by him. I am inclined to think that 
 the valley on the south side of the Acropolis, 
 nearly as far as the neighbourhood of Ennea- 
 crunus, formed the principal part of the quar- 
 ter of Melite, and that the gate which stood 
 at Lumbardhari was the Melitensian gate, or 
 Ports Melitides ; for the hollow way in which 
 it stands answers better than any other position 
 
COELE. 1Q7 
 
 on the site of Athens, to the road " through 
 the hollow," (Aid Kol\rjs) l afterwards called the 
 quarter of Coele, where were the Cimonian 
 sepulchres, and where the historian Thucydides 
 was buried 2 . We find some remarkable sepul- 
 chral grottos just without the site of the gate, 
 and the place is contiguous to the quarter of 
 Pnyx, where Cimon dwelt 3 . I am aware that 
 by several travellers Ccele has been held to be 
 that remarkable hollow which lies between the 
 hills of Pnyx and Areiopagus ; but this valley 
 was, in very early times, inclosed within the 
 city ; and we know it to have been an ancient 
 Athenian law rigorously observed even in the 
 time of the Romans 4 , that no person should be 
 buried within the wails. The words, indeed, of 
 Herodotus, ir§o *ou arteos, sufficiently prove that 
 
 1 . . rsfta.Ttra.1 8s Klju-wy tf^o i'qv afftsoi tfegrjv -fys Aid Kolkys 
 xaAeoiu.injj' 68ov. Herod. 1. 6. c. 103. 
 
 » Plutarch. Parall. in Cimon. 
 
 sot) 81 aiiTov (G>ouxi8l8ov) toitpos tftya'lov Tujv tfvhcuy sv 
 
 %«>f»u> rrjs 'AtTiKYjs, o Koi\y] xctXsifai tfis ydg toa; 
 
 MsKiritri itvXacis xaXovpevais strr)v sv Kolhy rd kx\ov[x.svx 
 Kipovtx ju-vij/Aara. Marcellinus in vita Thucyd. 
 
 s Didymus ap. 2EI. Aristid. in argum. Cimon. 
 
 4 Cicero de Legibus. 1. 2. c. 23. 
 
 Ab Atheniensibus locum sepulturae impetrare non potui, 
 quod religione se impediri dicerent, neque tamen id antea 
 cuiquam concesserant. Quod proximum fuit, uti in quo 
 vellemus gymnasio eum ( Marcellum ) sepeliremus nobis per - 
 miserunt. Nos in nobilissimo orbis terrarum gymnasio Aca- 
 demia locum delegimus. Cicero ad Divers. 1. 4, epist. 12. 
 
108 MELITE. 
 
 the Cimonian tombs were just without the city 
 walls, which is precisely the case with regard to 
 the catacombs near the church of Lumbardhari. 
 In support of the opinion that a great part of 
 the valley on the south side of the Acropolis 
 belonged to Melite, it is observable that none 
 of the buildings known to have been in Melite 
 are described by Pausanias. He makes no 
 mention of the house of Phocion ', or of the 
 temple dedicated to Melanippus, son of The- 
 seus 2 , or of that built by Themistocles in honour 
 of Diana Aristobula, in which Plutarch, a co- 
 temporary of Pausanias, says, that in his time 3 , 
 there was a statue of the founder, or of a cele- 
 brated temple of Hercules Alexicacus, with a no 
 less celebrated statue by Ageladas, of Argos, the 
 master of Phidias*, or of the place of rehearsal of 
 the tragedians 5 , all of which were in Melite. The 
 place of rehearsal, as belonging to the artisans 
 of Bacchus 6 , was probably near the theatre of 
 
 1 Plutarch. Parall. In Phocion. 
 ' Harpocrat. in MsXaviittthv. 
 
 5 Plutarch. Parall. in Themistocl. Idem de Malign. 
 Herod. 
 
 4 Hesych. in 'EK^eXirrjs 504 et Schol. Aristoph. Ran. v. 
 Tzetzes Chil. 8. c. 1Cj2. Suidas in Ts\a8af. 
 b Hesych. in MsXitewv oIkos. 
 
 6 Te^vTraj AKivvcriaKo), or olirsp) tov Aidwcov re^vlroa, were 
 the usual expressions for the tragedians and comedians of 
 Athens. Sec Aristot. in Probl. Plutarch, in Probl. Kom 
 
 
ODEIUM. 109 
 
 Bacchus, which standing at the foot of the Acro- 
 polis just above the quarter in question, thus fur- 
 nishes an additional argument that Melite was 
 there situated. Strong reasons exist, therefore, 
 for thinking, either that there is a real hiatus 
 in the text of the eighth chapter of the Attica 
 of Pausanias, before the passage which begins 
 so abruptly with the words Tou Qsdrpov 8s 6 «aXou<r»v 
 'Q.$e7ov, or that our author has thought proper to 
 pass over several objects in this quarter of the 
 city without notice ; whether, because they were 
 in a ruinous state, or appeared otherwise uninte- 
 resting to him , or because their description would 
 have drawn out his narrative to an inconvenient 
 length, or might have involved questions re- 
 lating to the Romans, upon whom he generally 
 expresses himself with considerable reserve, it 
 is impossible to conjecture. 
 
 Of the Odeium, which, according to Pausa- odeium. 
 nias, stood near Enneacrunus, not a vestige now 
 remains, but a few remarks concerning it, may 
 assist in elucidating the topography of Athens. 
 It has already been seen, that this building is 
 not to be confounded either with the great 
 Dionysiac theatre, or with the theatre con- 
 structed by Pericles, in the form of the pavilion 
 of Xerxes, or with the theatre built by Herodes 
 under the south-west angle of the Acropolis, or 
 with the theatre of Agrippa, which stood in the 
 inner Cerameicus. Nor is it surprising, that 
 
HO ODEIUM. 
 
 among a people so refined in their taste, and 
 delighting so much in public spectacles as 
 the Athenians, there should have been five 
 buildings destined to musical or dramatic ex- 
 hibitions ; not to mention that all these build- 
 ings served occasionally for courts of justice, 
 or other public assemblies, frequent in their 
 democratic government. The Odeium, near 
 Enneacrunus, is probably that which is noticed 
 by Xenophon ', and which is alluded to by 
 Strabo 2 in a passage where he enumerates the 
 most celebrated buildings of Athens. It ap- 
 pears to have been not only the most important 
 of the minor theatres of Athens, but the most 
 ancient of all. It is obvious that there are only 
 two which can come into competition with it 
 in this respect, the Odeium of Pericles, and the 
 Dionysiac theatre. In regard to the former, it 
 seems evident from the testimony of Aristo- 
 phanes 3 , that, about the time when Pericles 
 erected the tent-shaped Odeium, a court which 
 we know from Demosthenes * to have been that 
 of the Thesmothetae, or six junior archons, 
 
 1 Xenoph. Hellen. 1. 2. c. 4. 
 
 1 Ka< rj ' Ax&Svjixla. xxi oi xrjirot rwv ^jAoero'^wv, xai to '£lh7ov 
 xa) ij UoixlXi) Xro'a. Strabo, p. 396. 
 
 3 Oi ju,£V ijjxaJv ovtfep "Apx^ v ' ol Si irapd. fovs*Ev$txa, 
 Oi S'ev '£l$efuj SixdXfivv. Aristoph. in Vesp. v. 1104. 
 
 4 h{ 'XiJeToK 8ixd<rx<r8a.i ifpbs ?ovs Getr/LoOt-ras. 
 
 Demosth. in Neaer. 
 
ODEIUM. 1| X 
 
 was in the habit of meeting in another more 
 ancient Odeium, and probably had been so ac- 
 customed ever since the time of Solon, who, 
 among other similar changes, removed their 
 court from the Thesmothesium, where it had 
 before been accustomed to assemble 1 . As to 
 the Dionysiac theatre, the earliest date which 
 can be given to its foundation- is about the 
 70th Olympiad, or 500 B. C. 2 ; that is to say, at 
 the time that iEschylus perfected the drama, 
 and Agatharcus invented perspective scenery 3 ; 
 and we know that it was not completed and 
 brought to perfection till about 350 B. C. un- 
 der the administration of Lycurgus*: so that 
 the Odeium near Enneacrunus seems to have 
 been the place where the Thesmothetae held 
 their court, and where the rhapsodi and mu- 
 sicians exercised their art before the con- 
 
 1 Suidas in v A^oiv. 
 
 2 Suidas in TlpAttvas. 
 
 3 Primura Agatharcus Athenis, iEschylo dicente tra- 
 gedian), seenam fecit, et de eo commentarium reliquit. Ex 
 eo moniti Democritus et Anaxagoras de eadem re scrip- 
 serunt quemadmodum oporteat ad aciem oculorum radio- 
 rumque extensionem, certo loco centro constituto, ad lineas 
 ratione naturali respondere, uti de incerta re certse imagines 
 sedificiorum in scenarum picturis redderent speciem, et quae 
 in directis planisque frontibus sint figurata, alia abscedentia 
 alia prominentia esse -videantur. Vitruv. in Proem. 1. 7. 
 
 4 Plutarch de X. Rhet. in Lycurg. Pausan. Attic, c. 29. 
 
H2 ODEIUM. 
 
 struction of the theatre of Bacchus '. The 
 Odeium having taken its name from \Qfy\ a 
 song ; and the word Gexrpov signifying more 
 specifically a place for seeing ; the Odeium 
 moreover being described as a kind of theatre, 
 resembling the thymele of the theatrum 2 ; it 
 may be conjectured that it was a place of as- 
 sembly of a ruder and more simple plan than 
 the Dionysiac theatre, and somewhat analogous, 
 perhaps, to the Pnyx. Upon the invention of 
 the improved drama, a building of a new con- 
 struction became necessary, such as would ac- 
 commodate a greater number of persons, and 
 give them a greater facility of seeing the spec- 
 tacle than could be obtained in the Odeium, 
 built, as it was, upon level ground, and intended 
 for recitation and music without action, where 
 accommodation for seeing was less necessary 
 than in the regular drama. Hence the invention 
 of the theatre, and hence its position upon the 
 slope of the hill which rose above the site of the 
 Odeium, and of the sacred inclosure of Bacchus, 
 where the hill itself was excavated to form the 
 central part of the building, and where an edifice 
 
 1 '£l$s7ov, roitos Iv u> itpw to Qexrpov KXTx<rKEux<r8fjvxi, o'i 
 patyocSol xx) o» xrtapweo) ijywvl&yro. Hesych. in 'CL$e7ov. 
 
 1 'ilWov 'AQyjvricri wcnrep Qextpov. Suidas in 'ilSehv. 
 
 Odeum, pars quaedam theatri quae nunc thymele vocatur. 
 Alexand. Aphrodis. in Metaphys. 1. 3. ex vers. J. Genesii. 
 
ELEUSINIUM. 113 
 
 was constructed sufficiently capacious to receive 
 the multitudes who were often attracted to Athens 
 from every part of Greece by the dramatic ex- 
 hibitions of the Athenians, and such as might at 
 the same time furnish a more convenient place 
 for the public meetings of the people, who had 
 before been inadequately accommodated in the 
 Pnyx. The Odeium, mean time, continued to 
 be the place of representation for musical en- 
 tertainments, and one of the Athenian courts 
 of justice. And thus the words Theatrum and 
 Odeium seem to have been applied in every 
 part of Greece ; the former to the semicircular 
 edifice (commonly constructed on the side of a 
 hill) which each city possessed for its general 
 assemblies of every kind ; and the latter to the 
 smaller theatres, built with a roof supported by 
 columns 1 , and destined to music, or to the less 
 numerous meetings upon public affairs. 
 
 In passing immediately from the mention of Eieosimum. 
 Enneacrunus to that of the temple of Ceres 
 and Proserpine, otherwise called Eleusinium, 
 Pausanias has neglected to remark that in the 
 intermediate space the traveller must cross the 
 Ilissus ; for it was in Agra?, the name of the 
 
 1 It has already been seen that the Odeia of Pericles and 
 Herodes were both roofed buildings ; the former is men- 
 tioned as having numerous seats and columns, (tfoXiiatyov 
 kou •jfoXvtrrvXov) . Plutarch. Paral. in Fericl. 
 
 I 
 
114 ELEUSINIUM. 
 
 south-eastern suburb of Athens, on the left bank 
 of the Ilissus ', that the lesser Eleusinian mys- 
 teries were celebrated 2 at the same temple of 
 Eleusinian Ceres, which Pausanias indicates 
 only as being above Enneacrunus. 
 
 The mystic banks of the Ilissus were sanc- 
 tified by the sacred lustrations in which its 
 waters were employed in the lesser Eleusinian 
 mysteries 3 ; and such was the veneration in 
 which the Eleusinium was held, that when the 
 whole population of Attica crowded into the 
 walls of Athens at the beginning of the Pelo- 
 ponnesian war, the Eleusinium and Acropolis 
 were the only places which the people scrupled 
 to inhabit 4 . 
 
 An island between the Stadium and the 
 
 i A<a£a<n Se toy E'tXurtrov %wf/oy "Aygai xakovpsvov xa) vabg 
 'Ayporegas Icrriv ' Agrefj.l$o$. Pausan. Attic, c. J 9. 
 
 2 "Ay^a xa) *Ay§ai, yuj^lov rrjs 'ArrjxijV ir%o rrjf 
 
 tfokeuis £v w ra. (iixga. (LV<rTyjpia. eiftreXeTrai. Steph. Byzant. 
 in*Ayfa. 
 
 'Ayporspa, " ApTEfMS tu$ xaj Kw/x»xo/ JijXoT, yj xa) 'Aypala 
 ifapd HXatuivi xatd Hav<ranav iro %wpa$ irpog Ilu 'lxltro-uj- ij 
 xXl<ris"Aypa xa) "Aypai, ou rd pixpd jyero, <pr t <ri, pvo-rypta, 
 a ixkyEto fd kv"Aypat{. Eustath. ad Iliad B. p. 36l. 
 
 3 Taura jw-ev Sr] o-vveQevro icapd tov 'lXto-<rbv, oJ rbv xaQappov 
 teXovin rolg exdrrcxri ^vo-rrjplois. Poly sen. Strateg. 1. 5. c. 7. 
 
 lyw tfai'cixbv oXGov pltyas EvSaljxova, irap' 'IXuro-ov [xvo-rixalf 
 oybais E<rxrjvr)iAai. Ilimerius in Diegen. ap. Photii Myriobib. 
 
 Too Std Qe(nrE<r(ov <pipetai poos 'lXto-roh. Dionys. Perieg. v. 
 424. 
 
 4 Thucyd. 1.2. c. 17. 
 
TEMPLE OF TRIPTOLEMUS. U5 
 
 Olympium, formed by the diverging torrents of 
 the Ilissus, seems well adapted for a place that 
 was closed and kept sacred from the vulgar 1 ; 
 and the foundations of a building, still ob- 
 servable in this island, may be those of the 
 Eleusinium. The place agrees perfectly with 
 the words " above Enneacrunus," by which 
 Pausanias 2 describes the situation of the Eleu- 
 sinium : and the peculiarity of the position 
 may, perhaps, account for his silence as to the 
 crossing of the Ilissus in the way from Ennea- 
 crunus to the Eleusinium, since the traveller 
 had only to pass one branch of the Ilissus. 
 
 The temple of Triptolemus, which Pausanias Temple of 
 also places above Enneacrunus, was probably mus. 
 that beautiful little Ionic building, which the 
 drawings of Stuart 3 have preserved from obli- 
 vion. It formed, in his time, the church of 
 Panaghia on the rock, but has now almost en- 
 tirely disappeared. Travellers have sometimes 
 taken this building for the Eleusinium, but it is 
 not credible that so important a building as the 
 Eleusinium should have been so small. In the 
 outer modern gate of the Acropolis, moreover, 
 
 1 rov 'EXsvcrivlov, xa) e*n oLx\o SsZxiuj; xXs7<ri'ov yv. 
 
 Thucyd. 1. 2. c. \y. 
 
 2 vao) <$s vitep tr^v xpyjvYjv, o \&zv Ayji^rjtpos iteitoirpai x.a) 
 Koprj;, Iv $s rco TpntToXe&ov Kelpevov s<rr)v dyaX^a. Pausan. 
 Attic, c. 14. 
 
 3 Antiquities of Athens, vol. i. c. 2. 
 
 i ° 
 
iuclda. 
 
 ilQ TEMPLE OF EUCLEIA. 
 
 there is part of an architrave, which, by the in- 
 scription upon it, appears to have belonged to 
 the Eleusinium 1 ; and its dimensions are such 
 as to prove that the building, of which it formed 
 a part, was much larger than the Ionic temple 
 described by Stuart. 
 Temple of As Pausanias, having first spoken of the Eleu- 
 sinium, and then described the temple of Trip- 
 tolemus, places that of Eucleia " still further V 
 {sn aitwrepuj) in the same direction ; it may safely 
 be concluded, that it was near the left bank of 
 the Ilissus to the south-west of the site of the 
 church of Panaghia on the rock, probably at the 
 church of Aghia Marina, which stands a little 
 to the left of the place where the modern road 
 from Athens to Sunium crosses the Ilissus ; for 
 both Wheler and Stuart considered this church 
 to have been the site of an ancient building 3 . 
 The latter observed near it, on the opposite 
 bank of the Ilissus, some vestiges of one of the 
 city gates ; whence it would appear, that the 
 temple of Eucleia stood a little without the gate 
 leading to Sunium. 
 
 1 The inscription is. . . . vij; 'ExiK^arov O\valos ju-av oix/a $e 
 'A[/.<pn , g6ifr)(lev AijjU,ijrf» xa) Ko'fij avfflijxe. 
 
 8 itph rou vaov touSe, e vfla xa< rou T ' pitroXe^ov to 
 
 ayaXjtxa itrri GoCf yaXMviy &c Ir< 8s diruiTepuj *&.bs 
 
 Evxtela.;. Pausan. Attic, c. 14. 
 
 3 Wheler's Travels, p. 379. Stuart's Antiq. of Athens, 
 vol. iii. p. v. 
 
HEPH^STIUM— PjECILE. H7 
 
 SECTION V. 
 
 Second Part of the Route qfPausanias — From the Stoa 
 Basileius to the Prytaneium. 
 
 After having finished the first branch of his 
 tour through Athens, and resumed his original 
 situation at the Stoa Basileius, Pausanias pro- 
 ceeds to describe the parts of the city to the 
 northward of the ridges of Areiopagus and 
 Acropolis. 
 
 The HephEestium, or temple of Vulcan and HephtEs- 
 Minerva, having been above the Stoa Ba- 
 sileius, stood probably towards the western 
 end of the ridge of Areiopagus. The eastern 
 end was occupied by the court of Areiopa- 
 gus, and the sacred entrance of the Semnae. Temple of 
 The temple of Venus, surnamed Celestial, to Venus 
 distinguish her from the Popular Venus, whose 
 temple was near the entrance of the Acropolis, 
 was near the Hephaestium, probably about the 
 middle of the hill. It seems not unlikely that 
 some steps, cut in the cliff on the north side of 
 the hill, led to the temple of Venus Urania, as 
 those on the south-east end led to the court of 
 Areiopagus. 
 
 As the Paecile lay between the Stoa Basileius P^uie. 
 
118 herme;— m. stoa— c. agor^us. 
 
 and the New Agora, it is probable that some 
 walls, which are still to be seen at the church 
 of Panaghia Fanarom^ni, in a line between the 
 portal of the New Agora and the temple of 
 Theseus; and about 200 yards distant from 
 the former are the remains of this celebrated 
 building. 
 
 Herrase. The Hermse were a street of square Mer- 
 
 curies in the Agora 1 , communicating from the 
 Stoa Basileius to the Pa^cile 2 . From the words 
 of Pausanias 3 there is reason to think that they 
 were prolonged also from the Stoa Basileius 
 towards the Pompeium. 
 
 They appear, therefore, to have nearly coin- 
 
 MacraStoa. cided with the Macra Stoa, which seems to 
 have been the whole range of porticos, com- 
 municating from near the Peiraic gate to the 
 Paecile and New Agora. 
 
 Coionus As the Colonus Agorasus was behind the 
 
 Agorseus. r 
 
 Macra Stoa 4 , and near the Hephaestium 5 , it was 
 
 1 Near this place has lately been discovered in a well, ten 
 feet under ground, a beautiful pedestal of very large dimen- 
 sions, upon which probably stood a colossal statue. 
 
 • JEschines in Ctesiph. p. 573. et seq. Mnesim. ap. 
 Athen. I. Q. c. 15. Xenoph. Hipparch. c. 3. 
 
 3 'A7T0 y&g tr t $ HomlXys xa» Tr t $ rov BatnAewj Sro'aj sl<r)v oi 
 'Eppou xaXovpevoi. Mnesiclcs sivc Callistratus ap. Harpo- 
 crat. in 'Epfia.7. 
 
 " Attic, c. 2. 
 
 '"■ See page J6, note 2. 
 
GYMNASIUM OF PTOLEMY. HQ 
 
 probably a part of the north-western end of the 
 ridge of Areiopagus 1 . 
 
 The remains of ancient walls dispersed among; Gymnasium 
 
 . r . ° ofPtolemy. 
 
 the modern houses, to the northward of Fana- 
 romeni, are probably the ruins of the Gymna- 
 sium Ptolemseum, 1. Because they are at no 
 great distance from the Theseium, and thus 
 agree with the situation of the Gymnasium, as 
 indicated by Plutarch and Pausanias 2 . 2. Be- 
 cause an inscribed pedestal was found among 
 the ruins 3 , which had supported a statue of 
 Ptolemy, son of Juba; and Juba is said by 
 Pausanias to have been honoured with a statue 
 in the Gymnasium of Ptolemy 4 . 
 
 i It appears from the Scholiast on Aristophanes, (Aves, v. 
 990.) that the Colonus Agoraeus, or market hill, where Me- 
 ton erected an astronomical instrument or table, was in a 
 different situation, or near the town-wall in Pnyx. The 
 gradual moving already alluded to, of the more frequented 
 parts of the Agora, would very naturally move the Colonus, 
 considering the uses to which it appears to have been put, at 
 least in later times, namely that of a Mcrftwfripiov, or place of 
 hire for labourers. See Hesych. in*©^ ^A0££. Pollux. 1. 7« 
 c. 29. Harpocrat. in KoAwuVa^. 
 
 5 See Section I. p. 17. 
 
 3 Stuart's Antiquities of Athens, vol. 3. c. 1. 
 
 4 It may be right to observe that this Ptolemy had nothing 
 to do with the building of the Gymnasium, which is men- 
 tioned by Cicero, (de Fin. 1. 5. c. 1.) and was erected four 
 centuries before the time of Pausanias by Ptolemy Phi- 
 
120 GYMNASIUM OF PTOLEMY. 
 
 Stuart seems to have supposed the ruins just 
 mentioned and the wall at Fanarom&ii to have 
 been part of the same building, and that they 
 were all included within the spacious peribolus 
 of the Gymnasium of Ptolemy, which, accord- 
 ing to this supposition, must have been near 
 2000 feet in circumference. Independently, 
 however, of the improbability of the Gymna- 
 sium of Ptolemy having been of such vast di- 
 mensions, it is observable that there is a great 
 difference in the masonry of the two ruins. The 
 wall of Fanarom£ni appears much more ancient 
 than the other pieces, being built with a more 
 solid foundation, and with equal courses of 
 stone; whereas the other was of that kind of 
 masonry, where the alternate courses are double 
 the height of the others, a species which appears 
 not to have been used in the early times of 
 Greece. It is probable, therefore, that the wall 
 at Fanaromcni only belonged to the Precile; 
 and that the other ruins are those of the Gym- 
 nasium of Ptolemy, 
 stoaof The large ancient inclosure, within which 
 
 stands the house of the waywode, or Turkish 
 governor of Athens, continues to divide the 
 opinions of travellers. When complete, it was 
 
 ladelphus, who was so great a benefactor to Athens, that lie 
 was made one of the cponynii or heroes, who gave name to 
 the Attic tribes, (i'ausan. Attic, c. 6.) 
 
 Hadrian. 
 
STOA OF HADRIAN. 121 
 
 a quadrangle of 376 feet by 252, adorned at the 
 western end with a portal and colonnade of 
 Corinthian columns, three feet in diameter, of 
 which ten are still standing. In the centre of 
 the inclosure are the ruins of a building, which 
 now form part of the church of Megali Panaghia: 
 they consist on one side of the remains of an 
 arch, and on the other of an architrave, supported 
 by a pilaster, and three columns of the Doric 
 order, which are one foot nine inches in dia- 
 meter, and of a declining period of the arts ; 
 round the inside of the quadrangle, at a distance 
 of twenty-three feet from the wall, are also ves- 
 tiges of a colonnade, and in the northern wall, 
 which still exists, there is one large quadrangular 
 niche thirty -four feet in length, and two circular 
 niches nearly equal to it in diameter. 
 
 Spon and.Wheler 1 conceived this building to 
 be the temple of Jupiter Olympius, in which they 
 certainly were mistaken. Stuart 2 thought it the 
 Psecile, and as he could not avoid perceiving that 
 the columns were a work of Roman times, he sup- 
 posed them to be a reparation of the Paecile, of 
 which history has not preserved any record. But 
 the peribolus, the colonnade, and the building in 
 the centre, have every appearance of being all 
 
 1 Spon, tome 2. p. 170. Wheler, p. 392. 
 
 a Antiquities of Athens, vol. I. ch. 5; vol, 3. p. 3. 
 
122 STOA OF HADRIAN. 
 
 works of the same date ; and the architectural 
 details of the western colonnade have been shown 
 by Mr. Wilkins 1 to have so marked a resemblance 
 to those of the arch of Hadrian near the Olym- 
 pium, that there is the strongest reason to be- 
 lieve that this was one of the edifices erected by 
 the great benefactor of Athens, the Emperor 
 Hadrian. In this case, its vast dimensions are 
 alone sufficient to justify the presumption, that 
 it was the building which Pausanias 2 notices as 
 the most magnificent of Hadrian's works, namely, 
 the Stoa, which contained a colonnade of Phry- 
 gian marble, and a library, which is mentioned 
 also by other authors 3 . The general form and 
 distribution of the building are those of a stoa, 
 or place for the resort of persons for walking, 
 conversation, and reading ; and the apartments 
 projecting from the wall of the peribolus, ac- 
 
 1 Atheniensia, p. 165. 
 
 * 'Atyiavls Ss xaTe<rxevdtraro plv xa) aXKa ' AQyvxlois, vaov 
 ¥ H§ag xa) Aios nxveWyvlov, xa) Qsols tots irdcriv iegov xoivbv 
 Ta Sk eititpavecrrarx kxarbv eixoirt xloveg $gvylov XiQow TT£- 
 tfonjvrai 81 xa) ra~!$ <rroai; xard rd aura ol roiyoi' xa) olxij- 
 fiata ivraoOa e<rr)v 6(j6$w re eirixpvo-w xa) aAafacrrf u> Xl9u>, 
 •ffpbg 8e dydK^aan xexovpypeva xa) y^aydis' xardxenou tie eg 
 avrb £j? Aia. Kal yv^vdaiov £<rrtv litwv^ov 'Afy iavou, xlovss 5e 
 xa) htxvQa kxarbv \i$oro[j.las rf^ AiGuujy. 
 
 Pausan. Attic, c. 18. 
 
 3 Euseb. Chron. Can. — M. A. Cassiodor. Chron. in Ha- 
 drian. — Synccll. Chron. p. 349. 
 
STOA OF HADRIAN. 128 
 
 cord precisely with those oln^xra, which Pau- 
 sanias describes in the Stoa of Hadrian, and 
 which were resplendent with alabaster and gild- 
 ing, and adorned with pictures and statues. 
 The building at the church of the Great Pa- 
 naghia in the centre answers to the library, so 
 that nothing seems wanting to complete the de- 
 scription of Pausanias, except the columns of 
 Phrygian marble. The remains of those of 
 the interior portico are certainly of Pentelic 
 marble ; but there may have been another por- 
 tico of smaller columns still nearer the wall : 
 it is probable that the columns of Lybian 
 and Phrygian marble introduced into Athens 
 by Hadrian, were more remarkable for the 
 distance from which they had been brought, 
 than for their dimensions ; and it is certain that 
 there are many small columns of exotic marble 
 still to be seen in the churches of Athens. I am 
 aware that it has been supposed that the Stoa of 
 Hadrian, his Gymnasium, and his Pantheon, 
 were all enclosed within the same peribolus, and 
 all formed part of the building, of which we now 
 see the ruins at the waywode's house ; but the 
 words of Pausanias just cited, seem strongly to 
 indicate, that Athens was adorned with four 
 buildings by Hadrian, besides the Olympium ; of 
 these, two were temples, the third a building for 
 study and recreation, and the fourth for gym- 
 
124 GYMNASIUM OF HADRIAN. 
 
 nastic exercises ; the first was a temple sacred to 
 Juno and Jupiter Panhellenius; the second was 
 a Pantheon or temple dedicated to all the gods; 
 the third, and most remarkable, was the edifice 
 which contained the library, the porticos of 
 Phrygian marble, and the chambers of statues 
 and pictures ; and the fourth was a Gymnasium, 
 surnamed the Gymnasium of Hadrian, to di- 
 stinguish it from the other Gymnasia within the 
 city, namely, that of Hermes, which was near 
 the Peiraic gate, and that erected by Ptolemy. 
 Gymnasium As f^g chief ancient buildings of Athens seem 
 
 of Hadrian. ° 
 
 almost invariably to have been converted into 
 churches upon the establishment of Christia- 
 nity, there is the greatest reason to think that 
 the church of Panaghia Gorgopiko, with the 
 adjoining house of the metropolitan bishop, 
 occupy the site of a building of considerable 
 importance, the church being, in great part, 
 constructed of ancient remains. I am inclined 
 to think it was the Gymnasium of Hadrian, 
 many fragments of Reman times being inserted 
 in the walls ; and among other inscriptions, a 
 record ' of the gymnastic victories of one Mar- 
 cus Tullius Eutyches, which, from its tenor 
 and apparent date, is very likely to have been 
 in the Gymnasium of Hadrian. 
 
 1 Spon has given it (but imperfectly) in his Voyage, tome 
 2. p. 278. 
 
AGRAUL1UM. X25 
 
 Having finished the description of the The- Agrauiium. 
 seium, and the history of Theseus, Pausanias 
 proceeds abruptly to describe the Anaceium, 
 or ancient temple of the Dioscuri \ without 
 giving any indication that it stood near the 
 Theseium. It must, in fact, have been at a 
 considerable distance from that temple, for it 
 was near the sanctuary of Agraulus 2 , the situa- 
 tion of which was certainly under the rocks of 
 the Acropolis. The abruptness and want of 
 connexion in this part of the narrative of Pau- 
 sanias, may, however, be accounted for. In 
 proceeding from the Theseium to the Anaceium, 
 he had to cross the Macra Stoa, a part of the 
 city already described by him, and concerning 
 which he found it unnecessary to make any fur- 
 ther remark. Had he mentioned this fact, the 
 topography would undoubtedly have been much 
 clearer, but the omission is perfectly in the man- 
 ner of this author, as we have already seen in 
 his silence as to crossing the Uissus between 
 Enneacrunus and the neighbouring temple in 
 the suburb of Agrag, and in his sudden transition 
 from the temple of Mars to Enneacrunus; and 
 
 1 It was named 'AvaxsTov, because Castor and Pollux (the 
 Dioscuri) were commonly called ol "A vans; by the Athenians. 
 
 * As Herodotus, Euripides, and most other authors, call 
 the daughter of Cecrops Agraulus, this mode of writing the 
 name seems preferable to the Aglaurus of Pausanias. 
 
126 AGRAULIUM. 
 
 the same abruptness is equally remarkable, in 
 many instances, in other parts of Greece. 
 
 Before we attempt to fix the position of the 
 Anaceium, it will be necessary to ascertain that 
 of the Agraulium, below which the Anaceium 
 stood. Upon comparing together the passages 
 of Herodotus, Pausanias, and Euripides, cited 
 in the note 1 , it can hardly be doubted that 
 
 1 01 Se Tlepcrou e^6pt,evoi eiti rov xxrdvriov rr t $ dxpoitoXios 
 
 oyhov rov , AQy i vouoi xa\eov<ri 'Apij'iov ndyov eiroXiopxeov 
 
 ware 'Eep^sa, en) ^povov <rv%vov difaplr,<rt eve^etrSai oj 
 
 Svvdpevov crtpeocs eXeTy. Xpovw Se ex ruiv dvoowv eipdvrj $t\ rig 
 
 sjoSos roTcrt Ga.pGdpoi<ri ep.it poc^e wv itpo rrjs dxpoicoXiog 
 
 oirurSe §e ruiv TtvXeuuv xalryjs dvoSov ri\ Srj ours rif e<puXa,<r<re our 
 dv yXirure /xij xore rif xard raura, dvaSaiy dvbpviitujv rav-m 
 dvet^dv rives xard ro Ipov rijf YLexpoitos Qvyarpbs 'AygavXov, 
 xalroiiteg ditoxprj^vov eo'vros rou y^wpou. Herodot. 1. 5. c. 52. 
 vitip tie ruiv Aio<rxou£u>v ro \epov 'AyXavpov reiuevo'i ecrriv. . 
 
 xard rr t i dxpoitoXews, evSa r t v paXurra diro'ropov 
 
 xard. rouro ettavatavreg Mffioi, &c. Pausan. At- 
 tic, c. 18. 
 
 'E<rriv yap ovx aorj/xof 'EAAtJvwi' nfoXis 
 Trjs yjpuvoXoyyou IlaXXdftos xexXipevy), 
 Oa tfouS' 'Epex&ews $ol@o$ e^ev^ev ydpoif 
 Bla, Kpeov<rav, evQa ffpo<r£6ppov$ iterpas 
 UaXXaSos Cir o%0cu Ttjs ' AQyvalwv %9ovoj 
 Maxpdg xaXovvi yrj$ dvaxres 'ArSiSof. 
 
 Euripid. in Ion. v. 8. 
 Maxfaj SI "Xjufis £°* 7 '' exel xexXivp^'evoi . Ion. v. 282. 
 
 'XI Ylavbg Qaxr^ara, xai 
 
 Tla^avXltyvva iter^a. , 
 
 M^oi Saurl paxgals 
 "Iva xgioif <rrel£ov<ri itoiolv 
 
AGRAULIUM. 127 
 
 this ancient Athenian sanctuary was in some 
 part of the precipices which are situated to 
 the eastward of the grotto of Apollo and Pan. 
 These precipices were called the Long Rocks, 
 (Maupa) iLerpeu), and here it appears to have been 
 that the Persians, under Xerxes, climbed the 
 steepest part of the hill near the temple of 
 Agraulus. 
 
 A very different opinion, however, respect- 
 ing the situation of the Agraulium, has recently 
 been maintained in two publications upon the 
 topography of Athens, wherein it is supposed 
 that the eastern extremity of the Acropolis was 
 the place where the Persians ascended. The 
 principal arguments for this supposition are, 
 1. That here the rocks of the Acropolis are 
 highest, and most difficult of access (ro -[xd\i<rra 
 
 dtoropov). Q. That the words TTfo frjg dnptiroXews, 
 
 " in front of the Acropolis,'' used by Herodo- 
 tus, point to the same spot; because, as the 
 Parthenon, and temple of Minerva Polias, 
 
 'AygavXov ko^cci r^lyovoi 
 
 "Lrdha yjkosgd itpo UocKXclSos vawv, &c. Ion. v. 492. 
 
 Kg. Akous toivvv dlaSa. Ks>igoTtla$ itetgoLs 
 
 UgoaEoppov cLvrgov <x$ Maxfaj xixXrj&xofisy 
 Up. Oi§' avStx. Uccvo; otSvra ko.) Scopo) itsXag. 
 
 Ion. v. 936. 
 Kf. Ofw yctg ayyo$ a> £i$7jx.' eycu Ttots 
 
 2e y oj rsy.vov y,oi, gpetpos h' ovra vrfliov 
 Ksxf 07To; k; avrpa. kza Mangas ifsrgycstpelg . 
 
 Ion. v. 1398. 
 
128 AGRAUL1UM. 
 
 fronted the east, the Acropolis must also have 
 fronted the east. 3. That his words, oncfe tm 
 itv\ecov, are not to be interpreted simply " be- 
 hind the gates," but " at the extremity of the 
 Acropolis, opposite to that where the gates are 
 situated," and, consequently (say the favourers 
 of this opinion) are equally decisive of the 
 eastern end of the hill having been intended by 
 Herodotus. Whether such is the import of the 
 historian's words 1 , must be submitted to the 
 reader's judgment ; to me they appear only 
 to indicate, that, after the Persians had been 
 repulsed in their attack upon the western end 
 of the citadel, whe/e the Propylasa were after- 
 wards built, a party of them made a successful 
 attempt to get into the rear of the Athenians, 
 whose attention was totally occupied by the 
 direct attack ; and that they effected this de- 
 sign by climbing up the precipices in a part of 
 the long northern side of the Acropolis ; for 
 this side is still very commonly called the front 
 by persons, both natives and strangers, uncon- 
 
 1 In English they are as follows: "After having for 
 a long time endeavoured in vain to take the Acropolis from 
 the Areiopagus, the barbarians at length discovered another 
 mode of entering it, in front of the Acropolis, but behind the 
 gates and principal entrance, where no one watched, or ex- 
 pected that any man would attempt to ascend : here, never- 
 theless, some of the enemy did climb up near the sanctuary 
 of Agraulus, daughter of Cecrops, though the place was a 
 precipice." 
 
AGRAULIUM. 129 
 
 scious of any question upon the subject, and the 
 rocks in this part are not less precipitous and 
 difficult of access, than at the eastern end of 
 the hill 1 . 
 
 In reply to the supposition of the eastern 
 fronting of the Acropolis, it may be remarked, 
 that this fronting is not confirmed by any 
 ancient authority whatever ; nor is it probable ; 
 for, although the Parthenon had, in regard to 
 its interior construction, and to the religious 
 ceremonies connected with it, its front to 
 the east, yet the western end was equally a 
 front externally. Of the two. temples which 
 formed the Erechtheium, if one opened to the 
 east, the other fronted the north j and that the 
 Athenian custom of having the chief entrance 
 of their temples to the east, had no influence 
 upon the collocation of the other monuments of 
 the Acropolis, seems proved from the descrip- 
 tion of those monuments by Pausanias. Such- 
 a consequence would, indeed, have shackled 
 beyond measure the Athenian artists, and would 
 have been totally repugnant to that neglect or 
 dislike of exact symmetry in the grouping of 
 
 1 It is hardly necessary to observe, that it could not have 
 been in the rear of the Propyleea on the southern side, that 
 the ascent of the Persians was made, because this is precisely 
 the spot where the Acropolis is less defended by precipices 
 than in any other part, except the westei'n entrance. 
 
 *K 
 
130 AGRAULIUM. 
 
 separate monuments, which distinguished the 
 Greeks 1 . 
 
 The Agraulium is nowhere described as a 
 temple, but only as a sanctuary or sacred in- 
 closure 2 . At the foot of the Long Rocks, near 
 the centre of the north side of the Acropolis, is 
 a cavern not less full of niches for votive offer- 
 ings, demonstrative of the fabled residence of 
 some local deity, than the cave of Pan itself. 
 Further eastward, near the foot of the wall of 
 the citadel, is another smaller cavern ; and 
 there is every appearance of a passage having 
 formerly led by these caverns into that part of 
 the Acropolis, where there is a sudden de- 
 scent of eight feet at the temple of Pandrosus. 
 As Pandrosus is said to have been saved, 
 when her sisters Herse and Agraulus, punished 
 with madness for their disobedience to Mi- 
 nerva, threw themselves over the rocks 3 , the 
 relative situations of the temples of Pandro- 
 sus, and of the two caves, seem to accord 
 with the fable. I believe, therefore, that they 
 mark the situation of the temenus of Agraulus, 
 
 1 This taste was remarkably exemplified in the sacred 
 edifices of Eleusis. The Egyptians were no less sensible of 
 the imposing effect of this acru/x/jcerfia, in the grouping of 
 their buildings. 
 
 2 Herodotus calls it \oh: Pausanias, hfov rspevos: Polyae- 
 nus, (1. i. c. 21.) Iccov rr t s 'Ay^avXov. The grotto of Apollo 
 and Pan, according to Pausanias, was ietov Iv a-it^Kaw. 
 
 3 Pausan. Attic, c: 18. 
 
ANACEIUM. 131 
 
 the sacred inclosure of which may also have in- 
 cluded a considerable space of ground under 
 the Macrae Petrae. 
 
 If the situation of the sanctuary of Agrau- Anaceium. 
 lus was such as I have supposed, the Ana- 
 ceium or temple of the Dioscuri must have 
 been not far from the gate which now leads into 
 an exterior inclosure of the citadel, forming 
 the modern approach from the town to the 
 Propylaea : for Pausanias describes the Agrau- 
 lium as being above the Anaceium, and that the 
 Anaceium was very near the rocks of the Acro- 
 polis is apparent from Lucian \ in his dialogue 
 called the Fisherman, where he makes that lu- 
 dicrous representation of the Athenian philo- 
 sophers of every sect scrambling up to the 
 Acropolis to gain the cake and two minee, which 
 Parrhesiades offers them by proclamation from 
 the Acropolis. " See them collecting," he 
 cries, " about the Pelasgicum, and others at 
 the temple of ^Esculapius : still more around 
 the Areiopagus : some at the tomb of Talos, 
 
 1 Bx£a)w$ rtXrjprjs {i\v 1) avo$o$ ujQitypsvwv, site) td$ Svo [/.vag 
 ws T/Kovcrav [iovov ttapd Ss to HsXatryixbv aXXot, xa) Kara, to 
 'AirjtATjTneTov ■stepof xa) rfspl toy "Apsiov itdyov eti ttXeIovs' sviot 
 $e xatd toy TdXcu rdfov ol <5s itpbg to 'Avaxslov itpoU^zvoi 
 xXipaxag, dvspttovti ^o^rj^bv yv\ A/a xa) Sotpvftbv s<r[/.ov SlxrjV 
 Xva. xa) xa9' t)|xijf ov elitco, aXXd xaxslSev bv /xaAa itoXXo) xav- 
 tivQzv. Mupiot, otrcra. te tpvXXx xa) ctvQsx ylvetai y)pi. Lucian. 
 in Piscator. 
 
 K 2 
 
132 A'NACEIUM. 
 
 and others again like swarms of bees near the 
 Anaceium, where they are planting ladders 
 against the rock." 
 
 One of the stratagems of Polyaenus ' is also 
 illustrated by the relative situations of the 
 Anaceium and Agraulium, and serves to con- 
 firm the position which I have assigned to them. 
 When Pisistratus had seized the Acropolis, his 
 next object was to disarm the Athenians. For 
 this purpose he summoned an assembly in the 
 Anaceium, descending into which, he addressed 
 the people in so low a tone of voice, that in 
 order to hear him they were obliged to crowd 
 about him. It appears that in so doing they 
 laid aside their arms, and that these were im- 
 mediately seized by the adherents of Pisistratus 
 and conveyed into the Agraulium. Hence it is 
 evident, that the Agraulium was higher up the 
 hill than the Anaceium, in such a situation as 
 gave Pisistratus a complete command of it from 
 the Acropolis : and such is precisely the situation 
 of the cavern which I have mentioned. 
 
 1 Uet<rio-rpar»s 'A9ijva»wv rd oifXa GouXopevos ifapeXeaQai 
 itapyyyeiXev rjxeiv ditavras elf ro 'A.vaxe7ov pt,erd rcuv oirXuv ol 
 pev yjxov' 6 $e irgoyXQe typLOyofyjo-ai ^ouXo^evog xa) o-puxga rr, 
 Qujvri Xeyeiv fyx* 7 " ' °' ^ i£axou£<v py Svvdpevoi, irgoe\Qe7v 
 avrbv ij£iWav els *o iffOTtvXaiov, *va ttdvres l%axovo-eiav iitel 
 $e fiiv rjovxrj he^ytTo, o\ Se sx.rtlva.vres rds dxods tffOo'eT^ov, 
 o! effj^oof oj TtQoeXMvres xa) rd oirXa dgaptvoi xaryveyxav els ro 
 i$(bv rrjs 'AygavXov. Polyaen. Strateg. 1. 1. c. 21. 
 
PRYTANEIUM. 133 
 
 Near to the Agraulium was the Prytaneium. Prytaneium. 
 Like the Agraulium, it was in a situation above 
 the level of the main body of the city, for Pau- 
 sanias, proceeding from it to the temple of 
 Sarapis, descends to the lower parts of the 
 city 1 . It was the commencement, also, of a 
 street called Tripodes, which led to the sacred 
 inclosure of Bacchus, near the theatre. These 
 data, as will be further seen hereafter, are not 
 easily reconcileable with any position, except 
 the north-eastern angle of the Acropolis, where,, 
 in one of the finest situations in Athens, com- 
 manding a view of the sea, as well as of all the 
 northern part of the city and its plain, M. 
 Lusieri, some years ago, built a house below 
 the precipitous part of the hill, but above the 
 city. Here, therefore, I think we may with 
 confidence fix the site of the Prytaneium. 
 
 i htsvQev hv<riv t kg tot y.atu} trjs tfb\sw$ 'EccpatfiSog £o"fiv Ispov,. 
 ov 'A9ijy«To* tfapd HfoXtpouw Qeov htrrf/dyovfo. Pausan. Attic, 
 C. 18. 
 
134 SARAPIUM— TEMPLE OF LUCINA. 
 
 SECTION VI. 
 
 Third Part of the Route of Pausanias. From the 
 Prytaneium to the Stadium. 
 
 Sarapium. Not far below the place where I have sup- 
 posed the Prytaneium to have stood, is a church 
 of Panaghia Vlastiki, where are still seen the 
 remains of some important building. It was 
 probably the temple of Sarapis, this being the 
 first building mentioned by Pausanias upon de- 
 scending from the Prytaneium into the lower 
 parts of the city. The ruins at the church of 
 Vlastiki are in a line between the New Agora 
 and the arch of Hadrian : the building there- 
 fore to which they belonged, probably stood in 
 a street leading from the Agora to the Olym- 
 pium and Hadrianopolis, of which the arch of 
 
 Temple of Hadrian formed the termination. It may be 
 supposed that Pausanias, after having descended 
 from the Prytaneium to the Sarapium, followed 
 this street to the Olympium, and that the 
 temple of Lucina, and the place of meeting of 
 Theseus and Pirithous ', were in or very near it. 
 
 1 For this meeting of Theseus and Pirithous, see Plutarch 
 (Paral. in Thes.) but Sophocles (CEdip. Colon, v. 1664) 
 seems to place it near the Colonus Hippius. 
 
 Luci 
 
 ma. 
 
ARCH OF HADRIAN. 135 
 
 Of the two latter monuments no vestiges exist, 
 but a little to the right hand of the direction of 
 the street, at an oil-mill, about halfway between 
 the choragic monument of Lysicrates and the 
 arch of Hadrian, there are three unfluted Ionic 
 columns, two of which are surmounted with an 
 architrave 1 ; their construction very much re- 
 sembles that of the frontispiece of the aqueduct 
 of Hadrian,-as designed by Stuart 2 ; so that it is 
 very probable that they belonged to one of the 
 temples built by Hadrian ; more probably to the 
 temple of Juno and Jupiter Panhellenius, than 
 to the Pantheon, as temples sacred to all the 
 gods were usually of a circular form, of which 
 the ruins at the oil-mill give no indication. 
 
 After mentioning the temples of Sarapis and Arch of Ha- 
 Lucina, and the place rendered memorable by 
 the parting of Theseus and Pirithous, Pausanias 
 proceeds to the description of the temple of 
 Jupiter Olympius, in the introduction to which 
 there is a manifest deficiency in his text; a few 
 words making mention of some monument which 
 the traveller met with before he entered the sa- 
 cred enclosure of Jupiter01ympius,seem to have 
 been lost. This monument was probably the 
 arch of Hadrian, which stands within a few 
 yards of the north-east angle of the peribolus 
 
 1 See Stuart's Antiq. of Ath. vol. 3. p. 6l. 
 
 " See the General View of Athens in Stuart, vol. 1 . 
 
J3C ARCH OF HAD III AN. 
 
 of the Olympium, turned in a direction forming 
 an angle of about 3.5 degrees, with the western 
 wall of the peribolus. Above the north-west 
 side of the arch are the following characters: 
 
 AIAEI£A0HNAI0HSEftSHnPINnOAIS, 
 
 And on the opposite side the following : 
 
 AlAEISAAPIANOTKAIOrXIOHSEiasriOAlS. 
 
 The position and direction in which the arch 
 stands, together with the inscriptions upon it, 
 have been a subject of so much doubt and dis- 
 cussion among travellers, that a few observa- 
 tions upon them seem necessary, the more so as 
 the author of a late dissertation upon the topo- 
 graphy of Athens has drawn a new inference 
 from them, namely, that Hadrianopolis was the 
 quarter of Athens, on the north-west side of the 
 arch, and that the Theseian city was on the 
 south-east. This opinion is chiefly founded 
 upon the interpretation of the inscription as 
 given by Chandler, who supposed aiaeisaghnai 
 to be v. "fets A3i}'va<, " the things which you see are 
 Athens," &c. On the other hand, Kavasila (Ca- 
 basilas), a modern Greek, who visited Athens 
 about the middle of the Kith century — Spoil and 
 \Vhcler likewise, and after them Stuart, all con- 
 strued AIAEISA0HNAI to be a double contrac- 
 tion for alSs eicr) Mijvaj : nor was the interpretation 
 doubted by Gruter, Crusius, Meursius, or any of 
 t])e learned men who had occasion to speak of the 
 
AKCH OF HADRIAN. 137 
 
 inscription, until Dr. Chandler, without any 
 reason given, suggested the new reading. 
 
 It was very customary, among the Greeks, to 
 turn an inscription into verse, whenever it was 
 of a nature to admit of such conversion ; and it 
 clearly appears, both from the style and measure 
 of these two lines, that they are senarian iam- 
 bics. This was clearly understood by Cabasilas \ 
 as well as by Urbanus, another learned person, 
 who visited Athens about the same time, and it 
 accounts at once for the contractions in the 
 words aW £»/. These words, moreover, are pre- 
 cisely in the form customary on the opposite 
 sides of a boundary, as appears from the column 2 , 
 which anciently stood in the isthmus of Corinth, 
 on the^ Peloponnesian side of which was 
 
 Ta F k<rr) H&koitovvyeo;, ovx 'Jivvlac, 
 and on the other, 
 
 Ta £' ov%l Hskoitovvytros a A A' 'Iwvlcc. 
 
 » . . . . kfcwrepov, Iv uj kcc) SacrlXsia J/a pxpfjicipujv xa) kiqvujv 
 fisyifftujy h<p wv ryg itvKrjs irspiysypocfffai f^ovoarriy^oy xou sr) 
 
 A* £' her 'AQrjva.1, Ov}(rsuj$ ij itplv itokis. 
 Simeon Cabasilas ap. Martin. Crus. Turcograec. p. 46l. 
 Crusius, in a note upon this passage, says, " AW sW 'ASrjva.1, 
 
 &c hunc versum Urbanus, qui Grammaticam 
 
 Graecam post Gazam scripsit ase Athenis in arcu marmoreo 
 Adriani imperatoris visum scribit, additumque in fronte 
 orientem versus hunc AW £i$' 'Afyidvov, &c.'* Urban di Bel- 
 luno was preceptor of Pope Leo X. ; he died in 1524. 
 9 Strabo, p. 392. 
 
138 ARCH 0F HADRIAN. 
 
 Chandlers reading of Aiaeiz, on the con- 
 trary, has no support in any customary mode 
 of expression among the Greeks ; and the word 
 'feis, if it belong to any Greek dialect at all, is 
 of such rare occurrence, that it ought not to 
 have been found in an inscription, which, as 
 Chandler read it, would not have the plea of 
 poetry for the introduction of an unusual word. 
 Nothing can tend to render the correctness of 
 Chandler's reading more suspicious than that 
 he and Mr. Wilkins should have deduced in- 
 ferences diametrically opposite from the same 
 words, Chandler having still supposed Hadriano- 
 polis to have been upon the south-east side of 
 the arch, while Mr. Wilkins justly regarding it 
 as absurd, that the words " what you see" 
 should refer to a part of the city, upon which 
 the traveller, on reading them, would turn his 
 back, thought they were meant to direct his 
 view to that part of the city which he beheld 
 through the arch ; in other words, that Ha- 
 drianopolis was on the opposite side of the arch 
 to that upon which its name appears. Such an 
 inscription would be so incompatible with the 
 nature and intention of a boundary, which 
 nobody denies the arch of Hadrian to have 
 been, and so contrary to every principle of 
 reason and custom, that it is impossible to 
 subscribe to it. 
 
ARCH OF HADRIAN. 139 
 
 One can hardly doubt, therefore, that the 
 inscriptions are to be read in English as fol- 
 lows : — On the north-west side of the arch, 
 " These are Athens, the ancient city of The- 
 seus ;" and on the south-east side, " These are 
 (the Athenas) of Hadrian, and not the city of 
 Theseus;" that is to say, that Hadrianopolis 
 was on the south-east side of the gate, and the 
 Theseian city on the north-west side. And 
 this interpretation is in perfect conformity 
 with every other evidence ; for it will not be 
 denied, that the position of the arch and its in- 
 scription's, however the latter may be explained, 
 concur with the existing vestiges of the ancient 
 walls of Athens, in proving that the Emperor 
 Hadrian did not enlarge the bounds of the city, 
 but that he restored or embellished one particular 
 quarter of it ; and that the Athenians, from 
 gratitude to their benefactor,bestowed upon that 
 quarter of the city the name of Hadrianopolis 1 . 
 Nothing can be more conformable with history, 
 than that this appellation should have been 
 given to the quarter where stood the temple of 
 Jupiter Olympius ; and nothing more impro- 
 bable than its being given to any portion of 
 
 1 Cum titulos in operibus non amaret, multas civitates ' 
 Hadrianopolis appellavit et ipsara Carthaginem et Athena- 
 rum partem. Spartian. in Hadrian. 
 
140 ARCH OF HADRIAN. 
 
 the city of which the Olympium did not form 
 a part. For of all the benefits which Ha- 
 drian conferred upon the Athenians, the finish- 
 ing and dedicating of the temple of Jupiter 
 Olympius, a work which had defied the suc- 
 cessive efforts both of the Athenians and their 
 foreign benefactors, was that which conferred 
 the greatest glory upon the Roman emperor. 
 For this he assumed the title of Olympius 1 . 
 Here the cities of Greece concentrated their 
 testimonies of admiration by an immense num- 
 ber of statues dedicated in the peribolus of 
 the temple ; and here the Athenians exceeded 
 them all by the colossal statue of the em- 
 peror, which they erected. One cannot, there- 
 fore, on considering these circumstances, as 
 well as the religious feelings connected with 
 the dedication of this temple, imagine that 
 any quarter of Athens from which the Olym- 
 pium was excluded, could have been com- 
 plimented with the title of Hadrianopolis. As 
 to the obliquity of the gate towards the temple, 
 which has been remarked by many travellers, 
 
 1 See, in Stuart and Spon, the inscriptions upon some of 
 the bases of the statues which stood in the Olympium. See 
 also several other inscriptions in honour of Hadrian in the 
 collections of Spon, Chandler, and Gruter, in all which he 
 is complimented with the title of 'OAu'ju.7no;. 
 
ARCH OF HADRIAN. X4J 
 
 as having a disagreeable appearance, it seems 
 to have been unavoidable ; and even in pic- 
 turesque effect, it must have been attended with 
 great advantages, although these advantages 
 are not so immediately apparent in regard to 
 the comparatively poor remains of the temple 
 now existing. To shew that it was unavoidable, 
 it is sufficient to observe, that the general de- 
 sign of the arch, the finished state of its ends, 
 proving that it never was intended to form 
 part of a wall, and the absence of all remains or 
 vestiges of a door, equally demonstrate that it 
 was not a gate but an ornamental arch, ter- 
 minating the street which led from the new 
 Agora to the temple of Jupiter Olympius, pass- 
 ing probably by the edifice which stood at Pa- 
 naghia Vlastiki. Since it happened then that the 
 temple did not stand at right angles to the direc- 
 tion of the street, an arch built at the end of the 
 street must stand obliquely to the temple. But, 
 in fact, the obliquity of the arch to the temple 
 was precisely such a deviation from exact sym- 
 metry as the ancients preferred. The spectator 
 who entered the peribolus through the arch, 
 found himself opposite to one of the angles of the 
 temple, in the same manner as he who entered 
 the Acropolis through the Propylsea, was placed 
 opposite to the north-west angle of the Par- 
 
142 ARCH OF HADRIAN. 
 
 thenon. In both cases, the spectator's eye com- 
 prehended a complete perspective view of one 
 of the fronts and one of the sides of the build- 
 ing, and, consequently, enjoyed the most im- 
 posing prospect of these magnificent edifices 
 that could possibly have been presented to him. 
 It may be thought, perhaps, that the position 
 which I have assigned to the Stoa of Hadrian 
 in the centre of the Theseian city, is adverse, 
 either to the interpretation of the inscription 
 just adopted, or to the identity of the build- 
 ing at the Waywode's house with that Stoa ; 
 either that the building proves a part of Ha- 
 drianopolis to have been to the north-west of 
 the gate of Hadrian, or that the inscription 
 proves the ruins at the Waywode's house not to 
 have been one of the edifices of Hadrian. Pau- 
 sanias, however, as I have already remarked, 
 does not indicate the precise situation of any of 
 the works of Hadrian, except the Olympium ; it 
 is not only possible therefore, but very probable, 
 that the other buildings of Hadrian were in 
 different parts of the city. We have indeed 
 a strong presumptive testimony, that they were 
 not all in that quarter, in the inscription which 
 once existed on the arch of the reservoir of the 
 aqueduct begun by Trajan, and terminated by 
 Antoninus Pius. Here the whole citv, in re- 
 
PYTHIUM. 143 
 
 ference to the improvements of Hadrian, and in 
 compliment to that emperor, is designated by 
 the term Novas Athenag 1 : I say the whole city, 
 for it cannot be doubted, that the aqueduct 
 conveyed water to every part of Athens, and 
 not to the quarter of Hadrianopolis only. 
 
 Not far from the Olympium, and advancing, Pythium. 
 as it would seem from the succeeding part of 
 his narrative, in a direction parallel to the 
 course of the Ilissus, Pausanias describes the 
 sanctuaries of Apollo Pythius, and Apollo Del- 
 phinius. 
 
 Thucydides informs us that the Pythium was 
 in this quarter 2 , and his words in another place 3 
 agree with those, of Pausanias and Philostratus 
 in showing that it was an open sanctuary. The 
 Delphinium, on the other hand, was a roofed 
 temple, as appears by the story of Theseus, re- 
 lated by Pausanias in speaking of that temple. 
 
 Pausanias next describes the quarter called Gardens. 
 KijVoi, or the gardens, and the Gymnasia, named 
 Lyceium and Cynosarges ; but he omits to men- 
 tion, that all these places were beyond the city 
 walls ; for it is evident from Pliny 4 , that the first 
 
 1 See Spon, Voyage, torn. 2. p. 99. 
 
 3 1. 2. c. 15. See page *46, note 1. 
 
 3 Thucyd. (1. 6. c. 54.) speaks of a fa^o; in the ra^evos of 
 Apollo Pythius. Philostratus (in Gorgia) of a £u>[ao$ in the 
 Ispov. Pausanias (Attic, c. 19.) of a statue and hierutn. 
 
 Alcamenem Atheniensem docuit (Phidias) in primis no- 
 
J44 LYCEUM. 
 
 was a suburb, and there is ample proof of the 
 two celebrated Gymnasia having been without 
 the walls, as will presently be seen. 
 L^ceiura. The Lyceium was a sacred inclosure of 
 Apollo Lycius 1 , in which was a statue of the 
 god, represented in an attitude of repose, lean- 
 ing against a column, with a bow in the left 
 hand, and the right resting upon his head 2 . 
 Here the polemarch, or third archon, who had 
 the charge of military affairs, anciently kept 
 his court. Having been embellished with 
 buildings, groves, and fountains, by Pisistra- 
 tus, Pericles, and Lycurgus, son of Lyco- 
 phron, it became the common place of as- 
 sembly for military exercises, as well as the 
 principal Gymnasium for the corporeal ex- 
 ercises, which formed so large a part of the 
 Athenian education 3 . It was also one of the 
 most favourite places of resort for philoso- 
 phical study and conversation, and thus became 
 
 bilem cujus opera Athenienses complura in oedibus sacris 
 posuere praeclaramque Veneris imaginem extra muros, quae 
 appellatur Aphrodite Iv x^rroi:. Huic summon) manum ipse 
 Phidias posuissc dicitur. Plin. Nat. Hist. 1. 36. c. 5. 
 
 1 Pausan. Attic, c. 19. 
 
 ? Lucian. in Gymnas. 
 
 :1 Suidas in "Awu/v. — Hesycli. Ilarpocrat. ct Suida.s in 
 Avxahv. — Aristoph. Pac. v. 353. et Scliol. — Xenoph. I lip- 
 parch. — Plutarch de X Rliet. in Lycurg. — Pausan. Attic. 
 c. 29. 
 
LYCEIUM. 145 
 
 the school of Aristotle, whose followers were 
 called Peripatetics, from their custom of walk- 
 ing in the grove of the Lyceium 1 . 
 
 The position of this celebrated place may be 
 very accurately determined after we have fixed 
 one or two others in the same neighbourhood. 
 It has already been seen that Pansanias de- t. of Diana 
 scribes the temple of Diana Agrotera, other- SRE 
 wise called Agraea, as near the Stadium 2 ; 
 its remains were recognised by the earlier tra- 
 vellers at the church dedicated to <rTa.vp(u^kvog 
 nkpQ$, or the martyrdom of St. Peter, 150 
 yards north-east of the Stadium 3 , where, though 
 little is now left either of the temple or church, 
 the site is still fully evident. Opposite to the t. of Muss 
 quarter of Agra?, on the right bank of the Ilis- 
 sus, stood, according to Pausanias, the altar of 
 the Muses, which must have been at no great 
 distance from the temple or altar of Boreas 
 mentioned by Herodotus 4 and Plato 5 , for the 
 
 » Qui erant cum Aristotele Peripatetic! dicti sunt, quia 
 disputabant inambulantes in Lyceo. Cicero, Acad. Qusest. 
 1. 1. c. 4. 
 
 2 Pausan. Attic, c. 19. See page 16. 
 
 3 Spon, Voyage, tome 2. p. 126. Wheler's Travels, p. 378. 
 
 4 Ipov. . . . Bopscu l$pv<rav?o tfapoL ifotccy.bv 'iXitrcrov. Herodot. 
 1. 7- c. 189. 
 
 5 $AI. 'OpoL$ O'jv Ixejvijv fy v t;4>7]XOT'arr / v rfXccfxvov ; 2X2. Ti jemjV ; 
 $AI. 'Exel crxid rktrri xai itvsvpa. fierpiov km ttoa. xa.QlZ,£<rQxi 
 y kav £ouXc^xs8a Kara-AX^va.i. 2X2. Ilpozyois civ. $AI. Eltfe 
 fto*, u> 'ZuiHpa.res, oJh hUvfc pevroi itoQlv ewro rou 'lX«r<rou 
 
 L 
 
240 LYCEIUM. 
 
 latter states the altar of Boreas to have been 
 over-against the temple of Agraea, and the words* 
 of Pausanias 1 tend to shew that the scene of the 
 tale of Boreas and Orethyia, commemorated 
 by the altar of Boreas, was at no great distance 
 from the altar of the Muses. 
 
 In 1676, Spon and Wheler observed the re- 
 mains of a small round temple (which has since 
 disappeared) on the right bank of the Ilissus, 
 between the Stadium and the temple of Agraea -, 
 it had once, probably, contained the altar of the 
 Musae Ilissiades ; and the temple of Boreas we 
 may suppose to have been a little higher up y 
 that situation exactly agreeing with the words 
 of Plato r who places the altar of Boreas at the 
 spot where the Ilissus was crossed in going to 
 the temple of Agraea. 
 
 Having thus fixed the position of the altar of 
 Boreas, we have the exact situation of the plane 
 tree and fountain alluded to in the passage just 
 cited from the Phaadrus of Plato, for they were 
 
 XeyeTxi o Bopsxs ryv 'tipelfoixv dpvdo-xi 2£2. Ovx, xXXd, 
 
 xxTtvQev otrov Su rj rplx trfdha. r, -npos to ryf 'Aypxlxg $Kx.Galvo[A,£y 
 
 xxl irov r\$ lvr\ ScvfJibg xvrofa Bopeov vj re ydp itXxTxvos 
 
 xi?r) (xaXa d[i<piXx<pyjS Te xx) v^yjX^ rov rs xyvov to v^/og xx) to 
 
 <rv<rxw riye xu ffijyij ^xpiearTxTr) viro rrjs irXxrdvov pet 
 
 fx.xXx vf/u%/>ou vSxtos* Plato in Phaedr. vol. 3. p. 230. ed. 
 Serran. 
 
 1 Pausan. Attic, c. 19. See p. 16. 
 
LYCEIUM. X47 
 
 two or three stades higher up the river than 
 the altar. We learn from Strabo ' that the foun- Fountain of 
 tain mentioned by Plato was on the outside of anops ' 
 the city-gate Diocharis, and near the Lyceium. 
 Hence it evidently appears to have been the 
 same called the fountain of Panops (from an 
 Attic hero, to whom there was a temple and 
 statue in the same place 2 ), for Plato, in his 
 dialogue named Lysis 3 , introduces Socrates as 
 arriving (in his way from the Academy to the 
 Lyceium, along the outside of the city walls) 
 at a gate where was the fountain of Panops, and 
 he represents this fountain to have been near 
 a palaestra lately built, which could have been 
 
 1 o 'lXj<r<ro; paw ax rtuv virsp rrjs' 1 Aypccg xa) rov Avxslov 
 
 pepow xa?i rrj$ tfy)yrj$y yv vwyjxsv h $al$pu) UXdtuv. Strabo, 
 p. 400. 
 
 Jtfo'i /xsv o*j v au itrf/oHi xaOapov xa) rforlpou vSatog wg <px<r)v 
 hxTog fwv Aio^dpovg xaXovpav toy Ttvkwv, vXrj<rlov tov Avxslow 
 tfoorsfov §s xa) xpYjVY) xaTstrxsva<rro ng TtXyvltiv iroXXov xa) 
 xaXav v§aro$' si 8a /xi) vuv t\ av sir) Qocvpcco-rov, el itaXai rfoXd 
 xa) xa.ba.ph yv, wets xa) tf6fiy,ov slvai, psrsZccXs 8s vo-repov j 
 Strabo, p. 397. 
 
 * IlavwvJ/ y]§w$ 'Arttixog' a<rr) da avtou xa) vsu)$ xa) ayaXf/.x 
 xa) xprivr). Hesych. in IiavanJ/. 
 
 3 'Etopsv6fx,r)v pav s%'Axa$y][x.lx£ suQv Avxslov fiv s^cu7'sl^ i 0vs' 
 lies) £' aysyo[i.'fjV xatd fyv tfuXlSa f, tj TLavotog xprjvr], evtavQa 
 
 cvvk'tvyov 'IrftfoQaXsi dsl^ag po) kv t'uj xatavtixpu row 
 
 Tslyyvs tfspigoXov re tivd xa) dvpav dvsu)y^svy]v [s<rr\) 
 
 itaXalvtpa. (s<py) vsuhtt) cvxohpi.r^svyj. Plato in Lys. vol. 2. 
 p. 203. 
 
 L 2 
 
148 LYCEIUM. 
 
 no other than the palaestra erected in the Ly- 
 ceium by Lycnrgus, son of Lycophron K 
 
 As it follows from a comparison of the words 
 of Plato with those of the geographer, that the 
 Lyceium was on the banks of the Ilissus, an 
 inference naturally following also from the ce- 
 lebrity of the place for its shady groves and 
 plane trees, its position, from all that precedes, 
 is determined with great accuracy to have been 
 at about 600 yards above the site of the church 
 of Stavromenos Petros on the opposite bank of 
 the river. 
 
 As there is no- natural spring of water near 
 the spot where the authorities just cited would 
 lead us to look for the fountain of Panops, it 
 is probable that that fountain was supplied by 
 the same artificial conduit which nourished the 
 large plane tree described by Theophrastus 9 , 
 and perhaps many others also of the trees of the 
 Lyceium. These groves, as well as those of 
 Cynosarges, suffered greatly from the ravages 
 of Philip, son of Demetrius, king of Macedonia 3 , 
 
 1 ro hAvKsluj yvpvdiriov Jiro/ijcl xa» t<pvtsu<r£ xa) trjv tfaAaj- 
 <rrpxv (yxoSofArjo-e. Plutarch, tie X lthet. in Lycurg. 
 
 - Tlpog iAaxpopptZ,la.v yj rrj; x^P a S <pvws KaQditep <ppea.~ 
 
 TOs y\ o^erou rivog' y ys ovv kv rcy Avxeltv -fj •KKocfavos y\ Kxra, rov 
 o%er6v sti vex ou<ra. ifsp) tpels xa) fpiaKOvTa, irrjx* 1 * a<pyxeV' 
 
 Theophrast. Hist. Plant. 1. 1. c. 1 1. 
 
 3 T. Liv. Hist. 1. 31. c. 24. 
 
CYNOSARGES. 149 
 
 -and the fountain itself, as appears from Strabo, 
 had fallen into neglect in the time of Augustus, 
 so that it is not surprising that no traces of it 
 are now left. 
 
 Cynosarges was a place sacred to Hercules 1 , Cynosures. 
 where was a gymnasium, surrounded with 
 groves 2 , which became the school of Anti- 
 sthenes 3 , founder of the philosophers called 
 Cynics. Its name was derived from the accident 
 of a white dog having carried away part of a 
 victim, when sacrifices were here first offered to 
 Hercules as a god by the Athenian Diomus 4 , 
 from whom the neighbouring 5 city-gates re- 
 ceived the name of Diomeiae a . We learn from 
 the biographer of the Ten Rhetoricians that 
 Cynosarges was situated near a hill 7 , a cir- 
 
 1 Herodot. 1. 5. c. 63, 1. 6. c. lift— Athen. 1. 6. c. 6. 
 
 * Philippus castra ad Cynosarges (templum Herculis 
 
 gymnasiumque et lucus erat circumjectus) posuit. T. Liv. 
 Hist. 1.31. c,24. 
 
 3 Diogen. Laert. in Antisth. 
 
 4 Pausan. Attic, c. ig. Hesychius, Suidas, et Steph. By- 
 zant. in K.vvo<rapyes . 
 
 5 h ?uj Kworapysi rcu yvpvatrluj [tixpov ortuobtv twv 
 
 •tivXw. Diogen. Laert. in Antisth. 
 
 sis ¥Lvvo<ro(,pyss (tovto J'Icttjv f£a/ itvXwv yv[/.ycc<rioy 
 
 'H§a.xXkv$). Plutarch, in Themistocl. 
 
 6 Steph. ibid. Hesych. in Ayj^idin. 
 
 7 ('AyrjcQinj;) krd<p^ §1 /xsra frjs truyysvelas TtXrjtrlov Kuyo- 
 o-dpyovs hit) rou Xotpou dpitrtepa. Plutarch, de X Rhet. in 
 Antisth. 
 
150 CYNOSARGES. 
 
 cumstance which leads one to believe that it 
 was at the foot of Mount Anchesmus, there 
 being no other hill that could have been near 
 the walls on this side of the town. It is to 
 be presumed also, that it was on the southern 
 side of Anchesmus, for Socrates is represented 
 by Plato as passing along the bank of the 
 Ilissus in his way to Cynosarges from the city, 
 which cannot easily be accounted for upon any 
 other supposition than that Cynosarges was 
 on the side of Anchesmus nearest to Ilissus, 
 and that Socrates came from near the Olympium. 
 It may be thought, perhaps, that no situation 
 except the immediate banks of the river was 
 sufficiently moist for the growth of the forest 
 trees, which formed the groves of Cynosarges ; 
 but the present appearance of the gardens and 
 olive grounds near Asomato seems to indicate 
 that there may have been here a sufficient 
 supply of moisture either from natural springs 
 or derivations from the Ilissus. Cynosarges, 
 therefore, probably occupied the ground at the 
 foot of the hill of St. George to the south-west 
 of Asomato. 
 
 Cynosarges was the position taken by the 
 Athenian army after the victory of Marathon, 
 when, hearing of the sailing of the Persian fleet 
 from the bay of Marathon to the road of Pha- 
 lerum, they marched in all haste to the defence 
 
THE GARDENS. 151 
 
 of the city \ This fact is not at variance with 
 the position of Cynosarges just indicated, for 
 the high ground of Anchesmus gave the Athe- 
 nians a view of the road of Phalerum, at the 
 same time that the smallness of their numbers 
 justified them in taking a position in the rear 
 of the city as a protection against sudden attack. 
 
 The position of Lyceium and Cynosarges The Gar- 
 being determined, there seems little doubt that 
 the suburb, called the gardens, which the order 
 of Pausanias's narrative places between the 
 Olympium and Lyceium, must have been be- 
 tween the city wall and the Ilissus, nearly op- 
 posite to the Stadium ; for there is every reason 
 to think, from the appearance of the causeway 
 leading to the bridge of the Stadium, as well as 
 from the general aspect of the ground, that the 
 walls followed the small ridge which beginning 
 at the Olympium and running north-east from 
 thence parallel to the course of the Ilissus, leaves 
 a plain of about two hundred yards in breadth 
 between the walls and the river. It is highly 
 natural that all this space should have been 
 originally occupied by gardens, which may after- 
 wards have given name to the suburb. 
 
 Not far above the site of the Lyceium, the R.Eridanus. 
 Eridanus and Ilissus unite their streams. As 
 the Ilissus seems, from the words of Pausanias, 
 1 Herodot. 1. 6. c. 116. 
 
152 R- ERIDANUS. 
 
 to have been the more considerable stream of 
 the two, and its name prevailed after the junc- 
 tion, we may conclude that it was the more 
 distant branch which rises at the north end of 
 mount Hymettus, and which, after receiving a 
 few small contributions from the ridges north of 
 Anchesmus, joins the other branch collected 
 from the hollows around Syriani. Near the 
 source of either torrent are found the remains 
 of the walls of a fortified demus. Adjacent 
 to the left bank of the Ilissus, 700 yards east of 
 the Olympium, the cavity of the Stadium still 
 subsists to illustrate the narrative of Pausanias, 
 and to confirm all the preceding observations 
 on the topography of this region. 
 
TR1P0DES. 253 
 
 SECTION VII. 
 
 Fourth part of the route ofPausanias. — From the Pryta- 
 neium to the Propylaa of the Acropolis. 
 
 Besides the street leading from the Pryta- 
 neium to the Olympium, there was another 
 which branched from the same place towards 
 the LenaBum or sacred inclosure of Bacchus, 
 adjacent to the theatre. The street as well as 
 the quarter through which it passed was called 
 Tripodes, from the tripods there dedicated by 
 the leaders of the Chori, victorious in the scenic 
 contests decided in the Dionysiac theatre. 
 Several of these tripods were placed upon cer- 
 tain temples dedicated to Bacchus and to other 
 deities, some of which temples were in the 
 quarter of Tripodes 1 , and others within the in- 
 closure of the Lenaeum 2 . Other tripods stood 
 upon columns and rocks near the theatre, as 
 the remains of the monuments still indicate, 
 and it may be supposed that there were others 
 similarly disposed in the street of Tripodes. 
 
 1 Pausan. Attic, c. 20. 
 
 - Plutarch, Paral. in Nicia. Atheneeus, 1. 2. c. 2. See 
 page 55. 
 
154 TRIPODES. 
 
 A conjecture has already been offered that 
 Pausanias, instead of applying to the temples in 
 the quarter of Tripodes the epithet of large, 
 according to the words in our copies of his 
 work \ intended to describe them as small, for 
 it is difficult to conceive how this quarter could 
 have contained several large temples, neither 
 mentioned by any other author, nor more par- 
 ticularly described by Pausanias himself. It is, 
 moreover, extremely improbable that the top 
 of a large temple should have been chosen for 
 the exposition of so small an object as a tripod, 
 and we have a triple proof of what these cho- 
 ragic temples were, and how well the expres- 
 sion vaoj OT pey&koi would have suited them : 
 1 . in the words of Plutarch, descriptive of the 
 temple built by Nicias for the support of 
 
 1 The entire passage is as follows. *E<rn 8a 0805 dito too 
 Tlpvrayelov xaXou/xinj Tpltfo8es, dtp ou 8a xa\ovo-i to -^cv^lov, 
 ydoi 6scuy eg tovto ptydXoi xal <r<p~i<riv h<pto-Tr t >La.<ri Tpiito8sg, 
 j^aAxoT pay, jXKijjiMJf 8a afroc /xaXiora Tfepie^oyTsg txpycLO-pkvaL. 
 J-aTvpog yd§ etrny, i(p' w IIfa£<riXijf \iyzTai <ppovrj<T<ti pkya, 
 &c. Instead of eg tovto pzydXoi, it is probable that Pausanias 
 wrote is tovto ou jxeya'Xot, which is a very common mode of 
 expression with him in describing a small mountain, statue, 
 building, &c; Still, however, it is difficult to understand 
 how the statues were disposed, so as to justify the word 
 ifepisxovTss, which seems to imply that the statues stood 
 within the tripods. Perhaps there are more defects in this 
 passage than the omission of the word ou. 
 
TRIPODES. 155 
 
 his prize tripod 1 : 2. in the adorned cavern 
 which supported the tripod of Thrasyllus, now 
 the church of Panaghia Spiliotissa: and thirdly, 
 in the building vulgarly called the Lantern of J*™™^ 
 Demosthenes, the apex of which proves beyond crates - 
 a doubt, that it once supported a tripod. It 
 may be thought, perhaps, that the circumstance 
 of the Lantern of Demosthenes being a closed 
 building, rough and unfinished within 2 , is incom- 
 patible with the supposition of its having been 
 a temple, but the only inference which neces- 
 sarily follows from its closed construction is, 
 that the victorious choragus, who built 3 this 
 
 1 EhryKEi $s f<jjy dvafypdtwv autou (Nixlov) rote TJocWcc- 
 
 vtOKsi[Msvos sv Aiovvtrov yaws' zvUycs yap rfoWdxis X PVY 1 ) a ' a '£' 
 Plutarch in Nicia. 
 
 9 See Stuart's Antiquities of Athens, vol. 1 . c. 4. 
 
 3 The inscription upon the architrave, which is of the 
 same tenor as that upon the monument of Thrasyllus, tes- 
 tifies no more than that Lysicrates, son of Lysitheides, led 
 the chorus, when the boys of Acamantis gained the victory, 
 when Theon played the flute, when Lysiades wrote the 
 piece, and when Evsenetus was archon. But we learn from 
 Plutarch and other authorities, that the dedication of the 
 tripod was always made at the expense of the choragus, or 
 leader of the chorus (sometimes represented by the whole 
 tribe, or even by the people of Athens) ; so that there 
 can be little doubt that the monument was built by Lysi- 
 crates, and may very properly, therefore, be called by his 
 
156 TR1PODES. 
 
 yews uttoxtl^svos to) rpiiroSi, preferred bestowing all 
 the expense in external decorations, there being 
 scarcely any medium in a building of such a 
 form and of such small dimensions (only six 
 feet in diameter), between closing all the inter- 
 vals of the columns, or leaving them all open 
 for the display of statuary, as may, perhaps, 
 have been the mode of construction in the 
 neighbouring temple of Bacchus, which con- 
 name. The orator Lysias (in defens. largit.) informs us, 
 that the expenses of providing a chorus of men, and of 
 consecrating a tripod, were 5000 drachmae; but those of 
 Lysicrates were probably much greater. The numerous 
 remains of choragic monuments still found at Athens of 
 the fifth and fourth centuries B. C. (see Spon, Chandler, 
 Stuart), shew how well the practice of erecting them 
 was observed in the best periods of Athenian art; every 
 branch of which was so admirably encouraged by this and 
 other similar customs. Most of the choragic inscriptions 
 still existing at Athens are of the latter part of the fourth 
 century, but Chandler found one in a house near the monu- 
 ment of Lysicrates, as ancient as the year of anarchy, B. C. 
 404 ; in which a blank was left for the name of the archon, 
 and where the short vowels were used instead of H andil, the 
 Ionic alphabet of twenty-four letters not having been adopted 
 until the archonship of Euclid in the succeeding year 403. 
 The same form of inscription is found upon all these monu- 
 ments, and that of the monument of Thrasyllus, erected B.C. 
 320, differs not from those upon the choragic dedications of 
 Aristides and Themistocles, about 485 B. C. (See Plutarch. 
 Parall. in Arist. & Themist.) 
 
TRIPODES. J57 
 
 tained the Satyr, extending a cup, together with 
 statues of Bacchus and Love, by Thymilus l . 
 
 There can be little doubt that the monument 
 of Lysicrates was such a building as came under 
 the description of a vdo$, and as the frize which 
 represents in relief the destruction of the Tyr- 
 rhenian pirates by Bacchus and his daemons 2 , 
 clearly shews that it was dedicated to the deity* 
 who peculiarly presided over the exhibitions 
 and buildings of this quarter of the city, one 
 can hardly fail to conclude that, like the build- 
 ing just mentioned, which contained the three 
 statues, it was a small temple of Bacchus ; and 
 one of the temples of the gods in the quarter 
 of Tripodes, alluded to by Pausanias. The 
 inscription upon the monument of Lysicrates 
 shews that it was raised in the archonship of 
 Evsenetus, who held that office when Alexander 
 the Great passed over into Asia 3 , or about the 
 
 1 See page 17. 
 
 2 Pausanias (Attic, c. 2.) describes Acratus as a Sallow 
 tcov d[xf) Aiovvtrov. The destruction of the pirates by Bac- 
 chus appears to have been a favourite subject among the 
 painters and sculptors of Athens, like the labours of Hercules 
 and Theseus, the battle of Marathon, and the contest of the 
 Centaurs and Lapithae. Philostratus (Icon. 1. 1. c. 19.) 
 describes a picture, in which the transformation of the pirates 
 was represented. 
 
 3 Evctlverov dp^ovta, lq> 00 tpaariv 'A\s%xv§pov slg tyy 
 
 'Ao-lav foaSyvou. Clement. Alexand. Strom. 1. 1. c. 21. p. 
 403. ed. Potter. 
 
158 LENiEUM. 
 
 year 335 before Christ. It is consequently the 
 oldest known specimen of the Corinthian order, 
 although considerably posterior to the invention 
 of that order, which we know to have been em- 
 ployed in the construction of the temple of Mi- 
 nerva Alea at Tegea, about the year 385 B.C. 1 
 Len*um or We have already seen from Pausanias, that 
 chusinLim-the Lenseum, or sacred inclosure of Bacchus, 
 was contiguous to the theatre : and this fact is 
 fully confirmed by Vitruvius 2 , from whom we 
 learn that it served as a place of shelter to the 
 people whenever a sudden fall of rain inter- 
 rupted the scenic representations of the theatre. 
 The only situation which we can suppose the 
 Lenaeum to have occupied, is immediately below 
 the theatre to the south ; for, not to mention the 
 extreme improbability of any but the lowest 
 part of the city having ever borne the name of 
 the marshes (A</*vaO> which we have already 
 seen to have been the name of the quarter 
 
 ■ Pausan. Arcad. c. 45. 
 
 2 Post scenam porticus sunt constituendae, uti cum imbres 
 ludos interpellaverint, habeat populus, quo se recipiat ex- 
 theatro : cboragiaque laxamentum babeant ad chorura pa- 
 randum, uti sunt porticus Pompeianae itemque Atbenis por- 
 ticus Eumenia, patrisque Liberi fanum et exeuntibus e 
 theatro sinistra parte Odeiura, quod Athenis Pericles co- 
 lumnis lapideis disposuit naviumque malis et antennis e 
 •poliis Persia's pertexuit. Vitruv. 1. 5. c. g. 
 
 
STREET OF TRIPODES. 15£ 
 
 where stood the Lenseum 1 , there is sufficient 
 evidence to shew that the Lengeum was not 
 on the eastern or on the western side of the 
 theatre : it will presently be seen that the 
 eastern side was occupied by another building, 
 and it is observable, that in proceeding west- 
 ward from the theatre towards the propylsea of 
 the Acropolis, Pausanias speaks of other monu- 
 ments without noticing the Lengeum. 
 
 Pausanias does not expressly acquaint us, street of 
 
 . Tripodea* 
 
 whether the street of Tnpodes conducted to 
 the temple or to the theatre of Bacchus ; but it 
 is evident, that, situated as I have supposed the 
 Prytaneium and Lenaeum to have been, the 
 former under the north-eastern angle of the 
 Acropolis, and the latter to the south of the 
 Dionysiac theatre, no street leading in a direct 
 line from the one point to the other could have 
 passed by the choragic monument of Lysicrates; 
 and still less could it have passed by that monu- 
 ment, if it led directly from the Prytaneium to 
 the theatre. Either, therefore, the monument of 
 Lysicrates was not in the street, or (what is not 
 at all probable) the street must have formed & 
 considerable curve to the eastward. That the 
 monument of Lysicrates was not in the street*, 
 is somewhat countenanced by Pausanias, who 
 makes a marked distinction between the street 
 1 See p. 17. 
 
260 STREET OF TRI PODES. 
 
 (ttos), and the quarter (%wpv) of Tripodes, atid 
 who places the temples of the gods (of which I 
 have supposed the monument of Lysicrates to 
 have been one) in the quainter. I am inclined 
 to believe that the street of the tripods passed 
 immediately at the foot of the rocks under the 
 east end of the Acropolis, nearly in the same 
 direction as a path which is now found in that 
 situation. It is not unlikely that the street of 
 the tripods, after reaching the south-eastern 
 angle of the rocks, had one branch leading into 
 the Lenaeum, and another into the theatre of 
 Bacchus, for we still find traces of an opening 
 in the north-eastern side of the theatre, which 
 may, perhaps, have conducted the passenger 
 directly from the street of the tripods into that 
 diazoma or corridor of separation between the 
 upper and lower seats of the theatre, which is 
 seen in the ancient coin of Athens, engraved 
 in the title-page of this volume. 
 
 It is not improbable that, while the temples 
 supporting tripods were built upon more level 
 ground to the eastward of the street, those 
 tripods which were only elevated upon columns, 
 or placed upon an inscribed basis, occupied the 
 rocks upon the side of the street, in the manner 
 
 1 On the western side of this path are seen some massy 
 ancient foundations, part of a wall perhaps which supported 
 a terrace. 
 
 
ODEIUM OF PERICLES. IQ\ 
 
 of which we still see remains on the rocks 
 above the theatre. 
 
 It has iust been said, that the ground on the odeium of 
 
 ^ ' to Pericles. 
 
 eastern side of the theatre was occupied by an- 
 other building. This building was the Odeium 
 built by Pericles, with a roof formed from the 
 masts and yards of the Persian ships, and rising 
 to a point like the pavilion of Xerxes 1 ; for we 
 learn from Vitruvius, that the Odeium of Pe- 
 ricles stood on the left hand of the spectator as 
 he descended from the theatre. 2 As Pausanias 
 places this Odeium near the temple, as well as 
 near the theatre of Bacchus, 3 it may be con- 
 cluded that it was to the east of the theatre, on 
 a level with the lower part of that building, 
 leaving, perhaps, an opening for one branch of 
 the street of the tripods, between the upper 
 end of the Odeium and the rocks of the south- 
 eastern angle of the Acropolis, and a passage 
 for the other branch between the west side of 
 the Odeium and the theatre. Such a situation 
 of the Odeium is sufficiently near the rocks of 
 the Acropolis to justify the fears entertained 
 by Aristion (during the siege of Athens by 
 Sylla), lest the enemy should make use of the 
 
 1 See page 18. 
 
 * Exeuntibiis e theatro sinistra parte Odeium, quod Athenis 
 Pericles, &c. Vitruv. 1. 5. c. 9. 
 
 3 "E<rn §s itXrpiw roy ts lepou foo Aiovva-ov not.) too flfa-ffov 
 y.urxo-Kevxrpa,, &c. Pausan. Attic, c. 20. 
 
 M 
 
162 ODEIUM OF PERICLES. 
 
 timber of that building for assaulting the Acro- 
 polis. 1 Neither of the Odeium of Pericles, nor 
 of either of the temples of the Lenaeum, have 
 any vestiges yet been discovered ; but as there 
 is a strong appearance of the soil being much 
 higher than its ancient level under this end of 
 the citadel, it is possible that an excavation 
 might conduct to the discovery of some remains 
 of these buildings, as well as of the lower part 
 of the Dionysiac theatre. 
 
 It may be here proper to remark, that in the 
 middle of the rocks at the eastern end of the 
 Acropolis, there is a large cavern, which, by 
 some, has been taken for the Agraulium, and 
 by others has been called the cave of Creusa, 
 upon the supposition that it was the reputed 
 scene of the amour of Apollo and Creusa, of 
 which Ion was said to have been the offspring. 
 Reasons, however, have already been given for 
 thinking that the Agraulium could not have 
 been situated at the eastern end of the Acro- 
 polis, but that it was on the northern side ; and 
 it is sufficient to refer to Euripides in the several 
 passages of his Ion, already cited, 2 to be con- 
 
 1 o\lyw &' yv datievris Is Tqv dxpoitoktv tyoftos' xa» 'ApiarriujY 
 auto's truvsQevysv, s/x/irp^tras to '£l$e7iy Iva pj kroliMois %b\oi{ 
 autlxa. 6 SuXAaj e%oi njV dxpotoXtv eyo^Xs7y. Appian. de 
 Bell. Mithridat. c. 38. 
 
 9 See page 126. 
 
POR'riCUS EUMENIA. 153 
 
 vinced that the cave of Pan was held by the 
 Athenians to have been the scene of the amour 
 of Apollo and Creusa, and the birth-place 
 of Ion — not to mention that we have the ex- 
 press testimony of Pausanias 1 to the same effect. 
 The great cave, therefore, at the eastern end of 
 the Acropolis, is either of recent formation, or 
 was not considered sacred by the ancients, or 
 at least has not been mentioned by any ancient 
 author : and it is remarkable that while the cave 
 of Pan, and that which I suppose to have be- 
 longed to the Agraulium, are full of niches for 
 votive offerings, and other marks of ancient 
 sanctity, there is no appearance of any such 
 works in the cavern at the eastern end of the 
 Acropolis, though it is now so much larger and 
 more conspicuous than either of the others. 
 
 Vitruvius mentions three places as adjacent Porticus 
 to the theatre of Bacchus, serving for a refuge 
 against rain, or for the preparations of the 
 chori, one of which, the Odeium of Pericles, 
 having been to the left or east of the theatre, 
 and another, the temple of Bacchus, having been 
 behind the scene, or to the south, it is obvious 
 that the third, or Eumenian portico, must have 
 
 1 uVo rd TfpoifjKcuoi. Ttrpfi\ te vSocfog erri xa» irXra-'iov 'AffoA- 
 Xwvoj Upbv Iv cr7r>}Aaiu> xa) Hocvog ■ YLpso-Jtrr, $1 Qvyarp) 'Epe^SeMg 
 ' ' XitoKkuiva. evtaZQa. <rvyyeve<r(J!x,i yo//,/£ou<n. Pausan. Attic, 
 c 28. 
 
 M 2 
 
164 ASCLEPIEIUM. 
 
 been on the right or westward of the theatre. 
 Stuart, therefore, is probably correct in sup- 
 posing that the long row of arches which ex- 
 tend from the Dionysiac theatre to the Odeium 
 of Herodes, and which now form part of the 
 modern town-wall of Athens, are some remains 
 of the portico of Eumenes. It may be conjec- 
 tured, however, that the portico received some 
 repairs or additions from Herodes when he 
 built his theatre, the workmanship of the 
 arches having every appearance of being co- 
 eval with that of the Odeium. 
 
 It has already been remarked, that Pausanias 
 has made no mention of the Odeium of He- 
 rodes, in describing his route, from the theatre 
 of Bacchus to the PropylaBa ; because the 
 Odeium was not built at the time he wrote his 
 Attica. The principal edifice, therefore, which 
 Temple of be encountered in this route was the Ascle- 
 
 iEsculapius. 
 
 pieium, or temple of iEsculapius. 
 
 This temple was remarkable for containing 
 within its inclosure one of the few sources of 
 water which Athens possessed 1 , and it is only by 
 this indication that we can now determine in what 
 part of the road between the Dionysiac theatre 
 and the Propylsea the Asclepieium stood. 
 
 ' Tou 'AirxATjinou rh lepoy e<rn $£ h auVcu x/*)Vij. 
 
 Pausan. Attic, c. 21. 
 
ASCLEPIEIUM 165 
 
 From the remark of Pausanias, that Ennea- 
 crunus was the only source of potable water in 
 Athens, it seems evident that the fountain of 
 JEsculapius was one of those springs of water 
 unfit for drinking, but suited to domestic pur- 
 poses, mentioned by Vitruvius. Although ne- 
 glect and depopulation may have destroyed the 
 numerous aqueducts of this kind of water an- 
 ciently existing in Athens, and may even have 
 obliterated some of its springs, we ought still 
 to find its principal sources. These, it is na- 
 tural to suppose, were on the side, or at the 
 foot, of the Acropolis; for this hill is evidently 
 the principal seat of the saline matter which 
 impregnates those springs, which anciently 
 formed the Qd\a.<r<ra. 'E^Qijfr, or salt well, sacred 
 to Neptune, in the Erechtheium, and which 
 still communicates a brackish taste to the wells 
 of Athens, more or less strong in proportion to 
 their distance from the citadel. According to 
 Pausanias, there were only two sources of water 
 in Athens, besides Enneacrunus; one below 
 the cave of Pan, the other in the temple of 
 iEsculapius. It has already been seen, that 
 the stream Empedo, or Clepsydra, which rose 
 below the cave of Pan, was reputed to have 
 had a subterraneous course from Athens to 
 Phalerum j and it is remarkable that Pliny re- 
 lates the same fable of the fountain of ^Escula- 
 
265 ASCLEPIEIUM. 
 
 pius 1 . The natural inference therefore is, that 
 the fountains of ^Esculapius and of Pan were 
 branches of one and the same rivulet of saltish 
 water, called Empedo, or Clepsydra; that the 
 6mall stream of brackish water, which we now 
 find flowing at the foot of a modern wall (the 
 outer inclosure of the citadel), until it joins the 
 other spring rising near the cave of Pan, has 
 its source in the fountain, which was anciently 
 within the sacred inclosure of /Esculapius, and 
 consequently that the temple occupied a position 
 not far from the spot, where that stream is now 
 seen to rise. Hence it is probable that the 
 temple of iEsculapius stood between the theatre 
 of Herodes and the south-western angle of the 
 modern works, which defend the entrance of the 
 citadel. A part of this ground was formerly 
 occupied by a mosque formed out of the ruins 
 
 1 Subeunt terras rursusque redduntur et 
 
 quae in iEsculapii fonte Athenis immersae sunt, hi Phalerico 
 redduntur. Plin. Nat. Hist. 1. 1. c. 8. 
 
 As the story is destitute of proof, and extremely impro- 
 bable, (the natural course of the Clepsydra being north- 
 ward, or exactly in the direction opposite to that of Phale- 
 rum), it can hardly be doubted that this was one of those 
 fables which the ancients delighted in repeating, often with- 
 out believing them. The testimony of Pliny, however, is 
 not on this account the less decisive of the ideutity of the 
 Clepsydra and fountain of iEsculapius with the two sources 
 now existing. 
 
ASCLEPIEIUM. 167 
 
 of a church 1 , and as the temples of Athens were 
 generally converted into churches upon the 
 establishment of Christianity, it is not impro- 
 bable that this church was built upon the Ascle- 
 pieium. It may here be remarked, that the As- 
 clepieium could not have been under any part of 
 the southern wall of the Acropolis, or further 
 to the south-east than the ridge under the south- 
 western angle of the Propylaea ; because that 
 ridge separates the course of all the waters fall- 
 ing upon the south-western part of the Acro- 
 polis. It is well known, that among the an- 
 cients, waters with mineral impregnations were 
 often held sacred to iEsculapius, which may 
 have been the original cause of the position of 
 the Asclepieium in this spot. 
 
 In the year 1(576, when Wheler visited Athens, 
 he observed, on a part of the rising ground to the 
 south of the Areiopagus, and west of the Propy- 
 laea, which is now occupied by a Turkish ceme- 
 tery, a fountain of brackish water issuing from 
 a Turkish tchesmeh, in the road which leads into 
 the town, from Lumbardhari, through the pass 
 between the Areiopagus and Acropolis. He mis- 
 took it for the fountain Enneacrunus ; Jj^ut there 
 can be little doubt that it was the spring of 
 JEsculapius, diverted from its natural course by 
 pipes, to supply a fountain constructed in the 
 usual Turkish manner, by the road-side. About 
 
 1 Stuart's Antiq. of Athens, Vol. ii. p. v. 
 
158 TOMB OF TALOS. 
 
 eighty years afterwards, when Stuart was the 
 first who examined the topography of Athens, 
 with the care which the subject deserved, he 
 did not find this fountain in the place where 
 Wheler observed it ; but in his plan has marked 
 the two springs as we now find them ; so that 
 it appears that the Turkish tchesmeh had then 
 fallen into neglect, and that the spring of 
 JEsculapius had reverted to its natural course. 
 Tomb of The site of the temple of iEsculapius being 
 fixed, it will follow that the tomb of Talos 1 
 stood on some part of the slope of the Acro- 
 polis, between that site and the theatre of 
 Bacchus. 
 
 And here it may be remarked, in reference 
 to the tomb of Talos and the Asclepieium, 
 that these two sites complete a chain of posi- 
 tions under the rocks of the Acropolis, occu- 
 pied by some of the most remarkable of the 
 monuments of Athens, in the most central, 
 conspicuous, and most anciently-occupied part 
 of the city, and that the completion of this 
 chain furnishes a strong presumptive evidence 
 of the accuracy of all the sites as indicated in 
 the preceding pages. On the north side, be- 
 ginning from the west, were the sanctuary of 
 
 1 It appears from Diodorus (1. 4. c. 76.), from Lucian (in 
 Piscator), and from Apollodorus (1. 3. c. 15.), that the name 
 of this celebrated mechanic was Talos, and not Calos, as it 
 is written in our copies of l'ausania?. 
 
TEMPLE OF THEMIS. 159 
 
 Pan, the Agraulium, and the Prytaneium : on 
 the east, the street of the Tripods; and on the 
 south, the Odeium of Pericles, the Dionysiac 
 theatre, the tomb of Talos, and the temple of 
 iEsculapius. The positions toward the western 
 end, thus arranged, accord admirably well with 
 the words of Lucian, in the passage of his 
 Fisherman, already cited, where Parrhesiades, 
 preparing to make his proclamation to the phi- 
 losophers, alters his intention of ascending the 
 Areiopagus, and thinks it better to mount up 
 to the Acropolis, — obviously to its western end> 
 this being nearest to the Areiopagus, as well as 
 to the most frequented parts of the city. From 
 hence he observes the philosophers advancing 
 from the side of the Areiopagus, and climbing 
 up at the Anaceium, Pelasgicum ', Asclepieium, 
 and tomb of Talos. Here, therefore, it seems 
 to have been the evident intention of the au- 
 thor to enumerate all the places surrounding 
 the western end of the Acropolis. 
 
 It remains to ascertain, if possible, the posi- Temples of 
 tions of the sanctuaries of Themis, of Venus, mis, and 
 and of Ceres, which, according to Pausanias 2 , 
 
 1 The Pelasgicum was below the cave of PaD, as will be 
 Been more fully hereafter. 
 
 2 M&rd $z rb k§bv tov ' A<rx.\y)ifiou fccvty tpbg rtrjv 'AxpoiroXtV 
 fovctv ®e[u$og va,6$ sirrr Ks^war'tai $s ifpb aurov pvyjiia, 'Itftfo- 
 
 Xurw 'A<Pf oftlrrjV tie ttjv Uccvtypoy, litsi ts 'AQyvahvs 
 
 €>r t <rslg Is (x/av r^yaygv arto twv 5Sj/x.wv tfoAjy, aufyvts <rs£ecr8a.t 
 scat Tle'rtw -AXTstrrrivs • toi ply Jij itaXoux dyxXfjuzta, ovx yv iiif 
 
170 APPROACH TO THE ACROPOLIS. 
 
 occurred to the traveller, in ascending from 
 the Asclepieium to the Propylaea. It has lately 
 been ascertained that anciently this road was 
 used by carriages'. Now it is sufficient for the 
 reader to cast his eye upon any drawing of the 
 western end of the citadel, to perceive that its 
 north and north-west parts, having terminated 
 in a perpendicular precipice, a carriage-road 
 could only have approached the Propylaea by 
 the ridge, which I have already mentioned, 
 as falling from the south-western angle of the 
 Propylaea 2 , and as having the Odeium of He- 
 rodes at its foot, and above that building the 
 temple of ^sculapius. At or near the temple 
 of ^Esculapius, therefore, Pausanias fell into 
 the route which formed the grand approach to 
 the Acropolis from every part of the city. 
 The western slope of the ridge, now occu- 
 
 Iju,oi>* rd $s Iff' epoS tr/yiruiv yv oJ twy dtpavetrrdTwv' $<rn $b 
 xa) rrjs Kouf qt§ 6$ w xaj A^/x^rfO^ Ufov XAo'ij; . 
 
 Pausan. Attic, c. 22. 
 
 1 A carriage-way through the Propylaea, with marks of 
 wheels, was discovered by Mr. Cockerell and Baron Haller. 
 
 * The modern approach to the citadel is, in like manner, 
 from the south-west, which shews still more strongly than 
 the ancient practice, the necessity of having the approach in 
 that direction ; for the moderns have no carriage-road to 
 provide for, at the same time that the circuitous direction 
 of the route is generally more inconvenient to them than it 
 was to the ancients ; because the modern town lies totally 
 on the contrary side of the Acropolis, instead of surrounding 
 it like the ancient. 
 
TEMPLE OF VENUS PANDEMUS. 171 
 
 pied by the Turkish burying-ground, appears 
 to have been the situation where stood, on the 
 ascent to the Acropolis, in a part of the ancient 
 Agora, the statues of Harmodiusand Aristogei- 
 ton 1 . Higher up, near the foot of the lower Temple of 
 
 "Veil us 
 
 battery of the modern works, seems to have Pandemus. 
 been the position of the temple of Venus Pan- 
 demus and Peitho, near the utmost bounds of 
 the ancient Agora, eastward ; for it appears on 
 the one hand, from Euripides, that this temple 
 of the Popular (Mr^i) Venus stood very near the 
 hill of Pallas, or the Acropolis 2 j and, on the 
 
 1 See page 101. 
 
 2 Kai *f h /xev sXdetv ttjvSe yr,v Tf oityjvlav 
 Usrgav rfa.(f auVijv Yla.XXa.Sos, xa,?o4>iov 
 F-ijs TyjffSsj va.lv KvrfpiSos eyx,xQl<raTO 
 'Epuis'EgcijT sxSrjjJ.ov'l'ifTtoXvT'aj h' 'iitt 
 To Xonflv wvoii.aX,sv ItipvcQai Qsdv. 
 
 Euripid. Hippolyt. v. 2g. 
 
 Schol. — 'A<p§o$itYis isfov Ityvo-curQai Tr)v $xl8pav tpuffi' InxXetre 
 $h 'AygoS'iTYjv s<f 'lititoXvi'up, -t t v KxYlititoXurlxv hxXovo-i. 
 
 We are not surprised that Pausanias has not made any 
 mention of Phaedra as haviDg been the founder of the temple 
 of Venus Pandemus ; as he differs entirely from Euripides in 
 his story of Phaedra and Hippolytus. Euripides attributes 
 the founding of the temple, by Phaedra, to her having seen 
 and fallen in love with Hippolytus, before she quitted Athens 
 for Traezen. Pausanias, on the other hand, says, that Phae- 
 dra first saw Hippolytus at Traezen, the scene of his tragic 
 end. The proximity of the tomb of Hippolytus to the sanc- 
 tuary of Venus and Peitho, as noticed by Pausanias, might 
 
172 TEMPLE OF CERES CHLOE. 
 
 other hand, we have already seen from Apollo- 
 dorus, that it was in or near the ancient Agora 1 . 
 Thus situated, Pausanias, in his ascent from the 
 Asclepieium to the Propylaea, would have had 
 it not far from his left hand ; and the temple of 
 Themis, with the sepulchre of Hippolytus be- 
 fore it, may have occupied a part of the site of 
 the redoubt of six pieces of cannon, which has 
 been added since the time of Stuart, to the 
 south-western angle of the modern works. 
 Temple of The temple, sacred to Ceres Chloe and Tel- 
 
 CeresChloe . " . „ 
 
 and Teiius lus Curotrophus, 1 am inclined to think, is still 
 P hus. in existence. At about forty-five feet in front 
 of the southern wing of the Propylaea, we find 
 a very solid Hellenic wall of Eleusinian stone 2 , 
 and of regular masonry, thirty feet long, and 
 forming a right angle with the termination of 
 the Cimonian wall of the Acropolis, so that its 
 direction makes an angle of about 21° with the 
 front of the Propylaea, and lies in a N. N. E. 
 line, or nearly parallel to the ancient road, in its 
 
 serve as a confirmation, if any were wanting, of the identity 
 of that sanctuary, with the temple of Venus Hippolyteia, 
 mentioned by the Scholiast of Euripides. 
 
 1 See page 1 04. 
 
 ■ It is a hard grey limestone ; I have called it Eleusinian, 
 because it resembles the stone which was used for the frize 
 of the Erechthtium, and which is described in the inscription 
 relating to that building, by the words 'E\sv<rivia-x6c Ai'09;. 
 See Wilkins's Atheniensia, p. 147. 
 
 
TEMPLE OF CERES CHLOE. 173 
 
 ascent to the Propylsea. The wall is eighteen 
 feet high, and is decorated at the top with a 
 cornice of pentelic marble, which, in 1676, 
 formed the substruction of a small Ionic temple, 
 described by Spon and Wheler, but now en- 
 tirely destroyed. At the foot of this wall there 
 are two doors, coeval with the wall, and con- 
 ducting into a small grotto, or excavated cham- 
 ber. This chamber I take to be the sanctuary 
 of Ceres and Tellus. 1. Because it has every 
 appearance of being, at least, as ancient as the 
 Propylaea, its apparent antiquity thus accord- 
 ing with the worship of Tellus Curotrophus, 
 which is said to have been established by 
 Erich thonius 1 . 2. Because the two doors are 
 well appropriated to the two deities 2 , who oc- 
 cupied the sanctuary, and to each of whom it 
 is probable there was an altar. Suidas men- 
 tions the altar of Tellus Curotrophus, and Eu- 
 polis speaks of sacrificing a ram to Ceres 
 Chloe 3 . 3. Because the position of the monu- 
 
 * Kouf otg 6<pag ry ravry Ss Qvtrou <pa,<r) rb tfgwtov Eg ivfioviw 
 sv , 'AxpoiroXsi' xa,) SwjtAOv ISgvo'de-Qoci, %<*'f 'V diroSiSovra, rf, Ty 
 rwv rgoQsicov' xa-tao-Trjcrai Ss voy^i^ov rov$ Quovrdg nvi Qeuj ravm 
 itgoSveiv. Suidas in Kovporglipos. 
 
 2 Or more properly the same deity under two different 
 characters. See Proclus in Plat. Tim. Comment. 4. — He- 
 sych. in Koucorfo^o;. 
 
 3 Eup^Xoou &yjfAYir§6$ Ugov st^i irgbs ry'AxporfcXer xa\ Eu7T&a»; 
 Magixoc, Aaa' gJ6o JJoXswg elfi/i ' Qutrai yap ps Sal xcibv XXo'r 
 Ai;'|u,r / T'fj. Schol. in Sophoc. OEdip. Colon, v. 1600. 
 
174 TEMPLE OK CERES CHLOK. 
 
 ment, near the right hand of the traveller, on 
 the road from the Asclepieium, not long before 
 he began the direct ascent to the Propylaea, 
 accords exactly with that given to the temple 
 of Ceres and Tellus by Pausanias, according to 
 whom it appears to have been the last object 1 
 before arriving at the Propylaea. The position 
 is in conformity also with the mention of the 
 sanctuary of Ceres Chloe in the Lysistrata of 
 Aristophanes, where the Athenian women being 
 in possession of the citadel, Lysistrata is repre- 
 sented as suddenly alarmed at the approach of a 
 man, whom, when he has arrived at the sanctu- 
 ary of CeresChloe, Myrrhina, one of the women, 
 distinguishes to be her husband Cinesias 2 . It 
 
 1 The statues in front pf tlie Propylaea may be considered 
 as appendages only to that building. 
 
 2 AT. Tou, lo'j, yvvalxeg ..... 
 
 "Avog bpuJ irp'jcrlo-.ra. 
 
 FT. Uov 8' £(tt)v o<rri$ a<rr) ; AT. TIzpz to r^g X\ov){. 
 ^£1 vy) Ai £<rri Zrjra ti{, kzcttw itors. 
 'Ofare, yiva>o~KH rig Vftoov ; MTP. Nij Aicc 
 "Eywys" xa<rriv ov tx.es a.vrjg K»vTj<r/aj. 
 
 Aristoph. Lysist. v. 829. 
 XXo'i) — r) Ayprffip eiriQerixuJs. Schol. in v. 835. 
 Immediately after this scene follows the dialogue between 
 Cinesias and Myrrhina at the gate, where he proposes that 
 she should retire with him to the grotto of Pan, and after- 
 wards wash in the Clepsydra. The steps described in the 
 coins of Athens (see the title-page of this volume) furnished 
 a ready descent from the Propylaea to the grotto of Pan. 
 
TEMPLE OF CERES CHLOE. 175 
 
 is strongly shown also by Suidas, and the scho- 
 liast of Sophocles, that the temple must have 
 been on an elevated part of the hill very near 
 the Propylsea; for Suidas speaks of the altar 
 of Tellus Curotrophus as being in the Acro- 
 polis, and the scholiast of Sophocles places the 
 sanctuary of Ceres Chloe at the Acropolis 1 . It 
 may be added, that the words of Eupolis, in 
 alluding to the sanctuary of Ceres Chloe, have 
 the same tendency ; for, by the word iroXis, it is 
 probable that he meant the Acropolis. 
 
 1 The propriety of these expressions will be still more 
 evident, if it is admitted, as I shall endeavour to show in the 
 ensuing section, that the ancient fortifications of the western 
 end of the Acropolis reached as low down as the modern? 
 outer gate. 
 
176 ACROPOLIS. 
 
 SECTION VIII. 
 
 Fifth and last Part of the Description, of Pausanias. — 
 The AcropoliSi Areiopagus, and Academy. 
 
 So many of the most interesting evidences of 
 Athenian history were contained within the 
 walls of the Cecropian fortress ; and it still 
 possesses so large a portion of the surviving 
 antiquities of Athens, that this division of the 
 city must ever demand a large share of the 
 researches both of the artist and topographer. 
 
 In no other part of the city, however, 
 are the inquiries of the latter so much faci- 
 litated and abridged by the previous labours of 
 the former. By the diligence of Stuart and 
 Revett, who first gave the public a correct 
 idea of the invaluable specimens of Grecian 
 art, contained in the Athenian Acropolis, to- 
 gether with more recent operations 1 of the 
 same kind, which have added many important 
 additions and amendments to the work of 
 Stuart, we are at length arrived, after a gradual 
 approximation to the truth from the middle of 
 the seventeenth century, at a correct know- 
 ledge of those magnificent buildings which 
 
 1 Especially by Mr. C. R. Cockerell, who intends pub- 
 lishing the result of his labours in the form of a supplement 
 to the work of Stuart. 
 
 
PROPYL&A. 177 
 
 adorned the citadel of Athens; not that many- 
 curious discoveries upon the monuments of the 
 Acropolis may not still be made, when its plat- 
 form shall have been cleared of the wretched 
 dwellings which now cover its soil, and dis- 
 figure its appearance ; but that in regard to the 
 three great buildings, the Propylsea, Erech- 
 theium and Parthenon, it is probable that 
 very little remains to be done. 
 
 The western end of the Acropolis, which Propyls. 
 furnished the only access to the summit of the 
 hill, was 168 feet in breadth — an opening so nar- 
 row, that it appeared practicable to the artists 
 of Pericles to fill up the space with a single 
 building, which, in serving the main purpose of 
 a gateway, should contribute at once to fortify 
 and to adorn the citadel. This work, the greatest 
 productionof civil architecture in Athens 1 , which 
 equalled the Parthenon infelicity of execution, 
 and surpassed it in boldness and originality of 
 design, was begun in the archonship of Euthy- 
 
 1 TLspix\e7 [x,sv HpoirvXaia, K^hs (piXortpiccv ypxsi Kdu IlapQs- 
 youy. Philost. Vit. Apoll. Tyan. I. 2. c. 5. 
 
 Demosthenes, in his oration against Androtion, gives a 
 similar indication of the Propylasa having been considered 
 upon a parity with the Parthenon, as an effort of architec- 
 tural art — ol ?a TLpoifvXoua,, xal rov Uapfisvuva, olxoSofiyjo-avre; 
 sxeivoi xai rccXXa Ttavta, dto ?xv ^a^oipouv Ispd xoa-(^<ra,vTSf, 
 &c. P. 597, ed. Reiske. 
 
 N 
 
178 PROPYL^A. 
 
 meries', in the year before Christ 437. It cost 
 a very large sum of money 2 , and was built 
 under the directions of the architect Mnesicles, 
 who completed it in five years 3 . 
 
 Of the hundred and sixty-eight feet which 
 formed the natural entrance of the Acropolis, 
 fifty- eight were left near 4 the centre, for the 
 great artificial entrance, the remainder being 
 closed by two wings, which projected thirty- 
 two feet in front of the grand colonnade of the 
 
 ' Uep) Ss tuiv UpoiruXalwv rrj; 'AxpoitoXeujs ws bit) E-jQvusyqvs 
 apxovros olHO$opa7v -tjp^avro 'A9ijva7o«, MnjajxAesu* cupyjrtK- 
 rovovvros, aXXoi re i<rrof>7jxa<n xa« QiXo^opos Iv fj} •nra.^rn. 
 'HXioSujgos 8' sv Ttpuoru) itsp\ 'AQyvyo-iv axpoitoXews, /xeO' stepa 
 xa) rautoc tprjtriv sv aTevi ftzv itlvre itOLVTeXajg s^sTtoir^rj, rz.Xa.YTX 
 Ss dveXwby 8i<rxJXia, SuuSexa, ksvts 8k itvXag sirolytrav, o<' wv el$ 
 riv dxpoTfoXiv ei<ria<riv. Harpocrat. in UpoituXdia. ravra. 
 
 2 It has been seen in the preceding note, that Heliodorus 
 states the expense of the Propylaea to have been two thou- 
 sand and twelve talents : but this is incredible ; for it ap- 
 pears, from Thucydides, that the expense of all the works of 
 Pericles, among which, according to Plutarch, we must 
 include his Odeium, the mystic temple at Eleusis, the Par- 
 thenon, and one of the Long Walls, as well as the Propykea, 
 did not amount to three thousand talents. See some further 
 remarks upon this subject at the end of the volume. 
 
 3 Plutarch. Paral. in Pericl. — Heliod. ap. Harpocrat. supra. 
 
 4 It has lately been ascertained, from an accurate admea- 
 surement, that the distance from a to b (see the plan of the 
 Propylsea) was a few feet shorter than the wall ed: the Pro- 
 pyloeum, or grand vestibule, therefore, was not exactly in 
 the centre. 
 
PROPYLS A. ]79 
 
 entrance. The entire building, like others of 
 the same kind, received the name of Propylaea, 
 from its forming a vestibule to the five gates, 
 or doors', by which the citadel was entered. 
 The wall in which these doors were pierced 
 was thrown back about fifty feet from the front 
 of the artificial opening of the hill, which was 
 itself thrown back a few feet behind the na- 
 tural entrance. The whole work may be said 
 to resemble the front of a modern fortification ; 
 the great vestibule, or Propylasum, properly so 
 called, resembling the curtain, and each of the 
 wings presenting a face and flank, like two ad- 
 joining bastions. 
 
 There can be little doubt, indeed, that the 
 Propylaea was a work of defence, no less than 
 of decoration ; the difference between it and 
 the front of a modern fortification being such 
 only as naturally arises from the difference of 
 weapons, and of the art of war in the two ages, 
 and from the admirable taste with which the 
 Athenians combined utility with ornament. 
 
 This magnificent building was constructed 
 entirely of Pentelic marble. ThePropylaaum, or 
 great vestibule, in the centre, consisted of a front 
 of six fluted Doric columns, mounted upon four 
 steps, which supported a pediment: the columns 
 
 • Heliod. ap, Harpocrat. supra. The five doors are still in 
 existence. 
 
 N 2 
 
180 PROPYLiEA. 
 
 are five feet in diameter, near twenty-nine feet in 
 height, and have an intercolumniation of seven 
 feet, except between the two central columns, 
 where is a space of thirteen feet, for the sake 
 of the carriage-way, the traces of which, with 
 the wheel-ruts worn in the rock, are still in 
 existence. Behind the Doric colonnade was a 
 vestibule, forty-three feet in depth, the roof 
 of which was sustained by six Ionic columns, 
 standing in a double row, and thus dividing 
 the vestibule into three aisles. These columns, 
 although only three feet arid a half in dia- 
 meter at the base, were, including the capital, 
 nearly thirty-four feet high, their architraves 
 being on the same level with the frize of the 
 Doric colonnade 1 . The ceiling was laid upon 
 marble beams, which rested upon the lateral 
 walls, and upon the architraves of the two 
 rows of Ionic columns : consequently there 
 were three lengths of these beams in the whole 
 breadth of the Propylaeum. The beams cover- 
 ing the side aisles were twenty-two feet long, 
 
 1 Spon, though he had such a transient view of this build- 
 ing, and did not even discover that it was the Propytaa, 
 has accurately described the Ionic colonnade. " II est d'ordre 
 Dorique par dehors, mais les colonncs qui le soutiennent par 
 dedans sont Ioniqucs, parcequ' etant plus hautes de toute 
 l'epaisseurdel'architravepour en soutenir le larabris, la pro- 
 portion de l'ordre Ionique, qui fait la colonne plus haute 
 que le Dorique lui convenoit mieux." — Tome 2, p. 81. 
 
PROPYL^A. 181 
 
 and those of the centre aisle seventeen feet, with 
 a proportional breadth and thickness. Such 
 enormous masses, raised to the roof of a build- 
 ing standing upon the summit of a steep hill, 
 and covered with a ceiling most elegantly 
 adorned and painted, might well excite the ad- 
 miration with which Pausanias (although in his 
 usual sober manner) speaks of the roof of the 
 Propylaea 1 . Of the five doors at the extremity 
 of the vestibule, the opening of the central and 
 largest was equal to the space between the two 
 central columns of the Doric portico in front, 
 w r hich was the same as the space between the 
 two rows of Ionic columns in the vestibule : the 
 doors on either side of the central door w r ere 
 of a diminished height and breadth, and the two 
 
 1 Ta Se UpotfvXaia, XlSov XevKOv rijv 6go<prjv Zyzi xqc) y.o<t\luj 
 xa) psysQcL rcvv \IQujv |«<s%f » Y £ &°" li ^~X*- Attic, c. 22. 
 
 The best idea of the elegance and magnificence of the 
 great vestibule of the Propylaea will be formed from an in- 
 spection of the plates of the Propylaeum of Eleusis, in the 
 Unedited Antiquities of Attica : for it appears that this 
 building was almost an exact counterpart of the Athe- 
 nian Propylaeum, both in design and dimensions. Revett 
 (in Stuart's Antiquities of Athens, vol.2, c. 5. pi. 4.) has 
 disfigured the beautiful Ionic columns, by placing them 
 upon a high square base. Their bases, having been cleared 
 by Mr. Cockerel!, were found precisely to resemble those 
 of the Propylaeum of Eleusis. The capitals, therefore, may 
 safely be supplied from the same building. Spun had 
 already remarked that they were of the Ionic order. 
 
182 PUOPYIJEA. 
 
 beyond these still smaller in both dimensions. 
 These doors led from the vestibule into a back 
 portico, eighteen feet in depth : itnvas fronted 
 with a Doric colonnade and pediment of the 
 same dimensions as those of the western portico, 
 but which stood upon a higher level, there be- 
 ing five steps to ascend from the level of the 
 western portico and vestibule to the doors and 
 the eastern portico. From the eastern portico 
 there was a descent of one step into the adja- 
 cent part of the platform of the Acropolis. 
 
 The wings of the Propylaea were nearly 1 
 symmetrical in front, each presenting on this 
 side a wall, adorned only with a frize of tri- 
 glyphs, and with antae at the extremities. The 
 extreme simplicity of the wings in this direc- 
 tion was characteristic of the work of defence, 
 of which they formed so important a part, and 
 the purposes of which regulated their construc- 
 tion. The flanks also of these bastions (to pur- 
 sue the comparison of a modern fortification) 
 were uniform in their external appearance, 
 each of them presenting a Doric front of three 
 columns in antis of three feet in diameter, sup- 
 porting pediments, the summits of which were 
 on a level with the frize of the great Propylamm. 
 The inner or southermost column of each wing 
 
 1 It has already been remarked, that they differed a few 
 feet in length. 
 
PROPYLS A. 183 
 
 stood in a line with the great Doric columns of 
 the Propylteum ; and as both these columns and 
 those of the wings were upon the same level, 
 the three porticos were all connected together, 
 and the four steps which ascended to the Pro- 
 pylaeum were continued also along the porti- 
 cos of the two wings. Here the symmetry of 
 the building ended ; for, in regard to inte- 
 rior size and distribution, the wings were very 
 dissimilar. In the northern wing a porch of 
 twelve feet in depth conducted by three doors 
 into a chamber of thirty-four feet by twenty-six, 
 the porch and chamber thus occupying the en- 
 tire space lying behind the western wall of that 
 wing. The southern wing consisted only of a 
 porch or open gallery of twenty-six feet by six- 
 teen, which on the east and south sides was formed 
 by a wall, connected, and of the same thickness, 
 with the lateral wall of the Propyla2um,and which 
 on the west side had its roof supported by a 
 narrow pilaster, standing between the north- 
 west column of the wing and an anta, which 
 terminated its southern wall. Thus the wall 
 which appeared in front of this wing, and which 
 preserved the exterior symmetry of the build- 
 ing, formed only a screen to the open gallery, 
 between which and the screen there was a 
 passage 1 , of four or five feet in breadth, leading, 
 
 1 Mr. Cockerell has furnished me with a new argument, 
 ihat this passage was a back way into the citadel, by his 
 
184 PROPYL7EA. 
 
 as I conceive, into the citadel by a postern gate. 
 That it did not conduct into any chamber at 
 the back of the open gallery has been proved by 
 an accurate examination of the south-east an- 
 gle of that gallery, the outside of which is of 
 finished masonry, and has no appearance of 
 having been connected with any other wall. 
 On the other hand, that it led to a postern 
 gate is strongly argued, from the consideration 
 that the military defences of the Propylasa would 
 have been incomplete without such a postern ; 
 for we must not lose sight of the fact, that 
 the Propylasa was chiefly designed to defend 
 the entrance of the Acropolis. In fact, the 
 more we examine the buildings at the western 
 end of the hill, w T ith a reference to the prin- 
 ciples of fortification, arising from the arms and 
 mode of warfare of the Greeks, the more evi- 
 dently will it appear that all the works at this 
 end of the Acropolis had military defence for 
 their principal object. 
 
 The circumstance which principally regu- 
 lated the Greeks in protecting the approach to 
 their fortified places, was the undefended state 
 of the Greek soldier on the right side of his 
 body. While an ample shield covered the left 
 
 discovery that the porch was parted off from the passage by 
 a metal railing, connecting the columns of* the two open 
 sides of the porch. 
 
PROPYUEA. 185 
 
 of the Hoplita, all his right side was exposed 
 to the missiles of the enemy. It may be in- 
 ferred from the description by Thucydides 1 of 
 the battle between the Lacedaemonians and Ar- 
 rives at Mantineia, that this effect of the arms 
 of the Greeks was one of the chief regulators 
 of the movements of their troops in the field of 
 battle ; but it was still more important as a 
 leading principle in their mode of defending 
 the approaches to the gates and vulnerable 
 points of their fortresses, as Vitruvius 2 has in- 
 structed his readers, and as we find exemplified 
 in a great variety of Greek ruins still existing in 
 Greece, Italy, and Sicily. It often taught the 
 Grecian engineers how to occupy their ground, 
 and must in many cases have determined the 
 general form of their fortifications ; but it stiD. 
 more frequently regulated the construction of 
 the gates, and the direction in which they were 
 to be approached. Many existing remains of 
 gates furnish proofs of this fact; and in several 
 places there are still seen traces in the rocks of 
 the ancient paths leading to the gates, where it 
 
 1 Thucyd. 1. 5. c. fl. 
 
 2 Curandumque maxime videtur, ut non facilis sit aditus 
 ad oppugnandum murum, sed ita circumdandum ad loca 
 praecipitia et excogitandum, uti portarum itinera non sint 
 directa sed scaeva : namque cum ita factum fuerit, tunc 
 dextrum latus accedentibus^ quod scuto non erit tectum, 
 proximum erit muro. Vitruv. 1. 1, c. 5. 
 
186 PROPYLjEA. 
 
 is very evident that the direction of the path 
 was contrived with a view to oblige the enemy 
 in his approach to expose his right side to the 
 ramparts. 
 
 As it follows, from the foregoing principle, 
 that the left of the front of a Greek fortifica- 
 tion was more easily defended against the ap- 
 proach of an enemy than the right, it is obvious 
 that the western end of the Cecropian hill, the 
 only approach to which was by the ridge fall- 
 ing to the south-west, must by Grecian tac- 
 ticians have been considered as greatly fa- 
 voured by nature. Its right, which would other- 
 wise have been the weaker end, is defended 
 by steep rocks, while the ridge, which slopes 
 from the left, by obliging the enemy to ap- 
 proach in that direction, facilitated the forma- 
 tion of outworks, which would have the effect 
 of forcing the assailant to mount the steep 
 ascent under the continual disadvantage of 
 the exposure of his right side to the enemy. 
 
 In order to render this remark more intelli- 
 gible, it is necessary to refer the reader to the 
 plan : a few previous observations, however, 
 seem necessary. 
 
 In the first place, it can scarcely be doubted 
 that the present road, from the outer gate as 
 far as the front of the Propylaca, follows pre- 
 cisely the same track as the ancient carriage- 
 
PROPYLiEA. 187 
 
 way. Such indeed is the nature of the ground, 
 that a carriage-road could not easily have been 
 formed in any other direction; and if the steep- 
 ness of the ground renders such a circuitous route 
 necessary for the present horse-path, it must 
 have been still more so to the carriages of the 
 ancients, who, it should be remembered, were 
 not so much incommoded as the moderns, by 
 the detour from the northern part of the city, 
 as they had an access to the Propylsea for foot 
 passengers by the steps cut in the rock, traces 
 of which are still seen near the northern wing 
 of the Propylaea 1 . 
 
 If the ahcient and modern roads coincided, 
 it is also probable that the ancient gate of the 
 
 1 It has already been remarked, that these steps have been 
 recorded on the ancient coin of Athens, which represents 
 the north side of the Acropolis. (See the title page of this 
 volume). It appears from a plan of the Acropolis, taken 
 after the siege of l687> by Verneda, the engineer of Mo- 
 rosini, that the steps were still in use at that time, as well as 
 the gate to which they mounted. The gate conducted into 
 an outer court of the citadel, from which there was an 
 ascent by another flight of steps behind the pedestal of 
 Agrippa into the northern wing of the Propylaea. This ap- 
 proach to the citadel has since been closed ; but its former 
 existence, under the Turks, furnishes a strong argument, 
 that when the Turks fortified the citadel of Athens, soon 
 after obtaining possession of it, they preserved the aucient ap- 
 proaches, and did little more than raise their walls, and erect 
 their batteries upon the ancient outworks or platforms. 
 
188 PROPYL/EA. 
 
 outworks stood nearly in the same spot as the 
 modern outer gate A, and that the inscribed 
 stone, belonging to an ancient gate 1 , which 
 now forms the architrave of the modern gate, 
 is nearly in its original situation. 
 
 It may be observed, upon a reference to the 
 plan, that the gate A was completely com- 
 manded from the wall BC of the Acropolis, 
 and that the assailant, in moving from A to C, 
 had his right continually exposed to troops 
 stationed upon the platform supported by that 
 wall. Having turned the angle C, he had 
 his right again exposed to the part of the plat- 
 form above the temple of Ceres and Terra, in 
 which state he continued to advance as far as 
 E ; for it is not to be supposed that the Athe- 
 nians failed to take advantage of the steep 
 ascent in that part, by forming a terrace from 
 D to E, for the purpose of commanding the 
 road beneath. When the assailant had suc- 
 ceeded in turning this terrace, by a passage be- 
 tween the end of it and the pedestal F, he made a 
 bend to the right, and approached the entrance 
 of the Propylaea. When he had thus taken the 
 outwork B E in reverse, the besieged must 
 have been under the necessity of retiring into 
 
 1 It records the gift of a pair of gates to the Acropolis 
 by F. S. Marcellinus. See page 102. 
 
PROPYLiEA. 189 
 
 the Propylaea. In approaching the entrance G, 
 the besieger was exposed in front from the Pro- 
 pyleeum, and on either side from the wings I,K; 
 but his right was still the most in danger ; be- 
 cause the besieged in the southern wing had 
 the power of retreat, and of reinforcement, 
 through the postern, which I suppose to have 
 been placed at or near the modern gate L. 
 This situation was so well secured and covered 
 by the construction of the southern wing, that 
 the postern still afforded the means of endan- 
 gering the rear of the assailants, even when they 
 were in possession of the great vestibule itself. 
 And thus it seems evident that a postern at 
 the back of the southern wing was essential to 
 the military defences of the Propylsea, and that 
 the inequality of the two wings is not to be 
 ascribed to any difficulties arising from the na- 
 ture of the ground ; but that while the decora- 
 tion of the Cecropian hill was the object of the 
 artists of Pericles in the architectural embel- 
 lishments of the Propylsea and in many of its de- 
 tails, its plan was part of a well-imagined system 
 of defence, the general design of which was, 
 perhaps, much more ancient than the time of 
 Pericles. 
 
 Among the modern buildings which encum- HighTWer, 
 ber and disfigure the ruins of the Propylsea, the 
 high tower standing upon the southern wing 
 
1<)0 PROPYLS A. 
 
 appears to be of a different construction from 
 the rest. Its erection in this spot may have 
 been suggested by the convenient form, size, 
 and position of the southern wing for such a 
 building; and it is not impossible that the 
 pediment and roof of that wing may have been 
 removed upon the occasion. I am disposed to 
 think that this high tower is not more recent 
 than the time of the Frank princes of Athens, 
 and that it was built for the purpose of com- 
 municating by signal with the Peiraseus, and 
 along the coasts on one side, and through Attica, 
 Bceotia, and Phocis on the other ; for we find a 
 chain of similar towers in both directions, and 
 the practice seems in the middle ages to have 
 been common to all the countries bordering 
 upon the Mediterranean. Among the Turks, 
 on the contrary, there is no evidence of such a 
 custom having ever been in use; neither their 
 footing in Greece, their manners, nor their re- 
 ligious principles, encouraging any such exten- 
 sive or vigilant system of defence. 
 
 The other modern constructions of the Pro- 
 pylaea are evidently Turkish, and were pro- 
 bably added soon after the Turks obtained pos- 
 session of Athens, in 1455, when the recent 
 invention of artillery, and the power and vici- 
 nity of the Venetians, rendered a better de- 
 fence to the citadel necessary than was afforded 
 
PROPYL^A, 191 
 
 by the ancient form of the Propylaea. An apart- 
 ment was then raised upon the top of the 
 northern wing, and the Propylaeum or great 
 vestibule was formed into a magazine of pow- 
 der and military stores 1 , by closing four of the 
 doors at the eastern end, and by walling up the 
 Doric columns of the western front. This ma- 
 gazine having been struck by lightning about 
 the year 1636, all the upper part of the eastern 
 side of the Propylaea was thrown down by the 
 explosion ; but the western part of the build- 
 ing seems to have suffered little damage ; for, 
 in 1656, when Spon and Wheler visited Athens, 
 the pediment of the western front, which has 
 now disappeared, together with all the enta- 
 blature, was still in its place. It was even 
 standing after the siege of 1687, if we may 
 trust to the drawings 2 of the engineer, Verneda, 
 made after the capture of Athens by Morosini. 
 
 It has already been remarked, that in front Temple of 
 
 Victory. 
 
 1 A part of these military stores consisted of a great quan- 
 tity of the kind of armour which was in use before the in- 
 vention of gunpowder ; for Spon and Wheler relate, that 
 after the explosion, shields and bows and arrows were found 
 dispersed over the surrounding country. The use to which 
 the Propylaea had long been put seems to have suggested 
 the name of the arsenal of Lycurgus, son of Lycophron, by 
 which it was known among the Athenian pretenders to 
 learning in the seventeenth century. 
 
 3 See Fanelli, Atene Attiche. 
 
 
192 TEMPLE OF VICTORY. 
 
 of the southern wing of the Prdpylaea there 
 stood, in the year 1656, a small Ionic temple. 
 The brief descriptions of Spon and Wheler are 
 the only memorials which we now possess of 
 this interesting monument, with the exception 
 of a few of its fragments still to be seen upon 
 the spot, and of four marbles with figures in 
 relief forming part of its frize, which are now 
 in the British Museum. The following are 
 the words of Spon : " Ce temple est d'ordre 
 Ionique 1 , avec de petites colonnes canelees et 
 la frise charg6e d'un bas relief de petites figures 
 d'assez bonne main, dont il y a une assise et 
 neuf ou dix debout devant et derriere. II n'a 
 qu'environ 15 pieds de large et il sert mainte- 
 nant aux Turcs de magasin a poudre." Wheler 
 adds, that it was " built of white marble, with 
 one end near the wall ;" and that it was " not 
 above fifteen feet long, and about eight or nine 
 feet broad." This temple seems either to have 
 been destroyed in the siege of 1687, when the 
 Venetians particularly directed their batteries 
 against the entrance of the citadel 2 , or it may 
 
 1 Wheler says they were of the Doric order ; but Stuart, 
 who found the fragments of the temple exactly in the spot 
 described by his predecessor, justly remarks, that Wheler 
 was mistaken, and that Spon was right in calling it an Ionic 
 temple. 
 
 * Fanelli, Atene Attiche, p. 303. 
 
TEMPLE OF VICTORY. J93 
 
 have been removed by the Turks, in order to 
 make room for the modern work which now 
 occupies its site, and which appears to have 
 been added about the time of the siege, as Spon 
 and Wheler found the small temple standing in 
 a place now occupied by a part of the work. 
 In the year 1751, nothing remained of the 
 temple but the fragments already mentioned, 
 together with the frize described by Spon and 
 Wheler ; Stuart then found the latter built into 
 a neighbouring Turkish wall, from whence, 
 about the year 1804, it was removed by the 
 Earl of Elgin. 
 
 The front of the Propylsea having been al- 
 ready closed by a modern wall when Spon and 
 Wheler arrived at Athens, it was very natural 
 for them, in such a hasty 1 visit to the Acropolis 
 as they made, to think, after having traversed 
 three gates of the modern citadel, that they 
 had passed the Propylsea, and were within the 
 ancient Acropolis, when in reality they were pro- 
 ceeding by a road nearly coinciding with that of 
 the present day, in a direction parallel to the front 
 of the Propylsea. Here observing a small tem- 
 
 1 They went only once to the Acropolis, when they hasten- 
 ed past the Propylsea to see the Parthenon. " Nous nous 
 hatames d'aller voir la grande mosquee, qui etoit autrefois 
 le temple de Minerve, comrne la plus considerable piece de 
 la citadelle." Spon, tome 2. p. 28. 
 
 
 
194 TEMPLE OF VICTORY. 
 
 pie on their right, they thought that its posi- 
 tion agreed exactly with the words of Pausa- 
 nias 1 , and concluded that it was the temple of 
 N/xtj "hitrspoi, or Victory without wings 2 . I am 
 disposed, though certainly not for the same 
 reasons which guided them, to think they were 
 right in their conclusions: but as this is one 
 of the points of Athenian topography, upon 
 which there is the greatest variety of opinions, 
 it is necessary to examine it more fully. 
 
 In stating that the temple of Victory was on 
 the right of the Propylaea, and the oUrj^a lx> v 
 ypx$ds, or chamber containing pictures of Po- 
 lygnotus and other artists on the left, few per- 
 sons will doubt that Pausanias meant the right 
 and left hand of the traveller 3 , in his progress 
 
 1 Twy 8e HgortvXalwv kv Sefya, Nlxyf l<rr)v 'Aittepov mo'f* 
 
 e<m 8e sv d^wttpa. twv TlpotuXalcuv o7xijjtx,a f^or 
 
 ypaipdf. Pausan. Attic, c. 22. 
 
 • Spon supposed that the Propylasum, or great gateway, 
 had entirely disappeared, and that the buildings to the right 
 and left of it only remained ; that the temple on his right 
 was the temple of Victory, and that the great building on his 
 left was the oTxijaa e%ov ypa.<pds, or temple (as he interpreted 
 the word ooojfwx), containing pictures. Wheler, with better 
 judgment, thought that a large bu ilding with two wings 
 could not be a temple or a picture-chamber, and suspected 
 the truth, that it was the Propylaea itself. 
 
 5 In the description of Thebes by Pausanias, the case is 
 precisely similar. Entering the city by the gate of Platsea, 
 
TEMPLE OF VICTORY. 395 
 
 from the lower part of the city into the Acro- 
 polis ; for although passages may be found in 
 this author where his meaning in the use of the 
 w T ords right and left is ambiguous, it can never 
 be so where it is his evident intention to de- 
 he says, scrti §1 Xo<pog Iv Ssfya •tvjv woAwy Ispos 'AffoA- 
 Xcovos' ■x.a.Xzi'tou Sa o \6<po$ kx) o ftto; 'la-^vio;, Ttapappa- 
 ovtog tou rforapov tavtv rou 'Icrpjy/ou. Here we are sure, 
 from the undoubted positions of Platseaand the river Ismenus, 
 that the latter must have been on the right of the road en- 
 tering Thebes from Plataea. In like manner, going from 
 Thebes to Chalcis, he says, Tsupjo-crou SI iv dpurrepa crra- 
 Slov; itpoeXQovft hitra, TXifccvtos acrtiv Ipel-rtix ; and having ar- 
 rived at the Euripus, tij; ArjityT'pos to Ispoy Iv defya. rrjs Mt/- 
 xxXY)<r<rlx$ kcc) oXlyov ait dvrov itpoaXfovTi l<rr\v AvXls ; and 
 trjs Boicurlag ?d iv dpurfspd too ~Evplitou Mecrcraffjov opo§ xa- 
 Xovpsvov xa.) off' avtuj "Bowtwv bit) SaAatrmj; ifoXi§ ktrriv 'Av9ij- 
 Siov. Here again the known situations of the places leave not 
 a doubt that the words right and left were applied to the right 
 and left hand of the traveller as he entered Chalcis from 
 Thebes. I may here take occasion to remark, that upon simi- 
 lar occasions, so frequently occurring in Pausanias, he gene- 
 rally uses the words, \6vri, lovruv, lovtri, lASoVrcov, or their com- 
 pounds with sir), dvd, Iffava, iipb, it pig ; to which is added, 
 Itrriy iv £e£ja, or iv dpurrsptx, either with or without the words, 
 frjs oftou, or rrjs Xswcpopov ; but often the participle is left out, 
 and he proceeds with the name only of the place or monu- 
 ment added to Iv fcfycl, or iv dpio-rzpa.. I recollect onty two 
 instances where these words seem to have relation, not to the 
 right and left of the traveller's route, but to the fronting of 
 the place which Pausanias is describing : the one is at the 
 temple of Despsena, near Megalopolis, the other at Phigalia 
 ( Arcad. c. 33. 41.) ; but in the former instance the thread of 
 
 o 2 
 
196 TEMPLE OF VICTORY. 
 
 scribe a succession of objects on any particular 
 line, as undoubtedly occurs in his account of the 
 Propylsea and the adjacent monuments. Pre- 
 suming, therefore, that the northern wing was 
 one of the two buildings mentioned by Pau- 
 sanias, which, as it occupies all the space be- 
 tween the great vestibule and the northern wall 
 of the Acropolis, it evidently must have been, 
 it follows, from the interpretation of his words, 
 right and left, just given, that the northern wing 
 was the picture chamber 1 ; and I find it impossi- 
 ble, therefore, to subscribe to the opposite opinion 
 of Chandler, who, interpreting h fcjjia rwv ifyo- 
 vvxcdw to have reference to the western front- 
 ing of the Propylsea, supposed the right or 
 northern wing to be the temple of Victory. 
 The word oTxij^a, it may be added, would not 
 be very well applied to such an open gallery or 
 portico, as we know the southern wing to have 
 been ; nor would such a portico, in which there 
 
 his route had been interrupted by a loDg description of the 
 temple ; in the latter, he had arrived at the end of his route, 
 had occupied near three chapters with the description of Phi- 
 galia, and proceeds immediately afterwards to describe Pal- 
 lantium, on the opposite side of Arcadia. 
 
 1 It is probable that the centre of the roof of this chamber 
 was hypaethral, or open to the sky, a mode of construction 
 not uncommon both in Greek and Roman buildings. The 
 door and two windows in the portico would not have ad- 
 mitted a sufficiency of light for the pictures. 
 
 
TEMPLE OF VICTORY. 197 
 
 were only forty-two feet of wall, have easily 
 received the numerous pictures described by 
 Pausanias, in addition to those which were too 
 much obliterated by time to be decyphered by 
 him. On the other hand, the northern wing 
 being a closed building, although not a temple, 
 would be well described by the word oixij^a, and, 
 as it forms an integral part of the Propylaea, 
 it agrees with the words of an ancient author, 
 who speaks of the pictures as being in the 
 Propylsea 1 . 
 
 But if the open portico forming the southern 
 wing was little adapted to have been the pina- 
 cotheca, or picture-chamber, still less was it 
 suited to the temple of Victory. Pausanias, in 
 reference to the story of iEgeus, who threw 
 himself over the rock, upon perceiving the ship 
 of his son Theseus returning with black sails, 
 particularly states, that the site of the temple 
 of Victory commanded a view of the sea 2 ; 
 whereas the southern wing of the Propylaea 
 turned its back upon the sea, if such an ex- 
 pression may be allowed, being open only on 
 the north side, and being closed by a wall, not^ 
 only on the eastern and southern sides, but 
 
 1 c5g UoXsfjjWV <p^a)v kv tw ire^l twv kv rus Up- 
 
 •ffvXalois itivdnujv. Harpocrat. in Aa'pra?. 
 
 - Twv $b Xl^otrvXa.lwv kv Ssfya Niotjj' k<rr)v drfrsgov veto;' 
 htsZQsv ij 0aAacra-a kpti crvvoitros' xou rccvtrj ^as Alysvg 
 iavrov, wi Xkywaiv, kTeXerevtrsv. Pausan. Attic, c. 22. 
 
19S TEMPLfi 01 VICTORY. 
 
 screened even on the western by the wall which 
 stood in front. 
 
 To those who suppose the northern wing to 
 have been the temple of Victory, the same objec- 
 tion occurs, and perhaps still more strongly, 
 that wing being farther removed from the side 
 of the Acropolis, to which a person looking out 
 for a vessel coming from Crete would naturally 
 repair. No part of the Propylsea, in fact, 
 except the front of the great vestibule, com- 
 manded a view of the sea, which, even from 
 thence, was visible only towards Salamis and 
 Corinth, but not at all in the direction in 
 which iEgeus may be supposed to have watched 
 for the ship. Even upon a first view of the 
 question, indeed, it seems very improbable that 
 Victory Apterus, a goddess whose worship was 
 connected with the earliest history of Athens, 
 should have been lodged in any part of a build- 
 ing, which was not of very early date, and the 
 several parts of which were combined to form 
 an entire work, designed for purposes of military 
 defence and decoration. Of whatever date may 
 have been the temple of Victory, seen by Pau- 
 sanias, there can be little doubt that (like many 
 other temples existing in his time 1 , ruins or frag- 
 ments of some of which remain to this day) it 
 1 Thus the Olympium of Athens, finished by Hadrian, stood 
 on the site of a temple begun originally by Pisistratus ; the 
 Erechtheium was raised upon thefoundationsof the old build- 
 ing, which covered the olive-tree and salt-well ; the Parthe- 
 
TEMPLE OF VICTORY. 199 
 
 occupied the identical spot where tradition re- 
 ported iEgeus to have looked out for his son's 
 return, and where an earlier temple or altar was 
 erected to Victory without Wings. The situa- 
 tion where Spon and Wheler found the small 
 Ionic temple is precisely the spot best suited 
 to such an action ; for it commands a view of 
 all the parts of the Saronic gulf, visible from 
 the Acropolis, including Scylkeum ofTraezenia, 
 together with the islands of the iEgean sea 
 beyond that cape. 
 
 After the battle of Marathon, when victory 
 so often attended the Athenian arms, and when 
 the republic rose with rapidity to glory and do- 
 minion, it is natural that, without forgetting 
 the ancient fact or fable which had given rise 
 to the worship of the wingless goddess, a new 
 mythological meaning should be attached to that 
 worship. Victory was then fabled to have been 
 fixed by Minerva to her favourite spot, the Acro- 
 polis, by being deprived of her wings *. Her sta- 
 tue was sometimes identified with Minerva her- 
 
 non, on the earlier Hecatompedum ; and the Panhellenium 
 of JEglna, on the site of the temple or altar dedicated by 
 iEacus. 
 
 1 tfzSccs a<rr)v e%wv 'EvvdXiog, ayacXficc dpyjxw • 
 
 yvu][iy Ss tj a.vTr} Aa.Y.5^a.i[iov\wv re eg tqvt'o Ict'iv dyaXfxa, ttcCi 
 'AQrjvalujy eg tYJv "Airtepov naXoujuivr^ Nj'jojv, Tujv pev ovrfora 
 rov 'EvvdXiov pevyovra. oixflffetrQat crficriv sve^o^svov fa~s 
 ireSatS, 'ASvjvaj'wv Se rijv N/#jv dvroQi de) fiheiv, oux ovruj* 
 •jtregoSv. Pausan, Lacon. c. 15. 
 
200 TEMPLE OF VICTORY. 
 
 self, and hence called Nta} 'A^*; as well as Nixij 
 " kitrspos ; and it was represented with a pomegra- 
 nate, the type of abundance, in the right hand, 
 and a helmet, symbolical of military virtue, in 
 the left 2 . 
 
 Nothing seems more probable than that the 
 exterior of the temple of such a deity should 
 have been adorned with such a frize as 
 that which Spon and Wheler observed on the 
 small Ionic temple in their time, and which is 
 now to be seen in the British Museum. It con- 
 sists of four pieces of Pentelic marble, one foot 
 seven inches in height, and four inches and a 
 
 1 Avxovpyos h r<Z <jfep) rrjg 'lepeiag, on Njx^ 'A9ijva; %oa,vor 
 aitrspov l'%ov ev ju-sv ry Sefcia poi&v kv $s ry evcuvupiv xpavog 
 iri^a.to • oV* 8s kripocTo nap 'ASijvaiOij SeSrJKujKsv 'HXioftwpos 
 q ifspiyjyYjtris Iv rf, irpwfy irsp) 'AxpoiroXeojf. 
 
 Harpocrat. et Suid. in Ni'xij 'AOtjVjj. 
 
 It may here be observed, that Nixij 'ASojvtj is not to be 
 confounded with 'ASjj'vtj Hmyj^opos, which was the epithet of 
 Minerva, bearing a winged Victory in her hand, as repre- 
 sented by Phidias. 
 
 3 Although the statue alluded to by Harpocration may 
 not have been of the earliest times, there can be little doubt 
 that its attributes Were the same as those of the original 
 statue. It appears from Pausanias (Eliac. Prior, c. 26.) that 
 there was an imitation of the Athenian N/xij "kitrspos at 
 Olympia, made for the Messenians by Calamis, an Athenian 
 artist who lived in the fifth century B. C. We learn from 
 the same passage in Pausanias, that the statue at Athens 
 was a £davoy, or wooden statue, which agrees with the ac- 
 count of Lycurgus, as stated by Harpocration in the pre- 
 ceding note. 
 
TEMPLE OF VICTORY. 201 
 
 half in thickness, covered with figures in high 
 relief, in the finest style of Athenian art. Upon 
 two of them, each six feet one inch in length, 
 is sculptured, in a continued design, a battle be- 
 tween Greeks and Persians, the latter of whom 
 are distinguished by crescent-shaped shields and 
 long loose dresses. The other two marbles, 
 each of which is six feet eight inches and a half 
 in length, represent a battle of Greeks against 
 Greeks. 
 
 It can hardly be doubted that these sculp- 
 tures were intended to record two of the most 
 celebrated victories gained by the Athenians 
 over their enemies. If we suppose, as their 
 workmanship indicates, that the temple was 
 erected between the Persian and Peloponnesian 
 wars 1 , in that half-century of prosperity and 
 overflowing wealth, when the Athenians ap- 
 plied so large a portion of their own revenues, 
 of the plunder of the treasury of Delos, and of 
 the sums collected from their tributaries, to 
 the establishment of new buildings, or to the 
 renewal of those burnt by the Persians 2 , among 
 which last we can hardly suppose that a tem- 
 ple of Victory would not have been included, it 
 will almost necessarily follow, that the action 
 between Greeks and Persians represents the 
 battle of Marathon, and that between Greeks 
 
 1 Between the years 4/9 and 43 1 B. C. 
 
 e Thucyd. 1. 2, c. 13. Plutarch. Paral. in Pericl. 
 
202 TEMPLE OF VICTORY. 
 
 and Greeks, the victory gained over the Boeo- 
 tians and Chalcidenses of Euboea. For if the 
 former was the barbarian triumph, of which the 
 Athenians were most proud, their glory upon 
 that occasion having been unshared with any 
 of the other great states of Greece, the latter 
 must have been no less their pride, as being the 
 most important victory which they had gained 
 over any Grecian state previous to the Pelopon- 
 nesian war. In one day they defeated the 
 Boeotians, and, passing over into Euboea, gained 
 such a decisive victory Over the Chalcidenses, 
 that it was followed by a division of the lands 
 of the great proprietors of Euboea among a co- 
 lony of four thousand Athenians 1 , and thus it laid 
 the foundation of that dependence of the island 
 upon Athens, which continued during the whole 
 course of Athenian prosperity, and which was, 
 in fact, a leading cause of that prosperity. 
 The tenth of the spoils of the days of Marathon 
 and Chalcis were destined to two magnificent 
 dedications in the citadel"; and there is every 
 reason to think, that the little Ionic temple was 
 built at the exact period when these two vic- 
 tories were the most recent and the most glo- 
 rious of which the Athenians had to boast. 
 
 It is difficult, from the short and imperfect 
 description of Spon and WheJer, to ascertain in 
 
 'Herodot. 1. 5. c. 77. Plutarch. Paral. in Pericl. 
 » Herodot. ibid. — Pausan. Attic, c. 28. See p. 28. 
 
TEMPLE OF VICTORY. 
 
 203 
 
 what part of the platform of the outwork before 
 the southern wing of the Propylsea, the temple 
 of Victory stood, or in what direction it faced j 
 but a tolerably correct idea of its construction 
 may be formed from its existing fragments, 
 compared with the length and breadth of the 
 building, as preserved for us by Spon and 
 Wheler. Mr. Cockerell, who accurately de- 
 signed and measured the fragments which re- 
 main upon the spot, consisting of parts of the 
 columns, antae, architrave, and ceiling, finds that 
 they accord exactly with the pieces of the frize 
 in the British Museum, and with the dimension 
 of fifteen French feet by eight or nine, ascribed 
 to the temple by Spon and Wheler, upon the 
 supposition that the entire temple consisted of 
 two columns in antis, without any cell 1 . 
 
 .£ 
 
 1 In order to convert such a temple into a powder maga- 
 zine, as the travellers found it, its front must have been 
 walled up. 
 
204 TEMPLE OF VICTORY. 
 
 That such, indeed, was its construction, may 
 be strongly argued from Spon, who says that 
 there was a frize of small figures in front of the 
 temple, and another behind. Now, as the length 
 of one pair of marbles in the British Museum is 
 twelve feet two inches, and that of the other 
 thirteen feet five inches, it is evident that they 
 could not have occupied the short dimensions 
 of the temple ; consequently one of the long 
 dimensions must have been the front intended 
 by Spon, and the other the back. As to the 
 difference between the length of the temple 
 (fifteen feet) and the length of either pair of 
 marbles, it was evidently occupied by the stones 
 at the angles of the frize 1 , which were probably 
 unadorned with figures, as the frize at each end 
 of the temple also appears, from the words of 
 Spon and Wheler, to have been. 
 
 It maybe objected, perhaps, to the preceding 
 opinions upon the situation of the temple of 
 Victory, and of the Pinacotheca, that if the 
 words of Pausanias prove the latter to have been 
 the northern wing of the Propylaea, we must, 
 in consistency, infer from the same authority, 
 that the southern wing was the temple of Vic- 
 
 « This is confirmed by an examination of the four marbles 
 in the British Museum, none of which could have been at any 
 of the angles of the building. 
 
TEMPLE OF VICTORY. 205 
 
 tory; and that otherwise Pausanias omits all 
 mention of that wing. Whether such an ob- 
 jection counterbalances the arguments which 
 have been stated for a contrary opinion, can 
 only be left to the reader's judgment; for it 
 must be confessed that no other reply to 
 them can easily be found than the remark, 
 that the style of Pausanias is often ambiguous, 
 and deficient in perspicuity ; that he affects a 
 brevity not at all favourable to topographical 
 accuracy ; that he is generally satisfied with 
 a vague indication of positions, which is the 
 cause of much obscurity to us, though it may 
 not have been so when the objects were in 
 existence, and familiar to his readers ; and 
 that he may easily be supposed to have passed 
 over the southern wing of the Propylsea unno- 
 ticed, if, as is most probable, it was merely 
 used as a place of arms, or of shelter, for the 
 use of the persons entrusted with the custody 
 of the gates 1 . 
 
 1 Chandler is singularly unfortunate in his remarks upon 
 the Propylsea, having misapprehended his predecessors, 
 Spon and Wheler, in almost every particular. Intending 
 to follow their information, he observes, that the northern 
 wing (which he supposes to have been the temple of Vic- 
 tory) was blown up about the year 1656; Spon and Wheler, 
 however, in mentioning this explosion, were not speaking of 
 the northern wing, but of the Propylaeum or great vestibule 
 
206 EQUESTRIAN STATUES. 
 
 Pedestal of On the steepest part of the ascent towards 
 
 Agrippa. • . * 
 
 the Propylaea, in a line with the upper Turkish 
 battery, we find, advanced seventeen feet before 
 the south-western angle of the northern wing 
 of the Propylaea, and near forty feet from the 
 great Doric colonnade, a lofty pedestal, fifteen 
 feet square, and twenty- seven high ; its summit 
 being of such a height, that the top of a statue, 
 twelve feet in height, would be on a level with 
 the capitals of the great columns. The con- 
 
 itself. The small Ionic temple, not the southern wing of the 
 Propylaea, as Chandler imagined, then became the magazine, 
 in which state Spon and Wheler found it in l6/d. Again, 
 Chandler conceived that the columns of the small Ionic 
 temple and its frize, representing the battle of the Greeks 
 and Persians (he calls them Amazons, and takes no notice 
 of the battle of Greeks against Greeks), belonged to the 
 southern wing of the Propylaea, which is in direct contradic- 
 tion to Spon and Wheler, who clearly describe both the frize 
 and columns as belonging to the small detached temple, which 
 was on their right hand in entering the citadel. Chandler 
 then remarks, that the pediment of the northern wing was 
 standing in 1676; whereas Spon and Wheler only say, that 
 the pediment of the Propylaeum itself was then standing. 
 Lastly, instead of trusting to his own eyes, he copies Wheler's 
 mistake, of supposing the front of the Propylaeum to have 
 consisted of four Doric columns instead of six, and its roof 
 to have been supported by four Ionic columns instead of 
 six : and he adds a new error of his own, namely, that the 
 columns of the pronaos of the northern wing were Ionic 
 instead of Doric 
 
EQUESTRIAN STATUES. 207 
 
 struction and form of this pedestal prove it 
 to have been of Roman times ; an inscription 
 under the cornice shows that it formerly sup- 
 ported a statue in honour of Marcus Agrippa, 
 as a benefactor of the people of Athens 1 ; and 
 its height and dimensions are such as were 
 suited only to a statue which was colossal or 
 equestrian. It is further remarkable, that the 
 pedestal did not stand parallel to the front of 
 the Propylaea, but that it had its south-western 
 angle thrown a little back, undoubtedly for the 
 purpose of more advantageously exhibiting to 
 those who ascended the hill, the statue which 
 stood upon it. This circumstance, combined 
 with that of the position of the pedestal, in 
 front of one of the wings of the Propylgea, and 
 with the remark of Pausanias, regarding the 
 ornamental effect of two equestrian statues, 
 which he mentions as standing at or near the 
 same edifice 2 , leads directly to the inference 
 that there was another pedestal similarly placed 
 before the southern wing, and that the statues 
 which stood upon these two pedestals were the 
 two equestrian statues of which he speaks. As 
 the inscription upon the existing pedestal shows 
 Agrippa to have been in his third consulship, it 
 may reasonably be conjectured, that the southern 
 
 1 *bv kxvtou (scil. tov Atj'^od) eJs^/fVijv, and not T. Kalov e. 
 as Chandler read it. 
 
 a tag (xhj/ ovv s'lKovag ?cuv liritecvv qvk lyw <ra,(puj$ ztosw,srts ol 
 f(a.iSs( e)<ny ols.svofujvros Bits eset'n'pe'iteia.vTfgroiyjpsva;. Af.c.22. 
 
208 EQUESTRIAN STATUES. 
 
 pedestal supported a statue of Caius Caesar 
 Oetavianus, who was the colleague of Agrippa 
 iu his third consulship, and who had arrived in 
 that year at such a height of power, that he 
 was made consul for the seventh time, and was 
 dignified with the title of Augustus. 
 
 The remarkahle expression of Pausanias, that 
 he was doubtful whether these statues were in- 
 tended for the sons of Xenophon, or merely 
 for ornament, when their intention must have 
 been so notorious, from the recency of their 
 history, as well as from the inscriptions upon 
 their pedestals, was probably a consequence of 
 that fear of giving offence, which in several in- 
 stances has caused him to use obscure lan- 
 guage, when examples occurred of Roman bar- 
 barism, or Grecian baseness 1 . Thus he avoids 
 
 1 Dion Chrysostom, in his Rhodiac oration, exposes, in a 
 forcible and even ludicrous manner, the custom common 
 among the Rhodians, of altering the names of the statues 
 with which that city abounded, and he gives some instances 
 of the same practice among the Athenians. At Athens it 
 had existed long before the time of Chrysostom j there 
 the colossal statues of Attalus and Eumenes had been in- 
 scribed to M. Antonius (Plutarch, Paral. in M. Ant.) ; and 
 Cicero alludes to it as a common custom, in a letter to his 
 friend Atticus, wherein he expresses his wish of having a 
 statue erected to him by the Athenians. Equidem valde 
 ipsas Athenas amo : volo esse aliquod monimentum : odi 
 falsas inscriptiones statuarum alienarum. (L. 6. ep. 1.) 
 We can hardly doubt that this contemptible practice ori- 
 ginated among the Athenians, whose meanness and base flat- 
 
PARTHENON. 209 
 
 acquainting us to whom it was that an inscrip- 
 tion had been placed upon the statue of Nep- 
 tune, near the Peiraic gate, and conceals the 
 names of the persons to whom the statues of 
 Miltiades and Themistocles in the Prytaneium 
 had been newly dedicated. The statues of the 
 sons of Xenophon may, in like manner, have 
 been placed upon two new pedestals, con- 
 structed for the purpose, and thus converted 
 into statues of Augustus and Agrippa. In the 
 Propyleeum of the New Agora (which was 
 erected out of the donations of Augustus, 
 which was adorned with a statue of Julia, 
 and surmounted by another of Lucius, son of 
 Agrippa, and grandson of Augustus), we have 
 already seen other instances, although posterior 
 in date, of the beneficence of Augustus to- 
 wards the Athenians, and of their gratitude or 
 flattery towards his family. 
 
 The Parthenon, or great temple of Minerva, Parthenon, 
 stood upon the highest platform of the Acro- 
 polis, which was so far elevated above its west- 
 ern entrance, that the pavement of the peristyle 
 of the Parthenon was upon the same level as 
 the capitals of the columns of the eastern por- 
 tico of the Propylaea. 
 
 The Parthenon was constructed entirely of 
 
 tery was not less followed by the rest of Greece, than their 
 example in learning, art, and every elegant invention had 
 been in better times. 
 
£10 PARTHENON. 
 
 white marble, from Mount Pentelicum. It con- 
 sisted of a cell, surrounded with a peristyle, 
 which had eight Doric columns in the fronts, 
 and seventeen in the sides. These forty-six 
 columns were six feet two inches in diameter at 
 the base, and thirty-four feet in height, standing 
 upon a pavement, to which there was an ascent 
 of three steps. The total height of the temple 
 above its platform was about sixty-five feet. 
 Within the peristyle, at either end, there was 
 an interior range of six columns, of five feet 
 and a half in diameter, standing before the 
 end of the cell, and forming a vestibule to 
 its dooi : there was an ascent of two steps 
 into these vestibules from the peristyle. The 
 cellj which was sixty-two feet and a half broad 
 within, was divided into two unequal chambers, 
 of which the western was forty-three feet ten 
 inches long, and the eastern ninety-eight feet 
 seven inches. The ceiling of the former 
 was supported by four columns, of about 
 four feet in diameter, and that of the latter 
 by sixteen columns, of about three feet 1 . It 
 is not known of what order were the interior 
 
 1 The number of the columns in either chamber ha9 been 
 recently ascertained by Mr. Cockerell, by means of the con- 
 struction of the pavement, and by the trace of one of the 
 columns in either chamber. Their diameters have been 
 inferred from the same traces. 
 
PARTHENON. 211 
 
 columns of either chamber. Those of the western 
 having been thirty-six feet in height, their pro- 
 portion must have been nearly the same as that 
 of the Ionic columns of the vestibule of the 
 Propylsea; whence it seems highly probable 
 that the same order was used in the interior 
 of both these cotemporary buildings. In the 
 eastern chamber of the Parthenon the smallness 
 of the diameter of the columns leaves little 
 doubt that there was an upper range, as in the 
 temples of Paestum and iEgina. It is to be 
 lamented that no remains of any of them have 
 been found, as they might have presented some 
 new proofs of the taste and invention of the 
 architects of the time of Pericles 1 . 
 
 Such was the simple construction of this 
 magnificent building, which, by its united ex- 
 cellencies of materials 2 , design, and decora- 
 
 1 In the interior of the temple at Phigalia are two new 
 varieties of the Ionic order, one of which, by its helices and 
 leaves of acanthus, must be considered as belonging to the 
 order afterwards called Corinthian. It proves, therefore, 
 that the Corinthian order dates from the age of Pericles. 
 Vitruvius gives the honour of its invention to Callimachus, 
 who lived about that time, and who made the golden lamp 
 and brazen palm-tree in the temple of Minerva Polias. 
 
 3 The beautiful marble with which nature furnished the 
 Athenians, was one of the great concurring causes leading 
 to their unrivalled pre-eminence in architecture and deco- 
 rative sculpture. Admitting as fine a surface, and presenting 
 as beautiful a colour, as ivory, with a still sharper edge, it 
 
 P 2 
 
212 PARTHENON. 
 
 tions, was the most perfect ever executed. Its 
 dimensions of two hundred and twenty-eight 
 feet by a hundred and two, with a height of 
 sixty-six feet to the top of the pediment, were 
 sufficiently great to give an impression of gran- 
 deur and sublimity, which was not disturbed by 
 any obtrusive subdivision of parts, such as is 
 found to diminish the effects of some larger 
 modern buildings, where the same singleness of 
 design is not observed. In the Parthenon, whe- 
 ther viewed at a small or at a great distance, 
 there was nothing to divert the spectator's con- 
 templation, from the simplicity and majesty of 
 mass and outline, which forms the first and most 
 remarkable object of admiration in a Greek tem- 
 ple ; and it was not until the eye was satiated 
 with the contemplation of the entire edifice, 
 that the spectator was tempted to examine the 
 decorations with which this building was so pro- 
 fusely adorned ; for the statues of the pedi- 
 ments, the only decoration which was very con- 
 spicuous by its magnitude and position, being 
 inclosed within frames, which formed an essen- 
 tial part of the design of either front, had no 
 more obtrusive effect than an ornamented ca- 
 pital to a single column. 
 
 was admirably calculated to encourage the successive efforts 
 of artists studying to excel their predecessors in the effects 
 produced. 
 
PARTHENON. 213 
 
 As it was one of the objects of the great 
 statesman, under whose directing genius the 
 Parthenon rose, to furnish employment in every 
 branch of art to those excellent artists with 
 whom Athens then abounded, it was admirably 
 contrived that the temple should be of a design 
 the best adapted to decorations of sculpture, 
 and that it should be adorned with every species 
 most esteemed among the Greeks. Within the 
 cell was an example of chryselephantine sculp- 
 ture, having but one rival in Greece, and that 
 by the same master ; under the colonnade, and 
 in other parts of the temple, stood statues of 
 bronze ; in the aeti, or pediments, were two 
 compositions near eighty feet in length, each 
 consisting of about twenty entire statues of 
 superhuman size ; under the exterior cornice, 
 in harmony with the projecting features of that 
 part of the building, were ninety-two groups, 
 raised in high relief, from tablets four feet three 
 inches square ; and, lastly, along the outside 
 of the cella and vestibules reigned a frize of 
 three feet four inches in height, and five hun- 
 dred and twenty feet in length, to which a re- 
 lief, slightly raised above the surface of the 
 naked wall, which it crowned, was most ap- 
 plicable. 
 
 That which chiefly excites our wonder in 
 these beautiful works is, that their execution is 
 
214 PARTHENON. 
 
 such as in almost every part to admit of the 
 minutest inspection, although the nearest of 
 them were not seen at a smaller distance than 
 forty feet. We cannot have a stronger proof 
 that considerations of economy entered very 
 little into the calculations of Pericles, and that 
 the Athenian artists aimed at nothing; short of 
 perfection in their productions, and at glory for 
 their highest reward. Having formed the con- 
 ception of a finished and perfect work, Phidias 
 and his scholars could not be contented with any 
 thing short of its execution. Satisfied with its 
 being for a short time submitted to the near 
 inspection of the public, they thought it could 
 receive no higher honour than that of contri- 
 buting to adorn the temple of the protecting 
 goddess, of being consigned to her care, and of 
 becoming the object of a small share of the 
 veneration paid to her. They felt assured 
 that, although the generality of spectators 
 might view it at too great a distance to appre- 
 ciate all its merits, those whose superior taste 
 and knowledge rendered their admiration the 
 chief object of the artist's ambition, would 
 always find the means of obtaining a nearer 
 view j for it cannot be doubted that facilities 
 were given to artists, and to curious na- 
 tives and strangers, to mount to the summit 
 of the temple for the purpose of obtaining a 
 
 
FRIZE OF THE PARTHENON. 215 
 
 close inspection of the pediments, metopes, and 
 frize l . 
 
 The frize which crowned the exterior of the Frize. 
 cell and its two vestibules, represented the pro- 
 cession to the Parthenon on the grand quinquen- 
 nial festival of the Panathenaea. Although this 
 subject has been treated by Phidias in a manner 
 which in many respects is ideal and poetical, 
 there can belittle doubt that, as well in general 
 design as in detail, the composition is correctly 
 descriptive of the procession which actually 
 took place. No part of the work is now at- 
 tached to the temple, except that which is 
 above the western vestibule ; but from the 
 drawings of Carrey, taken before the explosion 
 which ruined the building, added to the designs 
 of Stuart, and to the originals which have been 
 saved from the ruins, and which are now in the 
 British Museum, we derive (although some parts 
 are undoubtedly still wanting) a tolerably correct 
 idea of the entire work. The procession is re- 
 presented as advancing in two parallel columns 
 
 • In the temple of Jupiter at Olympia, which closely re- 
 sembled the Parthenon, both in design and dimensions, there 
 was a winding ascent to the roof (avofog liti tov ogotpov <rxo\td, 
 Pausan. Eliac. Prior, c. 10.) which appears, from the con- 
 text, to have been in the great chamber. Here the situa- 
 tion, best adapted for concealment, was behind the statue. 
 It is not improbable, therefore, that there was a similar wind- 
 ing stair behind the statue in the Parthenon. 
 
216 FRIZE OF THE PARTHENON. 
 
 from west to east, one along the northern and 
 the other along the southern side of the temple ; 
 as facing inwards, after turning the two angles 
 of the eastern front, and as meeting towards the 
 centre of that front. Hence it is evident that 
 all the figures of the southern frize must be re- 
 presented as moving to the spectator's right, and 
 those of the northern side to the spectator's left, 
 and that in the eastern frize those towards the 
 south end face to the spectator's right, and those 
 towards the north end to the spectator's left. 
 
 Near the centre of the eastern frize there are 
 twelve deities, known to be such from their 
 superior stature, and from their being seated 
 upon chairs. Six of these deities face to the 
 south, opposite to the head of the southern co- 
 lumn of the procession : the other six face to 
 the north, and are consequently opposed to the 
 head of the northern column. The former six 
 are separated from the latter by five standing 
 figures, which occupy the centre of the eastern 
 frize, and which are consequently the central 
 figures of the whole composition. They con- 
 sist 1 of the two arrhephori delivering the bas- 
 
 i The reader will not fail to remark, that the explanation 
 of the frize which follows has in great part been adopted 
 from Visconti. In some instances I have ventured to differ 
 from him. Even with the sanction of his name, however, 
 these remarks must only be regarded as opinions, several of 
 
FRIZE OF THE PARTHENON. 217 
 
 kets of unknown contents 1 to the priestess of 
 Minerva, next to whom the second archon, or 
 gao-ixeug, or king of the divine rites, receives 
 the peplus, or sacred veil, from the hands of 
 a young man 2 . 
 
 There is considerable difficulty in ascer- 
 taining the intention of the Athenian artist as 
 to several of the twelve seated figures. It arises 
 from two circumstances, which apply both to 
 these and to several other figures, as well in the 
 frize as in the metopes and pediments. First, 
 the symbols and attributes which indicated the 
 different deities among the later Greeks and 
 Romans, appear from the sculptures of the Par- 
 thenon to have not been much in use in the 
 Periclean age. To a people so learned in their 
 religion as the Athenians, each deity was suf- 
 ficiently described by the general expression of 
 his countenance, form, and attitude, whereas to 
 us, who are ignorant of the greater part of the 
 Attic mythology and superstitions, such indica- 
 tions are not always sufficient, especially as the 
 heads of many of the figures, according to the 
 
 which may very possibly be controverted when the marbles 
 have been more thoroughly examined. 
 
 1 See Pausan. Attic, c. 27. 
 
 * No. 18 of the British Museum contains these five central 
 figures, together with Jupiter, Juno, and Hebe, to the spec- 
 tator's left, and Hygieia and /Esculapius to the spectator's 
 right. 
 
218 FRIZE OF THE PARTHENON. 
 
 usual practice of the Turks, have been purposely 
 defaced, or their features obliterated. Secondly, 
 many of the attributes and minute details of the 
 figures were expressed by metallic ornaments, of 
 which we see vestiges in numerous round holes 
 visible in many parts of the marbles, and in the 
 remains of bronze fastenings existing in some of 
 those holes. These metallic appendages were, 
 of course, the first things to suffer by the effects 
 of time and spoliation. 
 
 As seven of the deities of the frize are male, 
 and five of them female, it is evident that they 
 did not represent the twelve gods, commonly so 
 called, of whom there were six of either sex. 
 If (as some reasons will hereafter be given for 
 supposing) one of the pediments represented 
 the gods of Greece, according to the earliest 
 state of Grecian mythology, and the other 
 the assembly of Olympus at a later period, it 
 is not improbable that Phidias, either in con- 
 formity with the ceremonies of the Panathenaic 
 festival, or for the sake of varying the subject, 
 may upon the frize have retained only such of 
 the Olympian deities as were more peculiarly 
 the objects of Athenian worship, and that, in 
 place of the others he may have preferred some 
 of the Attic gods, whose temples indicate the 
 veneration in which they were held at Athens, 
 thus introducing yEsculapius, Theseus, Erech- 
 
FRIZE OF THE PARTHENON. 219 
 
 theus, Agraulus, and Pandrosus, in place of 
 some of the twelve gods of Olympus. 
 
 Following this supposition, and thinking it 
 very probable that Minerva, the chief deity of 
 the temple, may have been omitted in this sub- 
 ordinate part of the work, I am inclined to be- 
 lieve that the six deities facing to the south or 
 to the spectator's left were, 1. Jupiter ; 2. Juno, 
 raising her veil, and having her daughter Hebe 
 standing beside her 1 ; 3. Mars in repose, the end 
 of his spear appearing at his heel 2 ; 4. Ceres 
 
 1 Instead of Juno and Hebe, Visconti has named these 
 figures Minerva and the winged Victory. But the veil is 
 the usual attribute of Juno, seldom or never of Minerva ; 
 which circumstance, together with the situation of the god- 
 dess by the side of Jupiter, seems to leave little doubt of its 
 being Juno. Among other examples of the association of 
 Hebe with Juno may be mentioned that of the Heraeum, 
 near Mycenae, the most celebrated temple of Juno in Greece. 
 Here Pausanias (Corinth, c. 17.) describes a statue of Hebe 
 as standing by the sitting statue of Juno. Visconti seems 
 to have been misled by mistaking the veil of Hebe, which 
 she holds up with her left arm, for a wing : whence sup- 
 posing that a winged figure could be no other than Victory, 
 he concluded that the sitting figure near it must be Minerva. 
 If there was a wing, what was the left arm doing * it cannot 
 be supposed that the arm was either resting upon the wing 
 or supporting it. 
 
 2 Visconti supposed this to be Triptolemus, though he has 
 recognised the exact posture of the figure in a Mars of the 
 Villa Ludovisi : the remains of the spear he seems not to 
 have observed.— Memoire, p. 54. 
 
220 FRIZE OF THE PARTHENON. 
 
 holding a torch j 5. Triptolemus, whose inti- 
 macy with Ceres is indicated by the position 
 of the two figures j and, 6. Mercury bearing the 
 petasus in his hand 1 : the posture of the fingers, 
 and a hole between the finger and thumb, seem 
 strongly to shew that formerly there was also 
 a caduceus of bronze in Mercury's hand. 
 
 Of the six deities who face to the north, 
 or to the spectator's right, two only are in the 
 British Museum ; these Visconti supposes, with 
 great appearance of truth, to be Hygieia con- 
 versing with iEsculapius, who rests upon his 
 staff 2 . Of the other four it is difficult to judge, 
 
 i The fifth and sixth figures were supposed by Visconti 
 to be the Dioscuri; but independently of the petasus of 
 Mercury, which Visconti could hardly have failed to re- 
 mark, (though he does not mention it,) the two figures are 
 obviously of different ages, which would not have been the 
 case with the twin brothers. Enough of the head of the 
 fifth figure remains to distinguish that it was bearded, and 
 the body is broader and more muscular than that of the 
 sixth. It may be asked, perhaps, why that appearance of 
 familiarity between Triptolemus and Mercury, indicated by 
 the former leaning upon the shoulders of the latter ? If we 
 were better acquainted with the Eleusinian mysteries we 
 might perhaps be able to answer that question. Pausanias, 
 speaking of Triptolemus, (Attic, c. 14.) suddenly leaves us 
 in the dark, by telling us that he had been warned by a 
 dream to say no more upon the subject. 
 
 • I am rather at a loss to discover the snake of Hygieia, 
 which Visconti adduces as a proof. There is indeed some- 
 
FRIZE OF THE PARTHENON. 221 
 
 as we possess only the designs of them by Car- 
 rey. I am unable therefore to substitute any 
 more plausible conjecture to that of Visconti, 
 who supposed that they represent Neptune, 
 his son Theseus, Agraulus, and Pandrosus, and 
 that the boy standing by the last is the young 
 Erechtheus. 
 
 Before the six deities facing to the south 
 stand six magistrates, who appear to be con- 
 versing with one another, and one of whom is 
 leaning upon a staff 1 . The procession is opened 
 by young women, some of whom bear instru- 
 ments shaped like trumpets, others vases 2 ; and 
 the five last appear, from Carrey's drawings, to 
 have borne large circular paterae. The proces- 
 sion of young women continues to the south- 
 east angle, with the exception of the last figure, 
 which is a magistrate 3 looking round on the 
 part of the procession which follows him. He 
 is interposed between the end of the procession 
 
 thing upon her left arm that may be taken for it : it must, 
 however, have been not such a serpent as usually accom- 
 panies Hygieia, but little better than a worm. 
 
 1 No. 17 of the Elgin collection contains Mars, Ceres, 
 Triptolemus, Mercury, and four of the magistrates : the 
 other four magistrates are in No. 16. 
 
 4 No. 16, 15, of the Elgin collection. 
 
 3 A single figure at the end of No, 62, on the other face 
 of which stone are the victims. 
 
222 PRIZE OF THE PARTHENON. 
 
 of females and the beginning of that of the sacri- 
 ficial oxen, which opens at the eastern extremity 
 of the southern side of the temple. Some of 
 these victims are proceeding quietly, others 
 are struggling against the utmost efforts of the 
 men on foot, in long loose dresses, who accom- 
 pany them *. Next to these, as it appears from 
 the drawings of Carrey, were four women bear- 
 ing square instruments 2 ; and then a crowd of 
 men of various ages, who are followed by cars. 
 Of the eight cars designed by Carrey, fragments 
 of four are in the Elgin collection 3 ; they are 
 drawn by four horses j in the two best preserved 
 the car is mounted by two men, of whom the one 
 on the right holds the reins, while that on the 
 left bears a shield. Men on foot walk by the 
 sides of the horses ; a young warrior with a 
 shield walks on the right-hand side of one of 
 the cars. The cars were followed by horsemen 4 , 
 who extended, as it appears from the drawings of 
 Carrey, as far as the south-western angle, where 
 the last horseman is accompanied by a man on 
 
 1 No. 62, 61, 60, 59, 58, 57, of the Elgin collection. 
 
 • Supposed by Visconti to be the Slippoi, or folding chairs, 
 curried by the women of the juirooco*, or sojourners, for the 
 wives of the Athenian citizens. 
 
 3 No. 56,55, 54,53. 
 
 4 Of this part of the procession there are about seventy 
 feet in the Elgin collection, from No. 40 to No. 52 inclusive. 
 
FRIZE OF THE PARTHENON. 223 
 
 foot. With the exception of a few, who are 
 covered with a cuirass sitting close to the body, 
 all the horsemen are more or less clothed with a 
 loose drapery ; some of them have a close helmet; 
 but the greater part are bareheaded. In Car- 
 rey's drawings several are represented with the 
 broad-brimmed, low-crowned hat, called the 
 Arcadian pilus 1 ; but none of these are in the 
 Elgin collection. 
 
 Before the six deities 2 facing to the north 
 stand six magistrates, as on the other side : four 
 of them are leaning upon staffs. A seventh 
 magistrate faces, and appears to give directions 
 to the two leading figures of a procession of 
 young women, between whom and the next two 
 females is an eighth magistrate, facing and ap- 
 parently employed like the seventh. A fifth 
 woman walks singly, and has a vase in her 
 hand 3 j the seventh has a candelabrum; then 
 follow two singly with vases, and two singly 
 
 1 Visconti calls it the Thessalian pileus ; but the following 
 passage in Philostratus venders it probable that the Athe- 
 nians called it an Arcadian hat; lithtt} o 'H/5u;'% 'Apxdfo 
 ntlXu) fr^v KEipaAijv entja'&yy w$ h wptx, Upovs s)u>Qst 'A8yvy<riv. 
 
 Philostr. in Herod. 
 
 9 The Neptune, Theseus, Agraulus, Pandrosus and Erech- 
 theus, are only to be seen in Carrey's drawings ; the seven 
 magistrates are in No. 19, 20, of the Elgin collection. 
 
 3 From Carrey's drawings. 
 
224 FRIZE OF THE PARTHENON. 
 
 with patera? 1 , beyond whom two others 2 ter- 
 minated the eastern end of the frize at the north- 
 east angle. The north side, like the south, 
 began with victims 3 , which are followed by the 
 vxawfopn or metaeci, bearing trays filled with 
 loaves of bread and other offerings 4 : after these 
 came three men bearing skins of wine on their 
 shoulders ; four 5 players on the flute, by the 
 side of the first of whom was a boy leading a 
 hog ; then four players on the lyre, after whom 
 was a crowd of men of different ages on foot 6 . 
 These are followed by cars similar to those on 
 the south side 7 . From hence to the extremity 
 of the northern side is a procession of men 
 
 1 No. 21 of the Elgin collection. 
 
 2 Carrey's drawings. 
 
 3 Carrey's drawings. 
 
 * One of these and part of a second are in No. 22 of the 
 Elgin collection. 
 
 5 Visconti says three, but Carrey's drawings, which are 
 now the only authority, clearly indicate four. 
 
 6 Carrey's drawings. 
 
 * Carrey drew five cars, fragments of all which are in the 
 British Museum, in No. 23, 24, 34, 35, of the Elgin collec- 
 tion; one of them is mounted b}' a } r oung person alone, 
 whom Visconti supposed to have been intended for a per- 
 sonification of Victory. These cars, like those belonging to 
 the southern frize, arc all quadriga;. Visconti therefore was 
 mistaken in describing some of them as drawn by two and 
 others by three horses. 
 
FRIZE OF THE PARTHENON. 225 
 
 on horseback 1 , with the same admirable va- 
 riety of action, costume, and drapery displayed 
 in the horsemen of the southern frize. Among 
 the last figures are two dismounted horsemen, 
 the last of whom is followed by a boy on foot, 
 who is the last figure at the north-west angle. 
 The procession of the horsemen at the western- 
 extremity of the south-side, ended in like man- 
 ner with the figure of a man on foot. 
 
 On the western frize the figures face to the 
 north, or spectator's left, so that this part must 
 be considered as a continuation of the northern 
 column of the procession. Like the adjoining 
 end of the northern side, it is formed in part of 
 dismounted horsemen, and was undoubtedly in- 
 tended to represent the rear of the procession, 
 where the individuals had not yet fallen into 
 their ranks. Some are represented as drawing 
 on their buskins, others as adjusting their bri- 
 dles ; others are just about to mount their horses, 
 while some are contending with their horses, 
 which are endeavouring to escape. A magis- 
 trate 2 at the north-west angle appears to super- 
 
 1 Nos. 25, 26, 17, 28, 29, 30, 31, 35, 36, 37, 38, 32, 33, 
 of the Elgin collection. One of the horsemen, on Nt». 32, 
 has an Arcadian hat hanging over his shoulders. 
 
 2 This figure, being on the return face of the stone, which 
 formed the extremity of the northern side, has been pre- 
 served with that part of the frize, and is in No. 33 of the 
 Elgin collection. 
 
 Q 
 
22(5 METOPES OF THE PARTHENON. 
 
 intend this part of the procession, which ter- 
 minates at the south-west angle, with a man on 
 foot holding up his chlamys. The western frize 
 differs from the others, in having the figures 
 in general more detached from one another. 
 Metope. Of the metopes in the frize of the peristyle, 
 it has already been remarked, that there were 
 ninety-two in all, fourteen on either front, and 
 thirty-two on either flank of the temple. The 
 height of the relief of these works, some parts 
 of which are entirely detached from the tablet, 
 together with their exposed situation rendered 
 them peculiarly liable to injury, from wanton 
 violence and from the effects of weather. The 
 southern side, however, from some cause dif- 
 ficult to explain, escaped better than the others, 
 which appears to have been the reason why 
 Carrey, when the temple was complete, copied 
 all the metopes of this side, and not any of the 
 three others. 
 
 Fifteen of the original metopes of the south- 
 ern side are now in the British Museum, and 
 one in that of Paris. From the circumstance of 
 there being a Centaur in all these metopes, as 
 well as in all those published by Stuart, it has 
 often been supposed that these fabulous mon- 
 sters furnished the subjects of all the metopes 
 of the Parthenon 1 ; but upon examining those 
 
 1 Stuart l:as contributed still farther to this error, by re- 
 presenting Centaurs in the metopes of his restored western 
 
METOPES OF THE PARTHENON. 227 
 
 which still subsist upon the ruined building, it 
 appears that, out of thirty-six, the designs of 
 which are more or less decypherable on the 
 east, north, and west sides, not one contains a 
 Centaur ; so that it is probable, that the Cen- 
 taurs were only on the south side of the temple. 
 Even on that side it is shown by the drawings 
 of Carrey, that nine of the metopes towards the 
 middle did not contain Centaurs, and that of 
 the remaining twenty-three, five (one of which 
 is in the British Museum) represented not a 
 Centauromachia, but a Centaur carrying off a 
 woman ; so instead of the combats of the Cen- 
 taurs having supplied subjects for all the me- 
 topes of the temple, they were represented 
 upon eighteen only out of the ninety-two. On 
 the eastern and western fronts we may still 
 trace remains, more or less perfect, of the 
 greater part of the metopes. On the northern 
 side, the destruction of the central part of the 
 building carried with it all the metopes between 
 the third, (beginning from the east) and the 
 twenty-fourth; and of these intermediate ones 
 w r e have now no records whatever. 
 
 The variety of these works, and the beautiful 
 execution still manifest in every remnant of 
 
 front of the Parthenon, where he could hardly have failed to 
 perceive that they did not exist. 
 
 Q2 
 
228 METOPES OF THE PARTHENON'. 
 
 them, furnish a new and surprising proof of the 
 admirable skill and invention of the Athenian 
 sculptors. It would be equally interesting to 
 the artist and the scholar to discover the inten- 
 tions of Phidias, in the choice and arrangement 
 of the subjects ; but their explanation is very 
 difficult, not less from the total loss of some of 
 the metopes, and from the very imperfect state 
 of others, than from our ignorance of many parts 
 of the mythology of Athens. The Centauro- 
 machias show that the fabulous wars of the Athe- 
 nians supplied a part of the subjects ; it may be 
 presumed that the great actions and inventions 
 of Minerva herself, together with the exploits of 
 the heroes, who immortalized themselves under 
 her influence were also included among them \ 
 The following are the only remarks which these 
 considerations have suggested to me, upon 
 an examination of the drawings of the metopes, 
 made by Carrey, by the artists employed by 
 Lord Elgin and by Mr. Cockerell. 
 
 Those of the eastern front seem to relate to 
 actions of Minerva herself, and of the principal 
 
 » In this light there are fe> great exploits of ancient 
 heroes, that might not form the subject of a metope of the 
 Parthenon, Minerva having been the peculiar protectress of 
 heroic actions ; as such she is often in the ancient designs, 
 or poetical descriptions of them, represented as present. 
 
 
METOPES OF THE PARTHENON. 229 
 
 Athenian heroes, treated nearly in the same 
 manner in which we so often find them deli- 
 neated on the ancient Athenian pottery 1 . 
 
 On the north side, a female figure is seen in 
 most of the metopes of which we have any re- 
 mains. Hence it may be conjectured, that this 
 side related in great part to the war of the 
 Amazones, in like manner as the opposite side 
 of the temple related chiefly to the other great 
 fabulous Athenian contest with the Centaurs 2 . 
 
 On the west front, the seventh and eighth, from 
 
 1 On the east front, beginning from the south, the first me- 
 tope represents a hero, killing a fallen adversary, who has a 
 lion's skin. 2. Hercules and Iolaus contending with the Hydra. 
 3. Another hero subduing his adversary. 4. Minerva Gi- 
 gantophontis (slaying one of the rebel giants.) 5. Minerva, 
 the inventress of chariots for war or racing. (J. Hercules de- 
 livering Theseus from captivity. 7. Minerva taming Pega- 
 sus for Bellerophon. 8. Another victorious hero. Q. Her- 
 cules with the stolen tripod seized by Apollo. 10. Minerva, 
 the inventress of chariots. II. Theseus delivering an Athe- 
 nian from the Minotaur. 12. Minerva Gigantophontfs. 
 13. Another victorious hero. 14. A biga rising from the 
 water ; two fishes near the wheels. The male figures are all 
 either naked or with a loose chlamys suspended upon the 
 arms. In the monomachige one (and sometimes each) of the 
 combatants has a round shield. The women are for the 
 most part draped to the feet. 
 
 2 Of the remaining metopes on the north side, the 26th and 
 30th (from the east) are quite obliterated. The following 
 are most remarkable : the 25th, which represents two females 
 before an altar ; the 29th resembles the ancient designs of 
 
230 METOPES OF THE PARTHENON. 
 
 the southern end, are obliterated ; but it appears 
 from the others, that the subjects throughout 
 were alternately a horseman, with a prostrate 
 pedestrian, and two combatants on foot; the odd 
 numbers (beginning from the south) containing 
 the latter, and the even numbers the horse- 
 men. This symmetry and conformity of sub- 
 ject render it probable that the whole front re- 
 lated to the warlike exploits of the Athenians 1 . 
 It has already been stated that, on the south 
 side, all the metopes had reference to the war 
 with the Centaurs, with the exception of nine 
 towards the centre 2 . 
 
 Bellerophon watering Pegasus ; Bellerophcn was said to have 
 made war upon the Amazones (II. Z. v. 166. — Pind. 01. 13. 
 — Apollod. 1. 2. c. 3.) The last, at the west angle, which 
 is very beautiful and well preserved, represents a woman 
 draped, holding a large veil with both hands, and standing 
 before a draped figure seated upon a rock. 
 
 1 The dress of the vanquished pedestrian in No. 1, and 
 his shield in No. 5, seem to be Persian. 
 
 2 Of these metopes our only memorials are the drawings 
 of Carrey. It does not appear whether he numbered them from 
 the east or the west. No. 13 contains, Two female figures. 
 14. A man holding his chlamys with both hands; a woman, 
 who stands beside him, looks into a box, which is in her left 
 hand, while her right holds the lid : perhaps Erechtheus with 
 Herse, or Agraulus. 15. A draped figure in a biga. 16. A 
 victor about to strike a prostrate enemy. 17. A man; a 
 woman stands behind him, holding something in both hands. 
 18. Two female figures in strong action : a small figure on 
 
METOPES OF THE PARTHENON. 231 
 
 Under each metope of the eastern front are 
 seen quadrangular holes, which, since their 
 formation, have been filled with pieces of mar- 
 ble. Similar excavations are seen also on the 
 western front, but over each column only. As 
 we are informed by Pausanias, that the temple 
 of Jupiter at Olympia was adorned in this part 
 with gilded shields 1 , and that of Delphi with 
 golden shields 2 , and that the tyrant Lachares, 
 when he fled from Athens before Demetrius 
 Poliorcetes, carried away with him, together 
 with a part of the gold of the statue of Mi- 
 nerva, the golden shields in the Acropolis 3 ; 
 it is highly probable this may have been the 
 situation of those golden shields : that the holes 
 in the architrave were made for the reception of 
 the fastenings of the shields, and that they were 
 
 one side. If). Two female figures. 20. One of the Fates 
 unrolls a volume ; the other holds a pair of shears in her right 
 hand. 21. Two women : one of them, naked above, crowns 
 a small statue upon a column, which stands between them. 
 
 1 rov 8e h 'OXvpTrla. vaou rrjg vitsp tlov xidvwv tfepiQsovarrjg 
 ^wvys xoctd ro sxros dtrirlSss e}<r)v Birly^puo-oi, y,ix xa) slxotn 
 
 I dpiQ^ov, CLvaAr^a. <rrpa.rr j yov Vvopaluiv Moju-p'ou. — Pausan. 
 Eliac. Prior, c. 10. 
 
 2 OTtka Se sir) rwv stfitrrvXtoov yjAica., 'AQyvahi ph rd; 
 dvirtix; dirb rov k'pyov rov kv MctgctQouvi dLvkfovctv. — Pausan. 
 Phocic. c. 19. 
 
 3 Axydft^ d<nel$ccs i£ dnpoitoXeuj; xaQsXuiv %pv<rds 
 
 xcu ocvro ryjg 'Afyvdg to dyctXpx rov tfegicupsrov dtfoSv'tras xo<r- 
 jxov, &c. — Pausan. Attic, c. 25. 
 
2.32 PEDIMENTS OF THE PARTHENON. 
 
 filled up after the robbery of Lacliares. On the 
 eastern front, there were inscriptions between 
 the shields ; the holes by which the letters of 
 metal were attached, being still apparent in the 
 marble. 
 Pediments. it remains only to speak of those magnificent 
 compositions of statuary which decorated either 
 pediment of the temple. With the exception 
 of two mutilated statues near the northern 
 angle of the western front, none of these are 
 now remaining upon the building. The only 
 evidence, therefore, which we possess to guide 
 us in determining either the general subject of 
 the two compositions, or the personages for 
 whom the several statues were intended, is to 
 be found in a comparison of the existing frag- 
 ments preserved in the British Museum, with 
 the description given of the works themselves, 
 by certain persons who formerly saw them upon 
 the temple. These persons are, 1. Pausanias, 
 who merely states that, at the entrance of the 
 Parthenon, the works in the pediment Q<nov<nv . . 
 av to7g dsTols) related to the birth of Minerva, and 
 that those of the opposite end (oWflg) repre- 
 sented the contest of Neptune and Minerva for 
 the Attic land. 2. Carrey, who designed them 
 for the Marquis de Nointel, in the year 1674. 
 3. Spon and Wheler, who have described them 
 as they existed in the year 1676; that is to say, 
 
PEDIMENTS OF THE PARTHENON. 233 
 
 in the same state in which they were drawn by 
 Carrey. 4. Stuart, who delineated all that re- 
 mained in the year 1759,, 
 
 It might naturally be supposed that Pau- 
 sanias having supplied us with the subject of 
 these works, Carrey having designed them 
 when there were several figures in the eastern 
 pediment, and when the western wanted not 
 much of being complete — that the fragments, 
 moreover, of some of those in the western pedi- 
 ment, together with all those designed by Car- 
 rey in the eastern, being now in the British Mu- 
 seum ; there ought, therefore, to be no great 
 difficulty in explaining them. It unfortunately 
 happens, however, that the drawings of Carrey 
 are so badly executed, that the original cha- 
 racter of many of the figures is quite lost, and 
 that in the eastern pediment all the central and 
 principal figures, upon which the explanation 
 of the entire composition must chiefly depend, 
 were lost before the drawings of Carrey were 
 taken. Hence it is still a matter of doubt in 
 which of the two pediments the contest of Nep- 
 tune and Minerva was represented, and in which 
 of them the birth of Minerva. 
 
 I am aware that this question is supposed by 
 many persons to be decided by the eastern 
 facing of the cell, since it is sufficiently proved, 
 from the position of the twelve deities in the 
 
234 PEDIMENTS OF THE PARTHENON. 
 
 centre of the eastern side of the frize, and from 
 the direction of the two columns of procession 
 towards that point, that the eastern end of the 
 cell was that by which the procession entered, 
 and consequently that the great statue of the 
 goddess faced to the east. We know, indeed, 
 from Plutarch 1 that ancient temples generally 
 had that aspect ; we find it exemplified in all the 
 principal temples existing in Greece, and among 
 them in the temple of Minerva Polias, and it is 
 fully confirmed as to one of the statues in the two 
 temples of Minerva in the Acropolis by a pass- 
 age in Dion Cassius 2 ; whence it can hardly be 
 doubted that both of them had the same eastern 
 aspect. It is evident, therefore, that the larger 
 
 1 Tlpog tw tW lepujy GXeifovtcvv' — Plutarch. Paral.in Numa. 
 It appears that this practice of the time of Numa was after- 
 wards reversed hy the Romans ; for Vitruvius says, " Sig- 
 num quod erit in celli spectet ad vespertinum coeli regionem 
 
 ut qui adierint ad aram spectent ad partem cceli 
 
 orientis et simulacrum, quod erit in a?de." — Vitruv. 1. 4. c. 5. 
 
 In Greece there were probably many exceptions to 
 eastern fronting among the sanctuaries of the minor deities. 
 The temple of Pandrosus furnishes one example. 
 
 * Where he relates a prodigy which happened at Athens in 
 the reign of Augustus. The statue of Minerva in the Acro- 
 polis, which before faced the east, was found turned towards 
 the west. 
 
 .... rrjs 'AQrjvaf ayaXju,a. . . .tv-ty ctxpoiroXei irpog dva.roKwv 
 l$pv[x.ivov Kp6i re ret; Sutrpas (isrs<rrpd^r t *&) alpa dteitrvvtv. — 
 Dion Cass. I. 54, c. J. 
 
PEDIMENTS OF THE PARTHENON. 236 
 
 or western apartment of the building contained 
 the statue facing to the east, and that the smaller 
 was the opisthodomus 1 , or celebrated treasury, 
 where the valuable offerings and pledges were 
 
 1 Harpocration, Suidas, the scholiast of Aristophanes, and 
 the Etymologicum, leave it doubtful whether the opistho- 
 domus was a portion of the Parthenon or a separate building : 
 but Plutarch is decisive in shewing that it was a part of the 
 temple. He tells us that the Athenians, by an excess of 
 flattery towards Demetrius Poliorcetes, lodged him in the 
 opisthodomus of the Parthenon as a guest of the goddess, 
 and that such was the irregularity of his life, that he was by 
 no means a creditable guest for a virgin to receive in her 
 house. The several authorities just stated are subjoined for 
 the reader's satisfaction. 
 
 'O oIkos o oTturQev rov vbui Tys ' h.Qyjvd$ outw xa.Xel?cu 3 lv iu 
 ditsrlQsvTO ra ^pij/xara. — Harpocrat. in 'OvioSoSo^oi. 
 
 .... pepo$ r» rrjs ' AxpoitoXeujs ru-v 'ASijva/cuv, JV0a yv rJ 
 tapsTov, OTtHrQsv rov rij$ 'Afl^vaj vaov, h iZ aitar'tisvro roL %pi}- 
 para. — Suidas, in 'Oitio-^oh^os. 
 
 'OTfKr&oSoi^os' QTtio-Qe rov yew faitXovs rotyog rrj$ xaXouftevijj 
 HoXidSos 'AQyvas, s^uiv Ov'potv, oitou yv Qy)a-ot,vpo<pv\a.MQv.-— 
 Schol. Aristoph. Plut. v. 1194. 
 
 . . . . rb oirurQev TtoLvrls QMrji^aros' 'Afyvaloi Ss rb raptsiof 
 fwv lepwv xprjpoLrcvv, sits) yv oiTKrQev rov Ispov rys 'ASijvaf.— 
 Etymol. Mag. in 'O7n<r0o£oju,Of. 
 
 . . . .rov yoip QTno-Qo%pov rod Hapfevu/vos difsSsi^av avfuJ xa- 
 raXt/cnv xaxsi Siairav el%£, ry $ 'AQyvas \iyo}x.kvt\$ vitoVayt^am 
 xofi %evl&iv aurov, 00 itavv ■x.oo'^iov %evov ovo' ovg itxpftevip vpawg 
 trra^zvoyra.. — Plutarch. Paral. in Demetr. 
 
 Were it not for the mistake of Minerva Polias for Par- 
 thenon, the expression of the scholiast of Aristophanes would 
 contain a very accurate description of the opisthodomus : 
 
236 PEDIMENTS OF THE PARTHENON. 
 
 deposited, the nature of which is shewn by the 
 inscribed marbles found upon the spot, several 
 of which are now in the British Museum \ 
 
 But although it cannot be doubted that in 
 regard to the statue of the goddess and its 
 worship, and in regard to all the religious cere- 
 monies of the temple, the eastern end of the 
 cell was its front, and the principal, perhaps the 
 only, entrance into the larger chamber ; yet it 
 is very doubtful whether the eastern end of the 
 peristyle was considered the front of the entire 
 building, any more than the western. At either 
 end is a pronaos before a large door, entering 
 into the cell, and we find no distinction what- 
 ever in the external appearance of the fronts. 
 It seems highly probable, therefore, that it was 
 the express intention of Ictinus 2 , that neither 
 
 the words SnrXovg ro~%os oiricQe rov vew, l%wv Qvpav are exactly 
 suited to the western chamber of the cell of ihe Parthenon, 
 the Gupa being the great door which opened into the western 
 vestibule. 
 
 1 One was brought to England by Chandler, and presented 
 to the British Museum by the Society of Dilettanti. This, with 
 two others, were copied at Athens by Chandler, and are pub- 
 lished in the Inscriptiones Antiquae, p. 41. There are some 
 other fragments from tbe opisthodomus in the Elgin collec- 
 tion, which have not yet been published. 
 
 • It appears from the testimony of Strabo and Pausaniai, 
 that Ictinus was the most celebrated architect of his time, 
 and that the Parthenon, the mystic temple of Eleusis, and 
 
PEDIMENTS OF THE PARTHENON. 237 
 
 front should have a superior degree of import- 
 ance over the other : nor is it difficult to account 
 for this intention of the architect ; for if the 
 eastern end was the front in reference to the 
 religion of Athens, the western as facing in the 
 same direction as the Propylaea and entrance of 
 the citadel, and as looking down upon the 
 Agora and Peiraeeus, and towards Corinth and 
 the Isthmus, had a still stronger claim to that 
 distinction. And hence it has arisen that all 
 travellers, as well those before the time of 
 Stuart, who was the first to observe the indica- 
 tions of the eastern fronting of the cell, as those 
 who have followed Stuart without paying par- 
 ticular attention to his remarks upon the sub- 
 ject, have been in the habit of supposing the 
 western pediment to be that which Pausanias 
 
 the temple of Phigalia, were the great monuments of his 
 genius. Plutarch, indeed, is somewhat at variance with 
 these two authorities as to Ictinus. He states the Eleusinian 
 temple to have been the work of Corcebus, Xenocles, and 
 Metagenes, and that the Parthenon was the joint work of 
 Ictinus and Callicrates. But Callicrates was probably only 
 the tyyoXd&Qg, or contractor for the expenses; in which ca- 
 pacity Plutarch tells us that he was employed in the addi- 
 tions made to the Long Walls by Pericles. It appears from 
 Ausonius that in a later age the credit of the Parthenon was 
 given solely to Ictinus. 
 
 in arce Minervae 
 
 Ictinus. Auson. Mosel. v. 308. 
 
238 PEDIMENTS OF THE PARTHENON. 
 
 meant by the words kvm<r»—h tolg dsrols, and the 
 eastern pediment to be that which he de- 
 signated by the word Sm<rQe. Such, in fact, must 
 naturally be the impression of every spectator 
 in reference to the fronting of the Propylaea, and 
 to the position of the Acropolis with regard 
 to the surrounding scenery, and such therefore 
 was, in all probability, the idea of Pausanias 
 himself; for it is almost unnecessary to repeat, 
 that Pausanias seldom viewed or pretended to 
 describe the buildings or works of art in Greece 
 as an artist or an architect, but chiefly as a 
 mythologist ; so that in speaking of buildings, 
 monuments, and even of the situations of 
 places, the vulgar and obvious meaning is ge- 
 nerally to be attached to his words, and not 
 the refined and technical. 
 
 If his word fairfe appears improper as applied 
 to that front of the exterior temple which co- 
 vered the approach to the great statue, the 
 words h to7$ derols, on the other hand, seem, in 
 the manner in which Pausanias employs them, 
 strongly to mark that he intended to designate 
 by them the western pediment. This will ap- 
 pear from the following considerations. 
 
 It cannot be doubted that Pausanias, in his 
 description of the Acropolis, adopted some par- 
 ticular order in mentioning the several monu- 
 ments. What this order is appears from the rela- 
 
PEDIMENTS OF THE PARTHENON. 239 
 
 tive situations of the Parthenon, Erechtheium, 
 and four other monuments, which no longer 
 exist, but the positions of which are known from 
 a comparison of other authorities with that of 
 Pausanias. These monuments are, 1 . The sta- 
 tue of Jupiter Polieus. 2. The Gigantomachia, 
 or battle of the gods and giants, on the south- 
 ern wall. 3. The brazen statue of Minerva, by 
 Phidias, dedicated from the tenth of the spoils 
 of Marathon, 4. The brazen chariot with four 
 horses, dedicated from the tenth of the spoils 
 of the battle of Chalcis. 
 
 1. The statue of Jupiter Polieus, which is 
 mentioned by Pausanias as being the last among 
 those occurring between the Propylaea and Par- 
 thenon, is evidently the Jupiter mentioned in 
 the comedy 1 as standing near the Opisthodomus 
 
 1 KAPIflN. 'l^uo-o'jOtecrQ' ovv avrlx." 
 
 Tov UXootov, obitsp itpotspov tjv l5pvpsvo$ (oZgu^), 
 
 Tov QTti<r§o§<HJ<oy ds) <puXd,ttuv rys ©goo. 
 
 Aristoph. Plut. v. 1192. 
 That this Jupiter was one of the most important among 
 the Athenian idols is evident, as well from his epithet of 
 Polieus as from the antiquity of his worship, his festival of 
 Diipolia (for which see Meursius Graec. Fereat. in Bou<poy/a 
 and AjiVroX.), and the remarkable ceremony at his altar, 
 twice recorded by Pausanias (Attic, c. 24. 28.) It may be 
 objected, perhaps, that in a preceding verse of Aristophanes 
 (v. 1 190) this Jupiter is calledSoter, and not Polieus ; but Soter 
 was an epithet applied occasionally to all Jupiters : thus the 
 Jupiter Eleutherius of the Cerameicus was also denominated 
 Soter (see Section I.) and the orator Lycurgus applies the 
 
240 PEDIMENTS OF THE PARTHENON. 
 
 of Minerva, and whom Cario proposes to re- 
 move for the purpose of setting up Pluto in 
 his place. 
 
 2. The part of the southern wall adorned 
 with the battle of the giants is exactly indicated 
 by Pausanias and by Plutarch. The former 
 states this dedication of Attalus to have been 
 upon the wall Notium 1 , which in another place 2 
 he informs us was near the Dionysiac theatre, 
 and Plutarch 3 mentions that the statue of Bac- 
 chus belonging to the battle of the giants was 
 thrown down by a violent wind, and fell into 
 the theatre. Hence it clearly appears that the 
 Gigantomachia stood upon the top of the wall 
 overhanging the theatre, that is to say, upon 
 the southern wall, towards the eastern end 4 . 
 
 epithet of Soter to Jupiter Polieus at the same time that he 
 
 gives that of Soteira to the Minerva of the Acropolis 
 
 ours ryv 'AnpotoXiv xa* to Itpov too Aiof rov Ywrypos **' rrjf 
 "Aflijva; tyjs Hcvrelpaf ccQopwv xai tpofaSois E<poGijQr). — Lycurg. 
 in Leocrat. p. 148. ed. lteiske. 
 
 1 'Eir) rov Not/ou xakovpsvov re'i^ovs, 6 rrjs dxpoiroteous *S *o 
 Qiarpov b<tti rerpappevov. — Attic, c. 21. 
 
 * Ylpos Ss r<Z rziyzi rep Non'u; Tiyxvrojy, o\ Ktp\ Qpaxrp itori 
 xa) rov 'ItrSju-ov rrjs IlaAAijvijf wxTjcav, rovrwv rov Xeyoptvov 
 iroXei^ov, &c. — Attic. C 25. 
 
 ' Tys 'AQr,vr)<ri Tiya.vropa.yja.s v-no Tfv£V(ioiru}v 6 Aiovvros 
 tKo-slo-Qeis £»; to Uxrpov xarrjvs^Tj. — Plutarch. Paral. in 
 Marc. Anton. 
 
 4 The other three dedications of Attalus, namely, the con- 
 
PEDIMENTS OF THE PARTHENON. 041 
 
 3. The brazen colossus of Minerva, by Phi- 
 dias. From the ancient coin of Athens, pub- 
 lished in the title-page of this volume, com- 
 pared with the testimony of Herodotus and 
 Pausanias, we obtain the most satisfactory evi- 
 dence as to the situation of this colossal statue, 
 which was commonly called Minerva Proma- 
 chus 1 . The coin shows that in a view of the 
 
 test of the Athenians with the Amazons, the battle of Ma- 
 rathon, and the destruction of the Gauls in Mysia, were pro- 
 bably ranged in a similar manner along the top of the Ci- 
 monian wall, so as to reach as far as opposite the Parthenon. 
 
 1 Schol. Demosth. cont. Androt. p. 597. Ed. Reiske. The 
 whole of this note of the Scholiast, descriptive of the three 
 statues of Minerva in the Acropolis, is curious and ac- 
 curate: TlapSevdv va.bg r,v h ty ' ' AxprrfoXei UapQevou 'A0tj- 
 vag, itepieyuov to dyaXp^a trjg Qeov, oitep eitoli)<rsv 6 QeiSlag, 
 av$p~tavtoirXdo-tYjg , ex y^pv^ou xa) kXetpavtog' tpia, yap 
 dydXp^ata yv ev tr, dxcoitoXei trjg 'AQyvag ev 8ia<p6poig toitoig' 
 ev ju,£V £0 dpyrjg yevop,evov e£ eXaidg, oitep exaXeito H.oXidSog 
 'AQyvag, Sid. to avtyg elvai tr]v itoXiv Sevtepov Se to ditb 
 yaXxou pJvou o'nep eitolrjtrav vixrpavteg ol ev MagaQwvi" 
 kxxXelto 8e touto Upop^dyov 'AflijvaV* to tpitov eitoiycravro ex 
 y^pvcrov xai kXe<pavtog dg itXovo~iwtepoi yevojxevoi ditb trjg ev 
 2aAa/xTvt vlxyg, oo~w xou pjel^ojv r] vlxrj' xai exaXeito UapQevou 
 'AQyvug. , 
 
 The words itepieyjjov to dyaXp^a trjg ^sov, descriptive of the 
 cell and statue of the Parthenon, seem to be those of an 
 eye-witness ; for comparing the dimensions of the statue, 
 twenty-six cubits in height, standing upon a base, not less 
 than twenty feet square and eight feet high, with the 
 height and breadth of the cell, it is evident that the cell must 
 
 It 
 
242 PEDIMENTS OF THE PARTHENON. 
 
 northern side of the Acropolis the statue ap- 
 peared between the Parthenon and Propylaea ; 
 and, as the words of Pausanias indicate that it 
 stood near the brazen quadriga, dedicated from 
 the spoils of Chalcis, which, according to He- 
 rodotus 1 , was on the left hand of the traveller 
 
 have had the appearance, to a spectator at the door, of a mere 
 case to contain the statue, thus adding to the impression of 
 grandeur made by so colossal a figure. I do not presume to 
 enter into the great architectural question of the formation 
 of the roof, which involves other inquiries respecting the 
 position of the statue ; but as the situation and diameter of 
 the column, of which traces are left on the pavement of the 
 eastern chamber, appear to be in perfect agreement with 
 the account given by Pausanias of the chamber in which was 
 the statue of Jupiter at Olympia, his words descriptive of the 
 interior of that rival and contemporary edifice may with some 
 confidence be applied to the Parthenon. These words are, 
 'EoTTjxaen kvros rou vctou moves' xa< crroa/ re sv$ov vrfepuJoi xa) 
 tfpooSos $i avT'ouy sir) to dya.X\t.d scrti. Upon the whole, there- 
 fore, it seems probable that the central part of the eastern 
 chamber was hypaethral, or open to the sky ; that there were 
 aisles on either side of the hypaethrum, formed by the lower 
 range of columns ; that above these was an upper range 
 of columns forming a portico on either side, as we still 
 see at Paestum ; and that the statue stood towards the 
 western end of the chamber, under a part of it which was 
 roofed. This position of the statue, indeed, has been as- 
 certained by Mr. Cockerell, by indications on the pavement. 
 
 1 . . . .tujv Xvrpcuv rrjv Senaryy dveQyKoiv, •jtoirjo'df/.evot ri^pnt- 
 fov ydfoteov to Se dpio-rspyjs X&pos eo-rrjxs itpvotov hn&vri Is rd 
 UpvnvXata, fa Iv ty dxpototei. — Herodot. 1. 5. c 77. 
 
PEDIMENTS OF THE PARTHENON. 243 
 
 as he entered the Acropolis through the Pro- 
 pylaea, it appears evident that the Minerva 
 Promachus must have occupied some part of 
 the space between the Erechtheium and Pro- 
 pylsea, near the Pelasgic, or northern wall 1 . 
 
 Having fixed these four points, we shall find 
 that the position of them all is exactly conform- 
 able with the order of the different objects 
 mentioned in the description of the Acropolis 
 by Pausanias, if we suppose him to have turned 
 to the right immediately after traversing the 
 Propylaea ; to have then advanced directly upon 
 the Parthenon — after passing that building, to 
 have described the objects at the eastern end 
 of the citadel, and to have completed the cir- 
 cuit by returning to the Propylaea along the 
 northern side of the citadel, by the Erechtheium 
 and the statue of Minerva Promachus. To turn 
 to the right, it may be remarked, was the natural 
 course for every person to follow in entering the 
 Acropolis, because it led directly to the princi- 
 
 1 This position of the statue accounts for the remark of 
 Pausanias, that the crest of the helmet and the point of the 
 spear were visible to those who sailed by Sunium towards 
 Athens. He evidently means that, upon first coming in sight 
 of Athens, the extreme summit of the statue was seen over 
 the Parthenon. As the summit of the temple was 70 feet 
 higher than the platform of the statue, the height of the 
 Minerva Promachus must have been upwards of seventy 
 feet ; the pedestal probably about twenty, and the statue 
 fifty-five, or fifteen feet taller than the statue in the Par- 
 thenon. 
 
244 PEDIMENTS OF THE PARTHENON. 
 
 pal monument, the Parthenon : it was also (and 
 this may have been another motive with Pau- 
 sanias for giving the above-mentioned order to 
 his description) the direction of the sacred pro- 
 cession on the Panathenaic festival ; for it can 
 scarcely be doubted, from the frize of the Par- 
 thenon, that the procession, after having arrived 
 in the space which lies between the southern 
 wing of the Propylasa, and the western end of 
 the Parthenon, divided itself into two columns, 
 which, after having marched in parallel lines, 
 along the northern and southern sides of the 
 temple, met in the centre of the eastern end, 
 where those whose duty it was entered the tem- 
 ple, and completed the ceremony. And the fore- 
 going supposition of the direction of the route 
 of Pausanias through the Acropolis is corro- 
 borated by some of the minuter circumstances 
 of his description : for he speaks of the temple 
 of Minerva Polias, which is the eastern division 
 of the Erechtheium, before the Pandrosium, or 
 western ; and he mentions the statue of Mi- 
 nerva Promachus before the brazen chariot, 
 after which monument he notices only two sta- 
 tues before he concludes his description of the 
 Acropolis, thus agreeing with Herodotus, who 
 places the brazen chariot immediately on the 
 left hand of the entrance. 
 
 If such was the regular order observed by 
 Pausanias, it appears perfectly natural that, 
 after having described the different objects con- 
 
PEDIMENTS OF THE PARTHENON. 245 
 
 tained in the space comprehended between the 
 southern wing of the Propylsea and the western 
 end of the Parthenon, he should, after men- 
 tioning the statue of Jupiter Polieus, which was 
 the last of those objects, proceed to speak of 
 the adjacent entrance^ into the Parthenon, and 
 of the pediment above it. The natural con- 
 sequence would be the application of the word 
 oW9e to the opposite end of the temple. 
 
 It would follow from this interpretation of 
 the meaning of Pausanias, that the composition 
 in the western pediment represented the birth 
 of Minerva, and that the contest of Neptune and 
 Minerva for the guardianship of Attica was in 
 the eastern pediment. It remains, therefore, to 
 be inquired, whether those compositions, as far 
 as we are acquainted with them from their re- 
 maining fragments in the British Museum, and 
 from the drawings of Carrey, justify such a 
 supposition by internal evidence. 
 
 There are two circumstances which concur in 
 forbidding the hope of our ever ariving at any 
 certainty in this inquiry : one is, the total want 
 of evidence as to the central figures of the 
 
 1 .... 6 oVo/xa£o'/xsi'0£ IloXtsvs. . . . 'Egdl rov va.lv ov ITa/jfle- 
 ywva o'vojxa^oucnv, ec fovrov ktriouaiv QTtova. Iv ro7$ Ka.\ovpsvoi( 
 dsrolc xenon, itcLvfa, ec rvjv 'k^vac e%e* yevea-iv to\ Ss titivfev 
 r tto<rei$wvoc ntplc 'Afyvctv etrtiv epic uitep Tyjc yrjs. — Pausan. 
 Attic, c. 24. 
 
246 PEDIMENTS OF THE PARTHENON. 
 
 eastern pediment ; the other, the small number 
 and very mutilated state (with one exception) of 
 the fragments which have been saved from the 
 western pediment : so that we depend almost 
 entirely upon the rude drawing of the western 
 pediment by Carrey. Upon a careful examina- 
 tion, however, of this drawing, and of the exist- 
 ing remains of the original statues, I am strongly 
 disposed to think that the subject of the west- 
 ern pediment was the birth of Minerva, or, more 
 properly, the presentation by Jupiter, of Mi- 
 nerva, immediately after her birth, to the as- 
 sembled deities of Olympus. Such was the 
 opinion of Spon and of Wheler : and when it 
 is considered that these are the only travellers 
 who ever saw and described the western pedi- 
 ment in the entire state in which it was de- 
 signed by Carrey, and that Spon in particular 
 was a most able explainer of antiquity, it must 
 be allowed that their opinion is deserving of 
 great consideration'. 
 
 1 It has been objected, that the architectural blunders 
 made by Spon and Wheler, in describing the Parthenon, 
 prove their opinions upon the works of the pediments to be 
 of little value. But it should be considered that there is a 
 wide difference between seizing the meaning of a picture, as 
 this kind of composition may be called, and accurately de- 
 scribing the architecture of a building upon a transient view 
 of it. 
 
PEDIMENTS OF THE PARTHENON. 247 
 
 In consequence of the imperfection of Car- 
 rey's drawings, and the injury which the works 
 had already sustained when that artist designed 
 them, we are unable to distinguish any sym- 
 bols or attributes upon any of the figures ex- 
 cept upon the female figure which stood upon 
 the right of the great male figure in the cen- 
 tre of the pediment. The aegis upon the 
 breast of this statue clearly shows it to be Mi- 
 nerva 1 . This is admitted by those who con- 
 ceive the subject of the western pediment to 
 have been the Contest, but they suppose this 
 figure to represent the goddess, who has just 
 produced the olive tree, while the male figure, 
 which, according to their supposition, was Nep- 
 tune, is striking the ground with his trident, 
 to bring forth the salt spring. But in this case 
 it seems unaccountable that the artist should 
 have given an inferior degree of importance to 
 the victorious goddess, and should have made 
 her defeated rival the largest and most pro- 
 minent figure of the whole work : it is equally 
 difficult to conceive where the olive tree (for 
 we cannot doubt that it made a conspicuous 
 appearance in the composition) could have been 
 
 1 A fragment of this figure, with a part of the aegis, is in 
 the Elgin collection of the British Museum, numbered J5. 
 
248 PEDIMENTS OF THE PARTHENON. 
 
 placed, the two statues being so near to each 
 other : nor is it easy to reconcile the attitude 
 of the male figure ' with the supposed action 
 of Neptune ; for instead of looking towards the 
 ground, which he is supposed to be striking, he 
 turns his head and stretches forth his right arm 
 in the opposite direction, while Minerva, in- 
 stead of being accompanied by any appearance 
 of an olive tree, is stretching out her arm to 
 the chariot, and the train of figures which fill 
 up the pediment as far as the north-west angle. 
 
 I am inclined to believe, therefore, that the 
 subject of this composition was the presenta- 
 tion of Minerva to the assembled divinities ; 
 that the great male figure is Jupiter, in the at- 
 titude of advancing towards the gods, while he 
 turns his face and stretches out his right arm 
 towards his daughter, and that Minerva is, by 
 a similar action, triumphantly pointing to her 
 attendant train. 
 
 As the Athenians considered Minerva to have 
 been the inventress of war-horses and chariots, 
 and usually represented her as accompanied by 
 Victory, we are not surprised at finding a biga 
 
 1 The shoulders of this statue, numbered 64, are in the Bri- 
 tish Museum ; the position of the arms agrees precisely with 
 the drawing of Carrey, and leads us to presume that the atti* 
 tude of thi; whole figure has been correctly given by him. 
 
PEDIMENTS OF THE PARTHENON. 049 
 
 bearing Victory 1 as the first group in her suite: 
 the male figure 2 standing by the side of the cha- 
 riot, in the same situation and attitude wherein 
 an attendant is seen accompanying the chariots 
 represented upon the frize of the Parthenon, 
 is probably Erichthonius, or Erechtheus, who 
 was the irdpetyos 3 , or assistant of Minerva in these 
 great inventions ; or, in other words, the king, 
 in whose reign the Athenians made this great 
 advancement in military art, pomp, and luxury. 
 If we assign to the figures which fill up the 
 rest of this division of the pediment the names 
 of the most renowned individuals of the early 
 
 1 The torso of this statue is numbered 69 in the British 
 
 Museum. 
 
 2 The torso also of this figure is in the British Museum, 
 and is numbered 76. Supposed by Visconti to have been 
 intended for Cecrops. 
 
 3 Aristides, in the Panathenaic oration, after having 
 ascribed to Minerva the invention of letters, laws, and arms, 
 and of chariots, both d^iXXritvpia, and tfoXsyAo-rypicc, adds, 
 xal ^evyvvtriv ev fyfis T-n yrj, Ttpwfos dvQpwTtujv ry^Se fys Qeov 
 Ttdps$po$ dp^a reXeiov trvv Ty 0£a> xal tpalvei itdcri -rtjv reAEnjv 
 'nCitiKTiV.— P. 184. ed. P. Steph. 
 
 Asysrai ydp 'Epi^Qoviov p\v rbv I'rjs feov fpotpipov itgw'tQv 
 dvbp-jkwv dppa. ?eJ£a» 'kitw. — Aristid. Orat. in Jovem. p. 22. 
 
 It seems from Virgil, Georg. 1. 3, v. 113. and from Pliny, 
 1. 7, c. 56, that the Latins ascribed the invention of the biga 
 to somebody else, and of the quadriga only to Erich- 
 thonius ; but it is not probable that the Athenians admitted 
 this. 
 
250 PEDIMENTS OF THE PARTHENON. 
 
 history of Athens', the reclining figure in the 
 angle 2 was probably Theseus reposing after his 
 labours, but raising and advancing his body a 
 little, to behold the great action in the centre 
 of the pediment. Between him and the car of 
 Victory was perhaps the family of the founder 
 of the kingdom of Athens — Cecrops, with his 
 daughters, Pandrosus, Herse, andAgraulus, and 
 his son Erysichthon. These names, in fact, with 
 those of Erechtheus and Theseus, comprise all 
 the chief deified personages of Attic history, 
 and with perfect propriety, therefore, form the 
 retinue of Minerva on the great occasion of her 
 introduction into Olympus. 
 
 To the left of Jupiter there is a vacancy in 
 
 i It may perhaps be thought an anachronism to introduce 
 the kings of Athens at the time of the birth of Minerva; but 
 it may be observed, that to give the gods the power of em- 
 bodying futurity upon the occasion of this great event was 
 perfectly in the spirit of the poetry of ancient sculpture. 
 
 9 Visconti supposed this figure to be a personification 
 of the river Ilissus, starting up to witness the victory of 
 Minerva. His only reason for calling it Ilissus was that in the 
 contest of GSnomaus and Pelops, represented in the pedi- 
 ment of the temple of Jupiter at Olympia, the two rivers of 
 Olympia,Cladeus and Alpheius, were personified in the angles. 
 To give such a reason any validity there should have been 
 a figure similar to the supposed Ilissus in the opposite angle 
 of the pediment of the Parthenon, instead of which we 
 find a reclining female figure. 
 
PEDIMENTS OF THE PARTHENON. 251 
 
 the drawing of Carrey, which indicates that 
 one statue at least was wanting in this part of 
 the composition. In a picture of the birth of 
 Minerva, described by Philostratus 1 , Vulcan 
 was represented bearing the hatchet with 
 which he had just opened the head of Jupiter; 
 his look was expressive of surprise and awe at 
 seeing Minerva armed, while Jupiter contem- 
 plated his daughter in an ecstasy of delight ; 
 and even Juno appeared to regard her with the 
 same pleasure as her own offspring. This descrip- 
 tion agrees so well with the apparent intention 
 of the artist, as to the two remaining central 
 statues of the composition, that it seems highly 
 probable that the missing figure was Vulcan. 
 
 Such is the indistinctness of Carrey's draw- 
 ings, that it is not easy to determine whether 
 the large sitting figure to the spectator's right, 
 which faces the centre of the composition, was a 
 male or a female deity ; but as all the male gods, 
 both in the pediments and frize, are either naked 
 or clothed only on the lower limbs, and as this 
 
 i <^plffov<n rrjv 'AQyvciv, apti I'rjs tov Aib$ xe^aX^ kv oitkoig 
 kxpaysltrav 'H<pixl<rrov jxij%ava7f, ui 6 tfetexvg. . . . xa.) 6 v H<pai<r' 
 fo$ aitopttv aotxev ot'uj ifots rrjv bslv Tt^ocaydyrji'oci, rfpoavciXwrcti 
 yxp auVou fb Ssteap vto t'oiJ ta, offhoc. <rvvEK<pvval o\. 6 Zev$ Ss 
 acrQ/xaiVfj cvv rfiovy xaftditzp {isyuv lit) [A£yd\(u xapitcu ha.' 
 trovijcravrefc a,Q\ov xou rijv iraiSa. i%i<rrops!, fpovwv ftp rdxw. k%\ 
 oiie Tys Hpa,$ rt Sslvov htavQa, yayytis h), u>$ civ si ka) auffjf 
 iytjTro.— rhilost. Icon, in 'A9ijv«; y6vcu. 
 
252 PEDIMENTS OF THE PARTHENON. 
 
 figure has drapery on the bust, it seems rather 
 to have been intended for a goddess. In this 
 case its magnitude and position favour the opi- 
 nion that it was Juno ; for, as to the small figure 
 at its feet, which has the semblance of a dol- 
 phin, and which has been supposed to identify 
 it with Neptune or Amphitrite, it is possibly a 
 mere creature of Carrey's imagination, like the 
 cluster of human heads, which he has repre- 
 sented under the horses of Minerva's car 1 . The 
 standing figure on the right of Juno may pos- 
 sibly be Ceres ; and as it is difficult to suppose 
 that any other than the elder deities of Olympus 
 were introduced into a composition descriptive 
 of the birth of Minerva, the figure next to Juno 
 is probably Latona 2 bearing Apollo and Diana 
 in her arms, behind whom may be Maia with 
 the young Mercury in her lap. The single 
 sitting figure behind Maia may perhaps be 
 Vesta, and the two remaining figures are pro- 
 bably Mars and Venus, these two deities being 
 so often represented as companions upon an- 
 
 1 It has already been remarked, that the gods were dis- 
 tinguished from one another, among the Athenians, more by 
 countenance, attitude, and form, than by symbols. 
 
 " sua quemque Deorum 
 
 Inscribit facies:" 
 
 as Ovid remarks in a passage cited at length in a succeeding 
 note. 
 
 4 A small fragment of this statue is in the British Museum, 
 marked number 73. 
 
PEDIMENTS OF THE PARTHENON. 253 
 
 cient monuments. Their heads are turned to- 
 wards each other as if conversing, while the 
 male figure very naturally points with his right 
 arm towards the central group. 
 
 In endeavouring to fill up the centre of the £ as i em 
 
 ° r Pediment. 
 
 eastern pediment, upon the supposition that its 
 subject was the Contest, we may derive some 
 assistance from Ovid, who, in his fable of the 
 Metamorphosis of Arachne, introduces Minerva 
 embroidering the contest 1 ; and from Apollodo- 
 rus, who, like Ovid, states the contest to have 
 taken place in the presence of Jupiter and the 
 
 1 Cecropia Pallas scopulum Mavortis in arce 
 Pingit et antiquam de terrse nomine litem. 
 Bis sex ccelestes, medio Jove, sedibus altis 
 Augusta gravitate sedent; sua quemque Deonun 
 Inseribit facies. Jovis est regalis imago. 
 Stare Deum pelagi, longoque ferire tridente 
 Aspera saxa facit, medioque e vulnere saxi 
 Exsiluisse ferum quo pignore vindicet urbem. 
 At sibi dat clypeum, dat acutae cuspidis hastani 
 Dat galeam capiti : defenditur aegide pectus. 
 Percussamque sua simulat de cuspide terram 
 Prodere cum baccis fcetum canentis olivae ; 
 Mirarique Deos. Operi victoria finis. 
 
 Ovid, Met. 1. 6, fab. l, v. 70. 
 
 Ovid has here substituted the horse for the salt-spring: 
 this was a common error of the Latins, which was not sup- 
 ported by any Athenian authority. Some persons, however, 
 read f return, instead ofjerum. 
 
2'>i PEDIMENTS OF THE PARTHENON. 
 
 other gods 1 . Jupiter was probably seated on 
 his throne in the centre of the pediment; Mi- 
 nerva standing on one side of him armed, and 
 accompanied by her olive-tree, owl, and ser- 
 pent, and Neptune on the other, bringing forth 
 the salt-spring with a stroke of his trident 2 . 
 As the other figures on either side of the 
 main subject were the deities of Olympus, it 
 is probable that Visconti was right in his con- 
 jectures as to some of them, notwithstanding 
 his persuasion that the eastern pediment re- 
 presented not the contest but the birth; for 
 some of the deities might be equally suitable 
 
 1 . . . ysvojxevvjs Ss tgiSo; d^oiv tts^i TtJ$ yjxipci.s, 'ASijvav xa) 
 Uotrstfuiva. §ix\u<rocs Zev$, k^tocs eScuxev, oJ%, w; slitov riv\; y 
 Kixf/oira, koc) Kpavaov o-jSs 'Ecs^Qex, Qeov$ 8b tov$ SxSsxa.. — 
 Apollod. 1. 3. c. 14. 
 
 2 Qxv&vtujv SI rwv arvaQoKusv knars pwQsy rovte toflj'ou ko.) rou 
 OscWov, vixcL ply 'A9ijva, &c. — Aristid. Orat. Panath. p. 193. 
 The serpent and the owl of Minerva were probably not 
 omitted : we find them both introduced upon a coin of 
 Athens, which represents the contest, published by Stuart, 
 (Antiq. of Ath. vol. 2. p. Id) It is remarkable that there is 
 in the Elgin collection a fragment of a colossal serpent, 
 which certainly belonged to one of the pediments of the Par- 
 thenon. I am much inclined to believe that it was the ser- 
 pent of Minerva from the eastern pediment; for its dimen- 
 sions are exactly similar to those of another fragment in the 
 Elgin collection, which must have belonged to one of the 
 pediments, and which represents the stump of a tree between 
 the two feet of a colossal ligurc, in the attitude usually given 
 f<i Minerva in the Contest. 
 
PEDIMENTS OF THE PARTHENON. 255 
 
 to either subject. He has clearly shown that 
 the horses' heads at the two extremities of the 
 pediment belonged to the cars of the sun and 
 of night 1 : he is probably equally correct in 
 considering the young god 2 reposing upon the 
 skin of a lion as Hercules resting after his la- 
 bours ; nor can it well be doubted that the 
 female figure, moving rapidly away from the 
 centre of the action, is Iris , commissioned to 
 communicate to gods and men, not the news 
 of the birth of Minerva, as Visconti supposed, 
 but the news of Minerva's victory. The two 
 seated figures 4 towards the south side of the pe- 
 diment, I take to be Venus and Peitho ; for we 
 find these two deities similarly represented 
 
 i See Memoire, &c. par E. Q. Visconti, p. 33, 3Q. 
 
 2 Marked 71 in the Elgin collection, and commonl}' called 
 the Theseus. To those who are inclined to think that this 
 figure is Bacchus, reposing upon the skin of a panther, it 
 may he observed, that Bacchus was a deity of too much 
 importance among the Athenians not to have had a place 
 nearer the centre of the composition, whereas the reclining 
 attitude of this figure, and its position near the extremity, 
 seem well suited to a deity, who, at the period of the con- 
 test of Neptune and Minerva, may be supposed to have 
 lately terminated his labours, and to have been recently 
 admitted among the Olympian deities. 
 
 3 See Memoire, &c. p. 38. This figure is numbered 74 in 
 the British Museum. 
 
 4 This is the group marked No. TJ in the British Mu- 
 seum : it was supposed by Visconti to have been intended 
 for Ceres and Proserpine. 
 
256 PEDIMENTS OF THE PARTHENON. 
 
 upon an Athenian vase, where the names are 
 annexed to the figures'. The association of 
 these two goddesses is indeed too well known 
 to require any remark 2 , and it was peculiarly 
 appropriate at Athens, where they were wor- 
 shipped in the same temple 3 . For the latter 
 reason, also, I am inclined to think that the 
 two female figures 4 towards the northern end of 
 the pediment represent Ceres reclining on the 
 lap of her daughter Proserpine. The single 
 female, seated near them 5 , is probably Vesta ; 
 for it is too far removed from the centre of the 
 
 1 This beautiful specimen of Athenian pottery, upon which 
 is delineated the enlevement of Thetis by Peleus in the pre- 
 sence of the gods, was found in an excavation made by 
 Sandford Graham, Esq. M. P., in the ancient cemetery of 
 Athens, on the north side of the city. It lias been engraved 
 for publication in the second volume of Memoirs upon 
 Turkey, edited by the Rev. R. Walpole. 
 
 a Peitho, with the name annexed, is seen attending upon 
 Venus on a monument published by Winkehnan, Monu- 
 menti Inediti, No. 115. At Olympia, on the base of the 
 throne of Jupiter, Peitho was represented crowning Venus 
 (Pausan. Eliac. prior, c. 11). And Horace has coupled 
 these two goddesses in a well-known verse — 
 
 Et bene nummatum decorat Suadela Venus que. 
 
 Horat. Epist. 1. 1, ep. 6, v. 38. 
 
 3 Pausan. Attic, c. 22. 
 
 * Marked No. 63 in the British Museum ; and supposed 
 by Visconti to have been two of the Fates. 
 
 s Marked No. Qy, and supposed by Visconti to have been 
 the third Fate. 
 
 
ERECHTHEIUM. 257 
 
 composition for Juno, and had it been intended 
 for Diana, it would probably have had some 
 marks of the quiver, or of the belt which sup- 
 ported it. 
 
 There remains one other fragment in the 
 British Museum, which has neither been repre- 
 sented in the drawings of Carrey, nor in those 
 of Stuart, having been found upon the floor of 
 the pediment, where it was invisible from be- 
 low 1 . Two deep square holes at the back of the 
 shoulders, for the purpose of attaching some 
 massy appendage, seem to show that it was 
 either a winged Ntaj, attending upon the vic- 
 torious Minerva, or Diana bearing a quiver; 
 for we may suppose either of these deities to 
 have occupied a place towards the centre of the 
 composition, where this fragment was found. 
 The absence of a belt across the breast, such 
 as was necessary for supporting a quiver, and 
 such as is usually represented upon statues of 
 Diana, rather incline one to the belief that it 
 belonged to a Victory. 
 
 The description of the Erechtheium by Pau- Erechtheium. 
 sanias, is a remarkable instance of his want 01 
 method and logical consistency ; and it is only by 
 comparing the testimony of some other authors 
 with the existing ruins of the building, that his 
 
 1 It is the torso marked 72 in the British Museum. 
 
 S 
 
258 ERECHTHEIUM. 
 
 account of it is rendered intelligible. Having 
 first remarked that the Erechtheium was a 
 double building, which had a well of salt water 
 within it, he proceeds to give a description of 
 the temple of Minerva Polias, and then adds 
 some observations upon the sacred olive-tree, in 
 which, although he does not assert that the tree 
 was in the temple of Polias, that impression is 
 inevitably left on the reader's mind. He after- 
 wards describes the temple of Pandrosus as 
 being contiguous to that of Polias, and thus 
 upon the whole he naturally gives rise to the 
 supposition adopted by Stuart, and many other 
 persons, that there were three temples, all of 
 which we expect to find in that compound, 
 irregular, and very beautiful structure which 
 stands to the north of the Parthenon. 
 
 There are three passages however in ancient 
 history, which, when compared with Pausanias 
 and with the existing ruins, sufficiently explain 
 the original intention of the building, and show 
 that it comprehended not three but two temples 
 only. From Herodotus 1 we learn that the 
 temple of Erechtheus contained both the well 
 
 ''Ear* ev rv 'AxfOtfoAj ravTy 'E^e^Sijos rov yyyevios Xeyo- 
 ixevov tlvai vrjOf, ev riZ iXa.\r\ re xa) Qd\a<r<ra, svi' rd Xoyos Tta.% a 
 'Airjvaiuiv [lotreitiiwvd re xai 'A()ijmnjv, If l<rayra.[ ire ft rrjs X^SVf* 
 pocfrufia Qeo-Qai. Hcrodot. 1. 8, c. 55. 
 
ERECHTHEIUM. 259 
 
 and the olive-tree. By two other authors 1 , 
 we are informed that the olive-tree stood in 
 the temple of Pandrosus. The result therefore 
 seems evidently to be that the word Erech- 
 theium, or temple of Erechtheus, so called as 
 having been founded by Erechtheus, otherwise 
 called Erichthonius, and as having been his place 
 of interment, was often applied to the entire 
 building ; that the word was employed in this 
 sense by Pausanias; that the two divisions of the 
 double building were the temples of Polias and 
 of Pandrosus, and that Pausanias had no in- 
 tention of describing the olive-tree as being 
 within that division of the Erechtheium properly 
 called the temple of Polias, although the ar- 
 rangement cf his words appears to bear that 
 meaning. Considerable ambiguity in regard to 
 the edifice has arisen from the circumstance 
 of the entire structure having often been called 
 the temple of Minerva Polias as well as the 
 Erechtheium j a practice not at all surprising, 
 
 1 "Hksv ovv rfgiuros UoastScov sir) rrjv 'Arrixrjv xoCi rtXrfeas rri 
 tfjMuvy xccrd (jAa-T/v ryv 'AjcfoVoAjv dv£<?<yve Qd.*a.<ro~av, yv vvv 
 lEfg^fliji'Ja xccXovcri' psrci $s rourov, rpisv 'A^yjva ko. troirjo-a.[X£vr) 
 rrjs xarac\yj^jsujs KsKooita. pd^rvga, sputsuosv eAai'av, y vuv kv 
 ruJ IIa,vfyo<rijj§sly.vvTa,i. — Apollod.l. 3, c. 14. 
 
 Kucov e)$ rov Trjc TioXidhs vsmv eicrEXQou'tra x.a) Sutra el$ to 
 XlavJ^oViov 'sir) tov £m[aov dvcc,td<r<z rov 'E§ks7ov Aib$ rov vito 
 *i\ l\o.\w Kcx.tey.siro. Philochor. 'ArSiSo; I. g. ap. Dionys. 
 Halicam. in Dinarch. 
 
 s 2 
 
260 TEMPLE OF MINERVA POLIAS. 
 
 when it is considered that the temple of Polias 
 was the most important part of the building ; 
 and that the statue of the goddess here wor- 
 shipped was the most sacred in Attica, and 
 considered to be the peculiar protectress of the 
 citadel. There has been another source of un- 
 certainty in the error, frequent both among 
 ancients and moderns, of confounding Minerva 
 Polias with the Minerva of the Parthenon. 
 
 The words of one of the authors cited in the 
 preceding page show that of the two divisions 
 of the Erechtheium ; the eastern was the temple 
 of Minerva, and the western that of Pandrosus. 
 It is related by Philochorus, that a bitch having 
 entered the temple of Polias, and descended 
 (Svo-cc) into the Pandrosium, there lay down upon 
 the altar of Jupiter Herceius, which was under 
 the olive-tree. Now we find, upon examining 
 the existing ruin, that the hexastyle portico to 
 the east, together with the chamber into which 
 it led, were upon a level eight feet higher than 
 all the remaining part of the building. The 
 latter therefore was the Pandrosium, into which 
 the dog descended ; and the eastern chamber, 
 with its hexastyle front, formed the temple of 
 Minerva Polias. From the words of Pausanias, 
 together with the other authorities relating to 
 this temple', it would seem that before this co- 
 
 1 See Section I. 
 
PANDROSIUM. 261 
 
 lonnade was an altar of Jupiter: that under 
 the colonnade were altars of Neptune and 
 Vulcan ; that on the wall of the same portico 
 were the pictures of the Butadse 1 ; and that 
 within the cell were the Erechtheian salt-well, 
 the wooden statue of Minerva, with the lamp 
 and brazen palm-tree before it, the altar of 
 Oblivion, the sacred serpent, the wooden sta- 
 tue of Hermes, the chair of Dcedalus, and the 
 Persian spoils. 
 
 The Pandrosium consists of two chambers, 
 of which the western is narrow, and opens into 
 a portico at either end. The northern portico 
 is formed of six Ionic columns, four in the front 
 and one on either flank, and it stands not far 
 from the edge of the precipice, at the foot of 
 which was the temenus of Agraulus. I have 
 already remarked that the relative situation of 
 these two sanctuaries appears to accord with 
 the Athenian tale concerning the daughters of 
 Cecrops. While the sanctuary of Agraulus 
 (and perhaps that of Herse also) was in the 
 rocks below, in the situation where they threw 
 themselves over; the temple of Pandrosus, who 
 alone remained faithful to Minerva, was placed 
 
 1 Stuart found, among the ruins of the temple, a marble 
 fragment inscribed, 'hpewg Bqutou. — (Antiq. of Athens, vol. 
 2. p. 16. 22.) 
 
262 PANDROSIUM. 
 
 on the summit of the hill, under the same roof 
 with the goddess j and here it was customary, 
 whenever a heifer was sacrificed to Minerva, to 
 immolate a sheep to Pandrosus 1 . 
 
 The southern portico of the Pandrosium is 
 much smaller than the northern. Instead of 
 columns, its roof is supported by six caryatides, 
 or statues of women in long drapery, one hand 
 supporting a part of the drapery, the other 
 hanging down by the side : these stand upon a 
 podium, or low wall, and are disposed like the 
 columns of the northern portico, that is to say, 
 four in front, and one on either flank. 
 
 As the ground on the outside of the southern 
 portico was on the same level with the pave- 
 ment of the temple of Polias, or eight feet 
 
 1 Philochor. ap. Harpocrat. in 'EiriSoiov. — Meurs. Attic. 
 Lect. I. 3. c. 22. 
 
 Nothing can more strongly show the antiquity of the re- 
 ligious worship attached to this temple, than the allusion to 
 these peculiar sacrifices by Homer in the Catalogue. 
 
 01 $' ag 'Afiijyaf tiyov, Evxripevov 7rroAj£0f ov, 
 Ar,[X,ov 'EgexQrjos [/.eya.XrjT'ogos, ov tor "AMvyj 
 ©f e\>h, Alog Qvydryp, rtxe SI t,iloujco$ "Agovpa. 
 KdSS' ev 'Atyvr<$' eJo~ev, i(u av) tflovi vijur 
 'EvQdSe [uv ravpouri xa.) d^vsiols l\dovrai 
 KotJf oi 'AflrjvaiW, itt^tiKKo}xkvuiv ivioLvrwv. 
 
 Iliad, B. v. 546. 
 
PANDROS1UM. 263 
 
 higher than the pavement of the Pandrosium, 
 it was necessary to form a descent by steps 
 from a door on the eastern flank of the portico, 
 to the door which entered from the portico 
 into the narrow, or western chamber of the 
 Pandrosium, The remains of these two doors, 
 with their intermediate steps, are still in exist- 
 ence ; and as the steps occupy the greater part 
 of the space within the portico, they prove 
 that the portico was nothing more than a stair- 
 case and entrance to the temple, and therefore 
 could not have been, as some persons have sup- 
 posed, a receptacle for the sacred olive. This 
 tree seems rather to have grown in the western 
 or narrow chamber of the Pandrosium, where 
 great pains have evidently been taken for the 
 admission of air and light, through the portico 
 at either end, and through three windows 
 placed in the intervals of four engaged Ionic 
 columns, which adorn the western wall on 
 the outside. Here, therefore, I am inclined to 
 think, grew the tree of Minerva ; the crooked 
 Pancyphus, 1 which was held in such high vene- 
 ration by the Athenians, and which had been 
 burnt but not destroyed by the Persians. 2 
 As to the eastern or interior chamber of the 
 
 1 Hesych. in 'Acrr>j et in Uayxvtpos. 
 
 * Herodot. 1. 8, c 55. Pausan. Attic, c. 27. 
 
264 CECROPIUM. 
 
 Pandrosium, which was contiguous to the cell 
 of Minerva Polias, I am disposed to think with 
 Stuart, that it was the Cecropium. That Ce- 
 crops was buried in this edifice appears to have 
 been the common belief, and upon an in- 
 scribed marble 2 , wherein different parts of this 
 building are specified, we find the Cecropium 
 mentioned in a manner which leaves little 
 doubt of its having been an integral part of the 
 building 3 . 
 
 » 'Ev rev VEcy tyjs 'ASijvaV sv Aa.%\<r<ry (scil. arce Argiva) 
 "?a.<pag i<ruv 'Ak^ktIov, 'AQyvxtri Sh sv 'AkcotToXei Ksxcoiros, ufg 
 f ijenv 'A.vrU'/os sv raJ svvdruj t&v 'ktto^Iwv. — Clem. Alexand. 
 Cohort, ad Gent. p. 13. Ed. Sylburg. 
 
 In historiarum Antiochus nono Athenis in Minervio me- 
 morat Cecropem esse mandatum terra?. 
 
 Arnob. adv. Gent. I. 6. 
 
 Ka) yd§ 'A8r,vr,<nv, tog 'Avrlo'xps Iv rf, lvva.-t*\ yey^a<pev 
 'nrro^la, oivuj y"k Iv ry ' ' Axto-jtoXsi KeKcoiros itrri rafoj irapoi rnv 
 IloAiiJ^ov au'rzv. Theodoret. Therap. 1. 8. 
 
 9 This marble was brought to England by Dr. Chandler, 
 and was presented by the society of Dilettanti to the British 
 Museum. Chandler failed in the reading of several parts of 
 it, and it is only recently that a correct copy and explana- 
 tion of it have been given by Mr. Wilkins in his Athe- 
 niensia, p. 193; and in the Memoirs upon Turkey, edited by 
 the Rev. R. Walpole, p. 580. 
 
 3 The principal parts of the building are described as 
 follows : 
 
 'Eir) rf, ywvla ry ir^os rov Ksk(. sirlou 
 'Ev) too rolyjv nv irr.os roi> YIxvS^otemv 
 
CECROPIUM. 265 
 
 This very curious inscription is the record of 
 a public report, made by a commission, con- 
 
 'Eir) ?ov rot'%ou tov it^og votov or yotov dvepov 
 'Ev ry itgoarrdtrsi fy ifgog fw KsKgoiricv 
 'Ettj ryv tfgo<rru<riv ryjv it^og sou 
 'Ey ty tfgo<rrd<rei ry i?£0$ rou Qvgujy,a,ros, 
 
 Here we are sure, that the *o"ix°$ ° *$'S tm IlavfyotreJou 
 means the western wall of the building, because the in- 
 scription speaks of the four engaged columns (IIII xsipevwv 
 xiovwv) in that wall; because it speaks also of the xpijiris or 
 podium, upon which those columns stood, and of the Eleu- 
 sinian stone which is still seen in the frize above the en- 
 gaged columns. ('0 'EXsvo-iviaxos tiftos, itpos cy rd £wa, 
 srsQy eiii tZv Bitia-tdrxv roiirwv Tcuv xiovwv t'ujv lit\ tou rot^ou 
 ■fou Tfpos rov UccvSpovelov). Upon this zophorus or frize of 
 Eleusinian stone, remains of the iron cramps which served 
 to fix on the t-Za. or figures in relief, are still visible. In 
 like manner we know the irpocrocffis y rfpog nZ KexpoTflw to 
 have been the southern portico of the Cecropium, because 
 mention is afterwards made of the Kopaci, or statues of wo- 
 men, in that portico. With these data it cannot be doubted 
 ako that the itpd<rraari£ y tf§o; eco or eastern portico was the 
 hexastyle pronaos of the temple of Polias ; and that the 
 nfpotr'fatris y itpog rou ftvpuipa.'fos, likewise called ij o-ro'a, was 
 the northern portico of the Pandrosium, which received the 
 former name from its position before that magnificent door 
 which still exists, and the latter name from its superiority 
 to the other porticos in size and depth. Mr. Wilkins, to 
 whose previous remarks I am indebted for what I have 
 added of my own upon this subject, thinks that the Cecro- 
 pium was a monument separate from the Erechtheium ; but, 
 independently of the evidence adduced in the preceding 
 
266 CECROPIUM. 
 
 sisting of two inspectors (iua-a-drai), an architect, 
 and a secretary, who had been appointed by the 
 people of Athens, to take an account of the 
 parts of the building, which were then finished, 
 and of those which remained to be wrought. 
 It is dated in the archonship of Diodes, who 
 held that office in the third year of the ninety- 
 second Olympiad, which was the twenty -third 
 of the Peloponnesian war, or the year before 
 Christ 409. As it appears from Xenophon 1 , that 
 
 page, of Cecrops having been buried within the building, it 
 may be remarked that ifroT^o^ 6 it^os rou Hav$po<ralov, meant 
 the wall of the Pandrosium, the ycov/a irpos rot? Ksxpoiriov 
 being expressed with the same preposition, governing the 
 same case, probably meant the angle of the Cecropium, 
 whence it may be inferred that the Cecropium was an in- 
 tegral part of the building. It is observable that in speaking 
 of the portico of the Caryatides, Kexpoirluj follows irpos in the 
 dative case and not the genitive. This difference of case 
 may have arisen from the circumstance of that portico 
 having been attached to the Cecropium, without immediately 
 leading into it, and without forming an essential part of it, as 
 did the northern portico with l^pect to the northern door. 
 The latter portico, we have already seen, is called irpocrTtuns 
 vpos rou QuptvpaTos in the genitive. 
 
 > Toy $' stiovn erst, wr) treX^vij s^eXiitev ktrTTepas xod 6 TtaXouhf 
 TTJs 'ASyvas veuig sv 'Atyvais Ivsttpr^yi, Tllrios \tkv tyopeuovros, 
 <*PX ovr °S ^ KaXX/ou 'ASjjVymv, oi AaxeSxifiovtot, &c. 
 
 Xenoph. Hellen. 1. i.e. 6. 
 
 It has been asserted (Memoirs on Turkey, edited by the 
 
CECROPIUM. 267 
 
 in the archonship of Callias, three years after 
 that of Diodes, or before Christ 406, the tem- 
 
 Rev. R. Walpole, p. 583), that Xenophon, in this passage, 
 was not speaking of the Ereehtheium, but of the Hecatom- 
 pedum, or old temple of Minerva, which, having been burnt 
 by the Persians, was succeeded by the Parthenon. The 
 supposition is chiefly grounded upon a passage of Pausanias 
 (Phocic. c. 35), wherein he informs us that several ruins of 
 temples burnt by the Persians, and still subsisting in his 
 time, had been purposely left, as memorials of the Persian 
 invasion, kg rov liavta, xpovov rov s^Qovs i'7rojU,vij//>ara : it is sup- 
 posed, therefore, that the Hecatompedum was one of these. 
 But however frequent this custom may have been elsewhere, 
 it is not probable that it was adhered to in the Acropolis of 
 Athens, where the space was so very confined. We know 
 that it was not in the instance of the Ereehtheium, and it 
 is very improbable that so large a building as the Hecatom- 
 pedum should have been built in any other position than 
 that central and advantageous one, which was afterwards 
 occupied by the Parthenon. It may be asked also, how 
 could the Hecatompedum be burnt a second time? If its 
 worship had been transferred to the Parthenon, and it was 
 intended only as a memorial of the Persian invasion, we 
 cannot suppose it was ever repaired, its mere ruins being 
 sufficient to answer every purpose. 
 
 On the other hand, however little of the old Ereehtheium 
 may have survived in the new, it was very natural that, in 
 ordinary discourse, it should be called the old temple of 
 Minerva (o 7raAa<oj vsws rij$ 'AStjv&s), to distinguish it from 
 the Parthenon. Strabo mentions it in the same manner, 
 6 d^ouo; veu>s rij; IloXidSos, h u> o a<r€s<rro$ Air^voj. The 
 inscription, indeed, being an official document, describes it 
 
268 ERECHTHEIUM. 
 
 pie again suffered from a fire, which must have 
 once more left it in an imperfect state, it is pro- 
 bable that the building of which the remains 
 are now seen in the citadel of Athens, was not 
 finally completed until after the Peloponnesian 
 war, perhaps about the year 393 B. C, when the 
 Athenians had so far recovered from the effects 
 of the war, as to re-establish, under the admi- 
 nistration of Conon, their long walls and the 
 walls of Peiraeeus. 
 
 It is evident, from the words of Herodotus, 
 already cited, that the Erechtheium was not to- 
 tally destroyed by the Persians under Xerxes ; 
 for he says, that the king, repenting of having 
 set fire to it, ordered, a few days afterwards, 
 the Athenian exiles who were in his camp to 
 go up to the Acropolis and perform their sa- 
 crifices in the temple : it was upon this occa- 
 sion that they were said to have found that the 
 sacred olive which had been burnt in the 
 temple had made a new sprout of a cubit in 
 length. Herodotus afterwards 1 tells us, in- 
 deed, that Mardonius utterly overthrew every 
 thing which had been spared by Xerxes ; but 
 
 more accurately by the words, yeujs h votei iv w rb dp^alov 
 ayaXpa, " the temple in the citadel, in which was the an- 
 cient statue." 
 1 Herodot. 1. g. c. 13. 
 
ERECHTHEIUM. 269 
 
 as the historian, notwithstanding these strong 
 expressions, speaks of a temple of Erechtheus 
 as still existing in his time, it seems probable 
 that, like the temples of Juno in the Pha- 
 leric road, and of Ceres at Phalerum, some re- 
 mains of the walls of the old Erechtheium had 
 survived the Persian invasion, and having re- 
 ceived some repairs, served for divine worship 
 until the new edifice was begun. When we 
 consider the peculiar form of the building, and 
 that neither the salt well nor olive-tree 1 , nor the 
 tombs of Cecrops and Erechtheus, could easily 
 be moved, it is not only evident that the new 
 Erechtheium must have been built upon the 
 ancient site, and of the same form as the 
 old building, but it becomes highly probable 
 also that it was constructed upon the ancient 
 foundations, with the addition of porticos and 
 other external decorations, the design of which 
 is certainly to be ascribed to that period pre- 
 ceding the Peloponnesian war, when taste and 
 invention were in their meridian among the 
 Athenians, and when they were anxiously en- 
 
 1 Herodotus and Pausanias, who wrote at an interval of 
 six hundred years, and Apollodorus, who lived midway be- 
 tween them, all speak of the sacred olive as of the original 
 tree planted by Minerva. Hence, at least, it is evident that 
 an olive tree always grew upon the same spot in the Erech- 
 theium. 
 
270 
 
 STATUES OF THE ACROPOLIS. 
 
 Statues 
 ot the 
 Acropolis. 
 
 gaged in restoring the temples, which had been 
 destroyed by the Persians. In this beautiful 
 specimen of the Ionic order they seem to have 
 been ambitious of excelling their Asiatic bre- 
 thren in their own peculiar order of architec- 
 ture, by the addition of new and elaborate orna- 
 ments, imagined with the utmost ingenuity and 
 elegance of taste, and executed with a sharp- 
 ness and perfection, which it could hardly have 
 been supposed that marble was capable of re- 
 ceiving. 
 
 From what has already been said respecting 
 the order observed by Pausanias, in his descrip- 
 tion of the several monuments of art in the 
 Acropolis, their general situation may be in- 
 ferred with some degree of accuracy. It may 
 be presumed that, near the Propylaea to the 
 right of the entrance, and opposite to the bra- 
 zen quadriga, was the hierum of Venus Leaena, 
 which contained the brazen lioness, and the 
 statue of Venus, by Calamis. Between this 
 sanctuary and that of Diana Brauronia stood the 
 Diitrephes, the two Hygieia?, the Aspergillifer 
 by Lycius, and the Perseus slaying Medusa, by 
 Myron. Between the temple of Diana and the 
 Parthenon were, the Trojan horse, the Epi- 
 charmus, the JEnobius, the Hermolycus, the 
 Phormio, Minerva slaying Marsyas, Theseus 
 
STATUES OF THE ACROPOLIS. 271 
 
 overcoming the Minotaur, Phrixus sacrificing 
 the ram, Hercules slaying the serpents, Mi- 
 nerva rising from the head of Jupiter, and the 
 Bull, dedicated by the Areiopagus. Not far from 
 the temple of the Genius of Pious Men stood 
 the warrior with silver nails, by Clecetas, and 
 Earth praying for rain ; then the Timotheus, the 
 Conon, the Procne and Itys of Alcamenes, the 
 contest of Neptune and Minerva, the Jupiter by 
 Leochares, and the Jupiter Polieus. In front of 
 the Parthenon towards the east stood the Apollo 
 Parnopius by Phidias, the Anacreon, and the 
 statues by Deinomenes of Io and Callisto. Very- 
 near the eastern extremity of the Acropolis, not 
 far from that part of the southern wall which over- 
 hung the Dionysiac theatre, were theOlympio- 
 dorus, the Diana Leucophryne, and the ancient 
 statue of Minerva by Endceus. Near the temple 
 of Minerva Polias (probably on the south, for, 
 on the opposite side, the ground was low 
 and concealed) were the half-burnt figures of 
 Minerva, the small statue of Lysimacha, and the 
 colossal composition of Erechtheus and Eu- 
 molpus. Between the latter and the brazen 
 chariot, which I have already shown to have 
 been near the Propylaea and Pelasgic wall, were 
 the hunting of the wild boar, Cycnus fighting 
 with Hercules, Theseus finding the slippers and 
 
2/2 STATUES OF THE ACROPOLIS. 
 
 sandals under the rock, Theseus subduing the 
 Marathonian bull, the Cylon, and, lastly, the bra- 
 zen colossus of Minerva Promachus by Phidias 1 , 
 whose position appears to have been at the north- 
 western angle of the upper platform, where its 
 western boundary, which is still traced about 
 midway between the north-west angle of the 
 Parthenon and the Propylaea, formed a right 
 angle with the wall which is seen running west 
 from the Pandrosium. Near the brazen chariot 
 and the entrance of the Propylaea, were a Peri- 
 cles, and the Minerva Lemnia of Phidias. 
 
 Such appears to have been the general dis- 
 tribution of the several works of art described 
 by Pausanias. It is probable, however, that these 
 were not one half of the statues which stood 
 in the Acropolis in his time ; for it is evident 
 that he has confined himself to those of the best 
 times and of the great masters, and that he has 
 passed over in silence all the monuments of the 
 servility and dependent condition of Athens, 
 with which the Acropolis, in common with the 
 other parts of the city, had been filled from the 
 
 1 It is probable that the designs of several of these ad- 
 mirable productions are still to be fount! upon ancient gems. 
 Some idea of the attitude and proportions of the magnificent 
 memorial of the victory of Marathon, the colossus of Mi- 
 nerva Promachus, may be seen on the coin, where it is re- 
 presented standing between the Propylaea and the Parthenon. 
 
STATUES OF THE ACROPOLIS. 273 
 
 time of Alexander the Great. He more than 
 once says, that it was the object of his work 
 to notice only the most remarkable monuments 
 of Greece 1 ; and in the midst of his descrip- 
 tion of the statues of the Acropolis he informs 
 us that, between the Diitrephes pierced with 
 arrows, and the two Hygieiae, there were some 
 portraits of persons of no great note. The latter 
 remark is illustrated by another writer 2 , from 
 whom we learn that there was a statue of the 
 mother of Isocrates standing near the Minerva 
 Hygieia. There was also a statue of Isocrates 
 himself, which Pausanias has not spoken of. It 
 stood in the sphasristra, or tennis-court of the 
 Arrhephori 3 , which must have been near the 
 Erechtheium ; for it cannot be doubted that 
 the Arrhephori 4 were the same as the Cane- 
 phori, or two virgins, who carried baskets upon 
 their heads in the Panathenaic festival, and 
 who, as Pausanias tells us, dwelt near the tem- 
 ple of Polias. 
 
 There was a Mercury in the Acropolis sur- 
 named the Uninitiated (apvyros*), and a brazen 
 
 i See Section I. 
 
 B Plutarch, de X Rhet. in Isocrat. 
 
 3 Id. ibid. 
 
 * For the Arrhephori, see Meurs. Attic. Lect. 1. 4, c. 19. 
 
 5 Hesych. in 'Ep^s 'Aay^jTO^.— Clemens Cohort, ad gent. 
 
274 STATUES OF THE ACROPOLIS. 
 
 ram, compared, for its colossal dimensions, to 
 the Trojan horse, Durius *, of which Pausanias 
 speaks. 
 
 We find mention made by Plutarch of a sta- 
 tue of Minerva erected in the Acropolis by 
 Nicias 2 . Diogenes Laertius, who wrote not 
 many years after Pausanias, says 3 , that, of the 
 innumerable statues erected in honour of De- 
 metrius of Phalerum, that which stood in the 
 Acropolis alone remained in the time of the 
 biographer. Other authorities speak of an ox 
 presented by Lysias 4 , and of a man standing by 
 a horse dedicated by Diphilus, upon the occa- 
 sion of his being made a Roman knight 5 . These, 
 or any others which we may find recorded in an- 
 cient history, are either to be numbered among 
 the elKovsg dtpxvka-tspai, or portraits of persons of 
 little consequence, which Pausanias passes by 
 in silence, or among those which had been car- 
 ried away by the plunderers who had despoiled 
 Athens before his time. 
 
 To his exclusion of Roman names in enu- 
 merating the statues of the Acropolis, Pausanias 
 has admitted only of one exception in favour of 
 
 1 Hesych. in Kpios d<rekyoxepujs. 
 
 9 Plutarch, Paral. in Nicia. 
 
 3 In vitaDemet. Phal. 
 
 * Lucilius Tarrhneus, in Collect. Proverb. 
 
 5 Jul. Poll. 1. 8. c. 10. 
 
H1ERA OF THE ACROPOLIS. 275 
 
 the Emperor Hadrian, whom alone he could 
 acknowledge a fit companion for the patriots 
 and benefactors of Athens 1 . But the servility 
 and flattery of the Athenians had not failed to 
 crowd the citadel, as well as every part of the 
 town, with statues of powerful Romans. A 
 few of their dedicatory inscriptions have been 
 discovered and reported by modern travellers 2 . 
 It has been supposed by some former writers 
 upon Athens, that among the objects left unno- 
 ticed by Pausanias in the Acropolis, were tem- 
 ples sacred to Jupiter Polieus, to Pandion, to 
 Venus Hippolyteia, and to Rome and Augustus 3 . 
 
 1 He omits no occasion of doing justice to Hadrian, for 
 his generous conduct towards Greece (see Attica, c. 3, 20.) 
 and he carefully records every instance of the emperor's 
 munificence. 
 
 2 In the Inscriptiones Antique of Chandler are several de- 
 dications to Romans, found in the Acropolis; among these 
 are, one in honour of Drusus, brother of the emperor Ti- 
 berius; another to the poet Festus Avienus; and a third to 
 the sophist Lollianus, who had a statue also in the Agora, 
 as having been avgaifyyos tici Tojv oirXoov, an office which, 
 though formerly military, as the name implies, had at that 
 time dwindled into the superintendance of the Agora, and 
 of the supplies of provisions. ITaXaT i^ysv Is Tot itoXe^tx, 
 vuvi dz fpoipouv ziti^sXsiTo.i na< a'lTov dyopag. Philost. inLollian. 
 It is on this account that we find the name of the strategus, 
 for the time being, in the inscription, which is of the time 
 of Augustus, over the gate of the new Agora. 
 
 3 Meurs. Cecrop. c. 27, 28. Stuart's Antiq. of Athens, 
 Vol. I. c. 1. Chandler's Travels in Greece, c. 20. 
 
 T 2 
 
276 HI ERA OF THE ACROPOLIS. 
 
 We have seen that the statue of Jupiter 
 Polieus was one of the most important in the 
 Acropolis ; and it appears, from the orator Ly- 
 curgus 1 , to have stood in a sanctuary which 
 once contained another statue 2 . As Pausanias 
 speaks only of the statue of Jupiter, one is ted to 
 believe, that, like some other statues of Grecian 
 deities and heroes, it stood with an altar before 
 it in an uncovered hierum 3 . The sanctuary of 
 Pandion, to which there is an allusion in one 
 of the inscriptions copied at Athens by Chand- 
 ler 4 , was probably of the same kind as that of 
 Jupiter Polieus : and it seems, from the situa- 
 tion in which the marble was found by Chand- 
 ler, to have stood near the eastern extremity 
 of the Acropolis. The sanctuary of Diana 
 Brauronia, although more particularly specified 
 by Pausanias, was probably of the same kind 
 as the two former. 
 
 It has already been remarked', that the tem- 
 ple of Venus Hippolyteia was the same as that 
 which has been stated by Pausanias to have 
 been dedicated to Venus and Peitho. 
 
 » See the passage in p. 23p. 
 
 4 That of the father of Leocrates. Lycurg. adv. Leocrat. 
 p. 231. 
 
 3 Jupiter Eleutherius, in the Cerameicus, appears in like 
 manner to have had an altar and a statue only (Pausan. Attic. 
 c. 3. Aristid. in Panath.) 
 
 * Inscript. Antiq. p. 4Q. 
 
 *See page 171. 
 
HIERA OF THE ACROPOLIS. 277 
 
 As to the temple of Rome and Augustus, the 
 supposition of its former existence rests entirely 
 upon an inscription which was copied at Athens, 
 in the year 1437, by Ciriaco d'Ancona, and 
 which contains a dedication " to the Goddess 
 Rome, and to Augustus Caesar; Pammenes, 
 strategus of the Hoplitse, being priest of those 
 deities in the Acropolis; Megiste being priestess 
 of Minerva Polias, and Areus being archon." 
 Gruter and others, who have published this in- 
 scription, state, that it was found in the ves- 
 tibule of the Parthenon 1 : it is still to be seen 
 however, not in the vestibule of that temple, 
 but on a large circular pedestal, ninety feet 
 from the centre of its eastern front. We know 
 that Augustus forbade the provinces to make 
 any dedications to him, without adding the name 
 of Rome 2 . It is probable, therefore, that the 
 pedestal supported a colossal statue of Augus- 
 tus, and that, there was no other sanctuary of 
 Rome and Augustus in the Acropolis. 
 
 In fact, when we compare the dimensions 
 of the Cecropian hill with the great number of 
 monuments, of the existence of which we have 
 undoubted evidence, we are almost at a loss to 
 
 1 Gruter, p. 105. — Fabric, descr, Rom. c. 2. — Corsini. 
 Fasti Attici, p. 42. — These authors say, "the temple of Mi- 
 nerva Polias ;" but as they state the temple to be dedicated 
 " Beatse Virgini," they evidently mean the Parthenon, which, 
 before the Turkish conquest, was a church of the Panaghia. 
 
 9 Sueton in August, c. 52. 
 
278 HIERA OF THE ACROPOLIS. 
 
 find sufficient space for them. It is impossible, 
 therefore, to admit the suggestion of a cele- 
 brated traveller 1 , that, in addition to the tem- 
 ples and other monuments, there were houses 
 divided into regular streets. Sucli an arrange- 
 ment would not have been consonant either 
 with the religion or the good taste of the Athe- 
 nians. We know, from Thucydides, that when 
 the people of Attica crowded into Athens at the 
 beginning of the Peloponnesian war, and when 
 religious prejudices gave way, in every possible 
 case, to the necessities of the occasion, even 
 then the Acropolis remained uninhabited*. In 
 order, therefore, to form a due conception of 
 the wonderful effect of this storehouse of the 
 arts, and to do justice to Athenian taste, we 
 must imagine the platform of the hill cleared of 
 every extraneous building, and consider the 
 whole Acropolis as one vast composition of ar- 
 chitecture and sculpture ; or, to use the words 
 of a Greek rhetorician, as a single monument 
 or magnificent dedication to the gods 3 . 
 
 We learn from Plutarch, that the southern 
 Waiisofthe wall of the Acropolis was rebuilt by Cimon, 
 
 Acropolis. 
 
 1 Chandler's Travels in Greece, c. Ill 
 
 • Thucyd. 1. 2. c. 17. The Eleusinium was the only other 
 forbidden place. 
 
 3 tj itoXis Tr)v 'Axf oitoMv xaTexoo-fiyo-t tolg rcuv Zpywv 
 
 oitoixvTJi^cccri xa) rui iris <pi!<reujs xa'XAej xa) ro irapd row irKourov 
 xa) rr^i rfp^vijj £<pdfJu\\ov ttpo<rt^xtv, wo-r' elvai irdirav art 
 dva&rf fia.ro s \i.d\\ov $' dvr dydk(mro$. — Aristid. Panath. 
 
WALLS OF THE ACROPOLIS. 279 
 
 and from him received the name of Cimonium. 
 The part, therefore, which Pausanias 1 states to 
 have been built by the Pelasgi must have been 
 on the north side. It would seem 2 that these 
 Pelasgi, who belonged to the wrecks of a na- 
 tion more skilled at that period in the arts than 
 the Athenians, were the original fortifiers of 
 the Cecropian hill ; that the summit was from 
 this circumstance occasionally known by the 
 name of the Pelasgic fortress 3 , and that this for- 
 tress had fallen into decay before the Persian 
 war, as we find upon that occasion that it was 
 necessary to protect the hill with pallisades, and 
 
 1 Pausan. Attic, c. 28. 
 
 a Herodot. 1. 2. c. 51.— 1. 6. c. 137. Thucyd. 1. 4. c. 109- 
 3 Herodotus (1. 5. c. 64.) tells us, that Cleomenes,king of 
 Sparta, besieged the Pisistratidae in the Pelasgic fortress 
 (a,Trepyf/.evov$ ev ruj HsXatryixaj Tefce'i) which cannot mean 
 any thing but the Acropolis itself, reT^og being here certainly 
 used in its sense of a fortress. — Myrsilus, an author quoted 
 by Dionysius of Halicarnassus (1. 1. c. 19.) asserts, that the 
 wall built by the Pelasgi surrounded the Acropolis ( — rovg 
 
 UsXatryo-j; 'A^vaToij ro fsty^og to itspi rrjv 'Ax/soVoAjy 
 
 Ttsp&dXziv.) The same is also stated by Cleidemus (ap. 
 Suid.in"Atf£#a et 'UttsSi^qv), who says, that the Pelasgi levelled 
 the Acropolis, and built around it the nine-gated Pelasgicum, 
 yitsSityv tt)v 'Ax^oVoAjv, ifspisSaWov 8s svvzattvXov rb He\a<r- 
 yi-x.lv. The nine gates were probably on the steep winding 
 ascent of the western end. The nature of the ground 
 suggests a succession of barriers as an eligible mode of de- 
 fence. There are now three or four gates in the course of 
 the ascent. 
 
280 WALLS OF THE ACROPOLIS. 
 
 other similar expedients 1 . By the continuance 
 in later ages of the name of Pelasgicum to the 
 northern wall, or at least to the western part of 
 it towards the grotto of Pan 2 , it appears proba- 
 ble that some part of the old Pelasgic fortress 
 was incorporated into the new works raised 
 after the Persian war. 
 
 There can be little doubt that the greater part 
 of the existing walls, although disfigured by re- 
 parations of various ages, and carefully kept co- 
 vered with a coat of whitewash, according to the 
 usual Turkish mode of concealing defects, and 
 inspiring distant respect, consists of the original 
 Hellenic work, raised by Themistocles and Ci- 
 mon. A part of the southern wall, where the 
 profile is not less than sixty feet in height, ap- 
 pears in particular to consist almost entirely of 
 the ancient Cimonian work ; and the centre of 
 the northern side still bears the strongest evi- 
 dence of that haste with which Thucydides de- 
 scribes the fortifications of Athens to have been 
 restored after the Persian war, when the Athe- 
 nians, having returned to the city upon the de- 
 parture of the Barbarians, found nothing left 
 but a small part of the walls, and some of the 
 
 1 Herodot. 1. 8. c. 51. Pausan. Attic, c. 18. 
 
 B . . . . toy Havoc. . . . o!xe7 jAixpov vvo tou n.e\a.<rytxou . 
 
 Lucian in Bis Accusat. 
 Pausan. Attic, c. 28. 
 
WALLS OF THE ACROPOLIS. 281 
 
 houses which had been occupied by the Persian 
 grandees 1 . By the counsel of Themistocles they 
 instantly set about rebuilding their fortifications, 
 and completed the lower part during the inten- 
 tional delays of an embassy to Sparta, which 
 Themistocles advised and conducted in person 2 . 
 " The work," says Thucydides 3 , who wrote about 
 forty years afterwards, " bears marks of the 
 haste with which it was constructed ; for the 
 foundations are built of stones of every shape 
 
 1 In the first capture of the Acropolis by Xerxes the 
 temples were burnt (Herod. 1. 8, c. 53). When the Persians 
 quitted Athens the second time, Mardonius destroyed every 
 remaining buildiDg, k^Ttp^o-ag re fas 'ASijvas, xa) si xov n 
 opQov yv ttZv tziykwy y ruiv o]x^fj.dtujv tj tciuv ipw'y Ttdvfa xatoc- 
 €a\dv xa) a-vy^cJcras. — Herod. 1. g. c. 13. Thucydides adds, 
 that when the Athenians returned, rov rfspi€6\ov tpayka e'ur- 
 frjKsi, xa) oixlai at plv TtoKXai ETrsTrrcvxetrav, oXiyeu Ss irspiytray, 
 kv atf auto) kffXTjvrjtray o» Svvaro) rujy Tlspa-oov. 
 
 Thucyd. 1. 1. c. 89. 
 
 4 Thucyd. I. 1. c. 90, 91, 92. Plutarch, Parall. in Themist. 
 
 3 foj'A^ r t oljtoJop'a Hn xa) vvv larnv on xatd ffitovSrjv lykvetor 
 o< yap OepsXioi itavroiwv XlQwv v-rtoxeivrai xa) ov %vveipyao~[/,syu}v 
 strttv y, d\\' dig i%a<rfo\ TfOTs <rrpo<re<p~epov' tfoXXal ts o-rijXai dnb 
 <rr t jAdtu)y xa) XiOot &\pyao~i>*kvoi syxaTeXeyyo-av. — Thucyd. 1. 1. 
 c. 93. 
 
 The force of the word %vv£tpyao-iisvu)v in this passage will 
 be well understood by those, who have observed the beautiful 
 accuracy with which the Greeks fitted together the masonry 
 of their walls, whether formed of polygonal stones, or of 
 regular courses. 
 
282 HECATOMPEDUM. 
 
 and size, not fitted to one another, and the works 
 are full of sepulchral columns, and of wrought 
 stones (from former buildings) united toge- 
 ther." 
 
 About the middle of the northern wall, or 
 exactly in that part which is most likely to 
 have preserved a part of the work of Themi- 
 stocles, several wrought stones are observed, 
 which belonged to former buildings. The most 
 conspicuous among them are a range of Doric 
 triglyphs with plain metopes, and some entire 
 courses of masonry, formed of the fragments of 
 Doric columns of proportions corresponding to 
 those of the architraves. Having with some 
 difficulty mounted up to this part of the wall, 
 I found the columns to be partly fluted and 
 partly plain, to have twenty flutings, and that 
 the chord of the fluting (the only dimension 
 which could be measured) was eleven inches 
 and three-tenths. As this was upon a part of 
 the column not likely to be the lowest, it is 
 probable that the columns were very nearly of 
 the same diameter at the base as those of the 
 Parthenon, the flutings of which are 11*68 
 inches at the base. Such large dimensions 
 could hardly have belonged to any other 
 building than the old Hecatompedum, or tem- 
 ple of Minerva, which was the predecessor of 
 the new Hecatompedum, or Parthenon ; and 
 
HECATOMPEDUM. 283 
 
 nothing appears more likely than that Themi- 
 stocles, in his hasty construction of the fortifica- 
 tions of the citadel, should have made use of 
 the fragments of a temple, which had recently 
 been burnt and overthrown by the Persians, 
 and whose ruins were so conveniently situated 
 for his purpose. 
 
 If the information of Hesychius 1 is correct, 
 that the old Hecatompedum was fifty feet 
 shorter than the new, that is to say, that it was 
 about a hundred and seventy-seven feet 2 in 
 length, it is evident, from the size of the co- 
 lumns, that the temple could not have had 
 more than six columns in front: and it is re- 
 markable that a colonnade, consisting of thir- 
 teen 3 columns, of the same diameter as those of 
 
 i 'Ey.ato^'ifshg vzobs hv rr, 'AngorfoXsi pslfav rod sp- 
 
 itgrjo-QevT'os vifo ruJv IlEg<ru)v tfo<ri TfsvTrjKOvta. 
 
 Hesych. in 'Exowo'preJo*. 
 
 • The length of the Parthenon being two hundred and 
 twenty-eight English feet, and the Greek foot being rather 
 larger than the English. We are told by Harpocration, upon 
 the authority of Menecles or Callistratus, that the Heca- 
 tompedum did not receive that name from its dimensions, 
 but from the harmony of its proportions — Sid xaAXof >ca) sv- 
 f o9|*/av, oJ hoi psysbog. — Harpocrat. in 'EKarJ/xtfeJov. 
 
 3 The number 13 is here assumed^ because both the Par- 
 thenon and Theseium have in their flanks double the num- 
 ber of columns in the fronts plus one. It should be observed, 
 however, that all the more ancient Doric temples, of which 
 
284 PELASGICUM. 
 
 the Parthenon, with the same intercolumnia- 
 tion, would be just about fifty feet shorter than 
 the long side of the peristyle of the Parthenon. 
 Peiasgicum. The word Pelasgicum was applied not only to 
 the northern wall, or to a part of the northern 
 wajl of the Acropolis, but also to a space of 
 ground below that wall, at the foot of the rocks 
 of the Acropolis. According to the Athenian 
 tradition, it was the portion allotted to the 
 Pelasgi for their place of residence. That it 
 was an inclosed space, and not merely a wall, 
 is proved from the oracle and the law which for- 
 bade its being inhabited or cultivated 1 , and from 
 its having been allotted, notwithstanding this 
 sacred impediment, as a place of habitation for 
 a part of the multitudes who flocked into Athens 
 
 the plans exist, have an even number of columns in the 
 flanks. But, on the other hand, their intercolumniation 
 generally bears a smaller proportion to the diameter of the 
 columns than is found in the Parthenon. It is not improba- 
 ble, therefore, that the old Hecatompedum had fourteen 
 columns in'the sides. 
 
 1 To re TlsXavytxbv xatovfievov to uVo tt)v 'AxpoiroXiv, 3 xal 
 iita.oa.rov re f,v py ohslv xai r\ xou Iluflixoo iMtvrslov dx^oreteu- 
 nov roiovSs SiextuXvs Xeyov w$ — rb HeXaayixov dpybv a^eivoy 
 0[iuj{ una rrjs iragaxpyjpa, dvdyxrjs e^xx'dr/. 
 
 Thucvd. 1. 2. c. 17. 
 
 UdpeSpoi ira^etpokarrov p^ns hrbs rou ne\a,<ryixov xelpet xa) 
 xard v\eov itypurret xa) r^Ao^ovri trapsSlSotrav. 
 
 Jul. Pollux. 1. 8. seg. 102. 
 
PELASGICUM. 285 
 
 at the beginning of the Peloponnesian war* The 
 situation of the Pelasgicum at the foot of the 
 hill is clearly indicated by Thucydides, who 
 calls it the Pelasgicum under the Acropolis, as 
 well as by Lucian, who, in his ludicrous dia- 
 logue of the Fisherman, represents Parrhesiades 
 sitting upon the top of the wall of the Acro- 
 polis, and letting down his hook baited with 
 gold and figs, to angle for philosophers in the 
 Pelasgicum. Upon dragging one of them up 
 he exclaims, " So, I have caught you, my ho- 
 nest friend, feeding deliciously among the rocks, 
 where you hoped to lie hid in safety 1 ." Every 
 person acquainted with the Cecropian hill will 
 acknowledge the propriety of Lucian's scenery. 
 It is necessary, therefore, to distinguish the 
 
 1 #IA. TV itpdTTsiv dvyp §io.vos~txi ; 
 
 IEP. AsXsdaas to ayxurrpov Icr^dSt xa* %pvo~l(v, y.aftz'(J)\i*s- 
 yo$ sir) To axpov tov tsi^Iov, xaQyxsv ss rfv noXiv. 
 
 $IA. T/ TauToc, ai Uapprjo-idty rfois7$; yirov Tod; XiQovg 
 dXisvo-siv hsyvwxsg sxtou HsXavyixov ; 
 
 IIAPP.- Hiujitrjo'ov w iiXo<ro<p\a xa) Tyv dygav ifspl^sve. . . . 
 . . aXX optL Tiva Xdtpa.xa, svpsysQrj, /xaAAov $e ^putrofpvy. 
 
 EAEr. OuV aAAa ytxXso; e&iv TtpO(rspysra.\ 8s Tcv dyxl<rtpu> 
 •Kzyvjvujs' oartppxTOLi tov xpufflou — tfAij'tnoy rfir) s<rTlv — styzvosy 
 — sIXrjTfTai — avaora'trw/xsy. 
 
 IIAPP. Ka) o-o uo'EXzyxjc, vvv'^uvsTfitaXou Tys opfiias — 
 avuj 1<tt\ — <psp' 18co Tig si, co tsXTHTTs ly^Qvoov ; xvcuv outo; 
 ys, 'HpdxXsis, Tuly oSo'vTcov — ri touto, iZ ysvvaiOTCcTs ; stXrj^au 
 XiXysuoov itsp) Tas itsT$a.$, hQa. AijVe/v i,Xiti<ras vifO$sSvx((if, 
 dxxd vvy s<rri (pxvspos atfaw, &c. — Lucian. Piscator. 
 
286 PANATHENAIC PROCESSION. 
 
 UeXcc<ryixbv ret^os, or wall, which was above the 
 
 grotto of Pail 1 , from the IleAacryjxov into ttjv 'AxpovoXiv, 
 
 which was a space of ground at the foot of the 
 rocks, where that cavern is situated. 
 
 By ascertaining the situation of the Eleusi- 
 nium and Pelasgicum we are furnished with the 
 exact route of the grand procession on the quin- 
 quennial festival of the Great Panathensea, when 
 the new peplus, or embroidered curtain", for the 
 
 toy Uava. o'txel [Mxpbv vitb rou UsXaoyixov. 
 
 Lucian in Bis Accusat. 
 
 * That the peplus of the Parthenon was not a garment or 
 veil, but an awning or curtain, is proved from Julius Pollux 
 (1. 7- c - 13), who says, YlkitXwv 8' Jot* SttfXovv rrjv %pelav, vug 
 kvSuvat xa) ETn£a.K\s<rQa.i' xa) oti kitltXr^dl Icrrj Tsxtxrjpair* ay 
 rt$ ax rcuy tyjs 'A9>jvaV vsirXwy. The parapetasma in the 
 temple of Jupiter at Olympia was a curtain let down from 
 the roof to the pavement. Pausanias (Eliac. Prior, c. \1 ), 
 says, Tovtq crJx lg to avuj to iiapa-rtkta<x\^a uio-trsp tijV 'AprsplSos 
 rrjS 'Etpeo-loLS a'ysXxovcri, xaXuj$loi$ $1 ImyaXixytis xaSiaaiv e{ 
 to Z8a<pos. Judging from the great similarity of the two 
 temples, it seems highly probable that the peplus of the Par- 
 thenon was very much like the parapetasma of the temple of 
 Olympia, here described, and that it was a curtain hanging 
 between the statue and the hypsethric part of the chamber, 
 and serving to defend the statue from the dust and moisture 
 which entered through the hypaethrum, at the same time 
 that it added to the sanctity of the goddess, by preventing 
 her from being seen upon every occasional opening of the 
 door, and thus interposing another barrier between her and 
 the vulgar gaze. HaifXof was probably the Athenian word 
 
PANATHENAIC PROCESSION. 287 
 
 use of the Parthenon, was suspended upon a ship, 
 which was impelled along the ground by internal 
 machinery 1 , and which, accompanied by all that 
 
 for what was elsewhere called Uecpairstao'^a, a terra of more 
 general import, and applied to every kind of awning. Thus 
 we find that Trapairstdvfx.ata, td §td rov dspog Siatehvra, onwg 
 tov yKiov dirspvxoi were stretched over the theatre of Nero 
 at Rome. — Dion. Cass. 1. 63. c. J. As Pausanias is obliged 
 to go to Ephegus for an example of an ascending curtain, it 
 is probable that the peplus of the Parthenon was a descending 
 curtain, like that of Otympia. 
 
 The peplus was embroidered with the battles of the gods 
 and giants, the warlike actions of Minerva, chariot-races, and 
 the portraits of illustrious Athenians. Eurip. Hecub. v. 46l. 
 Plato. Euthryph. p. 6. ed. Serran. — Aristoph. Equit. v. 563. 
 et Schol. ibid. — Plutarch, in Demetr. — Virgil in Ciri. — Suidas 
 in Ylk-rtXog. — Procl. in Timse. Plat. Comment, l. — Serv. ad 
 iEneid. 1. In the Euthyphro of Plato, Socrates, after alluding 
 to the contests of the gods, and their battles with the giants, 
 which often formed the subject of pictures in the Athenian 
 temples, adds, HbttXo$, [/.strtos twv roiovtuv iioixi\\x,dtwv 
 dvdysrai sis tvv 'AxpoitoXiv. 
 
 1 II«ya07jvaj£<;y twv psyd\wv dyopkvwv, Its trjv vavv 'AOtj- 
 valoi kv) yr t g tf 'ASvjjxa TtsiLitovfi, krvy^avov \Czv scprfisvtrwv, 
 &c— Heliod. iEthiop. ]. 1. c. 10. 
 
 Ka) <ro) td y.syd\' rj^slg Ua.va.Mvcu' dropsy. — Aristoph. 
 Pac. v. 417' Schol.. c . . . .rrj $s 'AQyvd yyovto oid itsvts ktujy f 
 ots y.a.) y vav; lit) yr t g tfXhi itap dvTolg. 
 
 Kdr.E~va. tlsp\ twv Ila,va.Qr l valuiv yy.ovov itstXov \x.lv dvij<p8at 
 tov vsuJSfTjSlu) ypatp^c, criiv Ovplwtty xoKifw' Sparely Ss Tr t v vavv 
 00V vTtotyyiwv dyovtcov, aXX' vtoyeloig (lege sifiyelois) ^iX -" 
 va'i; viro\io~ ! i)alvov<rav Ik Kspapswov dpao-av %»X*a xwirn d<pslvai 
 Iff) to 'EAeu<rwov x«i itepi£a\ovo~av auto itapapifyca to lie- 
 
288 
 
 PANATHENAIC PROCESSION. 
 
 was sacred, and honourable, and beautiful in 
 Athens, ascended to the Acropolis, after making 
 a tour of the most distinguished parts of the 
 city. The procession began in the outer Cera- 
 meicus 1 , and having entered the inner Cera- 
 meicus 2 , passed by the Hermae*, and from thence 
 under the south side of the Acropolis to the 
 Ilissus and Eleusinium : from thence passing 
 near the sanctuary of Apollo Pythius, it ap- 
 proached the northern side of the Acropolis, 
 
 ^atryiKOV xOfM&ftsvov Kapd to HvQiov, eX^elv ol vvv wppHrrai. 
 — Philostrat. in Herod. 
 
 1 This appears from the relation given by Thucydides of 
 the death of Hipparchus, son of Pisistratus. The conspira- 
 tors chose the occasion of the Great Panathenaea, because it 
 was customary for the citizens on that day to bear arms. 
 Ka< u) ( etfyXQev tj kopTrj, 'linrlas fj.lv £%w ev rw Kepay.six.uJ xa- 
 XovfAsvuj fj.erd Twv 8opv<p6pujy Stey.6o-fj.ei, w$ exao~Tx ey^p-qv r "*fi 
 Voy.irrj( ntpoievai. — Thucyd. 1. 6. c. 57 ■ 
 
 2 o irsTrXo; Trefj.it6fj.evoi Sid tov Kepa.fj.eix.ov 
 
 Plutarch. Paral. in Denietr. 
 
 Tla^d 'AflijvaTojf itktrkos to apfxevov rf t i TlavaQevalxr^ veu)g yv 
 ol 'AQyvaloi xareo-xeva^ov ry 'AOijva Sid rerpaervplag, yj$ kx\ 
 Trjy itofj.'mjv Sid tov Kepafj.eix.ov eitoiovv fxexp) tov 'EXevo'tviov.— 
 Suidas, in TleTtKof. 
 
 3 Athenaeus tells us, upon the authority of Hegesander, 
 that one Demetrius, a descendant of Demetrius of Phale- 
 rum, and who had been appointed Thesmotheta by king 
 Antigonus, built a scaffold at the Hermae for his mistress, 
 Aristagora, to see the Panathenaic procession. Toft Uava.- 
 Qyvams Ixpiov eo-fyo-e itpog to~s 'Epfj.a7s'Api(rTay6pa,fX£Teu)p6tipof 
 rwv 'Epfj.wv. — Athen. 1. 4. c. 19. ed. Casaub. 
 
AREIOPAGUS. 289 
 
 and passing under the Pelasgicum % ascended 
 to the Propylaea. The procession, after having 
 collected in the space between the Propylaea 
 and Parthenon, was divided into two columns, 
 which proceeded eastward along either side of 
 the temple. These having turned to the right 
 and left respectively, upon reaching the angles 
 of the eastern front, met opposite to the eastern 
 door, when the bearer of the peplus and the 
 two arrhephori entered the temple, and deli- 
 vered their sacred burthens to the archon Ba- 
 sileus and to the priestess of Minerva. Such, 
 at least, appears from the authors cited in the 
 notes, and from the frize of the Parthenon, 
 to have been the progress of this magnificent 
 ceremony. 
 
 In his descent from the Propylasa, in the di- 
 rection of the outer Cerameicus and Academy, 
 Pausanias describes the Grotto of Pan and the 
 Areiopagus, both of which lay nearly in his 
 route, and were the only objects of importance 
 which had not yet been noticed by him. Of 
 the grotto of Pan I have already spoken, and 
 sufficient has also been said of the Areiopagus, 
 to show that the eastern summit of the hill was 
 the situation of the temple of the Furies, as 
 well as of the celebrated court of Areiopagus, 
 
 1 Philostrat. in Herod, ubi supra. 
 
 U 
 
290 OUTER CERAMEICUS. 
 
 which was nothing more than an open space, 
 having an altar of Minerva Areia upon it, and 
 two seats serving for the accuser and defend- 
 ant. Near the Areiopagus was the building in 
 which the sacred ship of the Panathenaic festi- 
 val was deposited. 
 
 Having thus finished his description of the 
 city, Pausanias, before he proceeds to the Demi 
 of Attica, devotes several pages 1 to an account 
 of the sepulchral monuments which bordered 
 either side of the road, leading through the 
 Outer Cerameicus to the Academy. There 
 were few objects at Athens more interesting 
 than these memorials of her most illustrious 
 citizens : it may be permitted, therefore, to de- 
 tain the reader for a few minutes in the contem- 
 plation of this compendious display of the past 
 glory of Athens, which still gratified the tra- 
 veller in the second century of our sera, ; but 
 nothing of which is now to be seen, except a 
 few fragments and foundations dispersed over 
 an open plain. The first object of importance 
 that occurred beyond Dipvlum was a peribolus 
 of Diana, or Hecate 2 , containing wooden sta- 
 tues " to the best and fairest of goddesses 3 ," 
 
 1 Attic, c. 29. 
 
 • Hesych. in KaXAj<rrij. 
 
 1 Zoavct, 'Aplo-Tys xa) KaXXitrrijf &s ph tyw Joxw, xai 
 
OUTER CERAMEICUS. 291 
 
 near to which was a small temple of Bacchus 1 . 
 Next occurred the tombs of Thrasybulus, Pe- 
 ricles 2 , Chabrias, and Phormio. The space 
 beyond this, on either side of the road to the 
 Academy, was covered with the sepulchres of 
 the Athenians, who had been slain in battle, 
 with the exception only of those who fell at 
 Marathon, and who were buried on the spot. 
 Over each tomb was a stele 3 , whereon were 
 commemorated the names and tribes of the de- 
 ceased. 
 
 First was the monument of those who, under 
 Leagrus and Sophones, fell fighting against the 
 
 a.lta.1. — Pausan. Attic, c. 29. 
 
 1 On stated days the statue of Bacchus Eleutherensis was 
 brought here in procession from the Lenaeum. Pausan. ibid, 
 et in c. 20. 
 
 8 The tomb of Pericles was a little to the right of the 
 road from Dipylum to the Academy. Modo etiam paullum 
 ad dextram de via declinavi, ut ad Periclis sepulchrum ac- 
 cederem. — Cicer. de Fin. 1. 5. c. 2. The tomb of Toxaris, 
 a Scythian physician, was not far from Dipjdum, on the left 
 of the road. A low stele was always crowned with garlands, 
 dedicated b)' those who supposed they had received benefit 
 from their invocations to Toxaris. (Lucian in Scyth.) 
 
 3 The sepulchral trtijAa*, when square, were ornamented 
 with mouldings, and when round, generally terminated in a 
 rounded or peaked top. By a decree of Demetrius Pha- 
 lereus they were not to be more than three cubits high. 
 Cicer. de Leg. 1. 2. c. 26. 
 
 u 2 
 
292 OUTER CERAMEICUS. 
 
 Edoni in Thrace 1 ; the next stele represented 
 two horsemen fighting: these were Melanopus 
 and Macartatus, who fell in battle against the 
 Lacedaemonians and Boeotians on the confines 
 of the Eleusinian and Tanagraean districts 2 . 
 Next to these lay the Thessalian horsemen 
 and Cretan bowmen, who aided the Athe- 
 nians when Attica was invaded by the Spar- 
 tans under Archidamus, in the Peloponnesian 
 war; Cleisthenes, who arranged the Attic 
 tribes 3 ; the Athenian horsemen, who fell toge- 
 ther with the Thessalians just mentioned ; the 
 Cleonaei, who came with the Argives to the 
 assistance of the Athenians 4 ; the Athenians 
 who fell in battle with the ^Eginetae before the 
 Persian war 5 ; the most distinguished of those 
 
 ' In the year B. C. 453. Herodot. 1. g. c. 73. 
 
 * This appears to have been some skirmish previous to the 
 great battle of Tanagra, in which the Lacedaemonians and 
 Boeotians gained a victory over tlie Athenians and Argives, 
 B. C. 458. See Herodot. 1. g. c. 34.— Thucy.d. 1. l. c. 108. 
 
 3 After the expulsion of the Peisistratida?, Cleisthenes, 
 leader of the popular party, having obtained the banishment 
 of his rival, Isagoras, increased the Attic trihes, which 
 were then four in number, to ten (Herodot. 1.5. c. 6g), the 
 names of which are given by Pausanias, in Attic, c. 5. 
 
 4 In the second sacred war, of which the battle of Tanagra, 
 just mentioned, was the principal action. 
 
 b See Herodot. 1. 6, c. 92. 
 
OUTER CERAMEICUS. 293 
 
 who were slain in the expedition to Olynthus 1 ; 
 Melesander, who commanded a naval expedi- 
 tion upon the river Maeander against Upper 
 Caria 2 ; the Athenians who fell in the war with 
 Cassander 3 j the Argives who, in alliance with 
 the Athenians, fought against the Lacedaemo- 
 nians and Boeotians at Tanagra with good suc- 
 cess, until the Thessalians, having betrayed the 
 Athenians, the Lacedaemonians were success- 
 ful 4 ; Apollodorus, the Athenian, who, at the 
 head of a foreign force sent by the satrap of 
 Phrygia, defended Perinthus against Philip s ; 
 Eubulus, son of Spintharus 6 $ those who were 
 
 • Pausanias seems here to mean what is usually called the 
 battle of Potidaea, which was fought in the Isthmus be- 
 tween Olynthus and Potidaea, in the year preceding the 
 Peloponnesian war, B. C. 432, when Callias, one of the 
 commanders, together with a hundred and fifty Athenians, 
 were slain. See Thucyd. 1. 1, c. 62. A fragment of the 
 stele, which records the names of Callias and his com- 
 panions, was found near the site of the academy, and is 
 now in the Elgiu collection in the B-ritish Museum. On the 
 marble mention is made of Potidaea, not of Olynthus. 
 
 2 For this unsuccessful expedition in the second year of 
 the Peloponnesian war see Thucyd. 1. 2, c. 69- 
 
 3 See Pausan. Attic, c. 25. 
 
 * The battle of Tanagra, B. C. 458. 
 
 8 B. C. 341 . See Diodorus, 1. 16, c. 75. 
 6 Archon in the year B. C. 345, and a leading man in 
 the party, opposed to Demosthenes. 
 
294 OUTER CERAME1CUS. 
 
 put to death upon being discovered in a con- 
 spiracy against the tyrant Lachares' ; and those 
 who were equally unfortunate in the attempt 
 against the Macedonian garrison of the Pei- 
 raeeus ; the Athenians who fell at Corinth, 
 whose fate, like that of the Lacedaemonians at 
 Leuctra, where they were beaten by the Boeo- 
 tians alone, shows that courage without fortune 
 is of little avail*. A single stele showed, by the 
 elegies inscribed upon it, that it was erected 
 over those who fell (in the Peloponnesian war) 
 in Eubcea, in Chios, in the extreme parts of 
 Asia, and in Sicily ; the Plataeenses were in- 
 scribed, together with the Athenian soldiers. 
 Of the leaders, Nicias alone was omitted j 
 because he surrendered himself to the enemy, 
 
 > See Pausan. Attic, c. 25. 
 
 • The Corinthian war began in the year 3f)4, B. C, and 
 lasted eight years. The action in which the Athenians 
 chiefly suffered was fought at Epieikia, between Corinth and 
 Sicyon, where the Athenians, Argives, Corinthians, and 
 other allies, to the amount of 24,000 hoplitae, were opposed 
 to 13,500 hoplitae of the Lacedaemonians and their allies j the 
 force of Lacedaemonians and Athenians on either side being 
 about 6000. See Xenophon (Hell. J. 4, c. 2). The men- 
 tion of Leuctra, and the reflection which Pausanias makes 
 on this occasion, show that he considered the one action as 
 a set-off against the other in the comparative glory of Sparta 
 and Alliens. 
 
OUTER CERAMEICUS. 295 
 
 and did not act like Demosthenes, who, 
 when he made a treaty of capitulation for his 
 army, excepted himself alone from the number, 
 and attempted his own life. Upon another 
 stele were recorded the names of those who fell 
 (in the same war) in Thrace, and at Megara ; 
 the Mantinenses, and Eleians, who quitted the 
 alliance of the Lacedaemonians, and fought 
 under Alcibiades, and those who were victo- 
 rious over the Syracusans before the arrival of 
 Demosthenes in Sicily. Here also were the 
 sepulchres of those who fell in the naval action 
 at the Hellespont 1 ; in the battle against the 
 Macedonians at Chaeroneia ; in the expedition 
 under Cleon against Amphipolis ; at Delium in 
 theTanagraea ; those who marched intoThessaly 
 under Leosthenes 2 ; those who sailed with Ci- 
 mon to Cyprus ; and sixteen of those who, under 
 Olympiodorus, ejected the (Macedonian) garri- 
 son (from the Museium) 3 . Here also was a monu- 
 ment of the seamen belonging to five triremes, 
 which the Athenians sent to the assistance of 
 the Romans against the Carthaginians ; and in 
 the same road was the sepulchre of Tolmides 
 
 1 The battle of iEguspotami. 
 
 3 Pausan. Attic, c. 25. Plutarch, Parall. in Demosth. 
 Diodor.l. 17, c. 111. 
 3 Pausan. Attic, c. 25. 
 
296 OUTER CERAMEICUS. 
 
 and of those who fell with him 1 . Here also lay 
 those who fell in the great exploit under Cimon 
 in the Eurymedon, when he was victorious on 
 the same day both by sea and land. Here 
 likewise were buried Conon and Timotheus, a 
 father and son, whose illustrious actions are 
 exceeded only by those of Miltiades and Ci- 
 mon ; Zeno, the son of Mnaseius ; Chrysippus 
 of Soli ; Nicias, son of Nicomedes 2 , the most 
 skilful painter of animals of his time ; Harmo- 
 dius and Aristogeiton, who slew Hipparchus, 
 son of Peisistratus ; and the orators, Ephialtes 
 and Lycurgus, son of Lycophron ; the former 
 of whom reformed the laws of the Areiopagus, 
 and the latter of whom collected in the public 
 treasury six thousand five hundred talents more 
 than had been collected by Pericles 3 . For the 
 religious worship of Minerva, Lycurgus fur- 
 nished vases (Ttopitela.) and golden victories, and 
 
 i Pausan. Attic, c. 27. Thucyd. 1 l, c. 108, 113. 
 
 * He refused an offer of sixty talents from Attalus for his 
 picture of the Necromanteia of Homer, and made a present 
 of it to the city. Plin. Hist. Nat. 1. 35, c. 1 1 . 
 
 3 But money had fallen to half its value since the time of 
 Pericles, who collected (Thucyd. I. 2, c. 13), 9/00 talents. 
 The decree in honour of the family of Lycurgus, at the end 
 of ihe Lives of the Ten Orators, says that Lycurgus col- 
 lected 18,900 talents. 
 
ACADEMY. 297 
 
 dresses for a hundred virgins 1 : for war he pro- 
 vided offensive and defensive arms 2 , and in- 
 creased the navy of Athens to four hundred 
 triremes : and among the public buildings of 
 the Athenians, he finished the theatre 3 , which 
 had been begun by others, built houses for con- 
 taining ships (ysujo-oUoi) in Peirageus, and the 
 Gymnasium 4 in the Lyceium. 
 
 1 These were the virgins who marched in the Panathenaic 
 procession, as we see them represented on the frize of the 
 Parthenon. Some are seen carrying the vases here men- 
 tioned in their hands ; and it appears probable, from this 
 passage of Pausanias, that if we were in possession of all the 
 frize, together with the metallic ornaments which were at- 
 tached to it, we should find that the golden victories here 
 mentioned were also carried in the procession. The vases, 
 victories, and dresses were all deposited in the building 
 called the Pompeium. (See p. 2, and Meursius, Attic. Lect. 
 1. 2, c. 15). The vases were of gold or silver, and the vic- 
 tories (as we perceive) of gold, which explains the meaning 
 of Pausanias, in saying, at the end of this account of the 
 works of Lycurgus — oVa \Czv dpyvpou rfetfoivjueva, vjv x<x) %pu- 
 cotJjAa^apy g kou tavra ItruATjcre rvpavvyjiras, rd, os ojjco&jfx-ijaara 
 xa) If rfpa; sri y/. When Laciiares carried off the golden 
 shields of the citadel, and plundered the statue of Minerva 
 itself, he did not spare the plate in the Pompeium. 
 
 2 He formed an arsenal of these arms in the Acropolis. — 
 See the decree just mentioned. 
 
 3 Tov Aiovv<rta.KQv Uarpov, according to the decree — to sy 
 Ajoku'o-oo Qezrpov, in the Life of Lycurgus. 
 
 4 Called a palaestra, by Plato and by the biographer of the 
 
298 ACADEMY. 
 
 The Academy was surrounded with a wall, 
 built, at a great expense, by Hipparchus 1 , and it 
 was planted, divided into walks, and furnished 
 with fountains of water by Cimon 2 . Before the 
 entrance was an altar of Love 3 . Within was a 
 temenus of Minerva, which containedatempleof 
 Prometheus, and in the entrance an altar of Pro- 
 metheus, whereon were figured, in relief, Vulcan 
 and Prometheus 4 . This altar was the starting- 
 place in the race of the Lampadephoria 5 . There 
 was also a sanctuary of the Muses, built by Xeno- 
 phon : it contained statues of the Graces, dedi- 
 cated by his disciple and nephew, Speusippus 6 , 
 and a statue of Plato by Silanion, dedicated by 
 Mithradates, a Persian 7 . In the Academy were 
 altars also of Hermes, of Hercules 8 , and of Ju- 
 
 Ten Orators. Before it stood a column set up by Lycurgus 
 himself, to record his actions. 
 
 1 Suidas in 'limd.p'XQV re»%»«v. 
 
 • Plutarch. Paral. in Cimon. 
 
 3 Corresponding to which, adds Pausanias, there was in 
 the city an altar of Anteros. 
 
 4 Apollod. ap. Schol. Sophocl. CEdip. Colon, v. 57. 
 ■ Pausan. Attic, c. 30. 
 
 4 Diogen. Laert. in Speusip. 
 
 'Diogen. Laert. in Plat. 
 
 8 Pausan. Attic, c. 30. Pausanias mentions no other ob- 
 jects in the academy than the altars of Prometheus, Minerva, 
 the Muses, Hercules, and Hermes, and the old olive-tree. 
 
ACADEMY. 299 
 
 piter Catsebates, or Morius, the latter epithet 
 being derived from the sacred olives, called 
 Moriae 1 , which grew near the sanctuary of 
 Minerva 2 , and the oil from which was the prize 
 in the gymnic contests of the Panathenaic fes- 
 tival 3 . One of these olive trees was said to be 
 a slip from the olive tree of the Erechtheium 4 . 
 The academy contained likewise the garden of 
 Attalus, where the sophist Lacydes had his 
 school 5 , a tofyasi or tank 6 , and plane trees thirty- 
 six cubits high 7 . Near the Academy were the 
 tomb of Plato and the tower of Timon 8 . 
 
 1 'AXA' e)s 'AxaJ^jxIay xariwy vitb teds Moplais diioti ptfas .-— 
 Aristoph. Nub. v. 1001. 
 
 * Apollod. ap. Schol. Sophocl. CEdip. Colon, v. 737. 
 
 * Aristot. ap. Schol. Sophocl. CEdip. Col. v. 730. Schol. 
 Aristoph. in Nub. v. 1001. Suidas in Moplai. 
 
 * Pausan. Attic, c. 30. Istrus ap. Schol. Sophocl. ibid. 
 8 Diogen. Laert. in Lacyd. 
 
 6 Heliod. iEthiop. 1. 1, c. 17. 
 7 Plin. Hist. Nat. 1. 12, c. 1. 
 
 * Pausan. Attic, c. 30. 
 
300 PORTS OF ATHENS. 
 
 SECTION IX. 
 
 Of Peircseus, MunycMa, and Phalerum — Of the Long 
 Walls and other Fortif cations of the City. 
 
 The singularity and the local advantages of 
 the site of Athens consist not more in its na- 
 tural fortress, the Acropolis, than in the pecu- 
 liar formation of its sea-coast. While the Ce- 
 cropian hill, by giving protection to the early 
 cultivators of the plain against invaders, was 
 the primary cause of the importance of Athens 
 among the states of Greece ; the indented coast 
 and land-locked harbours were the origin of 
 that extensive commerce and dominion over 
 the Grecian seas which Athens so long retained. 
 The security of the Athenian harbours, whose 
 different capacities were so well suited to the 
 several stages of the naval power of Athens, 
 conspired with the peninsular form of the pro- 
 vince, with its position relatively to the surround- 
 ing coasts of Greece and Asia, with the richness 
 of the Attic silver-mines, and even with the ge- 
 neral poverty of the Attic soil, to produce a 
 combination of circumstances the best adapted 
 to encourage the development of commercial 
 industry, and of nautical skill and enterprise. 
 
PORTS OF ATHENS. 301 
 
 Strabo 1 has left us the following description 
 of the maritime quarters of Athens : 
 
 " Above the shore (of the strait of Sala- 
 mi's) is the mountain Corydalus and the demus 
 Corydalenses, the port Phoron, and the small 
 uninhabited rocky islands, Psyttalia and Ata- 
 lante. Then occurs Peiraeeus, which, as well 
 as Munychia, is reckoned among the demi. 
 
 " Munychia is a peninsula connected by a 
 narrow isthmus with the mainland. It is full of 
 natural hollows and artificial excavations, so as 
 to be well suited to the reception of dwelling- 
 houses. Below it are three harbours. For- 
 merly Munychia resembled the city of the 
 Rhodii, being well inhabited in every part, and 
 surrounded by a wall, which comprehended, 
 within the same inclosure, Peiraeeus, and the 
 ports full of naval arsenals, among which was 
 the armory of Philo 2 . The harbours were suf- 
 ficiently capacious to afford anchorage to four 
 hundred ships ; for the Athenian navy consisted 
 of no fewer. These fortifications were joined to 
 
 1 Page 395. 
 
 a According to Pliny (Hist. Nat. 1. 7. c. 3/.) the armory- 
 was calculated for a thousand ships. Philo was an orator 
 (Cicero de Oratore, 1. I.e. 14.) as well as an architect, and 
 he wrote a treatise upon his celebrated work in the Peiraeeus, 
 and another upon the symmetry of temples (Vitruv. in Praef. 
 1. 7). The armory of Philo was destroyed by Sylla. (Appian. 
 de Bel. Mithridat. c. 41.) 
 
302 PORTS OF ATHENS. 
 
 the Ixg'xij, or Long Wails, which were forty stades 
 in length, and united the Peiraeeus to the city. 
 But in the course of the many wars in which 
 Athens has been engaged, the walls both of 
 Peiraeeus and Munychia have been thrown 
 down, and the Peiraeeus has been reduced to 
 a small village, situated around the ports and 
 the temple of Jupiter Soter, in the open court 
 (virxiQpov) of which are still seen some statues, 
 and in its portico some admirable pictures, 
 the works of celebrated artists. The Long Walls 
 were ruined by the Lacedaemonians, and again 
 by the Romans, when Sylla besieged and took 
 both the Peiraeeus and the city. The city 
 CArrv) itself consists of habitations surrounding 
 a rock in the plain. Upon the top of the rock 
 is the temple of Minerva, &c. In the shore 
 adjacent to Peiraeeus is the dermis of the Phale- 
 renses : then the Halimusii, iExonenses, &c. 
 These are the names of the demi which border 
 the coast as far as the promontory Sunium." 
 
 Pausanias 1 describes the maritime demi and 
 ports of Athens in the following terms : 
 
 " The Peiraeeus was a demus from the earliest 
 times; but it was not until Themistocles admi- 
 nistered the affairs of the Athenians that it was 
 made a port for ships. Before that time the 
 
 1 Attic, c. 1. 
 
PORTS OF ATHENS. 303 
 
 harbour of Athens was at Phalerum, where the 
 sea shore is nearest to the city. It was from 
 Phalerum that Menestheus set sail for Troy; 
 and still more anciently Theseus, when he went 
 to satisfy the vengeance of Minos for the death 
 of Androgeus 1 . But Themistocles, when he 
 held the government, perceiving that the har- 
 bour of Peiraeeus was more commodiously situ- 
 ated for navigation, and that it possessed three 
 ports 2 , instead of the one at Phalerum, formed 
 it into a receptacle for ships : and to the present 
 time there remain the buildings for receiving 
 the ships (vews olxoi) and the sepulchre of Themi- 
 stocles on the shore of the largest of the three 
 ports ; for it is said that the Athenians re- 
 pented of their conduct to Themistocles, and 
 that his bones were brought by his descendants 
 from Magnesia." 
 
 " The most remarkable object in Peiraeeus is 
 
 1 The story was, that Androgeus, son of Minos, having 
 been slain by the Marathonian bull, Minos, who thought 
 that his son had perished by the malice of the Athenians, 
 harassed them with his fleets until they agreed to a yearly 
 tribute of seven youths and seven virgins, to be exposed to 
 the Minotaur in the Labyrinth. Theseus sailed to Crete 
 as one of the victims, destroyed the Minotaur, and made 
 peace with Minos (Pausanias, ibid.). 
 
 * ©£|xi<rroxAij£ vop£wv to re ^cupx/v xccaqy ilvai, \L- 
 
 fisvas sxov Tpsig a.vt(xpviis. Thucyd. 1. l,c # 93. — Heysch. in 
 Zsz. — Schol. Aristoph. in Pac. v. 144. — Corn. Nep. in 
 Themist. c. 6. 
 
304 PORTS OF ATHENS. 
 
 the temenus of Minerva and Jupiter, contain- 
 ing brazen statues of the two deities, the Jupi- 
 ter having in his hands a sceptre and a vic- 
 tory, and the Minerva a spear 1 . Here also is 
 a picture by Arcesilaus of Leosthenes* and his 
 
 1 There can be no doubt that this temenus, or inclosure 
 sacred to Jupiter and Minerva, was the same as the ispbv rou 
 Atos rov Y.un , r,pos, or sanctuary of Jupiter Soter, noticed by 
 Strabo and by Pliny (1. 34, c. 8). The latter describes the 
 statue of Minerva and the altar of Jupiter in the following 
 terms : " Cephisidorus, Minervam mirabilem in portu Athe- 
 niensium et aram ad templum Jovis Servatoris in eodem 
 portu, quibus pauca comparantur." The artist's name, 
 however, was not Cephisidorus, but Ccphisodotus, who was 
 the author likewise of the Statue of Peace bearing Plutus, in 
 the Cerameicus (Pausan. Bccot. c. 16), of several of the 
 muses in Mount Helicon (Pausan. Boeot. c. 30), and who 
 was the joint artist of the statues in the temple of Jupiter 
 Soter at Megalopolis (Pausan. Arcad. c. 30). The altar of 
 Jupiter in Peiraeeus was raised by Demosthenes, in com- 
 mutation of his fine of thirty talents (Plutarch in Demosth.) 
 There appears also to have been an altar of Jupiter Ctesius 
 in the Pehceeus. Antipho. in Noverc. p. Gl2, 014. Iteiske. 
 
 * When the Athenians were meditating a war with Mace- 
 donia, Leosthenes sailed to Asia with the Athenian fleet, and 
 conveyed to Greece the Greek mercenaries of the Persian 
 satraps whom Alexander wished to detain in Asia. In the 
 Lamiac war, which broke out on the death of Alexander, 
 Leosthenes commanded the Athenians, and gained two vic- 
 tories ; one at Plataea over the combined forces of the Mace- 
 donians and Boeotians; the other at Thermopylae over Anti- 
 pater. The Macedonians were then shut up and besieged in 
 Lamia, and Leosthenes fell in the biege. — Pausan. Attic, c. 
 25. Arcad. c. 52. Diodor. Sic. I. 18, c. n, &p, 
 
PORTS OF ATHENS. 305 
 
 children. The Macra Stoa, (long portico), 
 serves as an agora for those who live near the 
 sea: but there is another agora, for such as 
 live at a distance from the shore 1 . Behind the 
 Macra Stoa is a statue of Jupiter, and another 
 of the people, which is the work of Leochares. 
 On the sea-side is a temple of Venus 2 , built 
 by Conon, after his victory over the Lacedsemo- 
 nian triremes, near Cnidus in the Carian Cher- 
 sonese : for the Cnidii particularly worship Ve- 
 nus, and have three temples of the goddess.'' 
 
 " The Athenians have another port called Mu- 
 nychia, where is a temple of Diana Munychia. 
 There is a third harbour at Phalerum, where is 
 
 1 This agora was surnamed Hippodameia, orHippodameius. 
 It is mentioned by Xenophon (Hell. 2. c. 4), by Demosthenes 
 (inTimoth. p. 1 igo. Reiske), and byAndocides (de Myster. p. 
 23). It was named after Hippodamus, of Miletus, the archi- 
 tect employed by Themistocles to fortify thePeiraeeus, and to 
 lay out the new streets, both of Athens and Peiraeeus. Aristot. 
 de Repub. 1. 2. c. 8. — Schol. in Aristoph. Equit. v. 327. — 
 Harpocrat. in 'Iim^a^eTa. — Hesych. in % lriro$dpov v£pt.r)<ri$. 
 
 • It appears that there was another sanctuary of Venus, 
 6urnamed Aparchus, in the Peirseeus, built by Themistocle$ 
 after the battle of Salamis, in consequence of a dove having 
 perched upon his galley during the action. — Kal rd it%p\ 
 rris TtzpwrspoLs %Ti atr) ®&[U(rroKXiov$ rpiypov; stpdvy) xafle^Ojaenj, 
 •Sev Ss [usrd ryv vlxyv 'Airoip^ov 'A<ppo$irr)$ Ispov lSpv<raT0 Ir 
 Utipxnl, ws 'Au.povios Aapvpisvs iv ?w ittp) Suj^wy. — Schol. 
 Hermogen. Uep\ iSeulv in cnp. llep) yXvxvturos* 
 
 X 
 
306 PORTS OF ATHENS. 
 
 a sanctuary of Ceres 1 , a temple of Minerva 
 Sciras, and, somewhat farther from the port, 
 a temple of Jupiter. Here are likewise altars 
 sacred to the gods, called the Unknown 2 , to 
 the heroes, the sons of Theseus 3 , to the hero 
 
 1 In his Phocics (c. 35.) Pausanias informs us, that this 
 sanctuary was a vaog, and that, like a temple of Juno in the 
 Phaleric road, it had remained ruinous and half burnt from 
 the time of the Persian invasion. 
 
 a For the Unknown Gods at Athens see also Philost. in 
 Apollon. Tyan. 1. 6, c. 2. — Lucian. in Philopat. It was upon 
 the occasion of a plague in the 40th Olympiad that the 
 Athenians were advised by Epimenides to propitiate the 
 Unknown Deities, lest some one of them should be offended 
 by omission (Diogen. Laert. in Epimen. — Joan. Chrysost. 
 Homil. 38, in Act. Apost.). Bxpoi dvuivvpoi thenceforward 
 became common among the demi. Diogenes Laertius says, 
 that Epimenides himself came to Athens to establish this wor- 
 ship, and that he sacrificed upon the Areiopagus. It is pro- 
 bable, therefore, that an altar, ruj ayvajfrTcy few, continued to 
 stand upon the Areiopagus from that time until it became 
 the occasion of St. Paul's address to the Athenians (Act. 
 Apost. c. 17). Pausanias, however, who visited Athens a 
 century after St. Paul, no longer found there any altar to the 
 Unknown God, or at least he has omitted to notice it. The 
 altar at Phalerum differed from that on the Areiopagus by 
 being dedicated to the unknown Deities in the plural. 
 
 3 Their names were Nausithous and Phaeax (Plutarch in 
 Thes.) Plutarch adds, that their monuments were near the 
 temple of Minerva Sciras, which he calls the temple of 
 Sciron. The name was derived from its founder, Scirus, a 
 Dodonacan prophet, who came to Athens in the reign of 
 Erechtheus the Second (Pausan. Attic, c. 36). 
 
MARITIME DEMI. 307 
 
 Phalerus, who is reported by the Athenians to 
 have sailed to Chalcis with Jason, and to An- 
 drogens, son of Minos, who is worshipped under 
 the name of the Hero'. 
 
 " Twenty stades from Phalerum is the pro- 
 montory Colias, where the fleet of the Medes 
 was driven by the waves after its destruction' , 
 (at Salamis). 
 
 To the reader who has attentively perused 
 the preceding descriptions of maritime Athens, 
 it would be a loss of time to bring forward any 
 further arguments to prove that the demus of 
 Peirseeus was adjacent, and gave name to the 
 larger of the three Athenian ports ; that Pha- 
 
 1 Phalerum contained also the sepulchral monument of 
 Aristides (Demetr. Phaler. ap. Plutarch in Aristid.), and a 
 fountain of* brackish water, supposed to be the same as the 
 Clepsydra of the city (see p. 66). When the harbour 
 of Phalerum had ceased to be of much importance to the 
 Athenians, the place was chiefly celebrated for its marshy 
 ground (Xenoph. in GEconom. c. ig) ; for its cabbages 
 (Hesych. in ^aA^ixai), which probably grew in the neigh- 
 bouring part of the plain ; and for its Ash, particularly aphyce 
 (Athen.et Archestrat.ap. Athen. 1./. c. 8. — Aristoph. Acharn. 
 v. 0,01. — Av. v. 76. — Aristot. Hist. Anim. 1.6, c. 15.— Jul. 
 Pollux. 1. 6, c. 10). Diogenes Laertius (in Prooem.) says, 
 that the sepulchral monument of Musaeus was at Phalerum, 
 with an epigram upon it, which he has recorded; but this is 
 in contradiction with Pausanias (Attic, c. 25) } and with the 
 name of the hill Museium, in the city, where the philoso- 
 pher was reported to have been buried. 
 
 x2 
 
308 MARITIME DEMI. 
 
 lerum, being the easternmost of the three demi, 
 and the nearest to the city 1 , must have bor- 
 dered the small oval basin, now known by the 
 name of Porto Fanari, and consequently that 
 the port of Munychia was the circular harbour, 
 now called Stratiotiki. 
 
 It would be difficult to ascertain the exact 
 extent and boundaries of the respective demi ; 
 nor is it of much importance, as we know, that 
 in the most flourishing times of the Athenian 
 republic, the three demi formed a continued 
 town, which was more extensive than Athens 
 itself 2 . The demus of Munychia not only com- 
 prised the borders of port Munychia, where we 
 still find remains of the temple of Diana Muny- 
 chia, and of the Munychian theatre; but it ap- 
 pears from Strabo to have comprehended like- 
 wise the whole peninsula lying beyond the 
 isthmus of port Munychia towards the open 
 
 1 In the Arcadics (c. 10) Pausanias makes the sea-shore 
 near Phalerum to be no more than twenty stades from the 
 city. But this is evidently erroneous ; for the Phaleric long 
 wall being, as Thucydides (1. 2, c. 13) has correctly stated, 
 thirty-five stades in length, the distance between the north- 
 east angle of the bay of Phalerum, and the city wall near 
 the monument of Philopappus, which were the two nearest 
 points, could not have been less than twenty-six stades. 
 
 • Thucyd. 1. 2, c. 13. — Strabo, p. 395. Of the relative di- 
 mensions of Athens and the maritime city, see below. 
 
PORT PEIRAEEUS. 309 
 
 sea. Such being the extent of Munychia, the 
 demus of Peirgeeus must have bordered all the 
 western and northern side of the great harbour, 
 as far as the Munychian isthmus ; its central and 
 most frequented part being naturally at the head 
 of the harbour, about the modern custom-house 
 and convent, at the foot of the height, on the 
 side of which we still find the remains of the 
 Peiraic theatre mentioned byXenophon 1 . The 
 Phaleric demus occupied the eastern slope of 
 the same height, and the ground around Port 
 Phalerum. 
 
 The harbour of Peiraeeus, although subject to 
 some inconveniences, from the difficulty which 
 ships occasionally experience in entering and 
 sailing out, is still an excellent port for vessels 
 as large as frigates. It is known to the Greeks 
 by the name of Dhrako (Afa>cwv*) ; to the Turks 
 by that of Asian Limani ; and to the Italians 
 by that of Porto Leone : all names derived from 
 a colossal lion of white marble, which stood 
 
 1 L. 2, c. 4. 
 
 3 Apdxujv is one of those words, which, in the course of the 
 corruption of the Greek language, have been converted 
 from specifics into generics, or from particular objects to all 
 objects possessing similar qualities. Thus tyoLxwy, instead 
 of meaning, as among the ancients, a serpent onlj 7 , is now 
 applicable to a monster of any kind, and was thus applied 
 : to the marble lion of the Peiraeeus. 
 
310 PORT PEIR^EUS. 
 
 upon the beach until the year 1687, when 
 Athens having been taken by the Venetians, 
 it was removed, together with another large 
 lion found in the plain of Athens, and a third 
 smaller, and was placed at the gate of the 
 arsenal of Venice. It was conveyed to Paris by 
 the conquerors of Italy in the year 1797, but 
 has recently been restored to Venice, and by 
 some future revolution in the European system 
 may perhaps be replaced in its original station 
 at the Peiraeeus. 
 
 It has been seen that anciently the Peiraeeus 
 was subdivided into three harbours. Thus the 
 ports of Athens amounted in all to five, besides 
 Port Phoron, at the foot of Mount Corydalus, 
 and the bay of Phalerum, which, covered as it 
 is on the one side by the Peiraic peninsula', 
 and on the other by Cape Colias, affords to- 
 lerable shelter at either end. 
 
 Although the natural division of thePeirseeus 
 into three harbours had caused Themistocles to 
 recommend its use to the Athenians, it was not 
 
 1 As the ancients often applied the word Peira?eus to the 
 whole of maritime Athens, the term Peiraic peninsula may 
 serve to describe the entire peninsula formed by the isthmus 
 lying between the north-west angle of the bay of Phalerum 
 and the head of Port Peiraeeus, and the exterior peninsula, 
 formed by the isthmus lying between Ports Munychh und 
 Peiraeeus, may be called the Munychian peninsula. 
 
PORT PEIILffiEUS. 311 
 
 until the second year of the Peloponnesian war, 
 when maritime Athens was in danger of being 
 surprised by the enemy's fleet, that the Athe- 
 nians saw the necessity of fortifying the Pei- 
 raeeus in the manner customary among the 
 Greeks 1 . The three ports of Peirseeus then 
 became closed harbours (xAsjcvoj x^avss"), as Mu- 
 
 » Thucyd. 1. 2, c. Q3, 94. 
 
 8 xAfio-roi \ipzvs$ . This expression, which often occurs in 
 ancient history, is illustrated by many examples in the ruins 
 of the maritime cities of Greece. Their harbours were ge- 
 nerall} r small land-locked basins, such as the coasts of Greece 
 particularly abound in, and they were inclosed, as Strabo 
 has described the Athenian ports, within the circuit of the 
 town walls j that is to say, that the city walls, being carried 
 down to either side of the harbour's mouth, were prolonged 
 from thence across the mouth upon shoals, or artificial 
 moles, until a passage only was left in the middle for two or 
 three triremes abreast between two towers, the opening of 
 which might be further protected by a chain. When the 
 shore did not naturally afford sufficient shelter, the port was 
 sometimes completed artificially, by means of moles. It was 
 at Athens and JEgina, the two chief maritime states on the 
 eastern coast of Greece, that nature and art had particu- 
 larly combined in the formation of closed ports ; for we still 
 trace the remains of five at Athens and of three at iEgina. 
 
 This kind of harbour was not out of use in the Levant 
 seas, as long as the Armata Sottile, as the Venetians called 
 that part of their navy which consisted of gallies and gal- 
 liots, continued to be an object of importance among them, 
 and to have opponents of the same kind among the Turks, 
 and among the other naval powers of the Mediterranean, 
 
312 PORT PEIRiEEUS. 
 
 nychia and Phalerum had probably long before 
 been made. 
 
 The traces of the works which closed the three 
 ports of Peiraeeus being still perfectly apparent, 
 its three divisions are exactly determined. The 
 entrance of the outer port is marked by an in- 
 sulated rock, lying towards the eastern shore: 
 this port extended inwards as far as two reefs, 
 which, projecting from either shore, form a 
 second narrow passage, now indicated by two 
 small masses of modern masonry. Anciently the 
 reefs afforded a foundation to two projecting 
 walls, the opening between which was the com- 
 munication from the outer to the middle port. 
 The middle port was by much the largest of 
 the three : it contained all the portion of the 
 Peiraeeus now in use, and extended as far as the 
 shore at the modern custom-house and convent 
 of St. Spyridion, leaving on the north side a third 
 narrow entrance, leading into a circular basin. 
 The regular form of this basin and the walls, 
 which, with the exception of an opening in the 
 middle, were carried across the entrance, so as 
 to form the continuation of a part of the forti- 
 ficatiens of maritime Athens, furnish undoubted 
 
 where the narrow seas, the intricate and rocky coasts, the 
 numerous small ports, the sudden changes of weather, and 
 the frequent calms, are all in favour of vessels which draw 
 little water, and depend chiefly upon oars for their swiftness. 
 
DIVISIONS OF PORT PEIRJEEUS. 313 
 
 proofs that this was one of the three Peiraic 
 ports, although neglect, its low situation, and 
 the alluvial depositions of a small stream run- 
 ning into it, have now rendered it a mere lagoon, 
 unfit even to receive the small vessels in use 
 among the modern Greeks. 
 
 The three subdivisions of Port Peiraeeus were 
 named, Cantharus, Aphrodisium 1 , andZea 8 ; but 
 although we are furnished with their names, 
 and although the remains of the ancient works 
 give us their exact limits, it is still very difficult 
 to distinguish to which of the three ports each 
 of these ancient names belonged. If Aphro- 
 disium received its name from the two temples 
 built in Peiraeeus by Themistocles and Conon, 
 the middle or great port must have been Aphro- 
 disium ; for, as I have already remarked, there 
 can be little doubt that the central part of the 
 demus of Peiraeeus, where, according to Pau- 
 
 1 'Ev Tleipaw Sri itovtrTi KxvQdpou hl^v. — Aristoph. in Pac. 
 v. 144. Schol. Heipouevs XjjU,eva/ rpeig £%«> Ttdvras xXgjaTOUf. 
 E7f jw.£v, 6 Kavtepou \i[x.r]v oorw KacXovy-svog aito riyog ijfcJou 
 KavSapw ev u> ra veupia* slrx to 'A<ppo$l<nov' lira, xuxXw row 
 Xty.svo§ (ttooci irsvre. 
 
 ev KayQa'f u> Xipkvi. — Plutarch, Paral. in Phocion. 
 
 Ka'v9a^ov, Xi^r]v ourcu xaXsTrai ev Heipouel. — Hesych. in KavQ. 
 KavSapoj - ro £a;ov xsu ovo/ao. Xipivos \A0Tj'v»!<rj. — Suidas in Kav9» 
 
 9 Zea, y) 'Exofnj vapa 'A6ijva/oj/ xa« els twv ev Usipam \i\ii* 
 vwv, oZru) xaXovfx,svos dirb rou Kocpirou rrjs &izs' e^et $e o IleJ* 
 paitvs Xipivas Tpe7f xXsjotouV. — Hesych. in Zia. 
 
314 DIVISIONS OF PORT PEIR7EEUS. 
 
 sanias, stood upon the shore the Macra Stoa 
 and temple of Venus, was at the head of the 
 great harbour towards the modern custom- 
 house and convent. 
 
 If the middle or great harbour was Aphro- 
 disium, it is probable that the inner basin was 
 Cantharus, and the outer port Zea. Cantharus 
 was the harbour which contained the buildings 
 for the repair and preservation of the Athenian 
 ships of war 1 , and it is consistent with reason and 
 experience to suppose that such works were in 
 the most sheltered and retired part of the har- 
 bour. Zea, on the other hand, having taken its 
 name from being the port destined for the recep- 
 tion of the ships which supplied Athens with 
 corn, and which navigated to the Black Sea, and 
 other distant regions, was probably the exterior 
 division of the harbour ; where those vessels, 
 being the largest and strongest which the Athe- 
 nians possessed, might find sufficient protection 
 from the weather. 
 
 On one side of the entrance into the harbour 
 of Peiraeeus was the promontory Alcimus 2 , on 
 
 1 Schol. Aristoph. in Pac. ubi supra. 
 
 * Hep) rov Xtpeva rov HEipaixf, diro rov Kara, rov v AAx</xov 
 Ttpoxeirai rig q]o$ uyxu>v xa) xd^avri rovrov evrbg, rj to vttev' 
 Siov r-rjs QaXdrryg, xpyxlg etrnv evy.sysQys xa) rb rttp\ avrbv 
 Gw[x.oei§£s ?d$os rov QBjj.Krroy.Xeov;. — Plutarch. Paral. in 
 The mist. 
 
CAPES OF PORT PEIR^IEUS. 315 
 
 the other Eetioneia 1 . Eetioneia is described 
 by Thucydides as a cape, which sheltered the 
 opening of port Peiraeeus from the outer sea, 
 and commanded the entrance into the harbour. 
 In the twenty-first year of the Peloponnesian 
 war, when the Athenian fleet and army, under 
 Thrasybulus and Alcibiades, were at Samus, 
 and when the Four Hundred were in possession 
 of the government of Athens, the latter built a 
 fortress upon this promontory, with a view of 
 preventing the entrance of their own fleet, which 
 was adverse to them, or even with that of se- 
 
 1 wKofidfiOvv. . . .to sv tf t 'HsTtuvsla. rziyog. . . . xyX-rj yap 
 
 i<rn rou Ustppucos $ 'HeTiuJvsix xa) itap' avrrjV suftvg ij ao"ir\ov$ 
 strilv efsi%i£sT0 ouv ovrw %uv tuj itpoTspov itpbg fjifsipov iirdp- 
 yovn Tel%si, u}<Tts,%a,bsXfi^Byoiv e$ olvtov dySpujitouv oxlywvjdpysiy 
 rov ys scntXov kit avrov yap hit) tuj grr6y.a,ri tov \t(Asvog, <ttsvov 
 ovrog, tov atspov tfvpyov ate\svTa. m to rs nraXaibv rb itpbg rpteipw 
 xa) to xaivbv to svTog Tov Tslyovg, Ts.{yiZ,op.Bvov itpog &d\a.<r<rav* 
 §Kvx.ob s 6(j*7jTa.v 5s xa) crrodv, rflzp yv peyiirry) xa) eyyvtaTa rovrov, 
 evQvg I^OfAevTj ev Toy Ueipais7, xa] i^>%ov avro) avrrjg, eg yjv xa) 
 rbv arlTov yvdy^atyv rfdvras rbv vitdpyovrdre xa) rbv hitntXewra 
 e%aipe~i(rQai xa.) rbv evtevhv icpoaipovrfag itcuXe7v. — Thucyd. K 
 8. c. go. 
 
 'Hitiaovela. ' Avrt^uSV ev tip itep) r-rjg {x,sToc<rTd<rscug — ovTcog 
 hxa\e7ro, yj / ys itapd tov ILeipaiecag dxpa, ditb tov xarao-Tn}- 
 ca.[isvov ryv yrjv 'Hstituvos, wg <py]Tt QiXoyopog ev -n? itpbg Ay- 
 fMtiVX dvTiypatpf,' pvyjuovevei Se rrjg 'HeTiujveiag xa) QovxvSlfyg 
 ev 6y$6y. — Harpocrat. in 'Henovvelx. 
 
 See also Demosth. adv. Theocrin. p. 1343, Reiske. — 
 Suidas and Stephanus in 'Ueriwvela. 
 
316 CAPES OF PORT PEIR&EUS. 
 
 curing the admission of the Peloponnesian fleet, 
 rather than resign their power 1 . It appears from 
 the description of Thucydides, that their works 
 were chiefly towards the sea, but that they 
 were connected, towards the main land, with 
 the old Peiraic fortifications. 
 
 As this description cannot apply to the 
 southern shore of the entrance of Peiraeeus, 
 which was all a part of Munychia, and which, 
 from its peninsular form, and from its situation 
 within the demi ofPhalerum and Peiraseus, could 
 not have had any walls towards the main land 
 (irpog yirsipov), it is obvious that Eetioneia must 
 have been the projecting part of the coast, 
 which runs westward from the north side of 
 the entrance into the Peiraeeus. 
 
 Thucydides adds, that adjoining to their for- 
 tress the Four Hundred built a large stoa within 
 the Peiraic harbour, where they obliged all per- 
 sons to deposit their corn, as well that which 
 was already in port as that which was daily ar- 
 riving by sea. Thus it seems that the place 
 where the stoa was erected was upon the shore 
 on the north side of port Zea ; probably in the 
 usual place of unloading and depositing grain ; 
 which, by this decree of the Four Hundred, 
 
 ' Thucyd. 1. 8, c. 91, 92.— Demosth. adv. Theocrin. ubi 
 
 supra. 
 
CAPES OF PORT PEIR^EUS. 317 
 
 was transferred from private magazines into the 
 new stoa, where the proprietors were obliged to 
 sell it. 
 
 The expressions of Thucydides, therefore, are 
 in some measure a confirmation of Zea having 
 been the outer division of the Peiraic harbour. 
 We need not be surprised that Thucydides has 
 not specified it by the appellation of Zea, as he 
 has not named any of the three divisions, but 
 has included them all under the general deno- 
 mination of Peiraeeus. 
 
 Eetioneia having been on the northern side 
 of the entrance from the open sea into the Pei- 
 raic harbours, it follows that Alcimus was on 
 the opposite side ; that is to say, that it was 
 the western cape of the Munychian peninsula. 
 Near Alcimus, says Plutarch, upon the au- 
 thority of the geographer Diodorus, was an 
 elbow of the coast, which kept the sea within it 
 generally smooth: here, on the shore 1 , was the 
 tomb of Themistocles, consisting of a large 
 basis, with a monument upon it resembling an 
 altar. Although the most obvious inference 
 from these words is, that the monument was 
 within the harbour, of which Cape Alcimus 
 forms the outer point, it seems possible also 
 that a point to the southward of the cape may 
 have been meant by the projecting elbow. 
 
 1 Its situation on the skore is confirmed by Plato, the comic 
 poet, (Plutarch ibid.) 
 
318 TOMB OF THEMISTOCLES. 
 
 Pausanias, however, has decided the question 
 beyond any doubt, and has shown that the 
 tomb of Themistocles must have been to the 
 north-eastward of Cape Alcimus, on the shore 
 of the middle port ; for, in speaking of the 
 three ports into which Peirseeus was divided, he 
 expressly says that the monument of Themisto- 
 cles was on the shore of the largest harbour 
 (•irfa ruJ (x,syl<rr'M Aiaevj). There is no other mode, 
 therefore, of reconciling the two authorities, 
 than by supposing that the elbow mentioned by 
 Plutarch was the cape, which terminating in a 
 mole, formed one side of the entrance from port 
 Zea into port Aphrodisium, and consequently 
 that the sepulchre of Themistocles was within 
 this point at the southern extremity of port 
 Aphrodisium. 
 
 It has generally been supposed that the tomb 
 of Themistocles was upon a part of cape Alci- 
 mus, where are still seen some sarcophagi hewn 
 out of the rock, with an inclosure, or sort of 
 outer sarcophagus also hewn out of the rock, for 
 the purpose of protecting the interior coffin from 
 the surf, to which this part of the coast is exposed. 
 One of these double sarcophagi, near which is 
 a fallen stele, or short sepulchral column of the 
 usual form, has been generally pointed out to 
 travellers as the tomb of Themistocles, and one 
 of the reasons given for the supposition is, that 
 the situation faces the scene of the battle of 
 
TOMB OF THEMISTOCLES. 319 
 
 Salamis, the most glorious event in the life of 
 the great Athenian. Independently, however, 
 of the proof already given from Pausanias, that 
 the monument was in Port Aphrodisium, it ap- 
 pears from the same author, that the posthumous x 
 honours bestowed upon Themistocles, by the 
 Athenians, had reference, not so much to the 
 battle ofSalamis as to his having been the for- 
 tifier and improver of the Peiraeeus. It must be 
 observed, also, that the fallen sepulchral stele 
 upon Cape Alcimus does not correspond very 
 well to the altar-shaped monument (e»p.oejJfc 
 ra<p os), and that there are many other sarcophagi 
 hewn in the rocks of the Munychian peninsula, 
 and remains of other monuments along the shore, 
 both to the west and east of the entrance of Pei- 
 raeeus. Among these there is one upon the shore 
 to the westward, about midway between the en- 
 trance of Port Dhrako, and of a small creek called 
 Trapezona, which is much more conspicuous 
 than the monument upon Cape Alcimus, having 
 a broad base, or xpiftis, with the fragments lying 
 beside it, of a large fallen stele, which once 
 stood upon the base. All these monuments I 
 take to have been raised in honour of distin- 
 guished seamen, or of wealthy inhabitants of 
 maritime Athens, for whose sepulchres these 
 conspicuous situations upon the sea-side may 
 have been chosen by themselves or descendants. 
 
320 BUILDINGS OF PEIRiEEUS. 
 
 Upon the whole, it is to be feared that the 
 topographer, who examines the locality with the 
 testimony of the ancient authors before him, 
 will find himself obliged to give up the agree- 
 able illusion, that any remains of the tomb of 
 Themistocles are now in existence. Indeed, it 
 is almost evident from the silence of Pausanias, 
 and from the manner in which Plutarch refers 
 to other authors upon the subject, that no re- 
 mains of the tomb existed even in their time. 
 
 The following were the public buildings which 
 adorned the maritime quarters of Athens: — At 
 the Peiraeeus, besides the Macra Stoa, the two 
 temples of Venus, the sanctuary of Jupiter 
 Soter, and the Agora Hippodameia, were the 
 Deigma, or exchange, for the exhibition of 
 goods, and transaction of mercantile business 1 , 
 the Phreattys, one of the Athenian tribunals"; 
 the bath, called Serangium 3 ; and the thea- 
 
 1 Schol. in Aristoph. Equit. v. 975. — Xenoph. Hellen. 1. 5. 
 c. 1. — Polyaen. Strateg. 1. 6. c. 2. — Lysias Orat. adv. Tisid. 
 ap. Dionys. Halicarn. Rhet. p. 986, ed. Reiske. — Harpocrat. 
 in Ae7y/xa. The Deigma was perhaps one of the five por- 
 ticos which formed the Macra Stoa. 
 
 * Demosth. cont. Aristocr. p. 645, 646, Reiske. — Pausan. 
 Attic, c. 28. — Jul. Pollux. 1. 8. c. 10. — Excerpt. Hellad.ap. 
 Phot. Biblioth. p. 1594. 
 
 3 Isaeus Orat. do Philoctem. Haered. p. 140, Reiske. — 
 Harpocrat. Suid. et Hcsych. in "2^fdyyiov. 
 
BUILDINGS OF PEIR^EUS. 321 
 
 tre 1 . Of these we have already seen that the 
 Macra Stoa and the temples of Venus were on 
 the sea-shore. The Phreattys also was in the 
 same situation; for in this court, while the 
 judges were seated on shore, the accused were 
 in a ship drawn up over against them 2 . From the 
 destination of the Deigma, it may be presumed 
 that it was a part of the maritime Agora or 
 Macra Stoa. As to the temple of Jupiter, the 
 words both of Strabo and Pausanias 3 seem to 
 favour the supposition that it was not on the 
 sea-shore, but in the interior of the demus. The 
 
 1 Xenoph. Hellen. 1. 2. c.4. Mention is also made of this 
 theatre upon two ancient marbles, brought from Greece for 
 the society of Dilettanti, by Dr. Chandler, and presented by 
 the society to the British Museum. See a copy of the in- 
 scriptions in Chandler's Inscriptiones Antiquae, p. 72, 74. It 
 appears from another inscription (No. 1 10. p. 75), that there 
 was a temenus of Theseus in or near some part of the mari- 
 time demi, to which belonged lands and woods. 
 
 2 foirov Tiva sv <f>g£a??o~ kccXoviasvov eit\ 0aAaiVij, sift 
 
 o [x.sv Iv TtXolu) it(JO<rt\zv<Ta.s Aeysj, rye yrjg 06%' dirrof/ssvo;' o\ $ 
 dxpowvrai xou Slxd^ovtriv bv tr, yt\. — Demosth. cont. Aristocr. 
 ubi supra. 
 
 The other authors cited in note 2 of the preceding page 
 mention also the same singular custom. 
 
 3 Strabo, by saying that in his time there were no build- 
 ings in maritime Athens except around the ports, and around 
 the temple of Jupiter Soter; and Pausanias, by remarking, 
 that the temple of Venus and the Macra Stoa were near the 
 sea, and by stating only in regard to the temple of Jupiter 
 Soter, that it was in Peiraeeus. 
 
 Y 
 
322 BUILDINGS OF PEIRJEEUS. 
 
 Macra Stoa, therefore, which, according to the 
 scholiast of Aristophanes, consisted of five por- 
 ticos 1 , probably occupied, including theDeigma, 
 Phreattys, and temple of Venus, the whole shore 
 of the great port from Cantharus to the Muny- 
 chian isthmus, or perhaps even as far as the 
 situation near the opening into Port Zea, where 
 I have supposed the monument of Themistocles 
 to have stood. As Christian saints have so 
 often occupied the places of the pagan deities 
 of Greece, nothing appears more probable than 
 that the convent of St. Spiridion should stand 
 upon the site of one, or perhaps of both the 
 temples of Venus. 
 
 I am inclined to think that no part of the 
 western side of the great harbour was occupied 
 by any of the buildings just mentioned, but 
 that it was destined to the arsenals and store- 
 houses of the Athenian fleet, including the ce- 
 lebrated armory of Philo. It is obvious that a 
 large portion of the shore of Peiraeeus must 
 have been applied to these objects, and no 
 situation could be so well adapted to them as 
 the western side of the harbour, especially if 
 the inner basin was (as I have supposed) the 
 
 1 One of these was probably the 2roa 'A\<piriirw\is, or por- 
 tico for the sale of com, erected by Pericles, which the 
 Scholiast (in Aristoph. Acharn. v. 547.) says was itepi rbv 
 ITfifaia. 
 
BUILDINGS OF PEIRiEEUS. 323 
 
 port destined to the construction and repair of 
 the Athenian gallies. The western side of the 
 harbour from Cantharus to Zea had the advan- 
 tages of being separated from the town of ma- 
 ritime Athens by Port Cantharus; of being adja- 
 cent to the ships of war in that port; and by being 
 situated a little seaward of Cantharus, it was con- 
 veniently placed to facilitate the completion of 
 the equipment of the ships when they had come 
 out of that port. The ground which I suppose 
 to have been destined to these warlike establish- 
 ments forms a triangle, having an obtuse angle 
 at the summit of the hill, which rises from the 
 water-side. The long side of the triangle com- 
 prised the entire western shore of Aphrodisium 
 from Cantharus to Zea, and the other two sides 
 were inclosed by two walls, one of which ter- 
 minated at the entrance from the open sea into 
 Port Zea, and the other was a prolongation of 
 the wall which was carried across the entrance 
 of Port Cantharus. At the obtuse angle, where 
 the two walls met, was a magnificent entrance 
 into this triangular space between two round 
 towers. Of these walls and round towers, and 
 of a ditch cut in the rock, which formed a part 
 of their external defence, the remains are still 
 in existence. 
 
 It has already been remarked, that the ruins 
 of the theatre of Peiraeeus, which, when com- 
 plete, may have been about two hundred and 
 
 y 2 
 
324 BUILDINGS OF PE1R.EEUS. 
 
 forty feet in diameter, are to be seen on the 
 side of the hill which rises from the north- 
 eastern extremity of Port Aphrodisium. 
 
 The Hippodameia, or agora of Peiraeeus, 
 for the use of those whose business did not re- 
 late to. maritime commerce, was probably situ- 
 ated near the entrance into the demus from 
 the country, which must have been the same 
 as the entrance into Peiraeeus by the great ha- 
 maxitus, or carriage-road, leading from the 
 Inner Cerameicus, through the plain, parallel 
 to the northern long wall. The modern road 
 from Dhrako to Athens, therefore, traverses 
 the site of the Hippodameia, and nothing can 
 be more probable than the conjecture of 
 Chandler, that some ancient foundations seen 
 to the right of the road, at the foot of the hill 
 of Peiraeeus, belonged to a part of this agora. 
 Of the other magnificent buildings which once 
 adorned the demus of Peiraeeus, and the shores 
 of the great harbour, nothing is now to be seen 
 but a few sculptured fragments in the convent 
 and adjoining fields, together with many scat- 
 tered foundations in various parts of the site of 
 the demus. 
 
 In the demus of Munychia, the only build- 
 ings of which history has left us any informa- 
 tion are the temple of Diana Munychia, the 
 Bendideium, and the Theatre. 
 
 The temple of Diana appears from Pausanias 
 
BUILDINGS OF MUNYCHIA. 325 
 
 to have been on the shore of Port Munychia ; 
 and here, accordingly, are still observed the 
 foundations of an oblong building, with some 
 remains of Doric cohimns, about two feet and 
 a half in diameter, together with fragments of 
 the triglyphs of a Doric architrave of corre- 
 sponding dimensions. 
 
 As Bendis was the Thracian appellation of 
 Diana, the Bendideium was probably another 
 sanctuary of Diana ; and it appears, from the 
 words of Xenophon, to have stood at no great 
 distance from the former 1 . 
 
 Not far from this place, to the north-east, are 
 the remains of a small theatre, looking down 
 upon the port of Munychia. This theatre is 
 mentioned by Thucydides 2 , and Lysias 3 , the 
 former of whom calls it the Dionysiac theatre. 
 
 Thus it appears that all the public buildings 
 of the demus of Munychia were situated near 
 the harbour, and that the demus, as might 
 indeed be supposed, included all the space of 
 
 1 Oi §s kx Too oirtsos h rfv 'iTWoSa/xsiov dyopav khfiovTss* 
 ifpuJroy psv ^wsTtifavTo, uStrTs k[iTfXijffa.s t^v oVov y <pspsi itpo; 
 rs to is pay rrjs Movvv^las 'Aptsiufos kcc) to BsvSlSstov — 
 Xenoph. Hellen. 1. 2, c. 4. 
 
 2 ... .to itpo; Ty Movvvy^ia, &iQW<riax.bv Qacctpov. — Thucyd. 
 1. 8, c 93. 
 
 3 'EtfsiJij tj £KX.Xy}crla,Movvv^( i ioi<nv iv Tw dedtgiv lyiyveto, &c 
 — Lys. ccmt. Agorat. Reiske, p. 404. 
 
326 BUILDINGS OF PHALERUM. 
 
 ground around the head of Port Munychia, as 
 well as the entire peninsula, which lies west- 
 ward of that isthmus ; and the actual appear- 
 ance of which is so exactly conformable with 
 the description given by Strabo 1 , of the natural 
 hollows and artificial excavations of the hill of 
 Munychia. Remains of walls, excavations in 
 the rocks for the foundations of buildings, and 
 other traces of ancient habitations, are indeed 
 found in every part of the hills formerly occu- 
 pied by the three demi, but they are more parti- 
 cularly remarkable in the Munychian peninsula. 
 
 The port of Phalerum having been the only 
 one of the Athenian harbours in use in the 
 early ages of Athenian history, contained a 
 greater number of objects of veneration than 
 either of the two other maritime demi. But of 
 the temples of Ceres, of Minerva Sciras, of 
 Jupiter, or of the other buildings and monu- 
 ments of Phalerum, not a trace remains, unless 
 it be in some foundations which are found near 
 the shore between Ports Fanari and Stratiotiki. 
 Phalerum, like so many other places in Greece, 
 has preserved little or nothing of its ancient 
 works, except the fortifications. 
 
 The monuments of the other two demi, how- 
 
 1 Ao<pif J' ttrriv rj Mouvu^/a yeppwrpl^wv xa! xolXog xa) 
 vitdvoy.os itoXu i^kpog <fv<rsi re xal siflrrjSes u>$ o»joj<re/f $£^eir^eu 
 croftlu} re fuxpui ryv s"<ro$ov e^ov. — Strabo, p. 395. 
 
BUILDINGS OF MUNYCHIA. 327 
 
 ever, of which the remains still exist, namely 
 the two theatres and the temple of Diana Mu- 
 nychia, furnish some interesting illustrations of 
 Athenian history, and by means of those illus- 
 trations tend also, in great measure, to confirm 
 the conjectures which have been offered upon 
 the situations of those buildings in the maritime 
 demi, of which no satisfactory traces are now 
 to be found. 
 
 In the disputes between the Four Hundred 
 and the party of Theramenes, in the twenty- 
 first year of the Peloponnesian war 1 , we find the 
 theatre of Munychia taken possession of by the 
 Hoplitae, who had first been employed by the 
 Four Hundred to build the fortress at Eetioneia, 
 but who had afterwards been induced by the 
 arts of the opposite party to destroy it. 
 
 The Hoplitae, after consulting together in 
 the theatre of Munychia, agreed to march to 
 Athens, where, having taken possession of the 
 Anaceium, the Four Hundred found themselves 
 obliged to propose to them a change in the go- 
 vernment, and an early meeting for that pur- 
 pose in the great theatre of Bacchus. Before 
 the day arrived, however, the appearance of the 
 Lacedaemonian ships, the defeat of the Athe- 
 nians by sea at Eretria, and their consequent 
 
 1 Thucyd. 1. 8, c. 93. Lysias cont. Agorat. Reiske, p. 464. 
 
328 BATTLE OF MUNYCHIA. 
 
 loss of Eubcea, brought about the immediate 
 deposition of the Four Hundred and the ap- 
 pointment of a new government, the prudence 
 and activity of which saved Athens from a 
 situation of the utmost difficulty. 
 
 The Peiraic theatre, the Agora Hippodameia, 
 the temple of Diana Munychia, and the Bendi- 
 deium, are mentioned by Xenophon 1 , in his 
 account of those memorable events, which led 
 to the overthrowing of the power of the Thirty 
 Tyrants by Thrasybulus, eight years after the 
 former occurrences. 
 
 Thrasybulus having surprised and defeated 
 the Athenians near Phyle, marched to Peiraeeus 
 with about a thousand men, where, finding 
 himself unable to defend a position on the 
 hamaxitus, or carriage way, which led from 
 Athens to Peiraeeus, against the force sent 
 after him by the Thirty Tyrants, he began his 
 retreat towards Munychia. The troops of the 
 Thirty immediately advanced into the Hippo- 
 dameian agora, and entered the road which led 
 from thence to the temple of Diana Munychia 
 and the Bendideium. Thrasybulus perceiving 
 the advantages to be derived from meeting the 
 superior forces of the adversary in this narrow 
 pass, immediately prepared to engage. The 
 
 ' L. 2, c. 4. 
 
BATTLE OF MUNYCHIA. 329 
 
 Hoplitae from the city were under the neces- 
 sity of drawing up fifty deep, with their light 
 troops in the rear : their opponents were only 
 ten deep ; but in their rear, besides the usual 
 proportion of light-armed and javelin-men, was 
 a large body of slingers, men of Peireeeus, 
 who had joined them 1 . Thrasybulus made a 
 speech to his troops, in which he explained to 
 them the disadvantages of the enemy's posi- 
 tion, arising from their being on a level ground, 
 where neither the light troops could discharge 
 their stones and javelins 2 , nor the rear ranks of 
 their Hoplitag could act, as they would be un- 
 able to launch their missiles with any effect 
 over the heads of those in front of them j whereas 
 the troops of Thrasybulus, who were on a rising 
 ground, would make every spear, and javelin, 
 and stone take effect ; and by forcing the 
 enemy's Hoplitae to hold their shields before 
 their faces, would give the Thrasybulian Ho- 
 plitae the greatest advantage in coming to close 
 quarters with them. The priest forbad the 
 attack until some one on the side of Thra- 
 sybulus should fall, and then himself rushed 
 
 1 . . . . irsXtoipopoi rs kou $i\o) d-KOvrivfci)' \m 8s routoig til 
 its?po£o\or ovrot psvroi vv^vol rj<ra,v xa) yap avroQsv it^otrz- 
 yevcvTo. — Xenoph. ibid. 
 
 2 Ovroi ju,£v ovts gaXXeiv o'vts cckovtI^siv unlp rcvv itporsta/y- 
 ukvwv, 8id rb ir^bs optiiov Uvai, Svvaivr' civ. — Xenoph. ibid. 
 
330 BUILDINGS OF PEIRjEEUS. 
 
 forward, and was slain. Thrasybulus upon this 
 immediately became the assailant, gained an 
 easy victory, and pursued the enemy as far as 
 the plain, Thrasybulus having thus gained 
 quiet possession of the Munychian fortress, and 
 the Lacedaemonians being unable to dislodge 
 him from it, it soon led to the restoration of 
 the liberty of Athens. 
 
 It is evident from all that precedes that the 
 Hippodameian agora was near the entrance into 
 the demus of Peiraeeus from Athens : that there 
 were two streets leading out of it, one to the 
 Macra Stoa, and other buildings along the shore 
 of the harbour; the other across the root of the 
 Phaleric hill, below the theatre of Peiraeeus, in 
 a direct line to the head of Port Munychia : 
 and that the defeat of the troops of the Thirty 
 took place between the Hippodameia and the 
 rise of the hill, where the Thrasybulians were 
 posted'. 
 
 1 Diodorus, in relating these events (1. 14, c. 33), lias 
 justly ascribed the success of Thrasybulus in overthrowing 
 the power of the Thirty Tyrants to the gaining possession of 
 Munychia. Mis description, however, of Munychia as a desert 
 and strong hill (xdpov s^^ovxa) Ka^rs^ov), could not have been 
 correct as to the former epithet in the time of Thrasybulus, 
 whatever it may have been in that of Diodorus himself. Nor 
 will the unquestionable authority of Xenophon allow us to 
 believe that Diodorus is accurate in saying, that the Thirty 
 besieged Munychia (ir^o<riSa.Xov rn Mouvu%i'a), since it is 
 
FORTIFICATIONS OF PEIR^IEUS. 33 \ 
 
 The fortifications of the maritime demi are still 
 traceable through the greater part of their cir- 
 cumference, and serve to illustrate some events 
 of Athenian history, as well as the general prac- 
 tice of military architecture among the ancients. 
 
 There is no event in that history which more 
 forcibly exemplifies the strength of the mari- 
 time city than the siege of Athens by Sylla 1 . 
 Some of the historians who have described that 
 siege, have remarked that the Peiraic city had 
 six or seven different walls or inclosures 2 . Their 
 existing remains enable us to enumerate them 
 as follows : 
 
 1. The sea-line of maritime Athens. It be- 
 gins at a round tower which overlooks the 
 north-west angle of the bay of Phalerum ; it 
 follows the windings of the rocky shores of the 
 
 evident that the action which secured to Thrasybulus the 
 possession of Munychia was fought under the northern slope 
 of the hill, below the Peiraic theatre, before either party- 
 had reached Munychia. 
 
 1 Appian. de Bell. Mithridat. c. 30. Plutarch, Paral. in 
 Sylla. Dion. Cass, fragm. 121, 123. 
 
 2 Ita dimicavit (Sylla) ut et Athenas reciperet et plurimo 
 circa multiplices Pirseei munitiones labore expleto, amplius 
 ducenta hostium millia interficeret. — Veil. Paterc. 1. 2. c. 
 23. Mox, subruto Piraeei portu sex quoque et amplius 
 muris, &c. Flor. 1. 3, c. 5. Orosius, a Spaniard of the fourth 
 century, says (I. 6, c. 2), Pirseeum septemplici muro com- 
 munitum. 
 
332 FORTIFICATIONS OF PEIRiEEUS. 
 
 demi of Phalerum and Munychia, crossing the 
 mouths of the harbours of Phalerum and Mu- 
 nychia, and closing those two ports ; and it ter- 
 minates at a mole connecting cape Alcimus with 
 a small island, probably occupied in ancient 
 times by a tower, which, with a corresponding 
 round tower at the southern extremity of the 
 triangular inclosure already mentioned as occu- 
 pying all the north-west side of Port Peirgeeus, 
 defended the entrance into Port Zea from the 
 open sea. 
 
 The greater part of the sea-line belonged to 
 the demus of Munychia: that of Peiraeeus (no 
 part of it being adjacent to the open sea) had, 
 together with a part of Phalerum, an exten- 
 sive land front, the connexion of which with 
 the Long Walls on the east, together with its 
 exposed position to the north and west, gave rise 
 to a complex system of fortifications. These 
 consisted of, 
 
 2. A great transverse wall, which, branching 
 from the same round tower near the north-west 
 angle of the bay of Phalerum, passed along 
 the northern face of the hill of Phalerum 1 , and 
 was apparently prolonged from thence until it 
 
 1 By the hill of Phalerum is meant that which extends 
 from Port Phalerum to the head of Port Peirreeus. Its sum- 
 mit, which is immediately above Port Phalerum, is the highest 
 point of the whole Peiraic peninsula. 
 
 
FORTIFICATIONS OF PEIR^EUS. 333 
 
 met the north-eastern extremity of Port Aphro- 
 disium, near the modern Custom-house. From 
 thence, crossing the mouth of Port Cantharus 
 (where a narrow opening was left in the centre), 
 it ascended the hill on the north-west side of 
 Port Aphrodisium, and formed the north side 
 of the triangular inclosure, already described 
 as terminating in the round tower which stood 
 on one side of the entrance into the triangle. 
 From the corresponding round tower stretched 
 the wall, which formed the west side of the 
 triangle. It terminated to the south in a third 
 round tower, which, corresponding probably 
 with another similar structure upon the small 
 island already noticed, formed the defence of 
 the entrance from the open sea into Port Zea. 
 
 The eastern portion of the land front of ma- 
 ritime Athens, or that part which , bordered 
 upon the dermis of Phalerum, and upon the 
 eastern quarter of the dermis of Peiraceus, was 
 a defence to maritime Athens against an enemy 
 in possession of the longomural inclosure, which 
 thus became an outwork both to Athens and 
 to the maritime city. On the western side of 
 Peiraeeus there was no such connexion with the 
 general system of Athenian fortifications. An 
 enemy might here attack the defences of the 
 great port of Athens without approaching the 
 Long "Walls. A system of outworks was, there- 
 
334 FORTIFICATIONS OF PE1R7EEUS, 
 
 fore, necessary, for the protection of this part 
 of the land-side of maritime Athens. They 
 appear (as well as can be judged from the exist- 
 ing remains) to have consisted of a wall which 
 followed the curvature of Port Cantharus at a 
 small distance from the shore, and of another, 
 which, beginning at the shore of the open sea, 
 followed the exterior side of a long narrow 
 creek, which branches from the open sea near the 
 outer entrance of Port Zea. The latter wall was 
 bent into a curve toward its northern extremity, 
 and appears to have terminated at the outside 
 edge of a ditch ', which has been excavated in the 
 rock, for the defence of the northern wall of the 
 triangular inclosure, and thus' the curved wall 
 covered the entrance between the two round 
 towers : it must, of course, have contained an 
 exterior gate, though no traces of it are now to 
 be found. Besides this outwork, there are also 
 the remains of a wall traceable in a direct line 
 from the head of Port Cantharus towards Port 
 Phoron. It has every appearance of being part 
 of a fortification, which, reaching from the one 
 harbour to the other, defended all the penin- 
 sula of Trapezona on the land side. If it was 
 
 1 This may perhaps be one of the ditches for the defence 
 of Pciraeeus, made by the orator Demosthenes (Plutarch de 
 X Rhet. in Demosth.). 
 
FORTIFICATIONS OF PEIR^EUS. 335 
 
 so, it may be considered as an additional out- 
 work of maritime Athens on the western side, 
 and as forming, together with the wall which 
 served as a counterscarp to the triangular in- 
 closure, a third and fourth of the multiplices 
 Pirceei munitiones. 
 
 There are no remains of ancient works to show 
 the manner in which the northern Long Wall 
 was united to the defences of Port Cantharus, 
 and of the adjoining parts of the demus of 
 Peirgeeus ; but there can be little doubt that 
 there was a strong system of works for the pro- 
 tection of this important and assailable quarter — 
 and these works may have been another of the 
 manifold inclosures of maritime Athens. How- 
 ever this may be, we may at least consider as a 
 fifth inclosure the wall which branching on one 
 side from a part of the triangular arsenal, 
 formed, together with a corresponding wall 
 branching from the side of Munychia, the se- 
 paration between Ports Zea and Aphrodisium. 
 Their foundations were in the sea, and the 
 reefs on which they stood, together with the 
 ruins of the walls, now form shoals on either 
 side of the bay, at the extremities of which are 
 two small conical whitened masses of masonry, 
 which have been built by the Turks, to indi- 
 cate the entrance of the harbour : their place 
 
336 FORTIFICATIONS OF PEIR^EEUS. 
 
 was undoubtedly occupied in ancient times by 
 two handsome towers. 
 
 The eastern of these two moles, or walls of 
 separation between ports Zea and Aphrodi- 
 sium, was united to the ramparts of Munychia, 
 which, forming a continuation of the sea-line 
 of maritime Athens, followed the shore of port 
 Dhrako from the entrance of the ancient Zea 
 to the Munychian isthmus. It was probably 
 continued likewise across the isthmus nearly 
 in the line of the Venetian entrenchment; 
 and there are even some traces of a wall near 
 the shore of port Munychia, which seem to 
 show that this port also was separated from the 
 peninsula of Munychia, so as to render the 
 latter a complete fortress of itself. Thus con- 
 stituted, it became the citadel of maritime 
 Athens, overhanging and commanding three 
 of the ports, and presenting on every other 
 side a strong rampart of sixty feet in height 1 , 
 which could only be approached by previously 
 penetrating through the other defences of the 
 Peiraic peninsula, and which could only be at- 
 tacked from the sea, or from the narrow isth- 
 mus of port Munychia. 
 
 l *T4>o$ § Mjf 7U tei^y) ir^suiv TEo-<rxpcLx.ovTx fx.dXKrra xa) 
 stpya<rro exA<9ou [isyxKov xa) rerpayxvov' HepixXshv Hpyov, 
 &c. — Appian. dc Bel. JMithridat. c. 30. 
 
FORTIFICATIONS OF PEIR/EEUS. 337 
 
 In the account given by Plutarch and Dio- 
 dorus' of the proceedings of Demetrius Po- 
 liorcetes, when sent from Asia by his father, 
 Antigonus, to rescue Athens and other Greek 
 cities from the hands of Cassander, we have 
 a proof that Munychia was formed into a se- 
 parate fortress by walls carried across the 
 isthmus. Yv^e find that upon his first arrival 
 Demetrius drew a line of contravailation across 
 the isthmus, according to the usual practice of 
 the Greeks in sieges : that he afterwards be- 
 sieged Munychia by sea and la?id, for two days, 
 with machines : that while the troops of Deme- 
 trius had the advantage of numbers, those of 
 Dionysius (the officer of Cassander) had the 
 advantage of position ; and that when the place 
 had surrendered, Demetrius destroyed the for- 
 tifications of the isthmus, and gave up Muny- 
 chia to the Athenians. 
 
 Again, when the Peirseeus was besieged by 
 Sylla, Archelaus, the general of Mithridates, 
 finding himself unable to defend the rest of 
 the maritime city, retreated into that part 
 which was surrounded by the sea 2 ; that is to 
 
 1 Plutarch in Deraetr. — Diodor. Sic. 1. 20, c. 45. 
 
 2 'O 'Aop^Aao;. . . . I^z'ai^iv </.Jr&7j to. rei^r)- ig Ss n rov IIsi- 
 pcauj; dvsopa.fJ.BV oy^vpujrafov t£ tun fiaXcicriry irepiKXvcrrov <L 
 vavs o'Jjc 'iynov SuXAa^ ov$' kiti'/sipfiv sSvvaro. — Appian.de 
 Bel. Mithridat. c. 40. 
 
338 FORTIFICATIONS OF PEIRiEEUS. 
 
 say, into the peninsula of Munychia, — a move- 
 ment, which would have been of little ad- 
 vantage to him, unless the isthmus had been 
 fortified. 
 
 Solon had the sagacity to foresee the danger 
 with which Athens was threatened by the Mu- 
 nychian peninsula in the hands of an enemy 1 . 
 The other great Athenian statesman, who esta- 
 blished the ascendancy of Athens upon the 
 basis of its naval power, and who hoped to 
 make Peiraeeus, what it afterwards became, the 
 emporium of all Greece, directed his earliest 
 attention to the fortifying of Munychia. 
 
 The subsequent history of Athens shows how 
 much its destiny, or (to use the expression of a 
 Latin author) its existence 4 , depended upon the 
 
 1 Movvvyjav )$uiv (Solon) xal xarajxaSwv rfoXvv xpovov, e'uftTv 
 ntpoi ?ov£ ttapovTag cog rv<p\6v karri tov ju-iAAoyrof avQpivTfos' 
 extpaysTv yap rovg 'Kftrpalovg rolg avrujy 6<$ov<nv el vpoxSstcrav 
 ocar^y ko\iv dvidasi to ^wpiov. — Plutarch Paral. in Solon. 
 
 Vide et Plutarch, in Erotico. 
 
 Diogenes Lacrtius (in Epimen.) and John Tzetzes (Hist. 
 Var. Chiliad V.) relate the same saying, not of Solon, but 
 of Epimenides. 
 
 ■ Nicanor Piraeeo est potitus. . . . sine quo A theme esse 
 omnino non possunt. — Corn. Nep. in Phocion, c. 2. 
 
 The same author, in the Life of Themistocles, says of the 
 
 Peiraic city hujus (Themistoclis) consilio Pirseeus 
 
 moenibus circundatus, ut ipsam urbem dignitate aequi- 
 pararet, utilitate superaret. In the most populous ages of 
 Athens the great maritime supplies of corn were alone suf- 
 
 
FORTIFICATIONS OF PEIRiEEUS. 339 
 
 maritime demi, and particularly upon their ci- 
 tadel, Munychia. The possession of this fort- 
 ress was more important than that of the 
 Acropolis itself: and whoever was master of 
 Munychia was master of Athens. 
 
 In the Peloponnesian war the Lacedaemo- 
 nians had no sooner obtained possession of the 
 harbour, than the Athenians submitted to terms 
 of capitulation 1 . When Thrasybulus had esta- 
 blished himself in Munychia, he soon over- 
 set the power of the Thirty Tyrants, whom the 
 Lacedaemonians had placed in the command of 
 the city 2 . During the struggles of Athens with 
 the kings of Macedonia, the possession of Mu- 
 nychia decided or secured the ascendancy of 
 either party. Thus, when Antipater, after the 
 death of his opponent, Leosthenes, had hum- 
 bled the Athenians by his successes in the La- 
 miac war, his first step was to seize Peireeeus 
 and the Long Walls ; after which, having placed 
 a garrison in Munychia, he made Athens sub- 
 servient to him as long as he lived 3 . De- 
 metrius of Phalerum, supported by the garri- 
 
 ficlent to make the existence of the city dependent upon 
 Peiraeeus. 
 
 1 Xenoph. Hell. 1. 2, c. 2. 
 
 - Xenoph. Hell. 1. 2, c. 4. — Diodor. Sicul. 1. 14. c. 33. — 
 Andocid. de Myster. Reiske, p. 33. 
 
 3 Diodor. Sic. 1. 18, c. 18.— Plutarch, in Fhocion. — Pausan. 
 Attic, c. 25. 
 
 z 2 
 
340 FORTIFICATIONS OF PEIR/EEUS. 
 
 son placed in Munychia by Cassander, the 
 successor of Antipater, governed Athens for 
 twelve years'. By the siege and capture of 
 Munychia, Demetrius Poliorcetes expelled the 
 Phalerean, and restored the Athenians to li- 
 berty, until Cassander again acquired the power 
 of establishing a garrison in Munychia. The 
 tyrant Lachares, supported by this garrison, 
 ruled Athens until Demetrius, after the defeat 
 and death of his father, Antigonus, in Asia, 
 found it necessary to expel Lachares by force, 
 in order to regain his footing in Greece 2 . De- 
 metrius hoped to secure Athens from future 
 defection, by placing a garrison in Museium, as 
 well as in Munychia ; but upon his being driven 
 from the throne of Macedonia, the Athenians 
 under Olympiodorus assaulted and took Mu- 
 seium 3 , and reduced the garrison in Munychia 
 
 1 Diodor. Sic. 1. 18, c. 74. — Plutarch, in Demetr. — Pausan. 
 hid. — Diogen. Laert. 1. 5, s. 75. 
 
 * Diodor. Sic. 1. 20, c. 45. — Plutarch, in Demetr. — Pausan. 
 bid. 
 
 3 Pausan. Attic, c. 26. In the system of Athenian fortifi- 
 cation, the Museium was a most important post, the pos- 
 session of which the Macedonians might safely prefer totliat 
 of the Acropolis itself. The Museium secured to them the 
 quiet possession of the Long Walls, at the same time that it 
 commanded the city. The Acropolis, which had nothing but 
 salt-springs and rain for its supply of water, might thus be left 
 unoccupied and sacred to the deities and the arts of Atheni. 
 
FORTIFICATIONS OF PEIRjEEUS. 34] 
 
 to surrender. This obliged Demetrius once 
 more to invest Athens with his forces ; but, 
 instead of indulging in the revenge which was 
 in his power, he was persuaded to turn his at- 
 tention to Asia, and to leave the Athenians to 
 themselves 1 . 
 
 During the struggles for the crown of Ma- 
 cedonia, which intervened between the expul- 
 sion of Demetrius and the accession of his son, 
 Antigonus Gonatas, Athens appears to have 
 been entirely free from a Macedonian garrison. 
 Against Antigonus the Athenians united with 
 the Lacedaemonians, and with Ptolemy Phila- 
 delphia; but Areus, who commanded the Lace- 
 daemonians, having suddenly deserted the camp, 
 the Egyptians confining themselves to operations 
 by sea, and Athens being closely invested by An- 
 tigonus, the Athenians were once more obliged to 
 receive Macedonian troops into their fortresses. 
 The garrison of Museium was soon after volun- 
 tarily withdrawn by Antigonus 2 ; but the occu- 
 pation of Munychia and Peiraeeus by the Ma- 
 cedonians, and the consequent dependence of 
 Athens upon them, continued during the reigns 
 of Antigonus, and of his son, Demetrius the 
 Second. In the reign of Antigonus Doson, the 
 brother of the latter Demetrius, the Athenians, 
 
 1 Plutarch, ibid. 
 
 • Pausan. Attic, c. I. — Lacon. c. d. 
 
342 FORTIFICATIONS OF PEIR^EUS. 
 
 by the assistance of Aratus of Sicyon, purchased 
 Munychia, Peiraseus, Sunium, and Salamis, of 
 the Macedonian governor, for a hundred and 
 fifty talents 1 , and the Athenians recovered and 
 enjoyed their liberty until they fell under the 
 Roman yoke. The political importance of 
 Athens perished for ever with the destruction 
 of the maritime fortifications by Sylla 2 ; but the 
 importance of Munychia, although without 
 walls, was still practically acknowledged by the 
 Romans, when Athens having espoused the 
 cause of Pompey, Q. Fufius Calenus was sent 
 by Caesar into Greece, and occupied the Pei- 
 rteeus as preparatory to an attack upon Athens 3 . 
 He had not, however, begun the siege, when 
 the news of the defeat of Pompey in Pharsalia, 
 produced the immediate submission of the 
 
 1 Plutarch in Arat. — Pausan. Corinth, c. 8. 
 
 2 This was the only instance, until that of the Venetians, 
 in which Athens was taken by a regular siege. Sylla car- 
 ried on his operations at the same time both against the city 
 and the Peiraceus. The latter was by much the stronger. He 
 took the city by assault; but his conquest was of the most 
 doubtful kind, until Archelaus, who had abandoned the rest 
 of the Peiraecus, and had retreated into Munychia, embarked 
 from thence, and thus gave up every thing to Sylla. Ap- 
 pian de Bell. Mithrid. c. 41. — Plutarch, in Sylla. 
 
 1 . . . . xa) il\ev aAAa re xa» toy Ueipxid airs xa\ drti^iony 
 ovrct. — Dion. Cass. 1. 42, c. 14. 
 
FORTIFICATIONS OF PEIR^IEUS. 343 
 
 Athenians to Caesar, who pardoned the living 
 for the sake of the dead 1 . 
 
 Even as late as the last century we find the 
 Venetians establishing themselves in Muny- 
 chia, as a previous step to a successful attack 
 upon Athens, and they fortified the peninsula 
 by an entrenchment, the remains of which are 
 still in existence 2 . 
 
 Of all the complicated and elaborate works 
 which protected maritime Athens, little is now 
 to be seen beyond the foundations of the walls, 
 and of some of the towers which flanked them. 
 These foundations, however, are traceable in 
 almost every part of the site, except towards 
 the head of port Dhrako, and in the neigh- 
 bourhood of the creek, anciently port Can- 
 tharus, so that little doubt can exist as to the 
 general plan which has been submitted to the 
 reader. On the side of Munychia, towards 
 the open sea, the remains are best preserved. 
 Here three or four courses of masonry, both 
 of walls and of square towers, are in many 
 
 1 . . eiitcuv oti tfoXXst dy,ap?avov?e$, 0V0 Ttvv vsxptvv c^oivro. 
 — Dion. Cass. ibid. 
 
 2 Fanelli (Atene Attiche) says, that these entrenchments 
 were thrown up to prevent the communication of the plague 
 from the Turks and Greeks of the city to the Venetian 
 camp. Even from this, however, it is evident that the 
 Venetians had made the Munychian peninsula their place of 
 arms. « 
 
344 FORTIFICATIONS OF PEIRJEEUS. 
 
 places to be seen ; and there are several situa- 
 tions where we still find the wall built in the 
 manner described by Thucydides 1 ; that is to 
 say, not filled up in the middle with rubble, 
 in the usual manner of the Greeks, but con- 
 structed throughout the whole thickness of 
 squared stones, cramped together with metal. 
 This we may suppose to have belonged to the 
 original work of Themistocles, which has thus 
 survived the lapse of twenty-three centuries. 
 The other remains probably belong to the re- 
 stored works which were erected after the de- 
 struction of the Peiraic walls by the Lacedae- 
 monians, or to the repairs which must have 
 been often rendered necessary by the injuries 
 of time. 
 
 In the ports, particularly in port Munychia, 
 are traced, in several parts of the beach, the 
 foundations of walls running into the water 
 at right angles to the beach, intended probably 
 as places of shelter for small boats, or as founda- 
 tions for boat-houses. 
 
 Long Walla. The Long Walls (ra tiaxpd. rslxri or rd crxeAij), like 
 
 the walls of the Asty, and of the maritime city, 
 were flanked at intervals with towers, some 
 traces of which are still to be seen. Thus they 
 formed, together with a portion of the walls of 
 
 1 L. 1, c. 93. 
 
LONG WALLS. 345 
 
 the Asty and of the Peiraeeus at either end, an 
 inclosure, which was one of the three great gar- 
 risons into which Athens was divided, and which, 
 in this light, was sometimes denominated the 
 Long Fortress, ro pxxpov fe!x°s *. When the greater 
 
 1 '..'.'. x 8a £ov\rj htzXtyovo-x av drfopLYjfw. . . . dvaxx\s<rxvrsg 
 oh rou; ffrpatyyovs dvanralv axa\ev<r«.v, 'AQijvalodv rovg /asv Iv 
 arret oixovvrag Uvat el$ Tyv dyopdv td oflXa AaSoWaf fov$ 
 $' av iua.xp'Jo Ta\ye\ £ '* ™ ®rjcrslov' rov$ £' ev Heipxiet ai; -rtjv 'Itf- 
 tfotiapelzv dyopdv rov$ S" lititeli art vuxtog fftji^vou rv <rd\itiyyi 
 yxciv els to 'Avdxeiov rr t v $a GovXrjV sis dxpcnroXiv Uvai xdxil 
 xaQevfetv rius Sh •zpvfdvets lv triQoXaj. — Andocid. de Master, 
 p. 23, Ileiske. 
 
 The distribution of the Athenian forces of which Andor 
 cides here speaks, occurred in the Peloponnesian war, when 
 parties running very high between the Four Hundred and 
 their opponents, the Boeotians advanced to the frontiers, to 
 take advantage of the confusion. The places of assembly 
 for those who bore arms were, for the cavalry, the temenus 
 of the Dioscuri, and for the infantry the following stations: 
 in the Asty, the Agora; in the Long Walls, the Theseium; 
 and in the Peiraic city, the Hippodameian Agora : the 
 senate were to pass the night in the Acropolis and the 
 Prytanae in the Tholus. Here it may be remarked, J. 
 That the Long Walls are called the Long Fortress, to 
 paxpov Talyog. Livy, in like manner, calls it murus (in the 
 singular) qui brachiis duobus Piraeeum Athenis jungit (1. 31, 
 c. 26). 2. That the Theseium mentioned by Andocides 
 was not the celebrated temple of Theseus in the city, but 
 another sacred inclosure of Theseus in the Long Walls : 
 for, although we know from Thucydides (1. 6, c. 6l), that 
 the Theseium of the city, like the Anaceium and Odeiura, 
 was occasionally a place of assembly for troops ; yet, in this 
 
346 LONG WALLS. 
 
 part of the population of Attica crowded into 
 Athens, at the beginning of the Peloponnesian 
 war, the towers of the Long Walls, and of the 
 two cities, furnished dwellings to the unfortu- 
 nate fugitives from the open country 1 . The 
 long narrow space between the two walls was 
 covered with dwellings, and was thickly inha- 
 bited, as long as Athens remained flourishing 
 and populous. Of this we find many proofs in 
 the ancient writers ; but there is none more re- 
 markable than that contained in the affecting 
 and lively picture drawn by Xenophon 2 of the 
 
 instance, the defence of the longomural inclosure being the 
 intention of the assembling of the troops in the Theseium, 
 that object could not well be attained by removing them 
 out of the Long Walls into the city. There were four 
 Theseia (Plut. in Thes.), and of these we have already seen 
 that there was one near the sea in the Peiraic city : it is 
 for this reason that Thucydides, in the passage just referred 
 to, specifies the Theseium mentioned by him to have been 
 within the city (Iv ©rycrciou ?<Z iv iroXsi). 
 
 Polyamus (in 1. 1, c. 40) distinguishes the three military 
 divisions of Athens not less clearly than Andocides. He 
 informs us that Alcibiades kept the Athenian troops on the 
 alert, by raising torches from the Acropolis, which were to 
 be answered by other torches from the City, from the Long 
 Walls and from the Peiraeeus — tovXo^evog rovf ptXaxxs *M 
 <x<rreos xai rot; UeipaiEWS not fccv ^.xeXwy rwy &XP 1 ^^< r(rav 
 dypvitvavg itep\ ryv <pv'Aax.r}v xarturxevdcrai. 
 
 « Thucyd. I. 2, c. 1/. 
 
 a Xenoph. 1. 2, c. 2. 
 
LONG WALLS. 347 
 
 distress of the Athenians, when they received 
 the news of the defeat of their fleet at -ZEguspo- 
 tami. " No sooner had the Paralia arrived with 
 " the news, in the night, than a sound of laraenta- 
 " tion was heard spreading from the Peiraeeus 
 " through the Long Walls to the City, as each 
 " person communicated the fatal intelligence 
 " to his neighbour. No one slept that night ; 
 " for they dreaded that the Lacedaemonians 
 " would retaliate upon them, what they them- 
 " selves had done to the Melii, a Lacedsemo- 
 " nian colony, and to the Histiaeenses, and 
 " Scionaei, and Toronsei, and iEginetae, and so 
 " many other people of Greece." The next 
 day, in a general assembly, it was resolved to 
 fill up all the ports except one, to repair and 
 garrison the walls, and to make every prepara- 
 tion for a siege. They had little time, how- 
 ever, for these measures : the two Spartan kings 
 encamped in the Academy ; Lysander, with a 
 hundred and fifty triremes, sailed unopposed 
 into the Peiraeeus ; and the Athenians, after 
 suffering for several months all the torments of 
 famine, were constrained, upon a second re- 
 ference to Sparta, to give up all their ships, 
 except twelve, and were under the hard ne- 
 cessity of seeing their Long Walls and the 
 walls of Peiraeeus overthrown by the Lacedae- 
 
348 LONG WALLS. 
 
 monian troops to the sound of musical instru- 
 ments'. 
 
 If the Long Walls were considered by the 
 ancients as one of the greatest objects of cu- 
 riosity at Athens 2 , they appear still more ex- 
 
 1 Xenoph.Hellen. I. 2, c. 2. — Lysias vers. Agorat. p. 453, 
 Reiske. — Andocid. de Pac. cum Laced, p. 94. — Diodor. Sic. 
 1. 13, c. 107. — Plutarch, in Lysand. 
 
 Chandler (p. 21) has supposed that ten stades of the 
 Long Walls were allowed to stand at either end ; but the 
 concurring testimonies of the authors cited above, show that 
 the destruction (though perhaps in few parts very com- 
 plete) was applied to the whole extent of the Long Walls, 
 and to all the circuit of the Peiraic city. Chandler's mis- 
 take seems to have arisen from the expressions of Xenophon, 
 who informs us, that the jirst proposal of the Lacedaemonians 
 was to throw down (not all the Long Walls, except ten stades 
 at each end, but) ten stades of each of the Long Walls. 
 — irpotKuXovvTO £e Tuv (j.ax.pujv re^JJv lit) Sana. a-raSi'jvs x3.Se\e7v 
 ixdrapov. But the people then refused to listen to an offer 
 which they would afterwards have gladly accepted. The lan- 
 guage of Lysias is still more explicit than that of Xenophon. 
 ©Tjpaf/injf . . . . I* AaxaSalpovos . . . . yXQe fapuv a\pyyr(v toklvtyj 
 r t v r^els zpYV l^O-^ovrag eyvuipav. . . . y,v yap dvr\ y*h TOV en) 
 It-KOL <r?oi§ia. tujv paKpwv rei^xv haXuv, cXa rd ju,axoa rtl^ 
 &acncav{/ar dvr) Sa rod d\\6 ri dyaQov ry ttoXh aipeirQai, rag 
 Se vavg ntapafovvai rolg Aax,a$atfj.ovloig xa< to irap) rov Usipaiu. 
 ra'iyog Ttapia\e~v. 
 
 8 "lv 18yj itots rov Tlaipaioi rov xa\bv xai ra ~M.av.pd Te/^ij xa< 
 ttjv 'AxpoVoAw. — Arrian. in Epict. I. 3, c. 24. 
 
 When ^Emilius Paullus visited Athens, after having com- 
 
LONG WALLS. 349 
 
 traordinary to us, who cannot avoid viewing 
 them with a reference to the present art of 
 war : and hence they become very important in 
 illustrating the military policy of the Greeks, 
 and especially that of the Athenians. The 
 history of the construction of these singular 
 works throws the best light upon the object and 
 intention of them. When, after the expulsion of 
 the Persians from Greece, the administration of 
 affairs fell into the hands of Themistocles, his 
 first care was to fortify Athens. The walls of the 
 upper city having been completed in the hasty 
 manner which has already been noticed, his 
 next object was to fortify the maritime demi 1 . 
 He performed this operation in a manner which 
 showed that the great scope of his policy was 
 naval dominion 2 , and that he wished the Athe- 
 nians to look towards the sea for security. His 
 
 pleted the conquest of Macedonia, Livy remarks : Athenas 
 hide, plenas quidem et ipsas vetustate famse, multa tamen 
 visenda habentes: arcem, portus, muros Piraeeum urbi jun- 
 gentes, navalia magnorum imperatorum, &c. 1. 45, c. 27. 
 
 1 Thucyd. 1. 1, c. 89. et seq. — Diodor. Sic. I. 11, c. 19. — 
 Plutarch, in Themist. 
 
 * From this evident polic} r of the Athenian statesman, and 
 from the dimensions of the Peiraic city being greater than 
 those of Athens, arose the observation of Plutarch, in re- 
 ference to a line in the Equites of Aristophanes, that The- 
 mistocles had rather joined Athens to Peiraeeus, than Pei- 
 raeeus to Athens. 
 
350 LONG WALLS. 
 
 power, however, did not last long enough to 
 give him the honour of completing these works, 
 as we learn from Plato 1 , that they were in part 
 executed by Pericles. 
 
 The next object of Themistocles was to 
 unite the two fortresses of Athens and Pei- 
 raeeus by a line, which should prevent an enemy 
 from cutting off the communication between 
 them. 
 
 The locality of the city, and the inferiority of 
 the Athenian land forces to those of their rivals, 
 the Lacedaemonians, conspired to render this 
 operation of the greatest utility. The northern 
 Long Wall, which seems to have been the only 
 one originally in contemplation \ wasanalogous to 
 a line of entrenchments, of four miles in length, 
 stretching from one large fortified town to an- 
 other, for the maintenance of the communica- 
 tion between the two, as well as for the protec- 
 
 1 Plato, in Gorgia. Appian, also, in describing the walls 
 of Peiraceus, calls them ReplxXeiov spyov. 
 
 • iEschines, in his Oration de Fals& Legatione (p. 335, 
 Reiske), states the northern Long Wall to have been built 
 several years before the southern. The same assertion, in 
 nearly the same words, is made by Andocides, de pace cum 
 Lacedaemoniis (p. 91); if this oration be really his. Al- 
 though it will be seen below, that /Eschincs was probably 
 incorrect as to the date of the walls, the fact of the build- 
 ing of the one before the other may perhaps be conceded to 
 such an authority. 
 
LONG WALLS. 351 
 
 tion of the whole province which lay behind 
 them. According to the ancient art of war, the 
 northern Long Wall, flanked by towers at in- 
 tervals, performed this service effectually, as it 
 left to an army entering the plain of Athens, 
 from the isthmus of Corinth, no passage into 
 the country to the southward and eastward of 
 Athens, except through the difficult pass be- 
 tween the city and mount Hymettus, or (which 
 would have been still more hazardous, with such 
 a city as Athens in the rear of the invader) by 
 making the circuit of mount Hymettus. We 
 find accordingly that the Lacedaemonians never 
 attempted either of these movements, and that 
 this system of fortification was perfectly success- 
 ful, as long as Munychia was safe, and the line of 
 the Long Walls unbroken 1 . It is at the same time 
 
 1 They remained unbroken from the time of their com- 
 pletion to the capture of Athens by the Lacedaemonians at 
 the end of the Peloponnesian war, a period of fifty-four 
 years : then from their restoration by Conon to the attack 
 made upon Athens by Philip, son of Demetrius, king of Ma- 
 cedonia, a period of a hundred and ninety-three years : and 
 lastly, from the repair which we must suppose to have 
 taken place immediately after the attempt upon Athens by 
 Philip, until their ruin by Sylla, who is said by Appian to 
 have reduced them, or at least a great part of them, to a 
 heap of rubbish, — a period of a hundred and thirteen years; 
 in all three hundred years. The injury which they received 
 
352 LONG WALLS. 
 
 obvious, that a second wall, although not so im- 
 portant as the first, was desirable to complete 
 the security of the communication between 
 Athens and the harbours against an enemy, 
 who, by a debarkation or by a circuitous march, 
 might be in possession of the eastern parts of 
 Attica. The operation of laying the founda- 
 tions of the Long Walls in the marshy ground, 
 which surrounds the Peiraic hills to a consi- 
 derable distance, was performed under the ad- 
 ministration of Cimon, after his return from the 
 defeat of the Persians in the Eurymedon, the 
 spoils of which expedition appear to have been 
 employed, — first, to build the Cimonian wall of 
 
 from Philip may be inferred from the passage of Livy (1. 31, 
 c. 26), where he says that Philip was repulsed in a sudden 
 attack made by him with cavalry and infantry, in the nar- 
 row space between the two Long Walls, which were half 
 ruined — eruptione subitapeditum equitumque inter angustias 
 semiruti muri, qui brachiis duobus Piraeeum Athenis jungit. 
 Here the word semiruti, and the situation of Philip's troops, 
 equally prove that the line of the walls must have been 
 broken. It is very unlikely that they should at that period 
 have been suffered to goto ruin by the Athenians ; but highly 
 probable that they were broken down by Philip himself ; for 
 he had begun to besiege both Athens and Peiraeeus, and 
 the breaking of the line of the Long Walls was obviously 
 the first operation likely to he performed. Sylla began in 
 the same manner, and with a more successful event. Appian 
 de Bell. Mithr. c. 30. 
 
LONG WALLS. 353 
 
 the Acropolis ; then the northern ; and, lastly, 
 the southern Long Wall 1 . As the battle of the 
 Eurymedon was fought in the year B. C. 470, 
 the Long Walls were probably begun about the 
 year 468. Thucydides 2 informs us, that both the 
 walls were completed very soon after the battle 
 of Tanagra, which was fought in the year B. C. 
 458. As Cimon was banished in the year 461, 
 when the popular party headed by Pericles at- 
 tained the ascendancy ; and as Cimon was re- 
 called to Athens, chiefly in consequence of the 
 defeat at Tanagra, the combined testimony of 
 these dates, together with the evidence of 
 Thucydides, of Plutarch, and of Plato 3 (in 
 the Gorgias), tends to show that Cimon had 
 finished the northern and begun the southern 
 Long Wall before his banishment, and that the 
 latter Long Wall was completed by Pericles. 
 Plato introduces Socrates saying, that he re- 
 members to have heard Pericles recommend 
 the building of one of the Long Walls to the 
 Athenians. As this probably occurred in the 
 
 1 Plutarch. Paral. in Cimon. 
 
 s Thucyd. 1. 1, c. 107, 108. 
 
 3 rOPriAS oTo-Qa yap orjTtov oti to. vswpict ?avfa xa.) 
 
 ?a relx 7 ! 7U}V 'ASijva/wv xa) 15 rtov Xipavwv xaravxsvrj kx r^g 
 ©SfxicrroxXJoyj' crv^ouXr^ ysyovs' Ta, <f ex tt,s HepixXeovs. 
 2I2KPATHS. Asyerai rauta w Topyla itspl Qsy.io-roxXsovs' 
 U£cixXf.ovs $s xa) avTog yjxovov, otz o-vve?ovXevsv r^AV ttsp\ t'ov 
 Siaixkeov rel^ovg. — Plato, in Gorg. Tom. I. p. 455. ed. Serran. 
 
 A A 
 
354 LONG WALLS. 
 
 year 460, not long after the banishment of 
 Cimon, Socrates being then in his tenth year, 
 was not too young for such a circumstance to 
 have made a lively and permanent impression 
 on his mind 1 . 
 
 These remarks are rendered necessary, by its 
 having been sometimes supposed that there 
 were three Long Walls, stretching from Athens 
 to Peiraeeus, and that Socrates, in the Gorgias, 
 by the words Sia^aa-ov teixpvs, meant a third Long 
 Wall, built by Pericles, between the Phaleric 
 and the Peiraic. In support of this opinion, 
 a passage is adduced from Harpocration, 
 who appears not only to maintain the same 
 doctrine, and to show that the wall men- 
 tioned by Plato was that called the southern 
 (ro NoVjov) ; but to support his position also, by 
 the authority of a lost comedy of Aristo- 
 
 1 iEschines and Andocides, in the passages already re- 
 ferred to, place the building of the northern Long Wall 
 after the five years truce between Athens and Sparta, and 
 that of the southern Long Wall after the thirty years truce, 
 made at the expiration of the former. The former was in the 
 year B. C. 450, the latter in 445 ; and thus the orators differ 
 at least ten years from Thucydides. But their declamations 
 are not to stand in competition with the concurring evidence 
 of Thucydides, Plutarch, and Plato, more especially as 
 some other inaccuracies are observable in the sketch 
 which the orators have giren of that part of Athenian 
 history. 
 
LONG WALLS. 355 
 
 phanes 1 . The same opinion way seem to ac- 
 count also for the date given to the building of 
 the southern wall by iEschines, and at the same 
 time to receive some support from Thucydides, 
 who, in his second book, after remarking that 
 the Phaleric wall was thirty-five stades long, 
 adds, almost immediately afterwards, that " of 
 the Long Walls reaching to Peiraeeus, which 
 were forty stades in length, the exterior one 
 only was guarded," thus apparently indicating 
 that there were two walls of forty stades, and 
 one of thirty-five*. 
 
 But there are several powerful reasons for 
 believing that Harpocration was wrong in his 
 interpretation of the passage of Aristophanes 3 , 
 
 > Aiapscrov tslyov;, Avripwv ttpos NjxoxAea' tq\w cvTcuv 
 fstycuv kv fy 'ATTtxf,, co$ xa.) 'Apurropdv^g Otjciv sv T$itydto)Tli 
 rou rsBoceiov xa.) rouNorlou xa) roz< QaXypixoii, 8id ims<tou tovTwv 
 sXeysTO to Nc'roy, oo [/.v^ovsvei xa.) llXartuv, sv Topyla. — Har- 
 pocrat. in Aiaiistrov Tsl%pvs- 
 
 2 Tov re ydg $x\y]gir.ou rsiyj,vg o-raJjo; yjtrav itkvts xa.) roid- 
 
 xovto. rfgos tov •KvxX'iv tou avfsos rd Ss pdx^ok 
 
 rsiyrj it^og tov Hei^aid tetnragdxMTa, o-raSiwv, iLv to efaQev 
 frygsrfo. — Thucyd. 1. 2, c. 13. 
 
 1 It is to be observed, that Harpocration has not given us 
 the passage of Aristophanes ; so that we have no means of 
 judging of the kind of evidence which it contains: nor does 
 Harpocration assert that the three walls of which he speaks 
 were all Long Walls .■ he only calls them walls in Attica. The 
 Phaleric may, in this instance, have meant the wall which 
 
 A A 2 
 
356 LONG WALLS. 
 
 and that the words of Thucvdides in the second 
 book are only to be considered as a negligence 
 of expression. 
 
 1. Thucydides himself, in his first book, de- 
 scribes, and appears to have known only of two 
 Long Walls, the Phaleric and Peiraic, to $x\r,oovfc 
 xa) to is ll£<f a«a '. 2. .^schines, who lived when 
 the walls were standing, speaks only of the 
 northern and southern Long Walls, and does 
 not hint at the existence of a third. 3. Xeno- 
 phon, in saying that the Lacedaemonians, after 
 the battle of iEguspotami, demanded the de- 
 molition of the Long Walls, uses the words, 
 twv \lol%% (juv rziyjjjv kxxTegov, an expression which can- 
 not be applied to more than two. 4. The word, 
 o-KsXy) (legs), attached to those walls by the 
 Greeks, and that of brachia (arms), by the 
 Latins, are equally inapplicable to more than 
 two walls. 0. Livy, speaking of the longomu- 
 ral fortress, describes it by the words, " mums, 
 qui brachiis duubus Piraeeum Athenis jungit." 
 Lastly, The existing vestiges of the walls them- 
 
 geparated Phalerum from the inclosure between the two 
 (here called the north and south) Long Walls : or Aristo- 
 phanes may have alluded to the Cimonian wall of the Acro- 
 polis, which we know to have been commonly called to No't/0* 
 
 1 The latter is called by Plato, to Bo^slty teI^o; — Plato 
 de Repub. 1. 4: see the passage in page 91. 
 
LONG WALLS. 367 
 
 selves furnish the most satisfactory comment 
 upon the ancient authors, who speak of two 
 Long Walls, and are a convincing proof that 
 there never could have been a third, which, 
 indeed, as a military work, would have been 
 not only useless but inconvenient. The word 
 8ta.[j.£<rov } therefore, was used by Plato merely 
 in allusion to the situation of the Long Wall 
 between Athens and the maritime city: and 
 that such was the common acceptation of the 
 words rd diapscrov rsiyjl IS proved from another 
 author of later times'. 
 
 I have already observed that vestiges of the 
 Long Walls still exist. They are chiefly re- 
 markable towards the lower end, where they were 
 connected with the fortifications of Peiraeeus and 
 Phalerum. The modern road from Athens to 
 port Dhrako, at something less than two miles 
 short of the latter, comes upon the foundations 
 of the northern Long Wall, which are formed 
 of vast masses of squared stones, and are about 
 twelve feet in thickness. The road follows the 
 wall for about a mile and a half, and then 
 leaves it to the left. Running precisely paral- 
 lel to it, at the distance of five hundred and 
 fifty feet, are seen the foundations of the south- 
 
 1 Kal rot Siax'jcrlwv <rra$'.wv slvou rrjv Ttspiperpov tuiv 'AQyvuiv, 
 tou U.si^ai£ujs <rvvrzQ£y.£you xou ruJv Sia^scov ruyjjjv. — Dion 
 Chrysost. Orat. 6, p. 87- 
 
358 LONG WALLS. 
 
 em Long Wall : they are not traceable in this 
 part for more than half a mile from the place 
 where they are united to the Peiraic peninsula ; 
 but some other vestiges of them are found in the 
 vineyards, which occupy the centre of the lower 
 plain of Athens, still preserving the same straight 
 line directed upon the southern side of the Acro- 
 polis as the northern Long Wall is upon the 
 northern side of the Acropolis. There seems 
 to be no doubt, therefore, that the walls ran pa- 
 rallel to each other at the distance of five hun- 
 dred and fifty feet through the whole plain 1 , 
 thus forming a wide street, running from the 
 centre of the Phaleric hill, exactly in the direc- 
 tion of the entrance of the Acropolis. 
 
 The northern Long Wall is traced in a straight 
 line quite as far as the foot of the Peiraic hills, 
 where it meets a cape or point of those hills, 
 which here projects into the plain. The south- 
 ern Long Wall, on the contrary, in order to 
 meet another projection of the hill of Phalerum, 
 
 1 The general parallelism of the Long Walls may be inferred 
 from a passage of Heliodorus, in his romance of the JEihio- 
 pics, where speaking of an imaginary structure of this kind 
 at Syene, he describes it as a double wall, extending from 
 the Nile to the city ; and he compares it to Long Walls, be- 
 cause an equal breadth was preserved between the two 
 walls through the whole length — shao-ev av fig fxax^olg 
 tsi^striv rb yivoutvov, row fj.lv yfMTtXeQpov to Itrov v\oi:os Si'lhov 
 fvxdrrovTos . — 1. g, c. 3. 
 
LONG WALLS. 359 
 
 which lies about seven hundred yards to the 
 eastward of the point, where the existing traces 
 of the northern Long Wall terminate, is de- 
 flected for the last four hundred yards in a more 
 southerly direction than that which it follows, 
 when parallel to the northern wall. 
 
 The southern Long Wall appears to have ter- 
 minated at the projection of the hill of Phale- 
 rum : the wall with which it there unites takes 
 the direction of south-east, and follows the foot 
 of the hill along the edge of the Phaleric marsh, 
 until it meets the heights near the angle of the 
 Phaleric bay, where it appears to have termi- 
 nated at the round tower, which I have already 
 more than once had occasion to notice, as the 
 commencement of the inclosure of maritime 
 Athens towards the open sea. Of the northern 
 Long Wall no traces exist beyond the cape, 
 where it joins the Peiraic hill ; but it probably 
 made a slight bend at this point, and was at 
 length connected in some manner, which does 
 not now appear, with the fortifications which 
 defended port Cantharus. Supposing the Pha- 
 leric Long Wall to have terminated at the point 
 of the hill already mentioned, and the Peiraic 
 near port Cantharus, the difference of length 
 between them will be exactly that which Thu- 
 cydides has stated, namely, five stades; the 
 northern being forty stades, and the southern 
 thirty-five. 
 
3(j() LONG WALLS. 
 
 Although no certain vestiges of the Long 
 Walls remain towards their upper or north- 
 eastern extremity, it is probable that they were 
 connected with the peribolus of the asty or city 
 itself, nearly in the same manner as we perceive 
 them to have been connected with the inclosure 
 of maritime Athens ; that is to say, by diverg- 
 ing on their approach to the foot of the hills 
 of Museium and Pnyx (the northern wall to 
 the left, and the southern to the right), so as 
 to inclose all the southern and western face of 
 those heights, the southern Long Wall being, 
 perhaps, joined to the city walls, not far from 
 the monument of Philopappus, and the north- 
 ern at the north-western end of the hill of 
 Pnyx, near the gate which stood in the Pnyco- 
 Lycabettian pass. And there is something 
 more than mere conjecture for this supposition. 
 1. Thucydides, in describing the disposition of 
 the Athenian forces at the beginning of the 
 Peloponnesian war, for the defence of the for- 
 tifications which had then been recently com- 
 pleted, informs us, that the portion of the city 
 wall, included between the extremities of the 
 two Long Walls, was not defended by troops ; 
 to which the scholiast adds (Thucydides having 
 omitted to inform us of the length of this part 
 of the wall), that it was seventeen stades in 
 length. Now, though it is impossible to admit 
 that this number can be correct, as it would 
 
LONG WALLS. 361 
 
 suppose the Long Walls to have embraced an 
 extent of the peribolus of the city greater than 
 its diameter, yet it seems almost equally difficult, 
 upon considering the words of Thucydides, to- 
 gether with those of the scholiast, to imagine 
 that the interval of wall was less than one stade, 
 as it would have been if the two walls con- 
 tinued to run parallel at the distance of five 
 hundred and fifty feet asunder, quite up to the 
 peribolus of the asty, without diverging as 
 they approached it. 
 
 2. Every part of the slopes of Pnyx and 
 Museium, south-westward of the ancient wall, 
 which is traced over the summit of those hills, 
 bears marks of having, at one period of time, 
 served for depositing the dead, and at another 
 time of having been thickly inhabited by the 
 living. Amidst sepulchral chambers and niches, 
 excavated in the rock, are seen other excava- 
 tions for magazines, for cisterns, for chairs, for 
 the foundations of houses, for drains, for chim- 
 neys, and for walls, where holes for the rafters 
 are found. It appears, therefore, that the wall 
 across the summit of Pnyx and Museium was 
 the ancient peribolus 1 (as Pausanias calls it), 
 immediately on the outside of which were the 
 
 iV E(rri Sh evrbs tou rfegiZoXov a.px<x.lov ToMovoshv, civ' avrtxpv 
 ifs axf07roAec<;f \6<pos. — Attic, c, 25. 
 
362 WALLS OF THE A STY. 
 
 Cimonian sepulchres in Ccele : that before the 
 establishment of the Long Walls all the hills of 
 Museium and Pnyx, to the southward and west- 
 ward of the city wall, were destined to sepul- 
 chral purposes; and that the same part of those 
 hills afterwards became a portion of the inter- 
 longomural division of the city. 
 
 3. In conformity with the supposition, that 
 the Long Walls were deflected so as to inclose 
 all the western side of these heights, we find 
 at their foot, towards their north-western ex- 
 tremity, the foundation of a large wall of the 
 same structure and thickness as the northern 
 Long Wall, and which runs in a northerly di- 
 rection, or precisely in that, which would be 
 followed by a wall diverging from the direct 
 part of the northern Long Wall, in order to in- 
 close ihe western side of the hill of Pnyx. 
 city Wails. r f j le re mains of ancient works, which serve 
 to guide us in investigating the plan, dimen- 
 sions, and system of defence of the Peiraic and 
 longomural cities, afford little assistance in the 
 same inquiries as to the asty itself. Along the 
 southern and western sides, from the Ilissus to 
 Dipylum, the direction of the walls is per- 
 feetly apparent ; but through the rest of the 
 circumference no certain evidence of their di- 
 rection now subsists ; for although it has often 
 been asserted, that on the northern side the 
 
WALLS OF THE ASTY. 353 
 
 modern town wall stands upon the foundations 
 of the ancient peribolus for such a consider- 
 able distance as, if the assertion were correct, 
 would be a sufficient evidence of the extent 
 of the city on this side, I am convinced, from 
 a minute examination of the modern wall and 
 of the surrounding plain, that no satisfactory 
 vestiges of the ancient walls are to be found 
 among the numerous remains of ancient founda- 
 tions, which are certainly to be seen on the 
 northern and north-eastern sides of the ancient 
 site 1 . In the absence, however, of the evi- 
 dence of existing remains, that of the Athenian 
 writers is by no means unsatisfactory. Upon 
 the memorable occasion at the beginning; of 
 the Peloponnesian war, w 7 hen the Athenians 
 
 1 It is not surprising that the walls should have been obli- 
 terated both on this side and towards the Ilissus, as they 
 were constructed of brick ; for, notwithstanding what Pliny 
 says of the eternity of brick walls, we find few remains of 
 ancient walls in Greece, except such as were built of stone. 
 — Nonnullis civitaiibus et publica opera et privatas doraos 
 etiam regias e latere structas licet videre ; et primum Athenis 
 niurum, qui spectat ad Hymettum montem et Pentelensem. 
 — Vitruv. 1. 2, c. 8. 
 
 Grseci, praeterquam ubi a silice fieri poterat structura, 
 parietes lateritios praetulere : sunt enim aeterni, si ad per- 
 pendiculum riant : ideo et in publica opera et in regias do- 
 mos adduntur. Sic struxere murum Athenis, qui ad montem 
 Hymettum spectat. — Plin. Nat. Hist. 1. 35, c. 14. 
 
364 WALLS OF THE ASTY. 
 
 found it necessary to guard all the assailable 
 parts of their walls against the Lacedgemonians, 
 the length of the walls of the asty, not com- 
 prehending the part included between the Long 
 Walls, was forty-three stades'. The circuit of 
 the city, therefore, exclusive of the hills of 
 Pnyx and Museium, was something greater 
 than the length of the northern Long Wall, 
 (that wall being forty stades long); or, in other 
 Avords, it was about equal to the distance from 
 the Peiraic gate of the city to the Peirseeus. 
 To any person who casts his eye upon the plan, 
 it is almost unnecessary to remark, how totally 
 incompatible this measurement is with the sup- 
 position of the ancient walls having followed 
 the same line as the modern inclosure on the 
 northern side ; for upon applying the distance 
 just mentioned to the circumference of the 
 city, it will be found to stretch so far be- 
 yond the northern extremity of the modern 
 walls as to reach quite to the foot of the steep 
 
 1 Tou ts yap $x\yjuxou rei^ouj crradio< r^xv ttsvts xx) t^ix- 
 xovrx ifoos tov xux\ov to : J X!Tt£uj{ xal ao'roo tou x-jxXov to <pu- 
 AaTo-(3jU.evov 7f tig xx) Tso-Ta^xxovrx' to~:i Si xvtov b xx) x£v\xxtoy 
 tjv t 70 fLera^'j tov ts fLxx^v xx) tov i>xXr^ ix',u ■ :a 8s \j.a.xpx "f »%ij 
 ir^og tov ri£jfa»a" tsq-itx^xxovtx o-raSlwv, cZv to s^ujQsv sryj'.shu' 
 xx) tcv Ustgaiwg %uv Mouvy^.'a iJijHOvra fxsv <rra8lwv 6 xitag 
 irff iGo\og, to 81 Iv (pvhxxy ov r t v y^ktu TOiJrou. — Thucyd. 1. 2. 
 c. 13. 
 
WALLS OF THE ASTY. 365 
 
 rise of mount Anchesmus, even after making a 
 suitable deduction for the windings of the ram- 
 parts, which it is evident that Thucydides has 
 included in estimating the circuit both of the 
 asty and of the maritime city : as, indeed, it 
 would be natural to do under any circumstances 
 where a calculation of the force necessary to 
 line a certain length of rampart was under con- 
 sideration. 
 
 Hence it appears probable that the northern 
 extremity of the asty reached to the foot of 
 mount Anchesmus ; that to the westward its 
 walls followed the small brook which termi- 
 nates in the marshy ground of the Academy, 
 until they met the point where w r e still see the 
 ancient foundations near Dipylum : and that to 
 the eastward they met the Ilissus a little below 
 the church of the Holy Confessors (jcSv &y\m 
 o^oAoyr/rcJv), or, according to the vulgar idiom, 
 the church of Mologhitadh.es. 
 
 That such was really the extent and direction 
 of the ancient walls, there can be little doubt, 
 when we add to what has just been stated, 
 some evidence which has already been adduced 
 in a former section. On turning to page 145, 
 and the three following, the reader will find the 
 authorities and arguments which prove that the 
 Lyceium was situated on the banks of the 
 Ilissus, about six hundred yards above the 
 
36(5 DIMENSIONS OF ATHENS. 
 
 church of Stavromenos Petros, or precisely at 
 the place where now stands the church of Mo- 
 loghitadhes. As it appears, therefore, from the 
 authorities adduced in the pages referred to, 
 that the entrance of the Lyceium was imme- 
 diately opposite to the city gate, called Dio- 
 charis, we have an undoubted proof that the 
 walls must have extended nearly to the church 
 of Mologhitadhes. 
 
 The circumference of the space compre- 
 hended within the walls of Athens, the longo- 
 mural inclosure and the maritime city, is above 
 sixteen English miles, without taking into the 
 reckoning the windings of the sea-coast, or of 
 the ramparts of the asty. The sum total of 
 the length of the walls, following those wind- 
 ings, could hardly have been less than nineteen 
 English miles. 
 
 In the important passage of Thucydides, al- 
 ready referred to, he informs us that the whole 
 peribolus of Peiraeeus, including Munychia, 
 measured sixty stades ; that the northern Long 
 Wall was forty stades in length, and the south- 
 ern thirty-rive stades; and that the peribolus of 
 the city itself was forty-three stades, without 
 reckoning the distance between the extremities 
 of the Lon<r Walls'. 
 
 r> 
 
 * As the Athenians at the period referred to had ample 
 
DIMENSIONS OF ATHENS. 
 
 In ascertaining from these data the periphery 
 in stades of the space inclosed by the fortificat ions 
 of the asty, of the longomural city, and of the 
 maritime demi, it is obvious that we must first 
 deduct from sixty stades, or the circuit of ma- 
 ritime Athens, the distance between the two 
 extremities of the Long Walls, or rather the in- 
 terval between the two projecting points of the 
 hill of Phalerum, where the Long Walls join 
 the Peiraic peninsula ; for it cannot be doubted 
 that Thucydides, by the words, rov Us^aius %h 
 Movwxlx o oLita,; rts^goXos, meant the whole circuit 
 of the Peiraic peninsula, including that interval 
 as a part of it. This distance is seven hun- 
 dred English yards, equal to about three stades 
 and a half: the account, therefore, of the whole 
 
 employment for their land forces, and were obliged to make 
 the most of their garrison, they manned only the most as- 
 sailable parts of their walls. These parts were half the 
 peribolus of the maritime city, the northern Long Wall, 
 and all the asty, except the interval between the Long Walls 
 (Thucyd. ibid.). The garrisoned half of the maritime city 
 was, of course, the land side; its circuit was about equal to 
 that of the sea front, which the naval superiority of the 
 Athenians allowed them to leave unguarded. For the same 
 reason they left ungarrisoned the Phaleric Long WaJl, which 
 could not easily be attacked but by a maritime descent to 
 the eastward. 
 
368 DIMENSIONS OF ATHENS. 
 
 circumference of the city, according to Thu- 
 cydicles, will stand thus : 
 
 Stades. 
 The Asty, minus the distance between the ex- 
 tremities of the Long Walls . 43 
 
 The Long Walls 75 
 
 The maritime city, minus the distance between 
 
 the Long Walls 56| 
 
 Total 174 J- 1 
 
 1 Dion Chrysostom, in a passage of his sixth oration, which 
 has been cited in a preceding page, states the circuit of 
 Athens to be two hundred stades; but his authority is not 
 worth a moment's consideration, compared with that of Tbu- 
 cydides, confirmed as he is by actual measurement. Dionysius 
 of Halicarnassus (Antiq. Roman. 1. 4, p. 6/0, Reii-ke) re- 
 marks that the walls of Athens were not much less in circum- 
 ference than those of Rome, which agrees very well with 
 Olympiodorus (ap. Phot. Biblioth. p. \Q/), who informs us 
 that a measurement having been made of the Roman walls 
 about the time of the first invasion of the Goths, by a geo- 
 metrician of the name of Amnion, the circuit was found to 
 be twenty-one Roman miles. Pliny (1. 3, c. 5) states the 
 circuit of the walls of Rome at twenty. three miles and two 
 hundred paces. By Plutarch (in Nicia) we are informed that 
 the circumference of Syracuse was not less than that of 
 Athens, and Strabo confirms the same fact, by observing, 
 that Syracuse was a hundred and eighty stades in circuit. 
 By means of the existing vestiges of the walls of Syracuse, 
 the circuit of the ancient city was determined (in the course 
 of a military survey, made during the late war, under the 
 direction of Lieutenant-colonel Thackeray, of the royal en- 
 
DIMENSIONS OF ATHENS. 359 
 
 The length of the itinerary stade, resulting 
 from the equation of nineteen English miles 
 with a hundred and seventy-four stades and a 
 half, is thirty feet less than that of the stade 
 which was in use at a later period of time 1 ■, but 
 
 gineers,) to have been fifteen English miles; which, includ- 
 ing the flexures of the ramparts, will give not less than nine- 
 teen miles of wall ; because a larger addition for those flexures 
 is required at Syracuse than at Athens, where not much less 
 than half the circuit runs in right lines. Both Sirabo and 
 Plutarch, therefore, are nearly correct in their assertions. 
 It is almost unnecessary to remark, that the equality of circuit 
 in Rome, Syracuse, and Athens, relates to their periphery 
 only, and not to their superficial contents, and capacity of 
 containing population. Rome was circular, Syracuse trian- 
 gular, and Athens consisted of two circular cities, joined by 
 a street of four miles in length, — a figure, the superficies of 
 which was not more than the fourth part of that of a city of 
 the same circumference, but consisting, like Rome, of one 
 great circle. It is to be observed also, that the suburbs of 
 Rome were at least equal to the city itself, whereas Athens 
 and Syracuse had very small suburbs. 
 
 i j q v 5280 
 
 = 5J5 English feet : whereas the Greek stade 
 
 ] 74-5 ' to 
 
 in the time of the Roman emperors appears from the following 
 data to have been estimated at six hundred and five English 
 feet. l.The stade was equal to six hundred and twenty- 
 five Roman feet (Plin. Nat. Hist. 1. 2, c. 23), which measure 
 is confirmed by Strabo (p. 322), who informs us that the 
 Roman mile (of five thousand Roman feet) was considered 
 equal to eight stades. 2. The Roman foot, used in the 
 time of the emperors, was to the English as nine hundred and 
 sixty-eight to a thousand (Raper in the Philos. Transactions, 
 
 B B 
 
370 GATES OF THE A STY. 
 
 even with this shorter stade we find that the 
 walls of Athens must have advanced as far as the 
 foot of mount Anchesmus. We may safely con- 
 clude, therefore, that the extent of the asty on 
 the north, the only part where the direction of 
 the ancient walls can be doubtful, is such as has 
 been deduced from other evidence. 
 
 The following are the names of the gates of 
 the asty or city of Athens, which occur in ancient 
 history : Dipylum (otherwise called Thriasias, or 
 Sacrse, or Cerameicce), Diomeiae, Diocharis, 
 Melitides, Peiraicag, Acharnica?, Itonise, Hip- 
 pades, Henseae. 
 
 Besides the traces which still exist of Dipy- 
 lum, and of the Melitides and Peiraicae, there 
 are some remains also of a gate near the foun- 
 tain Calirrhoe, which probably opened into the 
 road leading to the demi in the southern side 
 
 Vol. 5 1 , p. 774) . Therefore the stade at that time was = 
 
 ,r " ' 1000 
 
 of 625 = 605 English feet. It appears from Strabo (ibid.) that 
 Polybius made use of an intermediate stade, one-twenty- 
 fourth part less than that of which eight made a Roman mile, 
 and equal, therefore, to five hundred and eighty English feet 
 in length. I may add, that in almost every instance in which 
 I have had an opportunity of comparing the distances in 
 ancient authors with the actual measurements, I have 
 had occasion to remark, that Herodotus and Thucydides 
 made use of a shorter stade than that which was in use 
 among the authors who wrote in the time of the Roman 
 empire. 
 
GATES OF THE ASTY. 37 1 
 
 of Hymettus, and to Paralia and Suuium ; but 
 the name of this gate is very uncertain. 
 
 Sufficient reasons have already been given 
 for placing Dipylum at the end of the Sacred 
 Way, Diomeia? opposite the entrance of the 
 suburban gymnasium, called Cynosarges, and 
 Diocharis opposite the entrance of the Ly- 
 ceium. Some arguments have also been offered 
 for placing the Melitides and the Peiraicae in 
 the situations marked in the plan. 
 
 There can be little doubt that the gate called 
 Acharnicse, having derived that name from its 
 leading to the demus of Acharnae, the situation 
 of which was certainly at or near the modern 
 Menidhi, was about the spot where the modern 
 road to that village cuts the line of the ancient 
 walls. 
 
 As for the Itonise, there is reason to believe 
 that it was about half way between the Ilissus 
 and the foot of the hill of Museium, in the posi- 
 tion, where the road leading direct to Phalerum 
 from the modern Inte-Kapesi, or 'AptxviriKyj Ttopru, 
 or Albanian gate, cuts the line of the ancient 
 walls. For we learn from Plato, that the Itonise 
 was near the sepulchral column of the Ama- 
 zon, and that this monument stood a little 
 within the gate 1 . Now, at the gate which ter- 
 minated the road to Athens from Phalerum 
 
 1 'D>s $z QsLttov ryv itxpx rb r£iyj>s yzipsv, rxis 'Irwvixis 
 
 B B 2 
 
372 GATES OF THE ASTY. 
 
 Pausanias places, just within the city, the sepul- 
 chre of Antiope, the Amazon 1 . There seems 
 little douht, therefore, that the /xv^a 'AvrioVijj of 
 Pausanias is the same as the 'Apatovis err^y of 
 Plato, and consequently that the gate which 
 terminated the road leading from Phalerum was 
 the Itonias. Thus the Phaleric road (ISbg $a\7)?ixy, 
 as Pausanias calls it in another place 2 ) led across 
 the plain, parallel to the southern Long Wall, 
 
 (irXytriov ydp wxei rcuv irvKwv itpbg ly 'A/xa£ov»fo <rr^\y) xarct- 
 \a^dvo^ev au'rbv. — Plato, in Axiocho, torn. 3, p. 364, ed. 
 Serr. 
 
 Socrates went out of the city for the purpose of walking 
 to Cynosarges : when he had arrived at the Ilissus, Clinias, 
 who was exercising on the bank, called to Socrates, and 
 asked him to go and visit his sick father, Axiochus. They 
 then turned back by the road under the walls, and entered 
 the portal Itoniae, near which Axiochus lived. Nothing can 
 be more satisfactory than the topography of this passage ; 
 and though the interest of it may be diminished by the 
 doubts which rest upon the authenticity of the dialogue, as 
 a work of Plato, it is not the less serviceable as a topo- 
 graphical evidence. 
 
 lV E<rr« 8e xara ryv 6§bv tyy e$ 'AQyjvag kx $a\i)pov >abs 
 
 "Upag 'EcreAfloVrtov SI eg fyy "foXiv ecrriv 'AvriOTfyjS fj.vrj(xjc 
 
 'Apa&vog. — Pausan. Attic, c. 1, 2. 
 
 That Pausanias, by the words JcreAQo'vrwv If, meant xvithin 
 the gate, seems clear, from his using the same words in the 
 next page, in speaking of the Pompeium at the entrance of 
 the gate leading from the Peirajeus; for the Pompeium 
 was certainly within the city. 
 ■ Phocic. c. 35. 
 
GATES OF THE ASTY. 373 
 
 and entered the city at the quarter of Limnse, 
 and the parts adjacent to the Odeium. It cor- 
 responded to the Hamaxitus 1 , on the other 
 side of the Long Walls, which led from port 
 Peirseeus through the Peiraic gate into the 
 quarter of Cerameicus ; but it differed from 
 that road in passing at a greater distance from 
 the Long Walls : and hence we perceive the 
 reason why Pausanias mentions the Long Walls 
 in speaking of the former route, but takes no 
 notice of them in describing the Phaleric road. 
 Of the Hippades, we only know that it was the 
 gate, on the outside of which was the sepulchre 
 of the family of the orator Hyperides 2 . As Philo- 
 stratus makes mention also of a place in the Ce- 
 rameicus, called *litite~s (the Horsemen) 3 , it seems 
 
 1 See page 92, and the passage from Xenoph. there cited. 
 This road seems to have been commonly called 17 s$ ILsipaid; 
 and I am inclined to think that the street between the Long 
 Walls, and afterwards the road between the ruins, was called 
 the "O$os Qrj&s'ia, of which mention is made by Prcpertius 
 (1. 3. eleg. 20, v. 22). 
 
 Inde ubi Piraeei capient me littora portus, 
 Scandam ego Theseee brachia longa viae. 
 
 " Tov$ $z ohslovg ?d 6<rra Xa&ovi'as Qdil/ou te apa. tots 
 yovavvi itpo rwv 'ltitdSwv tfv'AUJV, w$ <pr)<r)v 'HXioSwpOs h rplrw 
 itsp) pvypdrwy. — Plutarch cle X. Rhet. in Hyperid. 
 
 3 . . . .ro Tujv TsyyiruJv ^ouXsvrrjpiov, $rj (VK0$6p*Y)T'ai itapd 
 fdg roo Ks§a,[j,siKOv itvXas, ou ttoppia fcvv 'iKnewv. — Philost. in 
 Philagr. 
 
374 GATES OF THE ASTY. 
 
 * probable that the place derived this appellation 
 from some equestrian statues, which gave name 
 also to the neighbouring city gates. Upon this 
 supposition the gate may have opened from the 
 inner into the outer Cerameicus ; for the tombs 
 of so illustrious a family as that of Hyperides 
 were most likely to have been situated in that 
 quarter. It is not improbable, therefore, that 
 the Hippades may have been the gate between 
 Dipylum and the Peiraic, of which some vestiges 
 exist on the north side of mount Lycabettus. 
 
 From the great distance between Dipylum 
 and the Acharnicae, and between the Achar- 
 nicaa and Diomeiae, it may be conjectured that 
 there was a gate in each of those intervals : and 
 as all this part of the site was occupied by bury- 
 ing-grounds, it is possible that one of the two 
 intermediate gates was the Heriaeae, as this name 
 seems to imply a gate leading to sepulchres. 
 
 There was still another situation in the an- 
 cient peribolus, where there must have been a 
 gate. This was at the end of the causeway, 
 which led over the bridge of the Ilissus into 
 the Stadium. But of the name of this gate, no 
 trace of evidence, as far as I can discover, is 
 found in ancient history. 
 
 Athens was surrounded on every side with 
 an immense cemetery. 
 
 On the north-west and north from the north- 
 
CEMETERIES OF ATHENS. 375 
 
 ern Long Wall to mount Anchesmus, there 
 was a continued succession of sepulchres, be- 
 ginning from the city walls. 
 
 The excavations in search of sepulchral anti- 
 quities, which have been successfully made on 
 the southern side of the hill of Museium, show 
 that there were burying grounds on the outside 
 of the southern Long Wall, similar to those which 
 we learn from a passage of Plato 1 , to have ex- 
 isted on the outside of the northern Long Wall. 
 
 Along the eastern side of the Asty, from the 
 south-eastern angle of the city walls, on the bank 
 of the Ilissus, to the eastern side of mount An- 
 chesmus, the suburban demi of Agrse and of the 
 Gardens, and the gymnasia of Lyceium and Cy- 
 nosarges, were interposed between the city and 
 the cemeteries, which thus removed to some 
 distance from the walls, were probably less ex- 
 tensive in that quarter than on the opposite side 
 of Athens. 
 
 1 De Repub. 1. 4. See the passage in page 91. 
 
ADDITIONAL NOTES. 
 
 NOTE I. 
 
 On the Population of Athens. 
 
 ALL Athenians, more than twenty years of age, 
 and born of parents who were Attic citizens, enjoyed the 
 right of voting in the general assembly and the other ho- 
 nours of citizenship 1 . It is obvious that such being the 
 only requisites, the number of citizens was likely to in- 
 crease during the flourishing ages of the republic : and 
 this we find to have been the case. 
 
 There is some difficulty in ascertaining the population 
 of Athens. By a census of Pericles 2 the number of 
 Athenians entitled to the rights of citizenship was con- 
 fined to 14,040; 5000 were upon this occasion rejected 
 as voQoi, and degraded into the class of slaves. 
 
 Demosthenes 3 reckons the Athenians who had a voice 
 in the government at 20,000 ; according to the census of 
 Demetrius of Phalerum, the number of citizens was 
 21,000*. About this time the rights of citizenship were 
 
 1 S. Petit. Comra. in Leg. Attic. 1. 2, tit. 4. 
 - Plutarch, in Pericl. 
 
 3 Demosth. in Aristog. 1, p. 785. Reiske. 
 
 4 Ctesicles ap. Athen. I. 6, c. 20. Casaub. 
 
378 ADDITIONAL NOTES. 
 
 refused to those who did not possess a certain property ' ; 
 and in the time of Phocion we are told that paupers and 
 other persons answering to the vodoi of the census of Pe- 
 ricles were so numerous that 12,000 were ejected from 
 the city a . Upon the whole, we may reckon the number 
 of Attic citizens at 20,000, in the flourishing times of 
 the republic : and such appears to have been the general 
 calculation in round numbers 3 . It is probable, there- 
 fore, that both Herodotus 4 and Aristophanes 5 , in estimat- 
 ing the Athenian citizens at 30,000, meant to include the 
 whole free male population of Athens ; in both instances, 
 indeed, the number 30,000 is mentioned in such a man- 
 ner as to show that the calculation is stretched to the ut- 
 most, and is not stated with any view to accuracy. 
 
 It is evident, from the laws of Solon, which classed the 
 higher order of Athenian citizens by the number of me- 
 dimni of corn produced upon their estates, that the upper 
 class of the inhabitants of Athens, like those of great 
 cities In other civilized countries, consisted chiefly of 
 persons whose property was in land, and whose re- 
 sidence during a part of the year was in the country 6 . 
 As every Athenian citizen was enrolled in one of the 
 hundred and seventy-four demi of Attica, only a small 
 
 1 Hermogenis Partitiones Rhetorics, Cap. de Translaiione — J. 
 Poll. 1. 8, c. 9. 
 
 * Plutarch, in Phocion. — Diod. Sic. I. 18, c. 66. 
 
 3 Hesych. in 'o^oS. — Liban. Declam. 16. 
 
 « Herodot. 1. 5, c. 97. 
 
 5 Aristoph. Eccles. v. 1124. 
 
 " The partiality of the Athenians for a country-life may be inferred 
 from the great number of edifices in the plain of Athens, and in 
 thedcmi (sec Liv. I. 31. c. 26 — and Pausan. Attic, c. 31). And it 
 is expressly noticed by Thucydides (1. 2, c. 14). 
 
POPULATION OF ATHENS. 379 
 
 portion, of which were in the city itself, the number 
 20,000 comprehended all the citizens of Attica, having 
 the right of voting in the general assembly. The whole 
 population of this class, therefore, must have been about 
 60,000. 
 
 We are told that there were 10,000 fcsro/xo), or resident 
 aliens in Attica 1 , not having the right of Attic citizens, 
 and paying a tax called {astoik'iov 2 ; and that the total num- 
 ber of slaves in Attica was reckoned at 400,000 3 . The 
 former number appears to contain the male metseci only ; 
 but in the latter the whole number of slaves seems to be 
 included. It clearly appears, also, that there must at all 
 times have been a large body of persons of Attic blood 
 not enjoying the rights of citizenship. 
 
 The number of 400,000 slaves has been considered ex- 
 cessive; but it does not appear disproportioned to that 
 of the Athenian citizens, when we consider that all the 
 agricultural, mining, and menial labour of Attica was per- 
 formed by slaves, as well as the greater part of that of the 
 public works, and of the private establishments of com- 
 merce, and of trades and manufactures, even to the work- 
 shop of the statuary and the potter. The large propor- 
 tion of slaves in the Greek republics is a fact well known. 
 The little republic of iEgina is said at one time to have 
 possessed 470,000 slaves 4 ; the Corinthians had 460,000 \ 
 We are told by Athenaeus that several myriads of them 
 worked in the silver-mines of Attica. Those employed 
 in the mines of Laurium once seized the castle of Sunium, 
 
 1 Clesicles, ap. Athen. ibid. 
 
 3 Meurs. Attic. Lect. 1. 1, c. 9. 
 
 3 Ctesicles, ibid. 
 
 * Aristot. ap. Alhen. ibid. — Schol. Pind. Olymp. g. 
 
 5 Epitimaeus, ap. Athen, ibid. 
 
380 ADDITIONAL NOTES. 
 
 in imitation of a general insurrection in Sicily *, in which 
 the slaves destroyed were innumerable. The quarries of 
 marble in Attica employed also a great number of slaves' 
 It was not rare in Greece to meet with individuals pos- 
 sessing 1000 slaves. The celebrated Nicias let that num- 
 ber to a person, who undertook the working of a mine in 
 Laurium 2 . There is no reason to think, therefore, that 
 the slaves of Attica are over-rated at 400,000 ; which num- 
 ber bears nearly the same proportion to the free inhabit- 
 ants of Attica as the slaves to the free people in our West 
 Indian islands. The entire population of Attica being 
 near half a million in a surface of 560 square miles, the 
 density was near 900 to a square mile, which is about one- 
 fourth of that of Middlesex, and the double of that of 
 Lancashire. 
 
 The chief difficulty in calculating the population of 
 Athens consists in estimating the proportion of Attic 
 citizens, of Metaeci, and of slaves to be assigned to the city 
 itself. In regard to the citizens, it will probably be near 
 the truth to suppose that two-thirds resided in the city, 
 and as the great majority of slaves were employed in 
 mining and agriculture, we can hardly allow more than 
 one slave to each free person in the city. The calcula- 
 tion will then stand as follows : 
 
 Two-thirds of 60,000 citizens, .... 40,000 
 Two-thirds of 20,000 metaeci, about . . . 13,000 
 
 53,000 
 As many slaves .....•• 53,000 
 
 106,000 
 
 Paupers and others of Athenian race not having 
 
 rights of citizenship 10,000 
 
 ] 16,000 
 
 Posidonius, ap. Allien, ibid. ' Xenoph. dc Vectiga!. c. 4. 
 
POPULATION 0¥ ATHENS. 381 
 
 Demosthenes 1 observes, that 400,000 medimni of bread- 
 corn were brought to Attica from Pontus, and about as 
 much more from other markets (IpTo^/a), in all 800,000 
 medimni. Two-thirds of this quantity, or 530,000 me- 
 dimni, were by law carried into the city 2 , which, to a po- 
 pulation of 116,000, would supply between seventeen 
 and eighteen ounces of bread per diem to each person. 
 
 1 Adv. Leptin. p.466 s Reiske. 
 
 3 Harpocrat. m*&Ki[i.£kyiThs 'Efursgiov-. 
 
382 ADDITIONAL NOTES. 
 
 Note to the end of Section I. 
 Of the Buildings, Kc. not mentioned in that Section. 
 
 J. Meursius, in his Athenae Atticae, and Lectiones 
 Atticae, has collected evidence of the existence of several 
 other places at Athens, which I shall here briefly enu- 
 merate. In the Cerameicus were the Agrippeium, or 
 theatre of Agrippa 1 , and the palaestra of Taureas 2 . 
 There were two other palaestrae also in Athens, called 
 the Palaestrae of Sibyrtius 3 and of Hippocrates 4 . The 
 Stoae of the Thracians 5 and of Attalus 6 we may sup- 
 pose to have been in the Ceramic Agora. It was 
 probably near the latter that stood the colossal statues 
 of Attalus and Eumenes, which afterwards received in- 
 scriptions in honour of Marcus Antonius 7 . 
 
 The Agora was divided into markets, streets, and por- 
 ticos, which in general derived their names from the objects 
 sold in them. Such were the <rrbx ruv d\q*Wwv (flour por- 
 tico) ; the dyopd yvvcuxela. 8 , or shops for goods peculiarly 
 adapted to the use of women; the dyopd arittipoitwXig or \\los.- 
 TiotfouXis 9 (for the sale of ready-made clothes); the dyopa. 
 
 » Philostr. in Alexaud. Sophist, et in philagr. 
 
 2 Plato, in Charmid. — Liban. declaim. 0. 
 
 3 Plutarch. Paral. in Alcibiad. 
 
 4 Plutarch, de X Rhet. in lsocrat. 
 s Harpocrat. in 'Eq/ua.7. 
 
 a Athen. 1. 5, c. 13, Casaub. 
 
 7 Plutarch. Paral. in M. Anton. 
 
 8 J. Poll. 1. 10, c. 2.— Theophr. Charact. de AdulaU 
 
 9 J. Poll. 1. 7, c. 18. 
 
AGORA OF ATHENS. 3H3 
 
 l^oitcaXis 1 (for fish). But some divisions of the Agora 
 received their names from people, as the dyopd 'Apyslwv 1 *, 
 dyopd KepK'juifwv ; the latter, which was noted for the sale 
 of stolen goods, was near the famous tribunal, called, from 
 its being held in the open air, 'HA<a/a 3 . Another market 
 was called Qsujv dyopd 4 ; but its use is not specified by the 
 authors who mention it. The diiFerent divisions of the 
 markets for provisions were commonly indicated by the 
 name of each article preceded by the preposition sis, as sis 
 ~ovs 1ititovs> the horse market ; sis rovtyov, the cooks' 1 shops ; 
 sis fd pscxovia,, the place where asses flesh was sold ; sis 
 rd pvpoc, sis T'ds yurpas, sis *& vxopoSa, sis *d xpoppva,, els 
 td dpulpxra, sis rov y\wpov "tvpov, sis ?d xdpva, sis 7 ^ y*vj^a, 
 &c. were the denominations of several parts of the Agora, 
 where ointments, pottery, garlic, onions, perfumes, fish, 
 cheese, walnuts, apples, &c.were sold. The booksellers shops 
 were called giGXioQyxai ; and the expression sis *d fifA/a was 
 not used 5 . Besides the foregoing, there was in the Agora 
 
 1 Plutarch de X Rhet. in Hyperid. 
 
 2 Hesych. in voce. 
 
 3 Eustath. in Odyss. B. p. 74. et in k. p. 413. ed. Basil. — Galen, 
 in Hippocrat. Epidem. 3, com. 3. 
 
 4 Hesych. in ©etu» ayo^a. — Aristid. in Orat. in Minerv. et in Orat. 
 Cyzic. 
 
 5 J. Poll. 1. 9, c. 5. — 1. 10, c. 2.— Theophr. Char. **$. GSavghg. — 
 Hesych. in fuuHivia. 
 
 The divisions of a bazar in Greece are indicated very nearly in the 
 manner described by Julius Pollux in the provision market of an- 
 cient Athens. The same mode of using the prepositions, and, with 
 a few slight corruptions, the same words, are in general still pre- 
 served. 2ra XQOfxpvhu, era xagvBiix, era ay.6goia., era ^uijAa, cro yKtvpb Tvcf t 
 will conduct the travellers to the shops for onions, walnuts, garlic, 
 apples, and new cheese, in a modern Greek town, as well as the 
 expressions mentioned by Pollux would have done in ancient 
 Athens. 
 
384 ADDITIONAL NOTES. 
 
 a halle, or round building, called KvxXof, where slaves, 
 and vases, and fish, and other commodities, were sold '. 
 
 Some of the streets of Athens derived their names from 
 the artizans who practised their trades in them, and who 
 thus appear to have been disposed very much in the same 
 manner as the trades of a modern Oriental town. One 
 of the streets was called ij twv 'Epu-oyXutpilouv, the street 
 of the makers of Mercuries 2 ; another ij r£v x»£Wo7ro<a>V, 
 the street of the Cabinet-makers 3 . These were probably 
 in the Agora, as was also the street of Vesta, ij 'Ecm'a 
 hMg ; for it was near the three-headed Mercury of the 
 Cerameicus 4 . Some of the streets derived their names 
 from the Sij^oi through which they passed — as the street 
 of Colyttus 5 . We find mention also of a street of the 
 ants, r) rwv ju.uppjKcJj' 6 ; and of the third street, r t rpWt) 
 puy,y 7 , but without any indication of their locality. 
 
 Among the sanctuaries not mentioned by Pausanias, 
 we find the following: I. The temple of the Hours (to 
 'ilpcdv ispov), in which was an altar of Bacchus "OpBtog, and 
 another of the Nymphs 8 . 2. The temple of the People 
 and Graces (to Tsasvos tov AijjU,ou kou twv Xaplruiv), in 
 which stood a brazen statue of Hircanus, chief priest of 
 the Jews". 3. To iepov Myvvrov 'HpaxXeos, the temple of 
 
 1 J. Poll. 1. 7, c. 2. — 1. 10, c. 2. — Hesych. in Kux\a f . 
 ' J Plato, in Sympos. — Plutarch, de Gen. Sacr. 
 
 3 Plutarch, ibid. 
 
 4 See page 99, note 1. 
 
 5 Himer. ap. Phot. Biblioth. p. 1140. Hoeschel. 
 Hesych. in Mv^-nxw-j. 
 
 7 J. Poll. 1. 9, c. 5. 
 
 8 Philochor. ap. A then. 1. 2, c. 2. 
 
 "Joseph. Antiq. Jud. 1. 4, c. 10". — According to the Athenians 
 there were only two Hours, and two Graces ; the former named 
 
HIERA, &c. OF ATHENS. 385 
 
 Hercules, founded by Sophocles, with the epithet of 
 Menytes ; because the god had pointed out to him in a 
 dream the place where was hidden a crown, or patera, 
 which had been stolen from one of the sanctuaries of Her- 
 cules 1 . 4. The Pherrephattium, a sanctuary of Proser- 
 pine in the Agora, not very distant from the Leocorium 2 . 
 There were also sanctuaries of Diana Aveltyvos 3 , and 
 sanctuaries containing statues of Venus tyQvfy, of Cupid, 
 with the same epithet, and of Hermes ^/jflu^/crnj? 4 . 
 There was a sanctuary also of Mercury Hegemonius, or 
 leader of the blind 5 . 5. The Phratrium, which con- 
 tained a statue of Jupiter Phratrius, and of several other 
 deities, and which was a place of common worship for 
 the promotion of a friendly union among all the Athe- 
 nian tribes 6 . 
 
 Of the heroa or tombs, altars or sanctuaries, of the an- 
 cient Athenian heroes, we find mention made of the fol- 
 lowing: — The altar of Eudanemus was near the Me- 
 troum, and the ascent to the Acropolis 7 . The sepulchre 
 
 Thallo and Carpo ; the latter named Auxo and Hegemone (Pausan. 
 Boeot. c 3.5). Socrates, in his statues of the Graces, in the Pro- 
 pylaea, appears to have adopted the 'EteoxXeTo* yao'Ttg, from Orcho- 
 menus, which were three in number. 
 
 1 Schol. Sophocl. in vita. — Cicero de Divin. 1. 1, c. 25. — Hesych. 
 
 in Mr/V!$T»K. 
 
 2 Demosth. adv. Conon. p. 1259, Reiske. 
 
 3 Schol. in Apollon. Rhod. 1. 1, v. 238. 
 
 * Demosth. adv. Neser. p. 1358.— Harpocrat. in ^u^arr\?. 
 
 6 Schol. in Aristoph. Plut. v. llu'O. 
 J. Poll. 1. 1, c. 1.— L. 3,c. 4. 
 
 7 Arrian de Exped. Alexand. 1. 3, c. 16.— Eudanemns, otherwise 
 Angelus, was the son of Neptune. Hesych. in 'EuSavEyuo?.— Pausan. 
 .Achaic. c. 4. 
 
 CO 
 
386 ADDITIONAL NOTES. 
 
 of Solon was a little within the city walls, near one of the 
 gates 1 . The sanctuary of Hesychus, from whom were 
 derived the Hesychidae, or priests of the Semnae (furies), 
 was near the Cimonian wall of the Acropolis, on the 
 outside of the nine gates , consequently not far from the 
 tomb of Talos. The temenus of iEacus was in the 
 Agora 3 . There were heroa also of ^Egeus 4 , of Phorbas 5 , 
 of Stephanephorus 6 , of Calamites 7 , and of many others. 
 That of iEgeus may perhaps have been near the Delphi- 
 nium : for he is said to have founded that temple, and 
 to have resided there ; of which there was a memorial in 
 the appellation given to a statue of Hermes standing to 
 the east of the Delphinium. It was called the Hermes at 
 the gates of ^Egeus 8 . The Socrateium, or heroum of 
 Socrates, was on the road from Peiraeeus to the city 9 . 
 
 Near the temple of Theseus was the place called the 
 Horcomosium, from the treaty between Theseus and the 
 
 1 iEIian. Var. Hist. I. 8, c. 16. 
 
 1 nap to Ki/xwviov Ixrof twv Inia wuXcu!'.— Polemo de Eratosth. ap. 
 Schol. CEdip. Colon, v. 480. — See Meurs. Attic. Lect. 1. 5, c. 32. 
 
 The nine gates were probably a succession of barriers on the 
 ascent to the Propylsea, including perhaps the five gates of that 
 building. We find, from a passage of an Athenian antiquary, pre- 
 served by Suidas, that the ancient Pelasgic fortress upon the Acro- 
 polis was also said to have had nine gates. See page 279, n °te 3. 
 
 3 Herodot. 1. 5, c. 80. — Plutarch. Paral. in Thes. — Hesych. in 
 
 AiaxovTero*. 
 
 * Harpocrat. et Suid. in Aiyeiov. 
 
 8 Andocid. de Myster. p. 30. — Andron. ap. Harpocrat. in *<y. 
 ^i-tsToi/. Phorbas, king of the Curetes, was slain by Erechtheus. 
 
 6 Harpocrat. in 2Ti<pourri$ogo;. 
 
 7 Demoslh. in Coron. p. 270. 
 fl Plutarch. Paral. in Thes. 
 
 J Marian, in vita Prodi. 
 
HIERA, ike. OF ATHENS. 387 
 
 Amazons having been there sworn to 1 . The Amazon- 
 eium must also have been on the same side of the town ; 
 for an author quoted by Plutarch relates, that when the 
 Amazons attacked Athens, they were drawn up with 
 their right near the Pnyx, and with their left at the place 
 still called, in Plutarch's time, the Amazoneium 2 . We 
 have already seen that Plutarch speaks of a place called 
 Heptachalcum, near the walls between the Peiraic and the 
 Sacred Gates 3 . The Meticheium, which received its 
 name from the architect who built it, was one of the Athe - 
 nian courts of judicature 4 . The Thesmophoreium was a 
 <rv<rtrirtov, where the women, called Thesmophoriazusae, 
 were lodged and boarded, in undergoing a particular dis- 
 cipline previous to their employment in the celebration 
 of the rites of the Thesmophorae (Ceres and Proserpine) 5 . 
 It is uncertain where the dpyvpoKOitehv 6 , or mint, was 
 situated ; but, in a state so celebrated for its silver coin as 
 Athens, it must have been a building of considerable im- 
 portance, and was very probably in the Acropolis. 
 
 There were several a.p'/eia., archives, or places for the 
 deposit and custody of official papers, &c. One of these 
 was the Metroum, where, as we have already seen 7 , were 
 deposited the written laws of the state. The Lyceium 
 contained the archives of the Polemarch, or third Ar- 
 
 ' Plutarch. Paral, in Thes. 
 
 * Plutarch. Paral. in Thes. — Stephen, et Said, in 'a/o&veTov. 
 3 Plutarch. Paral. in Sylla. 
 
 * Hesych. in Mjjt/^ou riftsvo;. — J. Poll. 1. 8, c. lo. — Phot. Lex. in 
 
 MjJTiO^Elbll. 
 
 5 Hesych. in Tlpvravuo-j. — Meurs. Attic. Lect. I. 4, c 21. 
 Antiph. ap. Harpocrat. in voce. 
 3 See Section I. 
 
 ic2 
 
388 ADDITIONAL NOTES. 
 
 chon\ The Parasitium was an dp^eloy, where the para- 
 sites, who in the origin held an honourable situation, de- 
 posited the first-fruits of the sacred corn 2 . There are 
 said to have been three hundred and sixty Aecr^ai, or 
 places where the poor were allowed to warm them- 
 selves in cold weather, and to pass the night 3 . As to 
 the hot baths (£aAave7a), although no author has made 
 mention of any magnificent buildings of this kind, such as 
 the Romans constructed, it is manifest, from what is inci- 
 dentally said of them, that baths, both public and private, 
 were numerous in Athens. They were circular, with a 
 vaulted rooi' f like most of those in Turkey 4 . There was 
 one near the statue of Anthemocritus, which stood at 
 the beginning of the sacred way to Eleusis, on the out- 
 side of Dipylum 5 . The gdpaQpov, or opvy^a, was a deep 
 excavation, where those were confined who were con- 
 demned to death 6 ; whence the expression, oeTTiruJopvypafi, 
 for the executioner 7 . The 'E%alpe<rif was a place where 
 bales of goods were deposited 8 . The monument called 
 "lirirov kcc) Ko'p^, was in memory of the cruelty of an 
 Athenian archon, Hippomenes, who had exposed his 
 daughter, Limone, to be torn in pieces by a horse, which 
 
 • Hesych. in 'EkiXvxm. 
 
 2 J. Poll. 1. 6, c. 7.— Athen. I. 6, c. 0, Casaub. 
 
 3 Procl. in Hesiod egyw €. 
 - Athen. 1. 11, c. 14. 
 
 5 Isaeus, ap. Harpocrat. in 'AvQifxixgno;. — Philip, in Epist. ad 
 Athen. — Pausan. Attic, c. 36. 
 
 6 Stephan. Hesych. Suid. in B&p«f)pov. — Harpocrat. in "Ogvyfia. 
 
 T J. Poll. 1. 8, c. 7. — Dinarch. adv. Demosth. p. 46, Reiske. — 
 Lycurg. adv. Leocrat. p. 221. 
 
 * Etymol. Mag. in 'E§atgsns, 
 
WORKS OF ART IN ATHENS. 389 
 
 he had kept without food for that purpose \ Blaute was a 
 place where a shoemaker had dedicated a sandal (?Aaurr>) 2 . 
 
 Harpocration and Hesychius give evidence of a trea- 
 sury, which was adorned with paintings, said to have 
 been by the hand of Polygnotus 3 . 
 
 We find mention made of several other remarkable 
 paintings at Athens, most of which may possibly have 
 been removed before the time of Pausanias, like the ce- 
 lebrated Helen of Zeuxis, which had been transported 
 from the <r?6a ttuv d\<pirwv at Athens 4 to the portico of 
 Philip at Rome 5 . 
 
 Athenion of Maroneia painted an assemblage of Athe- 
 nian women, called ifoXvyvvaixoy : and a celebrated picture 
 of a horse and groom 6 . 
 
 There was also a much admired picture of a combatant, 
 armed with a shield, by Antidorus, a disciple of Euphra- 
 nor 7 , and a picture of a flute-player, dedicated by Thra- 
 sippus, when he supported the choragic expenses of 
 Ecphran tides 8 , and there was a picture of an elephant 9 , 
 by an unknown artist. It is probable also, although not 
 certain, that several of the other productions of great 
 painters, enumerated by Pliny, were at Athens in his 
 time ; — particularly the battle of Phlius, and the victory 
 
 1 Heraclid. Pont, de Polit. Graec. — Suid. in 'limo/nivis 
 3 J. Poll. I. 7, c. 22. 
 
 3 Harpocrat. in noXuynuroj-. — Hesych. in Gijo-xupof. 
 * Eustath. ad. II. A. p. 815, ed. Basil. 
 
 5 Plin. Nat. Hist. 1. 35, c. 10. 
 
 6 Plin. Nat. Hist. 1. 35, c. 11. 
 
 7 Ibid. 
 
 8 Aristot. Polit. 1. 8, c. 6. 
 
 8 Themist. de Mem. et Reinin. 
 
390 ADDITIONAL NOTES. 
 
 of the Athenians by Pamphilus 1 , and some of the works 
 of the painter Aristolaus". I have already noticed the 
 picture of the ships by Protogenes in the vestibule of the 
 Parthenon, which appears both from Pliny and Cicero 3 
 to have been of the greatest merit. 
 
 Of the celebrated statues which once adorned Athens, 
 but which were probably no longer there in the time of 
 Pausanias, I have already had occasion, in the ninth 
 section, to speak of a few which stood in the Acropolis. 
 
 In the Ceramic agora was a brazen statue of Chabrias, 
 represented kneeling, with his spear couched, and his 
 shield upon his knees, this being the position in which 
 he ordered his phalanx to throw themselves, when, by 
 this new and unexpected movement, they prevented a 
 charge of Lacedaemonians under Agesilaus, near Thebes 4 . 
 Phocion also was honoured with a brazen statue ; but its 
 position is not mentioned by Plutarch. 
 
 The following statues also were at Athens, and much 
 renowned. The heifer, in brass, by Myron 5 , and the 
 Iacchus, in marble. The mares, in brass, dedicated by 
 Cimon in memory of the mares with which he had ob- 
 tained the victory at Olympia 6 , and a congregation of 
 satyrs by Lysippus 7 . 
 
 It is unnecessary to collect the names of those statues of 
 
 ' Plin. Nat. Hist. 1.35, c '0. 
 
 2 Flin. Nat. Hist. ]. 3.5, c. II. 
 
 3 Plin. Nat. Hist 1. 35, c. 10. — Ciccr. Vcrrin. 4, c. 60. 
 
 4 Corn. Nep.«in Chabria. 
 
 5 Cicer. Verrin. 4. c. 60. The heifer was a favourite subject 
 among epigrammatists hoth Greek and Latin. See the Anthologia, 
 1. 4, r. 7 ; and Anson. Epig. 58, et seq. 
 
 iElian. Var. Hist. 1. y, c. 32. 
 » Flin. Nat. Hist. I. 34, c. 8. 
 
WORKS OF ART IN ATHENS. 391 
 
 obscure deities, or of persons of little or transient note, 
 which occur in ancient history. Each tribe and demus, 
 and even each family, had its protecting deity, to whom 
 they reared statues and altars, and to whom they gene- 
 rally applied an epithet derived from their own names, 
 or from some peculiar circumstance or superstition at- 
 tached to the worship. For some of these appellations, 
 see Meursius, Athen. Attic. 1. 2. c. 13, 14. 
 
 Dinarchus, in his oration against Demosthenes (p. 33), 
 makes mention of several brazen statues in the Agora, 
 erected to persons, who probably did not long retain that 
 honour any more than Demades, whose numerous statues 
 were afterwards melted and made into chamber utensils 1 . 
 To the flatterers and mistresses of Demetrius Poliorcetes, 
 who had altars, statues, and divine honours 2 , no greater 
 respect was probably shown after the hour of their popu- 
 larity had passed by. 
 
 1 Plutarch. Polit. Praec. 
 
 ' Demosth ap. Athen. I. 6, c. 13. Casaub. 
 
392 ADDITIONAL NOTl^. 
 
 Note to page 39. 
 
 Of the Temple of Theseus. 
 
 The temple of Theseus is a peripteral hexastyle with 
 thirteen columns on the sides. It faces the east. The 
 cell within measures forty feet in length, and twenty feet 
 in breadth. It has a pronaus and a posticum, each of 
 which is formed by a prolongation of the side walls of 
 the cell, having two columns between the antae : but the 
 depth of the pronaus is greater than that of the posticum, 
 and the depth of the portico of the pronaus is greater 
 than that of the portico at the back of the temple ; the 
 two former measure together thirty-three feet, the two 
 latter twenty-seven feet. The side porticoes of the temple 
 are only six feet in breadth. The thirty-four columns 
 of the peristyle, as well as the four in the two vestibules, 
 are near three feet four inches in diameter at the base, 
 and near nineteen feet high, with an intercolumniation 
 of five feet four inches, except at the angles, where, as 
 usual in the Doric oi'der, the interval is made smaller, 
 in order to bring the triglyphs to the angle, and at the 
 same time not to offend the eye by the inequality of 
 the metopes. The stylobatc is formed of only two steps. 
 The height of the temple, from the bottom of the stylo- 
 bate to the summit of the pediment, is thirty-three feet 
 and a half. The eastern or chief front only of the temple 
 was adorned with sculptures. On the pediment of that 
 front there remain holes for cramps of metal, to which 
 statues were attached ; but no such marks are found in 
 the western pediment. In like manner, the ten metopes 
 of the eastern front, and the four adjoining ones of either 
 flank, are exclusively ornamented with sculptures; all 
 
TEMPLE OF THESEUS. 393 
 
 the other metopes are plain. Thus while it appears to 
 have been the design of the architect of the Parthenon, 
 by the equality of the pronaus and posticum, and of their 
 respective porticos, as well as by the similarity of the 
 statuary decorations, in the two fronts of that temple, 
 to prevent all superior importance of the one front over 
 the other : in the Theseium it was the architect's marked 
 intention to render the eastern fronting of the temple 
 as conspicuous as possible. 
 
 The roof of the cell of the Theseium is modern ; the 
 greater part of the beams and lacunaria of the porticoes 
 are wanting, and the sculptures have been purposely de- 
 faced by the Turks. When the temple was converted 
 into a Christian church, the two columns of the pronaus 
 were removed to make room for the altar 1 . In other 
 respects the temple is complete. It is formed entirely of 
 Pentelic marble, and stands upon an artificial foundation, 
 formed of large quadrangular blocks of ordinary lime- 
 stone. At the north-western angle of the temple, where 
 the hill, upon which the temple stands, is steep, six 
 courses of the foundation now appear above ground, and 
 this part of the foundation is gradually receiving so much 
 injury from the effect of the rains, as to threaten the 
 safety of this part of the building. 
 
 The sculptures of the Theseium are, upon the eighteen 
 metopes already mentioned, upon a frize over the en- 
 trance of the pronaus, and upon another over that of the 
 posticum. In offering an opinion, differing from that of 
 Stuart in regard to some of these sculptures, it will be 
 
 1 A large door was at the same time pierced in the western wall ; 
 when Athens was taken by the Turks, who were in the habit of 
 riding into the churches on horseback, this door was closed, and a 
 smaller one was made in the southern wall. 
 
394 ADDITIONAL NOTES. 
 
 necessary previously to refer to the circumstances which 
 attended the building of the temple. 
 
 Eight centuries after the death of Theseus the people 
 of Athens suddenly became ashamed of the ingratitude 
 of their ancestors towards their great benefactor, in 
 driving him out of Athens, to die by violence in a fo- 
 reign country ; it was reported that his spectre had been 
 seen fighting against the Medes at Marathon ; and the 
 Pythia directed the Athenians to remove his remains to 
 Athens, and to honour him as a hero. His bones, with 
 a brazen helmet and a sword lying beside them, were 
 discovered in the island of Scyrus, by Cimon, son of 
 Miltiades. They were received at Athens with proces- 
 sions and sacrifices; games and festivals were insti 
 tuted in his honour; a heroum was erected to him on 
 the Colonus Hippius, and a temple in the city 1 . This 
 building was equalled in sanctity only by the Parthenon 
 and Eleusinium 2 , its sacred inclosure was so large as 
 occasionally to serve as a place of military assembly 3 ; 
 and it enjoyed the privilege of an asylum 4 , which had 
 the effect of rendering it a prison to those who fled from 
 justice 5 . It was built about four hundred and sixty-five 
 years before Christ, or about thirty years before the Par- 
 thenon. 
 
 In honouring Theseus, the Athenians could not forget 
 Hercules, who was the kinsman, friend, and companion 
 
 1 Plutarch, in Thes. ct Cimon. — Diodor. Sic. 1. 4, c. 02. — Pausan. 
 Attic, c. 17, 30. — Lacon. c. 3. 
 'Plutarch de Exi). 
 'Thucyd. 1.0, c. 61. 
 
 * Diod. Sic. ubi supra. — Plutarch. Paral. in The;. — llcs\ch. ct 
 Etymol. Mag. in »<i<ri7o^ 
 
 * Etymol. ibid, ct in fiyiaaiipt^. 
 
TEMPLE OF THESEUS. 395 
 
 of Theseus. Hercules had delivered Theseus from the 
 chains of Aidoneus, king of Molossi; and in return, 
 Theseus was said to have brought Hercules with him 
 from Thebes to Athens, to be purified for the murder 
 of his children. He then not only shared his property 
 with Hercules, but gave up to him all the sacred places 
 which had been conferred upon Theseus by the Athe- 
 nians, changing all the Theseia of Attica, except four, 
 into Heracleia 1 . The Hercules Furens of Euripides, 
 which was written a few years after this temple was built, 
 and which, like the temple itself, seems to have been in- 
 tended to celebrate unitedly the virtues of the two heroes, 
 introduces Theseus promising to Hercules that the Athe- 
 nians should honour him with sculptured marbles, and 
 thus seems to refer to the decorations of this very build- 
 ing. After alluding to the fact recorded by Plutarch, of 
 the names of several Attic places having been changed 
 from Theseium to Heracleium, he adds, 
 
 ...... Qavovro; 8" sut dv s'tg a$ou [i.Q'ktfiy 
 
 ®v<rlou<ri Xouvoiffi r e%oyx,uJ[x,a.<n 
 T/ju-jov dvafcsi itdLo-' 'AQyvaiwv itoXig. 
 
 Thus it appears that if it was perfectly in harmony 
 with the Athenian traditions to select the exploits of 
 Hercules as well as those of Theseus for the sculptural 
 decorations of the Theseium, it was equally so to give 
 the most conspicuous situation to those of Hercules, as 
 Theseus had yielded to him the first honours of his na- 
 tive country. We find, accordingly, that all the me- 
 topes in the front of the temple, which can be deciphered, 
 relate to the labours of Hercules, and that all those on 
 
 1 Philochor. ap. Plutarch, in Thes. 
 
396 ADDITIONAL NOTES. 
 
 two flanks, which can be deciphered, relate to the labours 
 of Theseus. In like manner, we find that the subject of 
 the frize over the columns and antae of the posticum, or 
 back vestibule, was the most celebrated action of the 
 life of Theseus, his contest with the Centaurs. It may 
 fairly be presumed, therefore, that the pannel over the 
 pronaus related to the exploits of Hercules. This com- 
 position is divided into three unequal portions by two 
 parties of deities seated upon the rocks of Olympus 1 . 
 Towards the southern end are seated Jupiter, Juno, and 
 jVIinerva : a little to the spectator's right of the centre of 
 the composition is a female deity seated between two males. 
 Behind the latter is a hero, with a chlamys flying be- 
 hind him, contending with a combatant, each of whose 
 hands is employed in hurling an enormous mass of stone. 
 The right arm of the former figure being deficient, it 
 does not appear how he was armed ; his left hand is em- 
 ployed in pushing back one of the rocks held by his op- 
 ponent. Another hero is similarly engaged with an ad- 
 versary, who, like the former, is armed with a mass of stone 
 in either hand. A fifth figure lies dead at their feet. To 
 the right of these are five figures, which Stuart supposed 
 to have been intended to represent a triumph : the last 
 figure seems to be erecting a trophy. Between the two 
 parties of deities are eight figures, in the centre of whom 
 one of supernatural size lies dead : they are all much de- 
 faced ; but the work was evidently intended to represent 
 a contest of men armed with stones against others armed 
 with shields and swords. 
 
 * The reader is referred for the designs of the frize to Pars's draw- 
 ings in Stiiart's Antiquities, Vol. 3. pi. 15. et seq. or to the casts 
 of the original marbles in the British Museum. 
 
TEMPLE OF THESEUS. 397 
 
 The dimensions of the prostrate figure in the middle 
 compartment, and the weapons of the others, which are 
 rocks beyond all proportion to the size of the combatants, 
 leave little doubt that the subject of the whole composi- 
 tion is that which was so often described in the Athenian 
 temples 1 , namely, the gigantomachia, or battle of the 
 giants, who were said to have hurled whole mountains 
 against the gods, and to have been subdued chiefly 
 through the exertions of Hercules 2 . As all the gods were 
 supposed to have been engaged, or at least to have been 
 present, upon this occasion, the six seated deities are pro- 
 bably intended by the sculptor for those of the highest 
 rank, with whose dignity he may have thought it most 
 consistent to describe them as present only, but not ab- 
 solutely taking part in the combat. Apollo, Bacchus, 
 Mars, and Mercury, we may suppose to be engaged to- 
 gether with Hercules in the action. 
 
 Behind Minerva, at the extremity of the frize, to the 
 spectator's left is a group representing a young warrior, 
 who binds the arms of a captive giant behind his back. 
 The helmet upon the victor's head may perhaps be in- 
 tended to characterise Mars. 
 
 In the combat of Centaurs and Lapithae, which forms 
 the subject of the frize of the posticum, we distinguish 
 Theseus as the only one of the men who has slain his 
 opponent. Micon had conferred the same distinction upon 
 him in a painting which adorned one of the walls of the 
 cell. We also recognize Caeneus, who, according to the 
 fable related by Ovid, received from Neptune the gift of 
 
 1 Plat. Euthyphr. p. 6, Serr. 
 
 * Apollod. 1. l, c. 6.— 1. 2, c. 7.— Diod. Sic. 1.4, c. 15- — Sii. 
 Ital. 1. 17, v. 650. 
 
398 ADDITIONAL NOTES. 
 
 being invulnerable by weapons, and who was over- 
 whelmed by the rocks and trees which the Centaurs 
 heaped upon him. 
 
 Saxa trabesque super totosque involvite montes 
 et erit pro vulnere pondus 1 . 
 
 Caeneus is represented half sunk into the earth, while an 
 enormous mass of rock is suspended over his head, and 
 is held up by a Centaur on each side '-. 
 
 The sculptures of the two frizes of the Theseium are 
 in a much more prominent relief than the frize of the 
 Parthenon, and they are works of a still higher degree of 
 merit. As Micon, who painted the walls of the temple of 
 Theseus, was a sculptor as well as a painter, there is every 
 reason to believe that the sculptures of the temple are 
 from his designs ; and being not very numerous, they are 
 more likely to have been finished by his own hands, than 
 the sculptures of the Parthenon by the hands of Phidias. 
 
 It has already been assumed, that the sculptured me- 
 topes of the eastern front described ten of the labours 
 of Hercules. As the division of the hero's exploits into 
 twelve labours was the invention of a later age, it cannot 
 surprise us to find some of his labours here omitted, and 
 instead of them, some of those actions represented which 
 do not enter into his twelve labours, but are usually 
 called his irdpspya.. The first metope, beginning from 
 the south, represented Hercules and the lion of Nemea : 
 the second, Hercules and Iolaus destroying the Hydra : 
 
 1 Meiam. 1. 12, v. b07. 
 
 1 The same subject is seen upon the frize of the Phigalian temple, 
 now in the British Museum. 
 
TEMPLE OF THESEUS. 399 
 
 the third, Hercules taming the stag of Ceryneia : the 
 fourth, Hercules and the Cretan bull: the fifth, Her- 
 cules with one of the horses of Diomed, king of Thrace ; 
 the sixth, Hercules and Cerberus : the seventh is much 
 injured; it represents, perhaps, Hercules fighting with 
 Cycnus 1 : the eighth is probably Hercules and Hippo- 
 lyta : the ninth is Hercules and Antaeus, whose mother, 
 Earth, stands by, and stretches out both arms, in an at- 
 titude often seen designed upon Greek vases : the tenth, or 
 northernmost metope, is Hercules receiving the apples of 
 the Hesperides. Of the four sculptured metopes on the 
 south side, the first, from the angle, represents Theseus 
 and the Minotaur : the second, Theseus and the Maratho- 
 nian bull : the third, Theseus andPityocamptes: the fourth 
 is perhaps Theseus and Procrustes. The first on the 
 north side is perhaps Theseus and Corynetes 2 : the se- 
 cond is Theseus and Cercyon : the third, Theseus and 
 Scyron : the fourth, Theseus and the sow of Crommyon. 
 All the sculptures of the Theseium, both those of the 
 metopes and of the frizes of the vestibules, preserve the 
 
 1 This was the most celebrated of the ^ovo/x^/a; of Hercules. It 
 was represented in a group of the Acropolis, and upon the throne of 
 the Amyclaean Apollo. — Pausan. Attic, c. 27. — Lacon. c. 18. 
 
 2 This metope and the former represent a victorious hero standing 
 over his prostrate antagonist; but none of the attributes which may 
 formerly have distinguished the personages are now apparent. As the 
 labours of Theseus, however, were usually held to be eight in num- 
 ber (Hygin. Fab. 38), and as six of the eight metopes are suffi- 
 ciently preserved to show the particular labours which they de- 
 scribed, it can hardly be doubted that the remaining two described 
 the defeat of Corynetes and Procrustes, though it may be uncertain 
 which of the two was intended for the former and which for the 
 latter. 
 
400 ADDITIONAL NOTES. 
 
 remains of the colours with which they were painted. 
 Vestiges of bronze and golden-coloured arms, of a blue 
 sky, and of blue, green and red drapery, are still very 
 apparent. A painted foliage and maeander is seen on 
 the interior cornice of the peristyle, and a painted star in 
 the lacunaria. Similar painted ornaments are seen in 
 the Parthenon, in the Panhelleneium of iEgina, and in 
 several other temples. The custom was brought ori- 
 ginally from Egypt, that country to which the Greeks 
 were indebted for so large a share of their mythology, 
 sacred architectui*e, and other arts. In like manner, 
 gigantomachiae, and other similar subjects, painted on 
 the walls of the temples of Athens, are evident imita- 
 tions, both in subject and manner, of the representations 
 on the walls of the Egyptian temples : with this differ- 
 ence, however, that while the works of the Athenians, 
 having been painted only upon the smooth wall, have 
 been obliterated by time, those of the Egyptians having 
 had the addition of a peculiar kind of low relief, have 
 remained uninjured for a much longer period. 
 
 The three pictures which adorned the three interior 
 walls of the Theseium related to the actions of Theseus. 
 The stucco upon which they were painted is still ap- 
 parent, and shows that each painting covered the entire 
 wall, from the roof to two feet nine inches short of the 
 pavement. On one of the walls was the battle of the 
 Athenians with the Amazons : on another the fight of 
 the Centaurs and Lapithae, in which Theseus alone 
 was represented as having slain a Centaur, the rest 
 being engaged in an equal combat. The picture on 
 the third wall described an action of Theseus in Crete 1 . 
 
 ' See Section 1. 
 
OLYMPIUM. 401 
 
 From the inferior importance of the subject, it is probable 
 that this picture was on the western wall, which was the 
 smallest of the three. 
 
 IV. 
 
 NOTE TO PAGE 44. 
 
 Of the Temple of Jupiter Olympius. 
 
 As there are still some persons who entertain doubts 
 whether the columns near the Ilissus belonged to the 
 Olympium, it may be right to lay before the reader, to- 
 gether with the passage of Vitruvius referred to in the 
 text, all the other authorities regarding this building. 
 
 The Olympieium, or Olympium, was one of the most 
 ancient temples in Athens 1 , a sufficient proof of which is 
 its reputation of having been originally founded by Deu- 
 calion 2 . Anewtemple upon a magnificent plan was founded 
 by Pisistratus, about the year 530 B.C.: but the expen- 
 sive wars, in which the Athenians were not long after- 
 wards engaged, soon put a stop to its progress ; and its 
 unfinished state, in the most flourishing periods of the re- 
 public, seems to have been a common subject of regret 3 . 
 About the year 174 B. C. Antiochus Epiphanes p king 
 of Syria, undertook to complete it, and a magnificent 
 edifice of the Corinthian order was begun by Cossutius, 
 a Roman architect'. Upon the death of Antiochus, in 
 
 '.Thncyd. 1. 2, c. 15- 
 
 * Pausan. Attic, c. 28. 
 
 ' Plutarch, in Solon. — Lucian in Icaro-menippo. 
 
 D D 
 
402 ADDITIONAL NOTES. 
 
 the year 164 B. C. the work was again interrupted, and 
 seventy-eight years afterwards, Sylla having taken Athens, 
 carried away the columns prepared for this building, and 
 erected them in the temple of Jupiter Capitolinus, at 
 Rome 2 . The Olympium was in this imperfect and muti- 
 lated state when the kings, and states in alliance or sub- 
 jection to Augustus, undertook the completion of the 
 building at their joint expense 3 . The work was once more 
 
 1 Namque Athenis Antistates et Callaeschros, et Antimachides et 
 Porinos architect! Pisistrato aedem Jovi Olympic- facienti, funda- 
 nienta consiituerunt : post mortem autem ejus propter interpella- 
 tionem reipublicae incepta reliquerunt, itaque circiter annis ducentis 
 (350?) post, Antiochus rex, cum in id opus impensam esset polli- 
 citus, cellae magnitudibem, et columnarum circa dipteron colloca- 
 tionem, epistyliorum etcaeterorum ornamentorum ad symmetriarum 
 disfributionem magna solertia' scientiaque summi civis Romanus 
 
 Cossutius nobiliter est architectatus In asty vero Olympium 
 
 ampin modulorum comparatu, Corinthiis symmetriis et proportioni- 
 bus, uti supra scriptum est, architectandum Cossutius suscepisse 
 memoratur. — Vitruv. Proem, in 1. 7. 
 
 'Ev 8e Toils 7r^bf Tot; tt&\$i; (W/a<? xai t<x~; vcl; Touf Seoif Tijua); TavTaf 
 inrige§a\Xe (AntiocllUS) Touf Sefar/^tuxoVaf* toDto 8' i» rif rixjwi^aiTO ex to5 
 
 irap"A$riva!oi; 'oxv wi'.hv. — Athenaeus, 1. 5, c. 5, p. ig4, Ed. Casaub. 
 
 Magnificentiae vero (Antiochi) in Dcos vel Jovis Olympii tem- 
 plum Athenis unum in terris inchoatum pro magnitudine Dei 
 potest testis esse.— T. Liv. Hist. 1. 41, c. 20. 
 
 Antiochus Epiphanes qui Athenis Olympieum inchoavil.— -Veil. 
 Paterc. 1. 1, c. 10. 
 
 To 'OXi/jnriov onto r^u/TeAef xaTt\nrt o avoACl; (qu. AvT/o^Of) 6a<ri\tv[.— 
 Strabo, p. 3Q6. 
 
 ■ Athenis templum Jovis Olympii, ex quo Sylla Capitolinis sedi- 
 bus advexerat columnas. — Plin. Nat. Hist. 1. 36, c. 6. 
 
 3 Reges amici atque socii ct singuli in suo quisque regno, Caesa- 
 reas urhe* condidemnt ; ct cunciisimulsrdem Jovis Olympii Athenis 
 
PARTHENON AND THEATRE. 403 
 
 interrupted, however, and the honour of completing and 
 dedicating the temple, and of erecting the statue of the 
 god, was reserved for Hadrian 1 , six hundred and fifty 
 years after its foundation by Pisistratus. 
 
 NOTE TO PAGE 58, NOTE 1. 
 
 Besides the coin in the title-page of this volume, there 
 is another representation of the napQsvwv vTrspKslpsvos r£ 
 Qsdroui, with the cif^Xaiov between them, rudely figured 
 upon an ancient earthen vase found at Aulis- The thea- 
 tre is there described by a few seats in a curve : above it 
 is seen the front of a small temple standing upon some 
 rocks between two columns (two of the tripodial co- 
 lumns), and at the top of all are two sides of a large 
 colonnade standing upon other rocks. — Millin, Vases An- 
 tiques, tome 2, p. 55, 56. It seems evident, from the vase 
 and coin compared with the words of Dicaearchus, that 
 the view of the Parthenon, with the theatre below it, 
 was considered one of the most magnificent spectacles 
 which Athens afforded. 
 
 antiquitus inchoatam perficere coinmuni sumptu destinaverunt.— 
 Sueton. in August, c. 60 
 
 1 Radnanus ad Orientem pro/ectus per Athenas iter fecit, 
 
 atque opera qua? apor. Aihenieuses ceperat dedicavit et Jovis 
 Olympii aedein et aram sibi.. — Spartian. in vit. Hadrian. 
 
 'ASpiavo; 8e to ti 'OXUjUKjoi/ to Iv 'A0>j'vaif, h <« xai ai/Toy ibguTai, i^tvolrjffi. 
 
 — Xyphil. Epit. Dion. Nicaei in Hadrian. 
 
 D D 2 
 
404 ADDITIONAL NOTES. 
 
 VI. 
 
 NOTE TO PAGE 122. 
 
 Athens had a public library from a very early period, 
 even so early as the time of Pisistratus, if we may trust 
 to Aulus Gellius (1. 6. c. 17), who adds, that Xerxes 
 carried the books to Persia, and that they were restored 
 by Seleucus Nicator. We are not informed in what part 
 of the city the books were deposited before the time when 
 Hadrian built his magnificent library for their reception. 
 It appears from Lucian (adv. Indoct.) that Sylla carried 
 a great number of books from Athens to Rome : he prp- 
 bably plundered the public library. 
 
 VII. 
 
 NOTE TO PAGE 132. 
 
 The sacred inclosure which surrounded the Anaceium, 
 or temple of the Dioscuri, appears to have been of con- 
 siderable extent ; for we find it mentioned upon one oc- 
 casion as a place of assembly of the cavalry of Athens 1 , 
 and upon another as occupied by a large body of in- 
 fantry 2 . It has been remarked, in page ISO, that there 
 are appearances of an anciently-frequented passage up 
 the rocks at the back of the Anaceium by. the Agraulium 
 into the Acropolis, in the situation by which the Per- 
 sians succeeded in assaulting the Acropolis. A fre- 
 quented passage supposes a postern gate in this part of 
 
 1 Andocid. do Mvster. p. 23, Reiske 
 ' Thucvd. 1. R- c.Q3. 
 
ODEIUM OF PERICLES. 405 
 
 the wall ; and I am much inclined to believe, from the 
 stratagem of Pisistratus, recorded by Polyaenus, and 
 mentioned in the text, that there was such a gate ; for 
 it does not very well appear how Pisistratus could have 
 had the command of the Agraulium from the Acropolis, 
 unless there was a direct passage into it from the neigh- 
 bouring part of the walls, without going round by the 
 Propylaea. 
 
 VIII. 
 
 NOTE TO PAGE 133. 
 
 Behind the Pry taneium was a field sacred to Apollo, 
 called Alpov irsSiov, because the oracle had ordered the 
 Athenians to dedicate this piece of ground to the god 
 upon the occasion of a famine '. Behind the house, which 
 I have supposed to occupy the site of the Prytaneium, is . 
 a small garden at the foot of the rocks of the Acropolis, 
 which may perhaps be the A/aou itkhov. 
 
 IX. 
 
 NOTE TO PAGE 1 61. 
 
 Schneider, in his edition of Vitruvius, has changed the 
 old reading of Pericles into that of Themistocles, in the 
 passage referred to in the text : thus making his author 
 say, that the Odeium, which was upon the traveller's left 
 hand, in coming out of the theatre of Bacchus, was built 
 by Themistocles, and not by Pericles. In justification 
 of this alteration, he remarks, that the building of this 
 Odeium with the timber of the Persian navy was an 
 
 1 Hesych. etTarrhaeus, in A//«i> nihov, — Aposl. prov. cent. 12. pr. ?. 
 
406 ADDITIONAL NOTES. 
 
 action more suited to Themistocles than to Pericles ; he 
 adds, that in all the manuscripts which lie had consulted, 
 the word is Themistocles ; but that it was changed by 
 Jocundus ineptissime into Pericles. However this may 
 be, it is certain that Plutarch ' states Pericles to have had 
 the superintendence of the erection of the Odeium, and 
 he quotes Cratinus, whose evidence being that of a con- 
 temporary, seems decisive upon the subject. " Here, 11 
 says the comic poet, " comes that squill-pated Jupiter 
 Pericles, with his Odeium upon his head ;" thus alluding 
 at once to the tent-shaped form of the Odeium, remarked 
 by Plutarch and Pausanias, and to the pointed cranium 
 of Pericles. It is clear, therefore, that Pericles, and not 
 Themistocles, had the credit among the Athenians, of 
 having executed this Odeium. 
 
 X. 
 
 NOTE TO PAGE 178, NOTE 2. 
 
 On the Cost of the Works of Pericles. 
 
 The estimation of the expenses of the works of Pericles 
 at less than three thousand talents is founded upon a 
 comparison of two passages in Thucydides. In the 
 thirteenth chapter of the second book, he informs us that 
 when Pericles, at the beginning of the Peloponnesian 
 war, harangued the people of Athens upon the subject 
 of their finances, he stated that three thousand seven 
 undred talents of coined silver had been expended upon 
 
 1 For the words of Plutarch and Cratinus, see Section I. in the 
 notes to the extracts from the twentieth chapter of the Attica, where 
 Z'.iusani»s treats of this Odeium. 
 
COST OF WORKS OF PERICLES. 407 
 
 the public buildings and upon the siege of Potidaea 3 . 
 The words of the historian, ra irponuXcua, xou t'S.Wo. olxofo- 
 [x.yjfiux.rx, render it at first sight doubtful whether the ex- 
 pense of all the buildings was included in the three thouv 
 sand seven hundred talents, or only that of the Propyla?a, 
 and of some other buildings, which, like the Propylaea, 
 had then been very recently finished. It appears evi- 
 dent, however, from Plutarch, that all the great build- 
 ings of Pericles were paid for out of the treasure, of 
 which the three thousand seven hundred talents formed 
 a part, and consequently that Thucydides meant that 
 the three thousand seven hundred talents defrayed the 
 expense of all those buildings. This treasure, amount- 
 ing at one time to nine thousand seven hundred talents, 
 had been chiefly collected from the confederate cities, as 
 a commutation of their services in men and ships against 
 the Persians : it had been removed by Pericles from 
 Delos to Athens, and the possession of it, by putting 
 large pecuniary means in the hands of Pericles, seems to 
 have been one of the chief causes which instigated him 
 to adorn the city with so many splendid buildings. Every 
 
 1 V7T0lg)r£]ITWV 8e 61/ Tt) ot.xp07r6\ei £T< Tore ipyuphu eVjcij yuou h^ot- 
 
 xieytXfwv ToCha.vT(x>v° to. yap irXCiara, rpiaxoaiwv aKoiiovTa . /x'Jpitx. lyivero, «£' 
 tvv tare tx Trponv'ha.ia. rrj; axpo7ro\ico; xa\ raKKa oixoSo^jj^aTa xai Ig TiOT^aiav 
 kirmiXwQr). — Thucyd. 1. 2, c. 13. 
 
 Diodorus (1. 12, c. 38, 40), in mentioning these facts, says, that 
 the sum brought from Delos was ten thousand talents, of which 
 four thousand were spent upon the Propylaea and the siege of Potidaea. 
 The similarity of his account to that of Thucydides, his preference 
 of the round numbers, and his leaving out the other buildings, seem 
 all to show that he followed Thucydides, but copied him inaccu- 
 rately. His authority, of course, cannot be admitted in the face of 
 that of the contemporary historian. 
 
408 ADDITIONAL NOTES. 
 
 step of these transactions has been so well stated, and so 
 naturally accounted for by Plutarch, that we cannot 
 doubt of his having had good information respecting this 
 part of the life of Pericles. In his life of Cimon, which 
 has every appearance of being equally authentic, lie 
 shows .us, that the works of Cimon, consisting of the 
 temple of Theseus, of the south wall of the citadel, of 
 the greater part of the Long Walls, and of the improve- 
 ments of the Gymnasia and of the Agora, were paid for 
 (with the exception of the Theseium, which was of an 
 earlier date) from the spoils of Cimon's expeditions against 
 the Persians. From the life of Pericles it is equally evi- 
 dent, that the Propyla2a, Parthenon, Mystic Temple of 
 Eleusis, Odeium, and some portion of the Long Walls 1 , 
 were defrayed from the treasure which had been col- 
 lected at Delos, and removed from thence to Athens. 
 Pericles, therefore, in naming the Propylsea at the head 
 of his buildings, may be supposed to have been guided 
 partly by the circumstance of that edifice having been com- 
 pleted only in the year preceding that when he addressed 
 the Athenians, and partly by the novelty and boldness 
 of the design of the building itself, which had rendered it 
 proportionally more costly than the others, and an object 
 of greater curiosity. 
 
 In the 70th chapter of the second book, where Thucy- 
 dides records the surrender of Potida?a, he observes that 
 the whole siege had cost two thousand talents. If, there- 
 fore, a probable estimate can be made of the portion of 
 
 1 From what I have said of the Erechtheiuni (p. 269), it is ob- 
 vious that a part of the expense of that building must also be in- 
 cluded. Another building, said to have been erected by Pericles, 
 was the <tt6<x ct\<$tT6nw\n, or flour portico, in the Peiraeeus. Schol. 
 in Aristoph. Acharn. v. .547. 
 
COST OF WORKS OF PERICLES. 409 
 
 these two thousand talents which, had been expended 
 when three thousand seven hundred talents had been laid 
 out upon the siege and buildings together, we shall have 
 a tolerably correct valuation of the entire cost of the 
 works of Pericles. 
 
 In the first year of the Peloponnesian war, eighty days 
 before midsummer, six months of the siege were not yet 
 terminated 1 . Pericles made his financial statement to the 
 Athenians when Archidamus, at the head of the Lace- 
 daemonians, was moving from the isthmus into Attica 2 . 
 Hence if we consider the time occupied in collecting the 
 combined forces at the isthmus before that movement, to- 
 gether with the time spent in the siege of iEnoe, between 
 the movement and midsummer, when Archidamus entered 
 the plain of Athens, we cannot be very wrong in con- 
 cluding that the speech of Pericles upon the finances was 
 made about forty days before midsummer, and that the 
 siege had then lasted seven months. The siege ter- 
 minated about the middle of the second winter, and con- 
 sequently lasted twenty-seven months in all. 
 
 The investing land force consisted of three thousand 
 hoplitae, with as many virypercu, or light-armed attendants. 
 Each hoplita was allowed two drachmae a-day for him- 
 self and his attendant 3 . The expenses of the investing 
 army were, therefore, as follows : 
 
 Talents, 
 
 of 6000 drachma:.. 
 
 Six thousand men for twenty-seven months, at thirty 
 
 drachmae per man per month . . . . 810 
 
 To this sum must be added the expenses of the corps 
 
 * Thucyd. I. 2, c. 2, 10. * Thucyd. I. 2, c* 13. 
 
 'Thucyd J. 3, c. 17- 
 
410 ADDITIONAL NOTES. 
 
 under Phormio, which was sent from Athens not long 
 after the beginning of the blockade, and which, after 
 completing the investment of Potidaea towards the pe- 
 ninsula of Pallene, and after building a wall on that 
 side, made occasional excursions upon the Chalcidenses 
 and Bottiaei. As this corps was not in Macedonia in 
 the ensuing autumn l , (having probably been withdrawn 
 at the time of the invasion of Attica by the Lacedaemo- 
 nians in the spring), it was employed about six months 
 against Potidaea. It consisted of one thousand six hun- 
 dred hoplitae 2 , paid at the same rate as the three thou- 
 sand 3 : the expense of this corps, therefore, was, 
 
 Talents. 
 
 810 
 Three thousand two hundred 'men for six months, at 
 
 thirty drachmae per man per month ... 96 
 
 Total expenses of the investing land force . . . go6 
 Which deducted from . . . . . . 2000 
 
 Leaves 10Q4 
 
 for the naval department of the investment, and for the 
 occasional expeditions and operations against Potidaea. 
 As Thucydides remarks 4 , that in the first year of the 
 war the Athenians had two hundred and fifty triremes at 
 sea, a hundred in the Attic seas, from Euboca to Salamis, 
 a hundred around Peloponnesus, and fifty at Potidaea 
 and in other places, we may allow twenty-five for the 
 blockade of Potidaea, which was then the principal foreign 
 expedition. As the historian further remarks 5 , that all the 
 ships 1 companies were paid at the same rate as the land 
 
 1 Thucyd. I. 2, c. 31. 3 Thucyd. I. 1, c. 64. 
 
 • Thucyd. I. 3, c. 17. 4 Id. ibid. 
 
 * Id. ibid. 
 
COST OF WORKS OF PERICLES. 411 
 
 forces, we may calculate the pay of the seamen at- a 
 drachma per diem 1 , and the complement of the Athenian 
 ships being generally fifty seamen and a hundred and fifty 
 rowers 2 , we may conclude that the monthly expense of 
 each trireme was about one talent 3 . 
 
 » Thucydides gives us tc understand that the pay of the sailors at 
 Potidaeawas uncommonly high. In like manner the Peloponnesian 
 seaman was considered as highly paid when he received a drachma 
 a-day from Tissaphernes in the twentieth year of the war (Thucyd. 
 1. 8, c. 2Q, 45). The usual daily pay of the Athenian seamen was 
 three oboli (Thucyd. 1. 8, c. 45. — Xenophon. Hellen. 1. 1, c. 5.) 
 Those of the celebrated trireme, Paralus, received four oboli (Har- 
 pocrat. in nd^aXoy). But it is probable that in addition to the three 
 or four oboli, there was an allowance of corn, though we find no 
 express mention of the o-tTYipiaiov as distinct from the fxiafo;, until 
 eighty years afterwards, when Demosthenes, at a time when the 
 medimnus of wheat sold for five drachmae, proposed two oboli for 
 the soldier's ration of corn (Demosth. Philip. I. p. 48). It appears 
 also from his oration against Polycles (p. 1214), that the (rmjgecnoii 
 Was then allowed to sailors as well as soldiers. 
 
 ' See Memoires de l'Academie des Inscriptions, vol. 38, p. 578. 
 
 * We are informed by Xenophon (ubi supra), that in the year 
 preceding that in which the Peloponnesian war was concluded, by 
 the surrender of Athens to the Lacedaemonians, Lysander visited 
 Cyrus at Sardis, and endeavoured to prevail upon him to allow a 
 talent a month for each of the Lacedaemonian triremes; but Cyrus 
 would only consent to raise the daily pay of each man from the 
 usual sum of three, oboli to four. From what has been stated 
 in note 1, and from the passage of Thucydides, in which he 
 states the equality of pay among the seamen and soldiers at Potidaea, 
 we can hardly doubt that Lysander's object was to obtain the same 
 rate of pay as had been allowed by Tissaphernes, and the same 
 which the Athenians received at Potidaea. 
 
412 ADDITIONAL NOTES. 
 
 The expense, therefore, of the permanent naval force 
 before Potideea was probably 
 
 Talents. 
 
 Twenty-five triremes, at a talent a month, for twenty- 
 seven months ..... 675 
 
 A few smaller vessels, the expense of which may have 
 
 been equivalent to that of three triremes . .81 
 
 756 
 To this must be added the charges for the ships at- 
 tached to the corps of Phormio ; for it is evident, 
 from the words of Thucydides, that there were ships 
 so employed '. Reckoning their expense in the same 
 proportion to the expense of the corps itself, which 
 that of the permanent naval force bore to that of the 
 three thousand hoplitse, we shall have for the costs of 
 the naval department of the corps of Phormio . 90 
 
 Giving for the whole of the naval service . . 846 
 
 Which adrled to the charge of the land service . 906 
 
 Makes a total of ..... 1752 
 
 for the whole expense of the investment of Potidaea : 
 
 This sum deducted from .... 2000 
 
 leaves ...... 248 
 
 for the charges of two expeditions against Potidaea. The 
 former of these was in the summer preceding the begin- 
 ning of the Peloponnesian war, when the battle of Po- 
 tidaea was fought, when the wall was built across the 
 isthmus, and when three thousand hoplitae and seventy 
 ships were employed 2 . The latter was in the second 
 
 Thucyd. 1. I, c. 04. ' Thucyd. 1. I, c. 6l. elseq. 
 
COST OF WORKS OF PERICLES. 413 
 
 summer of the war, when Agnon, with four thousand 
 hoplitae, lay before Potidsea for forty days, and besieged 
 it with machines 1 . If we allow the same proportion of 
 ships in the latter expedition as in the former (and it was 
 about the average proportion of triremes to soldiers in 
 the floating expeditions of the Athenians 2 ,) we may suppose 
 Agnon to have been accompanied by about ninety ships. It 
 does not seem probable from the narrative of Thucydides 
 that the operations against Potidsea, in the year preceding 
 the beginning of the Peloponnesian war, were much longer 
 or shorter than those under Agnon in the second year of 
 the war. The two hundred and forty-eight talents, 
 therefore, which defrayed them both, may be divided 
 between the two in the proportion of their land forces, or 
 in the ratio of three to four ; 
 
 Talents. 
 Giving to the former expedition an expense of . 106" 
 
 And to that of Agnon an expense of . . . 142 
 
 And it is observable, that this sum of a hundred and 
 forty-two talents will be found very accurately to defray 
 
 1 Thucyd. 1. 2, c. 58. 
 
 3 No great accuracy can be expected upon this head ; the propor- 
 tion of the naval to the land forces depending in great measure upon 
 the circumstances of each expedition. In that of the Corinthians 
 against the Corcyraei, four years before the beginning of the Pelo- 
 ponnesian war, two thousand hoplitae were embarked in seventy- 
 five ships (Thucyd. 1. I, c. 29). In the expedition against the 
 coasts of Peloponnesus, commanded by Pericles in the second year 
 of the war, four thousand hoplitae were embarked in a hundred ships 
 (Thucyd. 1. 2, c. 56). In an expedition commanded by Nicias, 
 in the seventh year, two thousand hoplitae were embarked in eighty 
 ships (Thucyd. 1. 4, c. 42). 
 
414 ADDITIONAL NOTES. 
 
 the expenses of such an expedition as that of Agnon, 
 upon the supposition that the hoplitae, while employed 
 on shore, received a pay equal to that of the investing 
 army, and that the ships' companies were diminished in 
 strength (as appears from Thucydides to have been a 
 common custom among the Athenians in their desultory 
 expeditions) in order to make room for the soldiers ; for 
 the cost would then be reduced to that of ninety ships for 
 forty days, amounting to a hundred and twenty talents, 
 and the remaining twenty-two talents would nearly sup- 
 ply an extra pay of a drachma per diem to four thousand 
 hoplitae for forty days. 
 
 According to the preceding calculation, the expenses 
 of the siege of Potidaea, during *the seven months pre- 
 vious to the opening of the war, and the speech of Peri- 
 cles upon the Athenian finances, were composed of, 
 
 Tdlentf. 
 
 1. The expense of the expedition previous to the forma- 
 tion of the blockade .... 10b" 
 
 2. The expense of the corps of Phormio • • 18(5 
 
 3. Two-thirds of the expense of the whole blockade, or of 
 
 one thousand seven hundred and fifty-two talents 455 
 
 Total 747 
 Or in round numbers 750 
 
 Having deducted this sum from three thousand seven 
 hundred talents, we have two thousand nine hundred and 
 fifty talents for the cost of the buildings of Pericles. At 
 the rate of sixty-five grains troy to the drachma 1 , the 
 
 1 See Prolegomena in Homerum, by R. P. Knight, in the Clas- 
 sical Journal, vol. 7, page 351. 
 
COST OF WORKS OF PERICLES. 415 
 
 talent weighed six ty-seven pounds eight ounces and a 
 half, and 2950 talents were equal in weight to ] 3,182,812 
 shillings of our present currency of sixty-six shillings to 
 the pound of silver, or in paper to c£659,140. 
 
 But reckoning the cost of the buildings of Pericles in 
 corn, the result will be very different. Estimating the 
 medimnus of wheat at eighty-six pounds avoirdupois 1 , 
 the English bushel of wheat at sixty pounds, and the 
 price of wheat in the time of Pericles at two drachma? the 
 medimnus 2 , the total amount in wheat will be 12,685,000 
 
 1 The medimnus wa3 equal to six Roman modii (Com. Nep. 
 Attic, c. 2. — Cicero in Verr. de f rumen to). Pliny, who has 
 given us (Nat. Hist. 1. 18, c. 7-) the weight of the modius of several 
 kinds of wheat, remarks, that of those which were imported into 
 Italy; the Gallic and the Thracian Chersonesan were the lightest, 
 and that the modius of these grains weighed twenty libra?. We 
 learn from Theophrastus 'Hist. Plant. 1. 8, c. 8), that the Attic wheat 
 did not contain more than three- fifths of the nourishment of the 
 Boeotian, which Pliny considers to have been of the very first quality. 
 Hence we may suppose that the wheat of Attica was nearly of the 
 same quality and weight as that of Chersonesus, the soil of which 
 peninsula very much resembles the Attic soil. We cannot be very 
 wrong, therefore, in estimating the weight of the Attic medimnus 
 at a hundred and twenty librae. The libra was equal to five thou- 
 sand and forty grains troy (see Rees's Cyclopaedia, art. Libra). The 
 medimnus, therefore, was equal to a hundred and five pounds troy, 
 or to about eighty-six pounds avoirdupois. Suidas indeed (in Me'S^w) 
 says that the medimnus was equal to a hundred and eight \frpu,; but 
 his authority is not to be placed in competition with that of Pliny, 
 and the Mrpx of his time may have been different from the Roman 
 libra of the time of Pliny. 
 
 3 Demosthenes more than once informs us, in his oration against 
 Phormio, delivered about 335 B. C. that the ordinary price of wheat 
 «t that time was five drachmae the medimnus : but during the ceil- 
 
416 ADDITIONAL NOTE?. 
 
 English bushels, which, at ten shillings the bushel, amount 
 to .£6,342,500 '. 
 
 According to this scale of comparison the value of 
 the Attic drachma was seven shillings and two-pence of 
 our present currency ; and the hoplita received at the 
 siege of Potidaea, for himself and the light-armed soldier 
 who attended him, a sum which could command as much 
 food as fourteen shillings and four-pence in the present 
 day. Enormous as this sum appears at first sight, yet 
 when we consider that the soldier had to arm, clothe, 
 and probably to feed himself also out of it, it will be 
 perceived that the Attic soldier was brought upon pa- 
 rade at a smaller expense to the state than the British, 
 although the latter is raised from the lowest order of 
 peasants and mechanics, while the Athenian, being the 
 citizen of a republic in which the greater part of the po- 
 pulation consisted of sojourners and slaves, was a person 
 of considerable rank : for when two drachmae was the 
 sum allowed to the daily support of two soldiers at Po- 
 
 tury, which elapsed between the time of Pericles and that of De- 
 mosthenes, the working of the Attic silver mines had effected a 
 great change in the value of t-ilver; and Barthelemy (Me"moires de 
 l'Academie des Inscriptions, tome 48, page 303) has given some 
 strong reasons for believing that about 595 B. C. wheat at Athens was 
 one drachma the medimnus ; about 440 B. C. two drachma 1 ; and 
 about 3g3 B. C. three drachmae : thus gradually rising with the 
 increase of silver, of luxury, and of commerce, until it attained 
 the rate which it held in the time of Demosthenes. 
 
 ' Hence it appears that the value of silver in corn at Athens, in 
 the year B. C. 435, bears to its value in the same commodity in 
 Kngland at present the proportion of Q-b"? to 1. 
 
COST OF WORKS OF PERICLES. 417 
 
 tidsea, each of the ambassadors to the king of Persia re- 
 ceived no more than two drachmae a day 1 . 
 
 The usual pay of the hoplita in the Peloponnesian war 
 was four oboli 2 , or two-thirds of a drachma; but when 
 his pay is rated at this sum, it is probable that some 
 allowance of corn is to be added to it, for, independent 
 of the disproportion of this sum, to that allowed at 
 Potidaea, we find that in the nineteenth year of the war 
 a body of Thracian peltastee were hired at a drachma a 
 day, and we can hardly suppose that the Athenian 
 citizens would have been satisfied with/ such a difference 
 between their pay and that of the,' foreigners, unless 
 they had some allowance for provisions. We find that 
 the troops, while in the expedition to Syracuse, were 
 accompanied with airaywya. it^oTa,, or vessels laden with 
 corn 3 . In the time of Demosthenes, sixty years after the 
 conclusion of the Peloponnesian war, the cnr^icrjoy was a 
 regular allowance 4 , and was estimated at two oboli per 
 man 5 . Thus it appears that a drachma was still the 
 soldier's daily allowance. Its value, however, had very 
 much diminished. As bread-corn then sold at five 
 drachma; the medimnus, four oboli were not more than 
 
 1 'E7rE/ii{/a0' ij/iSj wg Sae't'Kea toi/ [xiyav 
 M/o-Sov (pipovrag 8Jo §p<xyjj.agTrjg yfjt,epug 
 'Eir EuQu/Jihwg oip-^ovTOg, 
 
 Aristoph. Acharn. v. 65. 
 Euthymenes was archon B. C. 437. 
 
 2 In a fragment of Theopompus, a writer of the old comedy, the 
 word Terpu)§o\!^6iv is used to signify the condition of a private soldier 
 (J. Poll. 1. 9, c. 6), and TeTpuS6\ou €hg was a common expression of 
 the same kind (Eustath. in II. A T . p. 930, et in Odyss. A. p. 39, ed. 
 Basil). 
 
 3 Thucyd. 1. 6, c. 30. 
 
 4 Demosth. in Polycl. p. 1209, 1214, Reiske. 
 s Demosth. Philip. 1. p. 48. 
 
 £ E 
 
41 S ADDITIONAL NOTES. 
 
 equivalent to one shilling and eleven-pence of our 
 present currency 1 . The ration of corn being near five 
 pounds twelve ounces, equivalent to four pounds and a 
 half of flour, was not very different in substance from the 
 pound and a half of flour, and the pound and a half of 
 beef allowed to the British soldier. 
 
 Having concluded that the sum of 6,342,500 pounds 
 sterling would nearly represent, in our present currency, 
 the total cost of the buildings of Pericles, it would be de- 
 sirable to ascertain what proportion of this sum was ap- 
 plied to the most admirable of them, the Parthenon ; but 
 there are no means of arriving at any accuracy upon this 
 point. From the terms in which ancient authors speak 
 of the Propylaea, and even from the words of Heliodorus 2 , 
 though they may be numerically inaccurate, it may be 
 inferred that the Propylaea was comparatively the most 
 expensive of the works of Pericles, which may be ac- 
 counted for by the previous labour necessary in preparing 
 the rock for the reception of the building, together 
 with the complexity and novelty of the plan. It can 
 hardly be supposed that the vast dimensions of the mystic 
 temple of Eleusis, with its two propylaea', could have 
 been executed at a cost much inferior to that of the 
 Parthenon. ' The money laid out upon the Erechtheium, 
 Odeium, Long Walls, and Peiraeeus, upon the repairs of 
 some of the temples burnt by the Persians, and upon 
 
 1 The reduction of the value of the Attic soldier's pay in the 
 course of a century is exactly analogous to what has occurred in 
 regard to the pay of the officers in the British army : our soldiers 
 have been better taken care of. 
 
 * See page 178. Heliodorus, cited by Harpocration, says that the 
 Propylaea alone cost two thousand and twelve talents. 
 
 3 The dodecastyle portico of this building was not constructed till 
 the time of Demetrius Phalereus ; it was the work of the celebrated 
 Philo. Vimiv proem, in 1. 7- 
 
COST OF WORKS OF PERICLES. 419 
 
 other buildings and dedications of Pericles, must also 
 have consumed a large share of the entire sum : so that, 
 upon the whole, we should hardly be warranted in esti- 
 mating the cost of the Parthenon at more than a fourth 
 part of the entire sum, or about one million and a half 1 . 
 
 It appears from Herodotus ", that the expense of build- 
 ing the temple of Delphi was between three and four hun- 
 dred talents, or about half as much as the cost of the Par- 
 thenon. But this difference will be considerably reduced 
 by the diminution in the value of silver, during the sixty 
 years which elapsed between the building of the Delphic 
 and that of the Athenian temple : the remaining differ- 
 ence will be sufficiently accounted for by the superior 
 magnificence of the Parthenon. 
 
 We are told that St. Peter's church at Rome cost 
 twelve millions 3 sterling; St. Paul's in London cost a 
 million and a half, at a period when that sum could 
 command considerably more than twice the quantity of 
 labour and materials that it can at present. In con- 
 cluding, therefore, that the Parthenon could not be erected 
 at the present time for less than a million and a half, 
 there is no reason to believe that the computation is over- 
 rated ; and even in this case it must be supposed to be 
 built of materials procured at as little cost, as the Pentelic 
 marble was conveyed to the Acropolis. 
 
 1 In this sum it is not intended to include the forty talents of gold, 
 applied by Phidias to the n&pQivos, or colossal statue of Minerva 
 (Thucyd. 1. 2, c. 13). This alone was worth a hundred and thirty 
 thousand pounds, according to the present price of gold : but it is 
 evident, from Thucydides and Plutarch, that this gold was not ex- 
 pended, but only more securely thesaurized. 
 
 3 Herod. 1. 2, c. 180.— 1. 5, c 62. 
 
 3 Eustace's Travels in Italy, vol. g, p. 12c), 8vo. 
 
 e e 2 
 
420 ADDITIONAL NOTES. 
 
 XI. 
 Note to page 189- 
 
 It is said in the text that the defensive works of the west- 
 ern end of the Acropolis were probably part of a system 
 of fortifications more ancient than the Propylaea. This 
 opinion receives some support from the passage of Clei- 
 demus, preserved by Suidas (in "Airs 8a) and cited in page 
 279, note 3. Cleidemus there says, that " the Pelasgi le- 
 " veiled the Acropolis, and built around it the nine-gated 
 " Pelasgicum." The nine gates of the more modern for- 
 tress of the Acropolis are also alluded to by Polemo (see 
 additional note, page 386, note 2). Now, with the excep- 
 tion perhaps of the spot above the Agraulium, it is scarcely 
 possible that any of the nine gates should have been any 
 where but at the western end of the hill. There, if we sup- 
 pose the approach to have been carried up the slope in the 
 same manner as at present, it is easy to believe that there 
 may have been a succession of eight or nine gates. In 
 the more ancient irvKcu (as Herodotus calls them) which 
 preceded the Propylaea built by Pericles, a succession of 
 three or four gates may have been the ruder mode of 
 defence adopted by the Pelasgi, and those, together with 
 gates at L, E, C, and A, will nearly make up the number 
 of nine. The five gates at M, in the new Propylaea, 
 might still keep up the number of the gates of the Acro- 
 polis to nine, and might thus tend to preserve the me- 
 mory of the nine-gated defence of the Pelasgic fortress. 
 
PARTHENON. 421 
 
 XII. 
 
 Note to page SOI. 
 
 The dress of the Persians upon the frize of the temple 
 of Victory, now in the British Museum, consists of a very 
 full tunic, and of a pair of loose pantaloons enveloping 
 the feet. It appears from Persius, that they were repre- 
 sented in the same manner in the Pcecile ; for the satirist 
 calls that stoa, braccatis illita Medis Porticus. 
 
 XIII. 
 
 Note to page 213. 
 
 It is stated in the text, that the general design of the 
 Parthenon was peculiarly adapted to the reception of de- 
 corative sculpture. In the original Doric no such orna- 
 ment existed. It was not until the art of the statuary 
 had made some progress that his works were placed as 
 sacred dvafyftara, in the pediments, where they were con- 
 spicuously exhibited, at the same time that they formed 
 a beautiful ornament in a part of the building the na- 
 kedness of which is a defect in the unadorned Doric. 
 At length each statue became part of one entire com- 
 position relating to the worship of the deity of the temple. 
 That this improvement, important both to architecture 
 and to sculpture, was very ancient, is proved by the 
 temple of Jupiter Panhellenius at JEgina, which was 
 built about 570 years before Christ. A century later, 
 when the Theseium was constructed, we find that an- 
 
422 ADDITIONAL NOTES. 
 
 other step was made towards decoration, by sculptured 
 metopes ; but in this instance, probably from the want 
 of pecuniary means, the statuary works were confined 
 to the eastern front of the temple, and to four of the 
 adjoining metopes on the north and south sides. It 
 was not until Pericles, fortunately for architecture, re- 
 sorted to the profligate expedient of seizing the common 
 treasure of Greece, for the use of his country, that the 
 architects of Athens had the means of giving full scope 
 to their genius : and instead of calculating expense, were 
 anxious only to devise such a plan for the new temple of 
 the guardian goddess in the citadel, as should admit of 
 the greatest quantity of decoration. It could not fail to 
 strike them, that their object was not to be attained in a 
 hexastyle temple, which, from the small number of co- 
 lumns, and subordinate parts, was necessarily of a simple 
 character ; and, although an enlargement of dimensions 
 would partly obviate the difficulty which, in the pedi- 
 ments of hexastyles so small as the Panhellenium, or 
 Theseium, obliged the artist to confine his composition 
 to a very few figures, and forced him to place them in a 
 more formal symmetry of attitude than would have been 
 necessary if the space had been greater ; yet there were 
 other inherent qualities of the hexastyle, adverse to de- 
 coration even in the pediment itself. The columns being 
 larger required a higher entablature, and these proportions 
 pervaded not only the architrave, frize, and cornice, but 
 the cornice also above the pediment, so that the space for 
 the reception of the statuary composition was not only 
 smaller than in an octastylcofthe same size, but the effect 
 of the picture was still farther lessened by its having too 
 broad o.J'iamc. If, for the sake of making the propor- 
 tions of the upper parts lighter, the columns were made 
 smaller, with larger intercolumnia, the temple would 
 
PARTHENON. 423 
 
 be less lofty, and would in other respects lose much of its 
 majesty, while the general simplicity of the elevation would 
 still be inconsistent with any great degree of ornament. 
 In the octastyle, the multiplicity of columns alone gave 
 elegance and splendour to the edifice, rendering it fit 
 for any decorations which the upper parts of the build- 
 ing could receive, and even requiring such ornament. 
 Hence we may perceive the reason why no other oc- 
 tastyle Doric temple of large dimensions was ever con- 
 structed in the comparatively poor republics of Greece 
 proper 1 : its expense being great in proportion to the 
 talents and labour required in its execution, it was a 
 work which required all the energy and skill of Athens 
 under Pericles, together with a Panhellenic treasury. 
 We may conceive how great a difference there must 
 have been between the cost of the Parthenon and of 
 the temple of Jupiter at Olympia, which was built 
 at the same time, and nearly of the same dimensions, 
 when we consider that the latter, being a hexastyle, had 
 a much smaller number of columns, of metopes, and 
 of other subordinate parts ; that none of the metopes 
 were decorated with sculpture ; that of the cell the doors 
 at the two ends only had sculptures above them, and 
 that the whole building was formed of common lime- 
 
 1 There was an octastyle Doric temple at Delus, but the diameter 
 of its columns was only three feet. At Selinus, in Sicily, there 
 was an octastyle Doric temple, in which the diameter of the co- 
 lumns was ten feet, and, as it was a dipterus, it contained thirty 
 columns more than the Parthenon : but it should be observed, that 
 the Doric temples of Sicily and Italy were essentially different from 
 those of Greece ; for the colonists having rigidly adhered to the old 
 short proportions of the Doric columns, their pediments would 
 hardly admit of statuary decorations. The temple of Selinus, more- 
 over, was never finished ; even the fluting, one of the most laborious 
 operations, having only been executed in a few of the columns. 
 
424 ADDITIONAL NOTES. 
 
 stone, instead of the Pentelic marble used in the Parthe- 
 non, which invited and demanded a much more elaborate 
 and finished workmanship in all the details. Upon 
 comparing the Parthenon with the immense structures 
 raised by the opulent cities of Miletus, Agrigentum, 
 and Selinus, we find that the Athenian temple was exe- 
 cuted in a much more perfect and costly manner than 
 any of them. Its superiority is still more strikingly 
 exemplified in comparing it with another immense build- 
 ing, erected at Athens at the expense of different foreign 
 powers, in the course of several centuries, and built of 
 the same materials as the Parthenon : I mean the temple 
 of Jupiter Olympius. 
 
 If some of the foregoing considerations tend to justify 
 the conclusion which has been arrived at in a preceding 
 note, with regard to the cost of the Parthenon, others 
 will inspire us with the greatest respect for the archi- 
 tects of Greece, and especially for those of Athens, as 
 well as with a desire to collect every possible informa- 
 tion upon the works of men who had so profoundly 
 studied their art. 
 
 XIV. 
 
 Note to page 234. 
 
 To the other proofs of the identity of the Opisthodo- 
 mus of the Parthenon may be added the description which 
 Pausanias has given of the Opisthodomus of the temple 
 of Jupiter at Olympia; for we have seen that these two 
 buildings closely resembled each other in internal con- 
 struction. It appears from the words of Pausanias, that 
 
PARTHENON. 425 
 
 at Olympia the Opisthodomus was a chamber of the cell ; 
 and had a door of its own, opening into the peristyle — 
 a description which precisely suits the western chamber 
 of the Parthenon. 
 
 XV. 
 
 Note to page 252. 
 
 If Carrey was correct in his representation of the dol- 
 phin at the feet of the seated female, to the spectator's 
 right of the centre of the composition in the western pedi- 
 ment of the Parthenon, that figure may perhaps be taken 
 for the Sea (®d\a,<r<ra), and the other female, standing 
 upon her right, may be the Earth (Ty) ; these two being 
 often introduced by the Greek poets as deities in the early 
 events of their mythology. Perhaps the words of Homer, 
 in the hymn to Minerva, may not be considered inappli- 
 cable to the composition in the western pediment. 
 
 .. = «.... rvjv ocvtog sysfvaro prjTlsrcc Zsiis 
 
 Xpvtrsx, #aju,<pavoWra* vsSus §' lys. itdvi'a.s hpwvras 
 'AQotvcLrovs' tj £s itpoaSsv Atbg A'tyio^oio 
 'Ecro-vpsvws wpovffsv aV dQavdroio xaprivov, 
 Ea»Va<r' 6%vv gckovto,' psyag 8' lAsA»£er' o\vptfo$ 
 Asjvov ott' 6p£plpy)s yXavKcutfidos' du,<p) $h yoda. 
 'Zfji.epSa.Xsov Id^rjasv Ixjyij'Oij £' apa. itovtos 
 Kv[j.a<ri tfoptpvpiouri xvxujpevo$' s(r^(sro $' aXfj,y 
 'Efairivys* 
 
426 ADDITIONAL NOTES. 
 
 XVI. 
 
 NOTE TO PAGE 256, NOTE 1. 
 
 Since the above page was printed, Mr. Walpole's vo- 
 lume has appeared, and contains, together with an en- 
 graving of the vase referred to in my note, an attempt 
 by Mr. Wilkins to illustrate the question of the subject 
 of the pediments of the Parthenon by means of the 
 figures on the vase. Mr. W. thinks that the subject of 
 the vase was the contest of Neptune and Minerva, and 
 that the marriage of Peleus and Thetis was only an epi- 
 sode. As the engraving is before the public, the reader 
 will decide the question for himself: I shall only beg him 
 previously to refer to the drawing of an ancient monu- 
 ment (in Winckelmann, Monumenti Inediti, No. 110, or 
 in Millin, Gallerie Mythologique, No. 550), which cer- 
 tainly represents the surprising of Thetis by Peleus 
 when asleep, as described by Ovid (Metam. 1. 9, fab. 
 7). In both these ancient designs, Thetis is accom- 
 panied by the animals into which she was fabled to have 
 changed herself, and is surrounded by the gods, in whose 
 presence the marriage is said to have taken place 1 . 
 Apollo, who is the most conspicuous figure upon the 
 vase, is particularly mentioned by Homer 5 , as having 
 been present. I infer, therefore, that the vase related to 
 the marriage of Peleus and Thetis, and to that subject 
 only. If we may suppose Venus, Peitho, and Cupid to 
 have been present at the contest of Neptune and Mi- 
 
 • Ovid, ibid. — Coluth. rapt. Hel. v. 20. — Catull. carni. 63, 
 v. 298. 
 
 a Iliad, &. v. 0i>. 
 
PARTHENON. 427 
 
 nerva, we cannot so easily account for the presence of the 
 two sea nymphs, Psaniathe and Cymo, whose names are 
 also upon the vase ; whereas at the marriage of Thetis they 
 were peculiarly appropriate. It is unnecessary to add, 
 that if the vase did not describe the contest, it can be of 
 no service in explaining the pediment of the Parthenon 
 further than as furnishing an additional instance of the 
 association of Venus and Peitho in the Athenian mytho- 
 logy. To the other arguments adduced by Mr. Wil- 
 kins, in support of the opinion that the western pediment 
 described the contest, I have nothing to oppose, more 
 than has already been submitted to the reader in Section 
 VIII., unless it be to ask one question, If the composi- 
 tion of the western pediment described the contest, where 
 was Jupiter, by whom the contest was decided ? 
 
 XVII. 
 
 Note to page 287, note 1. 
 
 As it is in his life of Herodes, and in the midst of 
 his description of the Panathenaic stadium of that ce- 
 lebrated Athenian, that Philostratus introduces his ac- 
 count of the manner in which the peplus of Minerva, 
 in the Panathenaic procession, was carried through the 
 city as a sail to a ship, there is reason to think that 
 Herodes was the first to exhibit this pageant. In con- 
 firmation, it may be remarked, that the ship is not men- 
 tioned by any author older than Philostratus ; that the 
 contrivance does not seem very consonant with Athenian 
 taste in its purest times ; and that there is no appearance 
 of any such custom on the frize of the Parthenon, where 
 the peplus is received by the archon Basileus from the 
 hands of a boy. 
 
428 
 
 ADDITIONAL NOTES. 
 
 VI*. 
 
 Note to page 130. 
 
 In the royal library at Paris, there is a duplicate of the 
 coin, which represents the north 
 side of the Acropolis, better pre- 
 served than that in the British 
 Museum, which is engraved in 
 the beginning of this volume. 
 The Parisian coin, which is an- 
 nexed, as published by the late 
 M. Millin, conservator of the 
 
 royal collection, in his Galerie Mythologique, (No. 133.) 
 shows, to the left of the cave of Pan, another cavern, 
 which I take to be meant for the Agraulium. I am in- 
 clined to think that the same sanctuary was also intended 
 to be shown upon a marble brought from Athens, by Sir 
 R. Worsley, where six suppliants, with a lamb, are repre- 
 sented standing before a cave, wherein are Cecrops and 
 his three daughters, whose superior stature shows them to 
 be deified persons. In one corner of the sculpture on the 
 outside of the cave Pan is seen, with his pipes and goats' 
 legs. (See Museum Worsleyanum, p. 19.) The smallest 
 and easternmost of the three caverns may possibly have 
 been sacred to Herse. 
 
ADDITIONAL NOTES. 429 
 
 Note III*, to page 40*. 
 
 It appears from Mr. Dod well's Travels, vol. 1, p. 392, 
 that my conjecture is not correct, as to the statue which 
 filled the third niche of the monument of Philopappus, 
 when that niche was in existence. Mr. Dodwell informs us, 
 that, in the Barbarini library at Rome, there is a manu- 
 script copy of the drawings and observations of Ciriaco 
 d'Ancona, who visited Athens more than two centuries be- 
 fore Spon and Wheler. In one of these drawings, the monu- 
 ment of Philopappus is represented entire with the third 
 statue, and the following words under its niche : B A2IAET2 
 2EAEYK0S ANTIOXOr NIKATX2P. Philopappus, there- 
 fore, who occupied the central niche with his own statue, 
 had placed his grandfather Antiochus, last king of Com- 
 magene, on his right hand, and Seleucus Nicator, the 
 founder of the royal dynasty from which he descended, 
 on his left. 
 
v.. 
 
 if 
 
 
 i 
 
 ft. 
 
 
 C 
 
TO.' 
 
 % c u 
 
 s Ex t 
 
 er i 
 
 
 ~'\ 
 
 DipyluDX 
 wPortee Cerameicse 
 OT-Tortre Sacrae 
 
 ,e>^- 
 
 • <?>*.:> 
 
 ^ 
 
 n?,' 
 
 v?^ 
 
 *"" 
 
 o> 
 
 ^ 
 
 ana'ent lol 
 
 Ckurcttem C2 
 
 .l-.HJiaruzji 
 
 t 
 
 Porta? Hippadt 
 
 I M 
 
 s 
 
 5S. t?> 
 
 M:M/cMk/Iiu 
 
 y 
 
 MoralQipesl or 
 Gate of 'the Morea 
 orGydoTorta, >2 
 
 *& 
 
 V* 
 
 fi 
 
 Temple of Theseus 
 
 & 
 
 •■of. 
 
 
 luipari or ^^ 
 
 FanarometiL 
 
V/J. 
 
 Athens. -> 
 
A.. Outer modern gate. 
 
 Yt.QJb.Terrru'iiatLorL of the southern wall of 'the Acropolis . 
 Y .TedestaZ of the statue, of-de?7-tppa. 
 
 f . Supposed, site of the. pedestal of the statue cf'sfugustus . 
 G.larriage e/itrance or' the T/vpt/Zsea. . 
 H.T/r>py/seusn or great vestibule,. 
 X.JVbrthem wirig. 
 K. Southern wing. 
 
 Xj. Supposed site ot' the postern, at the modern- timer gate . 
 'M.Tfie central of the a gates which led from, the Tropi/lxum z 
 N.the back portico, which descended, bu three steps upon, 
 O. the platform of Ihe ^dcropohur. 
 P. The temple of teres Sc Terra, under the plattbrm E- upon 
 
 which stood the temple of Tlctory. 
 ^.Termination of the north wall of the Acropolis. 
 T. Steps cut in the rocks, by -which there was anciently as 
 
 descent ti'om the Tropylsta, by the grotto of Tan into the d 
 
T 
 
 • • • rrm 
 
 -ft : l- 
 
 
 
 
 i 
 
 
 s 
 
 -#"' 
 
 THE PROPYI3EA/? 
 
 ; & 
 
 /JtMti*./ Sj^Uzi fyJIA 
 

 51 
 
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 -- 
 
 - ■: - 
 
Colofsal 
 Statue of 
 Augustus. 
 
 m 
 
 
 
 
 / 
 
 ■fflfl 
 
 
 rrrr 
 
 ____r 
 
 '"^nr 
 
 tn 
 
 Street a£ lie 
 
 Trip.ods. 
 
 P R. . "Z" T A N E I TJ 
 
 'lELIEVATOOIN © 
 
 <# . ■#& 
 
 icu Xi.-yC.& 
 
T r?^Ef 
 
 -i — ^=k- 
 
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 IAS"/? 
 
 l&Z~Z&&k 
 
 
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 e 
 
 
 
INDEX. 
 
 Academy 
 Acropolis 
 
 , approach to the 
 
 ■ , statues of the 
 
 — , hiera of the 
 
 , walls of the 
 
 Agora, new 
 
 Agraulium 
 
 Anaceium 
 
 Anchesmus, Mount 
 
 Andronicus, horologium of 
 
 Arch of Hadrian 
 
 Areiopagus 
 
 Asclepieium 
 
 Asty, walls of the 
 
 , gates of the 
 
 Athens, Agora of 
 
 , cemeteries of 
 
 , description of, by Pausanias 
 
 , dimensions of 
 
 — — — , fountains of 
 
 , hiera of 
 
 , population of 
 
 , port of 
 
 -, works of art in 
 
 Augustus, statue of 
 
 Page 
 297—299 
 . 176 
 . 170 
 .270—274 
 275—273 
 279—281 
 . 63 
 125—130 
 131, 132 
 68,69 
 64—67 
 135—142 
 *36, *37. 289 
 164—167 
 362—365 
 370—374 
 382—384 
 . 375 
 1—46 
 366—369 
 49,50 
 385—388 
 377—381 
 300—306 
 389—391 
 . 277 
 
432 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 
 Page 
 
 Battle of Munychia 
 
 328, 329 
 
 Buildings of Peiraeeus 
 
 320—324. 330 
 
 Ti/r,,_ „Uia 
 
 325. 327 
 
 
 Phalerura 
 
 . 326 
 
 Capes of Port Piraeeus 
 
 315—317 
 
 Cave of Pan . 
 
 . 62 
 
 Cecropium 
 
 264—267 
 
 Cerameicus, outer 
 
 290—296 
 
 Ceramic, Agora 
 
 103—105 
 
 Ceres Chloe, temple of 
 
 172—175 
 
 Coele 
 
 . 107 
 
 Colonus Agoraeus 
 
 . 118 
 
 Cynosarges 
 
 149, 150 
 
 Demi, maritime 
 
 306, 308 
 
 Dionysiac theatre 
 
 53—59 
 
 Dipylum 
 
 72—83 
 
 Divisions of Port Peiraeeus 
 
 313, 314 
 
 Eleusinium 
 
 113, 114 
 
 Enneacrunus 
 
 •45— *48 
 
 Equestrian statues 
 
 206—208 
 
 Erechtheium 
 
 . 257—259. 268, 269 
 
 Eridanus, river 
 
 . 152 
 
 Eucleia, temple of 
 
 . 116 
 
 Eumenian portico 
 
 . 163 
 
 Frize of the Parthenon 
 
 215—225 
 
 Gardens, the . 
 
 . 151 
 
 Gate, Peiraic 
 
 84—97 
 
 Gates of the Asty 
 
 370—374 
 
 Gigantomachia 
 
 . 240 
 
INDEX. 
 
 433 
 
 Gymnasium of Ptolemy 
 Hadrian 
 
 Hadrian, arch of 
 
 • , gymnasium of 
 
 1 , stoa of 
 
 Hecatompedum 
 
 Hephaestium 
 
 Hermae 
 
 Herodes, theatre of 
 
 Jupiter Polieus 
 
 Lenaeum 
 Long Walls 
 Lucina, temple of 
 Lycabettus, Mount 
 Lyceium 
 
 Macra Stoa 
 
 Maritime demi 
 
 Mars, temple of 
 
 Melite 
 
 Metopes of the Parthenon 
 
 Minerva Polias, temple of 
 
 Promachus 
 
 Mount Anchesmus 
 
 Lycabettus 
 
 Munychia, battle of 
 
 -, buildings of 
 
 Museium 
 
 Odeium 
 
 • of Pericles 
 
 119, 120 
 . 124 
 
 135—142 
 
 . 124 
 
 121—123 
 
 282, 283 
 
 . 117 
 . 118 
 60, 61 
 
 . 239 
 
 . 158 
 
 345—361 
 
 . 134 
 
 70,71 
 
 144—148 
 
 . 118 
 
 306—308 
 
 101, 102 
 
 106. 108 
 
 226—231 
 
 . 260 
 
 . 241 
 
 68,69 
 
 70,71 
 
 328, 329 
 
 325. 327 
 
 . *39 
 
 109—112 
 161, 162. 405—416 
 
434 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Olympium 
 
 Pcecile 
 Pan, cave of 
 Panathenaic procession 
 Pandrosium 
 Parthenon 
 
 , frize of the 
 
 , metopes of the 
 
 , pediments of the 
 
 Pausanias, omissions of 
 
 , routes of . 
 
 Pediments of the Parthenon 
 Peiraic gate 
 Pelasgicum 
 Pericles, odeium of 
 
 , cost of the works of 
 
 Pnyx 
 
 Porticus Eumenia 
 
 Port Peiraeeus 
 
 '■ , buildings of 
 
 , capes of 
 , fortifications of 
 
 — ■ , divisions of 
 Propylaea 
 Prytaneium 
 
 Ptolemy, gymnasium of 
 Pythium 
 
 River Eridanus 
 
 Sarapium 
 
 Stadium 
 
 Statues, equestrian 
 
 Page 
 *43, *44. 401, 402 
 
 . 117 
 
 . 62 
 
 286—288 
 
 261—263 
 
 209—214. 403 
 
 215—225. 425 
 
 226—231 
 
 232—256 
 
 47— *35 
 
 . 98 
 
 232—256 
 
 84—97 
 
 284, 285 
 
 161, 162 
 
 . 406 
 
 *40 — *42 
 
 . 163 
 
 309—312 
 
 320—324. 330 
 
 315—317 
 
 331—344 
 
 313, 314 
 
 177—191 
 
 . 133 
 
 119, 120 
 
 . 143 
 
 . 152 
 
 . 134 
 
 51,52 
 
 206—208 
 
INDEX, 
 
 435 
 
 Stoa Basileius 
 .1 of Hadrian 
 Macra . 
 
 Talos, tomb of 
 Temple of Ceres Chloe 
 
 Eucleia 
 
 ' Lucina 
 
 Mars 
 
 ^— — — Minerva Polias 
 
 ' Themis 
 — — — — Theseus 
 — — Triptolemus 
 
 — — Venus Pandemus 
 
 Victory- 
 Theatre, Dionysiac 
 
 of Herodes 
 
 Themis, temple of 
 Themistocles, tomb of 
 Theseium 
 Theseus, temple of 
 Tomb of Talos 
 
 , Themistocles 
 
 Tripodes 
 
 , street of 
 
 Triptolemus, temple of 
 
 Venus Pandemus, temple of 
 Victory, temple of 
 
 Walls of the Asty 
 , Long 
 
 99,100 
 
 121—123 
 
 . 118 
 
 . 168 
 
 172—175 
 
 . 116 
 
 . 134 
 
 101, 102 
 
 . 260 
 
 . 169 
 
 393—400 
 
 . 115 
 
 .• 171 
 
 192—205 
 
 53—59 
 
 60,61 
 
 . 169 
 
 318, 319 
 
 . *38 
 
 393—400 
 
 . 168 
 
 318, 319 
 
 153—157 
 
 159, 160 
 
 . 115 
 
 . 171 
 
 192—205 
 
 362—365 
 345—361 
 
 THE END. 
 
LONDON: 
 
 PRINTED nY THOMAS DAVISON, WHITEFRIAR?. 
 
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