EX BIBLIOTHECA 
 FRANCES A. YATES 
 
Cfannfcon {pvtee Settee 
 
 MARCUS TULLIUS CICERO 
 
 PHILIPPIC ORATIONS 
 
 I, II, III, v, VII 
 
 JOHN R< KING 
 
HENRY FROWDE, M.A. 
 
 PUBLISHER TO THE UNIVERSITY OF OXFORD 
 
 LONDON, EDINBURGH, AND NEW YORK 
 
MARCUS TULLIUS CICERO 
 
 PHILIPPIC ORATIONS 
 
 I, II, III, v, VII 
 
 WITH ENGLISH NOTES , 
 
 BY 
 
 JOHN R. KING, M.A. 
 
 FELLOW AND TUTOR OF ORIEL COLLEGE, OXFORD 
 
 PART I.— TEXT AND INTRODUCTION 
 
 AT THE 
 
 CLARENDON 
 1899 
 
 PRESS 
 
PRINTED AT THE CLARENDON PRESS 
 
 BY HORACE HART, M.A. 
 PRINTER TO THE UNIVERSITY 
 
PREFACE 
 
 The present volume contains the more important of the 
 Philippic Orations of Cicero, setting before us his line of 
 policy from the death of Caesar to the early part of February 
 43 b. c, during which time Cicero was the acknowledged 
 leader of the constitutional party in the Senate. These 
 orations are of especial value, not only as bringing out 
 most strongly Cicero's power as an orator, and his importance 
 in the State during the most honourable portion of his life, 
 but also as illustrating a period of history concerning which 
 we have but little contemporary information. 
 
 The notes and introductions are taken almost entirely 
 from the same Editor's larger edition of the whole series 
 of orations against Antony. The text is in the main that 
 of Halm, in the second edition of Orelli's text. In some 
 places, which have been noted, the reading of the Vatican 
 Codex, the most important MS. of these orations, has been 
 restored. 
 
 Oxford, 
 August, 1898. 
 
w 
 
PRINCIPAL 
 LIFE 
 
 EVENTS IN THE 
 OF CICERO 
 
 B. C. 
 
 106. Birth of Cicero at Arpinum. Jan. 3. 
 91. Cicero assumed the ' toga virilis.' 
 81. Cicero delivered his first oration, pro P. Quinctio. 
 79. Cicero went to study philosophy and rhetoric at Athens. 
 77- Cicero married Terentia. 
 75. Quaestorship in Sicily. 
 70. Action against Gaius Verres. 
 69. Aedileship. 
 
 66. Praetorship. Speech de Imperio Cn. Pompeii. 
 64. Marriage of Tullia to C. Calpurnius Piso. 
 63. Consulship of Cicero. Catiline conspiracy. 
 58. Cicero went into exile. 
 57. His recall from exile. 
 
 56. Second marrige of Tullia, to Furius Crassipes. 
 
 53. Cicero was elected augur. 
 
 51. Cicero went to Cilicia as proconsul. 
 
 50. Supplicatio in honour of Cicero. Tullia's third marriage to 
 
 P. Cornelius Dolabella. 
 49. Cicero returned to Rome, but retired to Athens when Caesar 
 
 crossed the Rubicon. 
 47. Cicero was reconciled to Caesar, and returned to Rome. 
 46. Marriage of Cicero to Publilia, and their divorce. Death of 
 
 Tullia. 
 
 44. Death of Caesar. Cicero delivered the first, third, and fourth 
 Philippic Orations, and published the second. 
 
 43. The remaining Philippic Orations. Cicero was murdered at 
 Formiae, Dec. 7. 
 
I 
 
 SELECTIONS FROM 
 
 THE 
 
 PHILIPPIC ORATIONS 
 
 OF 
 
 M. TULLIUS CICERO 
 
 ♦ ♦ 
 
 INTRODUCTION TO THE FIRST ORATION. 
 
 To understand the bearing of the Philippic orations of Cicero, 
 it is necessary shortly to review the course of events at Rome, 
 consequent on the assassination of Julius Caesar, March 15th, 
 44 B.C. On the evening of the same day, finding it impossible 
 to gain the confidence or the sympathy of the mass of the 
 citizens, the conspirators, at the instigation of Decimus Brutus, 
 repaired to the Capitol, where they were joined by Cicero and 
 other nobles ; while Lepidus, the Master of the Horse, occupied 
 the Forum with an armed force, and sent an assurance of sup- 
 port to Antony. In the meantime the body of Caesar was 
 carried home, and something like quiet was restored. During 
 the ensuing night Antony opened negotiations with Lepidus, 
 securing his support by the promise of the vacant office of 
 pontifex maximus : while his own position was strengthened by 
 his receiving from Calpurnia, Caesar's widow, all the dictator's 
 private papers, and treasure to the amount of 4000 talents. 
 
 The next day the liberators, encouraged by the avowed sup- 
 port of Dolabella, who claimed the consulship which Caesar's 
 
 B 
 
2 
 
 INTRODUCTION TO 
 
 death left vacant, and to which he had been already nominated 
 as his successor, resolved again to appeal to the people, and 
 made M. Brutus their spokesman. He was coldly received, 
 and they were obliged to return to the Capitol, while Antony 
 took the opportunity of seizing the public treasure in the temple 
 of Ops, amounting to seven hundred millions of sesterces (some- 
 what more than 6,000,000/.). The next day (March 17), on the 
 invitation of the conspirators, he summoned the senate to meet 
 in the temple of Tellus, near his own house in the Carinae. 
 To add to his security he filled the Forum with troops, an 
 excuse for the precaution being afforded by the violence which 
 the mob had offered to the praetor, Cornelius Cinna, when he 
 appeared among them in his official robes. The result of a very 
 stormy debate was a resolution that no investigation should be 
 made into Caesar's murder; but that all the ordinances and 
 arrangements which he had made, 'acta Caesaris,' should be 
 ratified. This policy was supported by Cicero, as a necessary 
 compromise, and was acquiesced in by the liberators, though 
 it was manifest that it left the whole power in the hands of 
 Antony. A public funeral was further decreed to Caesar, on 
 the motion of his father-in-law, L. Calpurnius Piso. These 
 measures were confirmed by the people, assembled in the 
 Forum ; and the conspirators were invited to come down from 
 the Capitol, Antony sending his own son as a hostage for their 
 security. On the following day another meeting of the senate 
 was held, and the distribution of the provinces, as arranged by 
 Caesar, was again confirmed. By this assignment M. Brutus 
 received Macedonia, and C. Cassius Syria, though they could 
 not properly enter into possession of them till the expiration of 
 their office of praetor. Decimus Brutus succeeded to Cisalpine 
 Gaul, Cimber to Bithynia, and Trebonius to Asia. 
 
 The next event was the funeral of Caesar, which Antony 
 artfully employed as a means of stirring up the fury of the 
 people against his murderers. Entitled by his position as 
 Consul to pronounce the funeral oration over his colleague, 
 as the body lay in the Forum, previously to its being carried 
 to the pyre prepared for it in the Campus Martius, he roused 
 
THE FIRST ORATION 3 
 
 their feelings by recounting the honours of the dictator, which 
 were reflected on the whole Roman people, and the violated 
 oath whereby his murderers had sworn to defend him. Excited 
 to frenzy by his speech, and yet more by hearing the tenour of 
 Caesar's will, and his munificent bequests to the Roman people, 
 the crowd refused to allow the body to be removed outside the 
 city walls, and burned it on a hastily raised pyre in the midst 
 of the Forum itself. The excitement rapidly spread. The 
 houses of the liberators were attacked ; Helvius Cinna, an 
 adherent of Caesar, was torn in pieces in mistake for the 
 praetor L. Cornelius Cinna, and the tumult did not cease till 
 the people were convinced that the principal conspirators had 
 fled, and were for the present beyond their reach. 
 
 The advantage which Antony had gained, by the course of 
 events at Caesar's funeral he further secured by the moderation 
 of his subsequent conduct. He did not attempt to extend the 
 amnesty to any of the political exiles, with the single exception 
 of Sextus Clodius, a client and chief agent of the notorious 
 Publius Clodius, whose widow Fulvia Antony had married as 
 his third wife. He declared that no exemptions from tribute 
 had been granted to any cities. He consented to the proposal 
 of Sulpicius that no further ' acts ' of Caesar should be ratified. 
 His popularity culminated when he proposed that the office of 
 dictator should be abolished for ever. In the beginning of April 
 he did good service to the state by crushing a disturbance raised 
 by one Herophilus, who pretended to be a grandson of Marius, 
 and whom he put to death without a trial (1.2, 5). Emboldened 
 by his success, he began to make unscrupulous use of Caesar's 
 papers, urging the pleasure of the dictator for every measure or 
 appointment which might suit his purpose, and not hesitating 
 to forge supposititious memoranda, when no convenient docu- 
 ments could be found among the genuine 'acta Caesaris.' In 
 addition to the favour which he thus acquired, both among 
 citizens and provinces on whom he conferred benefits, he pre- 
 sently added to his personal security by the usual tyrant's 
 resource of a body-guard of 6000 soldiers, which the senate 
 were persuaded to allow him, and he sought for popularity 
 
 B 2 
 
4 
 
 0 
 
 INTRODUCTION TO 
 
 among the veterans by a new assignment of lands to them 
 in Campania, whither he himself proceeded to superintend in 
 person the execution of his measure. 
 
 Dolabella took this opportunity of thwarting the policy of 
 Antony in the city ; overthrowing all the memorials of Caesar 
 which existed within its walls, even the altar raised in his 
 honour in the Forum, and the marble pillar which marked the 
 place of his tumultuous funeral. He repressed every popular 
 demonstration of the Caesarian party, and aided the cause of 
 the patriots in a manner that called forth the warmest eulogies 
 from Cicero himself (Att. 14. 15, 2). 
 
 At this crisis Octavius appeared upon the scene. He had 
 received the news of his great-uncle's murder in Epirus, where 
 he was completing his military education in the camp at Apol- 
 lonia. Urged by his mother Atia to return to Rome at once, 
 he crossed the sea without delay, and landing near Lupiae in 
 Calabria, he remained there till the receipt of a copy of Caesar's 
 will emboldened him to advance to Brundisium, and present 
 himself to the garrison in that place as C. Iulius Caesar Octa- 
 vianus, the dictator's adopted son. He was warmly received 
 by the veterans, and encouraged to send a formal notification 
 of his claims to the senate and the leaders of the two parties. 
 Following this up by a cautious advance towards Rome, at 
 Naples he met Cicero, who gladly welcomed a new rival to 
 Antony. About the beginning of May he entered Rome, where 
 he had already made a favourable impression by undertaking 
 the expense of certain shows exhibited in honour of Caesar 
 at the festival of the Parilia, on the 21st of April. This impres- 
 sion he confirmed by paying assiduous court to the individual 
 senators, and by undertaking to pay the bequests of Caesar 
 to the people. Antony was absent from Rome, but hearing 
 of Octavius' growing popularity, he hastened back to the city ? 
 and about the middle of the month he had an interview with 
 Octavius, in which the latter claimed the money of the dictator 
 which Antony had appropriated. Antony refused to refund 
 it, on the ground that it was public treasure, when Octavius 
 took upon himself the payment of the legacies, as well as the 
 
THE FIRST ORATION 
 
 5 
 
 exhibition of shows at the dedication of the temple which 
 Caesar had built in honour of Venus Genitrix. 
 
 Meanwhile M. Brutus and Cassius had retired from the city 
 to Lanuvium, probably at the time of the disturbances caused 
 by the Pseudo-Marius. Decimus Brutus, in defiance of the 
 Consul, assumed the government of Cisalpine Gaul, and Tre- 
 bonius and Cimber took possession of their respective provinces 
 of Asia and Bithynia. In the absence of the liberator, Antony 
 persuaded the senate to alter the distribution of the provinces, 
 so far as to transfer Syria and Macedonia from Cassius and 
 Brutus to Dolabella and himself. In compensation they were 
 offered the privilege of supplying the city with corn from Sicily 
 and Asia. This they were unwilling to accept, and made the 
 necessity of preparing for it an excuse for lingering in Italy, 
 till they had made one more unsuccessful attempt to conciliate 
 popular favour by the magnificence of the * Ludi Apollinares,' 
 exhibited at the expense of Brutus as city praetor. The failure 
 of this effort induced them at length to abandon hopes of 
 remaining longer in Italy, and Cicero, feeling that the prospects 
 of the republican party were for the present crushed, and that 
 he himself was not wholly free from danger, determined to avail 
 himself of a ' legatio ' which Dolabella had given him, and to go 
 to Greece till the beginning of the next year, when he hoped for 
 more success under the administration of the new Consuls, 
 Hirtius and Pansa. He spent a single day among his friends 
 in Sicily, and thence set sail for Greece on the 2nd of August, 
 but was driven back to Leucopetra, whither tidings were brought 
 him that a change had come over the face of affairs ; that the 
 senate had been summoned for the 1st of August ; and that 
 rumours were rife that Brutus and Cassius were likely to come 
 to an understanding with Antony. This news changed his 
 plans once more ; he resolved to go at once to Rome, and 
 was not even deterred by an interview with Brutus at Velia, 
 in which he learned the defeat of the republican party in the 
 meeting of the ist of August from which they had hoped so 
 much. He entered Rome on the 31st of August, and found 
 that Antony had summoned the senate for the following day. 
 
6 INTRODUCTION TO THE FIRST ORATION 
 
 Cicero, after some hesitation, resolved not to attend, pleading 
 fatigue and sickness to the Consuls, while to his friends he 
 urged the impossibility of his appearing as a witness of the 
 honours which were to be proposed to Caesar. His real reason 
 appears to have been an unwillingness to take the initiative in 
 the contest between himself and Antony which was now inevit- 
 able. In his absence the Consul uttered the most violent 
 invective against him, upbraiding him with cowardice in staying 
 away, and even threatening the demolition of his house. He 
 then retired to his villa at Tibur ; but Dolabella summoned the 
 senate to meet on the following day in the temple of Concord, 
 when Cicero delivered his first Philippic oration against Antony. 
 The tone of it is moderate, compared with that of those which 
 follow. He seems unwilling to close every door of peace between 
 himself and his antagonist ; and though he attacks his public 
 policy unsparingly, he abstains as yet from any personal abuse, 
 such as is conspicuous in all the rest of these orations. 
 
M. TULLII CICERONIS 
 
 IN 
 
 M. ANTONIUM 
 
 ORATIONUM PHILIPPICARUM LIBRI SELECTI 
 
 ♦ ♦ 
 
 LIBER PRIMUS. 
 
 j Ante quam de re publica, patres conscripti, dicam ea, 
 x quae dicenda hoc tempore arbitror, exponam vobis breviter 
 consilium et profectionis et reversionis meae. Ego cum 
 sperarem aliquando ad vestrum consilium auctoritatemque 
 rem publicam esse revocatam, manendum mihi statuebam 5 
 quasi in vigilia quadam consulari ac senatoria. Nec vero 
 usquam discedebam nec a re publica deiiciebam oculos ex 
 eo die, quo in aedem Telluris convocati sumus. In quo 
 templo, quantum in me fuit, ieci fundamenta pacis Athenien- 
 siumque renovavi vetus exemplum; Graecum etiam verbum 10 
 usurpavi, quo turn in sedandis discordiis usa erat civitas ilia, 
 atque omnem memoriam discordiarum oblivione sempiterna 
 2 delendam censui. Praeclara turn oratio M. Antonii, egregia 
 etiam voluntas ; pax denique per eum et per liberos eius 
 cum praestantissimis civibus confirmata est. Atque his 15 
 principiis reliqua consentiebant. Ad deliberationes eas, quas 
 habebat domi de re publica, principes civitatis adhibebat ; 
 
8 
 
 M. TULLII CICERONIS 
 
 ad hunc ordinem res optimas deferebat ; nihil tum, nisi quod 
 erat notum omnibus, in C. Caesaris commentariis reperiebatur, 
 summa constantia ad ea quae quaesita erant, respondebat. 
 Num qui exsules restituti ? Unum aiebat, praeterea neminem. 3 
 5 Num immunitates datae ? Nullae, respondebat. Assentiri 
 etiam nos Ser. Sulpicio, clarissimo viro, voluit, ne qua tabula 
 post Idus Martias ullius decreti Caesaris aut beneficii 
 figeretur. Multa praetereo eaque praeclara; ad singulare 
 enim M. Antonii factum festinat oratio. Dictaturam, quae 
 
 io iam vim regiae potestatis obsederat, funditus ex re publica 
 sustulit, de qua ne sententias quidem diximus ; scriptum 
 senatus consultum, quod fieri vellet, attulit, quo recitato 
 auctoritatem eius summo studio secuti sumus eique 
 amplissimis verbis per senatus consultum gratias egimus. 
 
 15 Lux quaedam videbatur oblata, non modo regno, quod 2 
 pertuleramus, sed etiam regni timore sublato ; magnum que 4 
 pignus ab eo rei publicae datum, se liberam civitatem esse 
 velle, cum dictatoris nomen, quod saepe iustum fuisset, 
 propter perpetuae dictaturae recentem memoriam funditus 
 
 20 ex re publica sustulisset. Liberatus periculo caedis paucis 5 
 post diebus senatus ; uncus impactus est fugitivo illi, qui in 
 Marii nomen invaserat. Atque haec omnia communiter cum 
 collega : alia porro propria Dolabellae, quae, nisi collega 
 afuisset, credo iis futura fuisse communia. Nam cum 
 
 25 serperet in urbem infinitum malum idque manaret in dies 
 latius, idemque bustum in foro facerent, qui illam insepultam 
 sepulturam effecerant, et quotidie magis magisque perditi 
 homines cum sui similibus servis tectis ac templis urbis 
 minitarentur, talis animadversio fuit Dolabellae cum in 
 
 30 audaces sceleratosque servos, tum in impuros et nefarios 
 liberos, talisque eversio illius exsecratae columnae, ut mihi 
 mirum videatur tarn valde reliquum tempus ab illo uno die 
 dissensisse. Ecce enim Kalendis Iuniis, quibus ut adessemus 6 
 
ORATIO PHILIPPIC A I 
 
 9 
 
 edixerant, mutata omnia : nihil per senatum, multa et magna 
 per populum, et absente populo et invito. Consules designati 
 negabant se audere in senatum venire ; patriae liberatores 
 urbe carebant ea, cuius a cervicibus iugum servile deiecerant, 
 quos tamen ipsi consules in contionibus et in omni sermone 5 
 laudabant; veterani qui appellabantur, quibus hie ordo dili- 
 gentissime caverat, non ad conservationem earum rerum, 
 quas habebant, sed ad spem novarum praedarum incitabantur. 
 Quae cum audire mallem quam videre, haberemque ius 
 legationis liberum, ea mente discessi, ut adessem Kalendis 10 
 Ianuariis, quod initium senatus cogendi fore videbatur. 
 3 Exposui, patres conscripti, profectionis consilium : nunc 
 
 7 reversionis, quae plus admirationis habet, breviter exponam. 
 Cum Brundisium iterque illud, quod tritum in Graeciam est, 
 non sine causa vitavissem, Kalendis Sextilibus veni Syracusas, 15 
 quod ab ea urbe transmissio in Graeciam laudabatur : quae 
 tamen urbs mihi coniunctissima plus una me nocte cupiens 
 retinere non potuit. Veritus sum ne meus repentinus ad 
 meos necessarios adventus suspicionis aliquid afferret, si 
 essem commoratus. Cum autem me ex Sicilia ad Leucope- 20 
 tram, quod est promontorium agri Regini venti detulissent, 
 ab eo loco conscendi ut transmitterem ; nec ita multum pro- 
 vectus reiectus austro sum in eum ipsum locum, unde con- 
 
 8 scenderam. Cumque intempesta nox esset mansissemque in 
 villa P. Valerii, comitis et familiaris mei, postridieque apud 25 
 eundem ventum exspectans manerem, municipes Regini 
 complures ad me venerunt, ex iis quidam Roma recentes : 
 
 a quibus primum accipio M. Antonii contionem, quae mihi 
 ita placuit, ut ea lecta de reversione primum coeperim cogi- 
 tare. Nec ita multo post edictum Bruti affertur et Cassii, 30 
 quod quidem mihi, fortasse quod eos plus etiam rei publicae 
 quam familiaritatis gratia diligo, plenum aequitatis videbatur. 
 Addebant praeterea — fit enim plerumque ut ii, qui boni quid 
 
IO 
 
 M. TULLII CICERONIS 
 
 volunt afferre, affingant aliquid, quo faciant id quod nuntiant 
 laetius — rem conventuram; Kalendis senatum frequentem 
 fore ; Antonium, repudiatis malis suasoribus, remissis pro- 
 vinces Galliis, ad auctoritatem senatus esse rediturum. Turn 4 
 5 vero tanta sum cupiditate incensus ad reditum, ut mihi nulli 9 
 neque remi neque venti satis facerent, non quo me ad tempus 
 occursurum non putarem, sed ne tardius quam cuperem rei 
 publicae gratularer. Atque ego celeriter Veliam devectus 
 Brutum vidi : quanto meo dolore, non dico. Turpe mihi 
 
 io ipsi videbatur in earn urbem me audere reverti, ex qua Brutus 
 cederet, et ibi velle tuto esse, ubi ille non posset. Neque 
 vero ilium similiter atque ipse eram commotum esse vidi : 
 erectus enim maximi ac pulcherrimi facti sui conscientia 
 nihil de suo casu, multa de vestro querebatur. Exque eo io 
 
 15 primum cognovi quae Kalendis Sextilibus in senatu fuisset 
 L. Pisonis oratio : qui quamquam parum erat — id enim 
 ipsum a Bruto audieram — a quibus debuerat adiutus, tamen 
 et Bruti testimonio — quo quid potest esse gravius? — et 
 omnium praedicatione, quos postea vidi, magnam mihi 
 
 20 videbatur gloriam consecutus. Hunc igitur ut sequerer 
 properavi, quern praesentes non sunt secuti, non ut pro- 
 ficerem aliquid — nec enim sperabam id nec praestare 
 poteram, — sed ut, si quid mihi humanitus accidisset — multa 
 autem impendere videntur praeter naturam etiam praeterque 
 
 25 fatum, — huius tamen diei vocem testem rei publicae relin- 
 querem meae perpetuae erga se voluntatis. 
 
 Quoniam utriusque consilii causam, patres conscripti, pro- n 
 batam vobis esse confido, prius quam de re publica dicere 
 incipio, pauca querar de hesterna M. Antonii iniuria : cui 
 
 30 sum amicus, idque me non nullo eius officio debere esse prae 
 me semper tuli. Quid tandem erat causae cur in senatum 5 
 hesterno die tarn acerbe cogerer ? Solusne aberam ? an non 
 saepe minus frequentes fuistis ? an ea res agebatur, ut etiam 
 
OR ATI O PHILIPPIC A I 
 
 II 
 
 aegrotos deferri oporteret ? Hannibal, credo, erat ad portas, 
 aut de Pyrrhi pace agebatur, ad quam causam etiam Appium 
 ilium, et caecum et senem, delatum esse memoriae proditum 
 
 12 est. De supplicationibus referebatur, quo in genere senatores 
 deesse non solent. Coguntur enim non pignoribus, sed eorum, 5 
 de quorum honore agitur, gratia; quod idem fit, cum de 
 triumpho refertur. Ita sine cura consules sunt, ut paene 
 liberum sit senatori non adesse. Qui cum mihi mos notus 
 esset cumque e via languerem et mihimet displicerem, misi 
 pro amicitia qui hoc ei diceret. At ille vobis audientibus 10 
 cum fabris se domum meam venturum esse dixit. Nimis 
 iracunde hoc quidem et valde intemperanter. Cuius enim 
 maleflcii tanta ista poena est, ut dicere in hoc ordine auderet 
 se publicis operis disturbaturum publice ex senatus sententia 
 aedificatam domum? Quis autem umquam tanto damno 15 
 senatorem coegit ? aut quid est ultra pignus aut multam ? 
 Quod si scisset quam sententiam dicturus essem, remisisset 
 
 6 aliquid profecto de severitate cogendi. An me censetis, patres 
 
 13 conscripti, quod vos inviti secuti estis, decreturum fuisse, ut 
 parentalia cum supplicationibus miscerentur? ut inexpiabiles 20 
 religiones in rem publicam inducerentur ? ut decernerentur 
 supplicationes mortuo ? Nihil dico cui. Fuerit ille Brutus, 
 qui et ipse dominatu regio rem publicam liberavit et ad 
 similem virtutem et simile factum stirpem iam prope in 
 quingentesimum annum propagavit : adduci tamen non 25 
 possem, ut quemquam mortuum coniungerem cum immor- 
 talium religione, ut, cuius sepulchrum usquam exstet ubi 
 parentetur, ei publice supplicetur. Ego vero earn sententiam 
 dixissem, ut me adversus populum Romanum, si qui acci- 
 disset gravior rei publicae casus, si bellum, si morbus, si 30 
 fames, facile possem defendere : quae partim iam sunt, partim 
 timeo ne impendeant. Sed hoc ignoscant di immortales 
 velim et populo Romano, qui id non probat, et huic ordini, 
 
12 
 
 M. TULLII CICERONIS 
 
 qui decrevit invitus. Quid? de reliquis rei publicae malis 
 licetne dicere ? Mihi vero licet et semper licebit dignitatem 14 
 tueri, mortem contemnere. Potestas modo veniendi in hunc 
 locum sit: dicendi periculum non recuso. Atque utinam, 
 5 patres conscripti, Kalendis Sextilibus adesse potuissem ! non 
 quo proflci potuerit aliquid, sed ne unus modo consularis, 
 quod turn accidit, dignus illo honore, dignus re publica in- 
 veniretur. Qua quidem ex re magnum accipio dolorem, 
 homines amplissimis populi Romani beneficiis usos L. Pisonem 
 
 io ducem optimae sententiae non secutos. Idcircone nos popu- 
 lus Romanus consules fecit, ut in altissimo gradu dignitatis 
 locati rem publicam pro nihilo haberemus ? Non modo voce 
 nemo L. Pisoni consularis, sed ne vultu quidem assensus est. 
 Quae, malum ! est ista voluntaria servitus ? Fuerit quaedam 15 
 
 15 necessaria : neque ego hoc ab omnibus iis desidero, qui 
 sententiam consulari loco dicunt. Alia causa est eorum, 
 quorum silentio ignosco, alia eorum, quorum vocem requiro. 
 Quos quidem doleo in suspicionem populo Romano venire 
 non modo metus, quod ipsum esset turpe, sed alium alia de 
 
 20 causa deesse dignitati suae. Quare primum maximas gratias 7 
 et ago et habeo Pisoni, qui non quid efficere posset in re 
 publica cogitavit, sed quid facere ipse deberet : deinde a vobis, 
 patres conscripti, peto ut, etiam si sequi minus audebitis 
 orationem atque auctoritatem meam, benigne me tamen, ut 
 
 25 adhuc fecistis, audiatis. 
 
 Primum igitur acta Caesaris servanda censeo, non quo pro- 16 
 bem — quis enim id quidem potest? — sed quia rationem haben- 
 dam maxime arbitror pacis atque otii. Vellem adesset M. 
 Antonius, modo sine advocatis — sed, ut opinor, licet ei minus 
 
 30 valere, quod mihi heri per ilium non licuit : — doceret me vel 
 potius vos, patres conscripti, quern ad modum ipse Caesaris 
 acta defenderet. An in commentariolis et chirographis et 
 libellis se uno auctore prolatis, ne prolatis quidem, sed tantum 
 
ORATIO PHILIPPIC A I 
 
 13 
 
 modo dictis, acta Caesaris firma erunt : quae ille in aes incidit, 
 in quo populi iussa perpetuasque leges esse voluit, pro nihilo 
 
 17 habebuntur ? Equidem existimo nihil tarn esse in actis Caesaris 
 quam leges Caesaris. An, si cui quid ille promisit, id erit 
 fixum, quod idem non facere potuit ? ut multis multa promissa 5 
 non fecit : quae tamen multo plura illo mortuo reperta sunt, 
 quam a vivo beneficia per omnes annos tributa et data. Sed 
 ea non muto, non moveo : summo studio illius praeclara acta 
 defendo. Pecunia utinam ad Opis maneret ! cruenta ilia 
 quidem, sed his temporibus, quoniam iis, quorum est, non 10 
 redditur, necessaria. Quamquam ea quoque sit effusa, si ita 
 
 18 in actis fuit. Ecquid est quod tarn proprie dici possit actum 
 eius, qui togatus in re publica cum potestate imperioque ver- 
 satus sit, quam lex ? Quaere acta Gracchi ; leges Semproniae 
 proferentur : quaere Sullae ; Corneliae. Quid? Pompei tertius 15 
 consulatus in quibus actis constitit ? nempe in legibus. De 
 Caesare ipso si quaereres, quidnam egisset in urbe et in toga, 
 leges multas responderet se et praeclaras tulisse, chirographa 
 vero aut mutaret aut non daret, aut, si dedisset, non istas res 
 in actis suis duceret. Sed haec ipsa concedo, quibusdam 20 
 etiam in rebus conniveo ; in maximis vero rebus, id est legi- 
 
 8 bus, acta Caesaris dissolvi ferendum non puto. Quae lex 
 
 19 melior, utilior, optima etiam re publica saepius flagitata, quam 
 ne praetoriae provinciae plus quam annum neve plus quam 
 biennium consulares obtinerentur ? Hac lege sublata viden- 25 
 turne vobis posse Caesaris acta servari ? Quid ? lege, quae 
 promulgata est de tertia decuria nonne omnes iudiciariae leges 
 Caesaris dissolvuntur ? Et vos acta Caesaris defenditis, qui 
 leges eius evertitis ? nisi forte, si quid memoriae causa rettulit 
 
 in libellum, id numerabitur in actis et, quamvis iniquum et 30 
 inutile sit, defendetur : quod ad populum centuriatis comitiis 
 
 20 tulit, id in actis Caesaris non habebitur. At quae ista tertia 
 decuria? — Centurionum inquit. — Quid? isti ordini iudicatus 
 
14 
 
 M. TULLI1 CICERONIS 
 
 lege Iulia, etiam ante Pompeia, Aurelia non patebat ? — Cen- 
 sus praefiniebatur, inquit. — Non centurioni quidem solum, sed 
 equiti etiam Romano : itaque viri fortissimi atque honest- 
 issimi, qui ordines duxerunt, res et iudicant et iudicaverunt. — 
 5 Non quaero, inquit, istos : quicumque ordinem duxit iudicet. 
 — At si ferretis, quicumque equo meruisset, quod est lautius, 
 nemini probaretis ; in iudice enim spectari et fortuna debet 
 et dignitas. — Non quaero, inquit, ista: addo etiam iudices 
 manipulares ex legione Alaudarum ; aliter enim nostri negant 
 
 io posse se salvos esse. — O contumeliosum honorem iis, quos 
 ad iudicandum nec opinantes vocatis ! hie enim est legis 
 index, ut ii res in tertia decuria iudicent, qui libere iudicare 
 non audeant. In quo quantus error est, di immortales ! 
 eorum, qui istam legem excogitaverunt ! Ut enim quisque 
 
 15 sordidissimus videbitur, ita libentissime severitate iudicandi 
 sordes suas eluet laborabitque ut honestis decuriis potius 
 dignus videatur quam in turpem iure coniectus. Altera pro- 9 
 mulgata lex est, ut et de vi et maiestatis damnati ad populum 21 
 provocent, si velint. Haec utrum tandem lex est an legum 
 
 20 omnium dissolutio ? Quis est enim hodie, cuius intersit 
 istam legem t manere ? Nemo reus est legibus illis, nemo, 
 quern futurum putemus ; armis enim gesta numquam profecto 
 in iudicium vocabuntur. At res popularis. Utinam quidem 
 aliquid velletis esse populare ! omnes enim iam cives de rei 
 
 25 publicae salute una et mente et voce consentiunt. Quae est 
 igitur ista cupiditas legis eius ferendae, quae turpitudinem 
 summam habeat, gratiam nullam ? Quid enim turpius quam 
 qui maiestatem populi Romani minuerit per vim, eum damna- 
 tum iudicio ad earn ipsam vim reverti, propter quam sit iure 
 
 30 damnatus ? Sed quid plura de lege disputo? quasi vero id agatur 22 
 ut quisquam provocet: id agitur, id fertur, ne quis omnino 
 umquam istis legibus reus fiat. Quis enim aut accusator tarn 
 amens reperietur, qui reo condemnato obiicere se multitudini 
 
ORATIO PHILIPPICA I 
 
 conductae velit, aut iudex, qui reum damnare audeat, ut ipse 
 ad operas mercenarias statim protrahatur ? Non igitur pro- 
 vocatio ista lege datur, sed duae maxime salutares leges 
 quaestionesque tolluntur. Quid est aliud hortari adoles- 
 centes, ut turbulenti, ut seditiosi, ut perniciosi cives velint 5 
 esse ? Quam autem ad pestem furor tribunicius impelli non 
 poterit his duabus quaestionibus de vi et maiestatis sublatis ? 
 
 23 Quid, quod obrogatur legibus Caesaris, quae iubent ei, qui de 
 vi, itemque ei, qui maiestatis damnatus sit, aqua et igni inter- 
 dici ? quibus cum provocatio datur, nonne acta Caesaris 10 
 rescinduntur ? Quae quidem ego, patres conscripti, qui ilia 
 numquam probavi, tamen ita conservanda concordiae causa 
 arbitratus sum, ut non modo, quas vivus leges Caesar tulisset, 
 infirmandas hoc tempore non putarem, sed ne illas quidem, 
 
 10 quas post mortem Caesaris prolatas esse et flxas videtis. De 15 
 
 24 exsilio reducti a mortuo, civitas data non solum singulis, sed 
 nationibus et provinciis universis a mortuo, immunitatibus 
 infinitis sublata vectigalia a mortuo. Ergo haec uno, verum 
 optimo auctore domo prolata defendimus : eas leges, quas 
 ipse nobis inspectantibus recitavit, pronuntiavit, tulit, quibus 20 
 latis gloriabatur, eisque legibus rem publicam contineri 
 putabat, de provinciis, de iudiciis, eas, inquam, Caesaris leges 
 
 25 nos, qui defendimus acta Caesaris, evertendas putamus ? Ac 
 de his tamen legibus, quae promulgatae sunt, saltern queri 
 possumus : de iis, quae iam latae dicuntur, ne illud quidem 25 
 licuit; illae enim sine ulla promulgatione latae sunt ante 
 quam scriptae. Quaero autem, quid sit cur aut ego aut 
 quisquam vestrum, patres conscripti, bonis tribunis plebi leges 
 malas metuat. Paratos habemus qui intercedant, paratos qui 
 rem publicam religione defendant ; vacui metu esse debemus. 3° 
 — Quas tu mihi, inquit, intercessiones ? quas religiones? — 
 Eas scilicet, quibus rei publicae salus continetur. — Negligimus 
 ista et nimis antiqua ac stulta ducimus ; forum saepietur, 
 
l6 M. TULLII CICERONIS 
 
 omnes claudentur aditus, armati in pra'esidiis multis locis 
 collocabuntur. — Quid turn ? Quod ita erit gestum, id lex 26 
 erit ? et in aes incidi iubebitis, credo, ilia legitima : 'consules 
 populum iure rogaverunt' — hocine a maioribus accepimus 
 5 iusrogandi? — 'populusque iure scivit/ Quipopulus? isne, 
 qui exclusus est ? Quo iure ? an eo, quod vi et armis omne 
 sublatum est ?~ Atque haec dico de futuris ; quod est ami- 
 corum ante dicere ea, quae vitari possint : quae si facta non 
 erunt, refelletur oratio mea. Loquor de legibus promulgatis, 
 
 io de quibus est integrum vobis: demonstro vitia; tollite ! de- 
 nuntio vim, arma ; removete ! 
 
 Irasci quidem vos mihi, Dolabella, pro re publica dicenti H 
 non oportebit. Quamquam te quidem id facturum non ar- 27 
 bitror — novi facilitatem tuam — : collegam tuum aiunt in hac 
 
 15 sua fortuna, quae bona ipsi videtur — mihi, ne gravius quip- 
 piam dicam, avorum et avunculi sui consulatum si imitaretur, 
 fortunatior videretur — : sed eum iracundum audio esse fac- 
 tum. Video autem quam sit odiosum habere eundem iratum 
 et armatum, cum tanta praesertim gladiorum sit impunitas : 
 
 20 sed proponam ius, ut opinor, aequum, quod M. Antonium 
 non arbitror repudiaturum. Ego, si quid in vitam eius aut 
 in mores cum contumelia dixero, quo minus mihi inimicis- 
 simus sit, non recusabo : sin consuetudinem meam tenuero, 
 id est, si libere quae sentiam de re publica dixero, primum 
 
 25 deprecor ne irascatur, deinde, si hoc non impetro, peto ut sic 
 irascatur ut civi. Armis utatur, si ita necesse est, ut dicit, sui 
 defendendi causa : iis, qui pro re publica quae ipsis visa erunt 
 dixerint, ista arma ne noceant. Quid hac postulatione dici 
 potest aequius ? Quod si, ut mihi a quibusdam eius familiari- 28 
 
 30 bus dictum est, omnis eum quae habetur contra voluntatem 
 eius oratio graviter offendit, etiam si nulla inest contumelia, 
 feremus amici naturam. Sed idem illi ita mecum locun- 
 tur : ' non idem tibi, adversario Caesaris, licebit, quod Pisoni 
 
ORATIO PHILIPPIC A I 
 
 socero/ et simul admonent quiddam, quod cavebimus : nec 
 erit iustior in senatum non veniendi morbi causa quam mortis. 
 
 12 Sed per deos immortales! — te enim intuens, Dolabella, [qui 
 
 29 es mihi carissimus,] non possum utriusque vestrum errorem 
 reticere — : credo enim vos, nobiles homines, magna quaedam 5 
 spectantes, non pecuniam, ut quidam nimis creduli suspicantur, 
 quae semper ab amplissimo quoque clarissimoque contempta 
 est, non opes violentas et populo Romano minime ferendam 
 potentiam, sed caritatem civium et gloriam concupivisse. 
 Est autem gloria laus recte factorum magnorumque in 10 
 rem publicam meritorum, quae cum optimi cuiusque, turn 
 
 30 etiam multitudinis testimonio comprobatur. Dicerem, Dola- 
 bella, qui recte factorum fructus esset, nisi te praeter ceteros 
 paulisper esse expertum viderem. Quern potes recordari 
 in vita illuxisse tibi diem laetiorem quam cum expiato foro, 15 
 dissipato concursu impiorum, principibus sceleris poena 
 affectis, te domum recepisti? Cuius ordinis, cuius generis, 
 cuius denique fortunae studia turn laudi et gratulationi tuae 
 se non obtulerunt? Quin mihi etiam, quo auctore te in 
 his rebus uti arbitrabantur, et gratias boni viri agebant et tuo 20 
 nomine gratulabantur. Recordare, quaeso, Dolabella, consen- 
 sum ilium theatri, cum omnes earum rerum obliti, propter 
 quas fuerant tibi offensi, significarent se beneficio novo me- 
 
 31 moriam veteris doloris abiecisse. Hanc tu, P. Dolabella, — 
 magno loquor cum dolore, — hanc tu, inquam, potuisti aequo 25 
 
 13 animo tantam dignitatem deponere ? Tu autem, M. Antoni, — 
 absentem enim appello, — unum ilium diem, quo in aede Tel- 
 luris senatus fuit, non omnibus his mensibus, quibus te qui- 
 dam multum a me dissentientes beatum putant, anteponis? 
 Quae fuit oratio de concordia ! quanto metu veterani quanta 30 
 sollicitudine civitas turn a te liberata est, cum collegam tuum 
 depositis inimicitiis, oblitus auspiciorum a te ipso augure 
 populi Romani nuntiatorum, illo primum die collegam tibi esse 
 
 c 
 
l8 M. TULLII CICERONIS 
 
 voluisti, tuus parvus filius in Capitolium a te missus pacis 
 obses fuit. Quo senatus die laetior ? quo populus Romanus ? 32 
 qui quidem nulla in contione umquam frequentior fuit. Turn 
 denique liberati per viros fortissimos videbamur, quia, ut illi 
 5 voluerant, libertatem pax consequebatur. Proximo, altero, 
 tertio, denique reliquis consecutis diebus non intermittebas 
 quasi donum aliquod quotidie afferre rei publicae, maximum 
 autem illud, quod dictaturae nomen sustulisti. Haec inusta est 
 a te, a te, inquam, mortuo Caesari nota ad ignominiam sempit- 
 
 10 ernam. Ut enim propter unius M. Manlii scelus decreto 
 gentis Manliae neminem patricium Manlium Marcum vocari 
 licet, sic tu propter unius dictatoris odium nomen dictatoris 
 funditus sustulisti. Num te, cum haec pro salute rei publicae 33 
 tanta gessisses, fortunae tuae, num amplitudinis, num claritatis, 
 
 15 num gloriae, poenitebat? Unde igitur subito tanta ista muta- 
 tio ? Non possum adduci ut suspicer te pecunia captum : 
 licet quod cuique libet loquatur, credere non est necesse ; 
 nihil enim umquam in te sordidum, nihil humile cognovi. 
 Quamquam solent domestici depravare non numquam, sed 
 
 20 novi nrmitatem tuam. Atque utinam ut culpam, sic etiam 
 suspicionem vitare potuisses ! Illud magis vereor, ne ignor- 14 
 ans verum iter gloriae gloriosum putes plus te unum posse 
 quam omnes et metui a civibus tuis. Quod si ita putas, 
 totam ignoras viam gloriae. Carum esse civem, bene de 
 
 25 re publica mereri, laudari, coli, diligi gloriosum est : metui 
 vero et in odio esse invidiosum, detestabile, imbecillum, ca- 
 ducum. Quod videmus etiam in fabula illi ipsi, qui * oderint, 34 
 dum metuant' dixerit, perniciosum fuisse. Utinam, M. 
 Antoni, avum tuum meminisses ! de quo tamen audisti multa 
 
 30 ex me eaque saepissime. Putasne ilium immortalitatem 
 mereri voluisse, ut propter armorum habendorum licentiam 
 metueretur? Ilia erat vita, ilia secunda fortuna, libertate 
 esse parem ceteris, principem dignitate. Itaque, ut omittam 
 
ORATIO PHILIPPIC A I 
 
 *9 
 
 res avi tui prosperas, acerbissimum eius supremum diem 
 malim quam L. Cinnae dominatum, a quo ille crudelissime 
 est interfectus. 
 
 35 Sed quid oratione te flectam ? Si enim exitus C. Caesaris 
 efficere non potest ut malis cams esse quam metui, nihil cuius- 5 
 quam proficiet nec valebit oratio. Quern qui beatum fuisse 
 putant, miseri ipsi sunt. Beatus est nemo, qui ea lege vivit, 
 ut non modo impune, sed etiam cum summa interfectoris 
 gloria interfici possit. Quare flecte te, quaeso, et maiores 
 tuos respice atque ita guberna rem publicam ut natum esse te IO 
 cives tui gaudeant ; sine quo nec beatus nec clarus nec unc- 
 
 15 tus quisquam esse omnino potest. Populi quidem Romani 
 
 36 iudicia multa ambo habetis, quibus vos non satis moved per- 
 moleste fero. Quid enim gladiatoribus clamores innumera- 
 bilium civium? quid populi versus? quid Pompei statuae 15 
 plausus inflniti ? quid duobus tribunis plebis, qui vobis adver- 
 santur? parumne haec significant incredibiliter consentien- 
 tem populi Romani universi voluntatem? Quid? Apol- 
 linarium ludorum plausus vel testimonia potius et iudicia 
 populi Romani parum magna vobis videbantur ? O beatos 20 
 illos, qui, cum adesse ipsis propter vim armorum non licebat, 
 •aderant tamen et in medullis populi Romani ac visceribus 
 haerebant ! nisi forte Attio turn plaudi et sexagesimo post 
 anno palmam dari, non Bruto putabatis, qui ludis suis ita 
 caruit, ut in illo apparatissimo spectaculo studium populus 25 
 Romanus tribuerit absenti, desiderium liberatoris sui perpetuo 
 plausu et clamore leniret. 
 
 37 Equidem is sum qui istos plausus, cum popularibus civibus 
 tribuerentur, semper contempserim ; idemque cum a summis, 
 mediis, infimis, cum denique ab universis hoc idem fit cumque 3° 
 ii, qui ante sequi populi consensum solebant, fugiunt, non 
 plausum ilium, sed iudicium puto. Sin haec leviora vobis 
 videntur, quae sunt gravissima, num etiam hoc contemnitis, 
 
 c 2 
 
20 M. TULLII CICERONIS ORAT. PHIL. I 
 
 quod sensistis, tarn caram populo Romano vitam A. Hirtii 
 fuisse ? Satis erat enim probatum ilium esse populo Romano, 
 ut est, iucundum amicis, in quo vincit omnes, carum suis, 
 quibus est ipse carissimus : tantam tamen sollicitudinem bon- 
 
 5 orum, tantum timorem in quo meminimus ? certe in nullo. 
 
 Quid igitur ? hoc vos, per deos immortales ! quale sit non 38 
 interpretamini ? Quid ? eos de vestra vita cogitare non cen- 
 setis, quibus eorum, quos sperant rei publicae consulturos, 
 vita tarn cara sit ? Cepi fructum, patres conscripti, reversion- 
 
 io is meae, quoniam et ea dixi, ut quicumque casus consecutus 
 esset, exstaret constantiae meae testimonium, et sum a vobis 
 benigne ac diligenter auditus. Quae potestas si mihi saepius 
 sine meo vestroque periculo fiet, utar : si minus, quantum 
 potero, non tarn mihi me quam rei publicae reservabo. Mihi 
 
 15 fere satis est quod vixi vel ad aetatem vel ad gloriam : hue 
 si quid accesserit, non tarn mihi quam vobis reique publicae 
 accesserit. 
 
 V 
 
INTRODUCTION 
 
 TO THE SECOND ORATION. 
 
 ♦ < 
 
 After the delivery of the first Philippic oration, Antony re- 
 mained for some days in his villa at Tibur, employed, according 
 to Cicero, in arranging and rehearsing his reply, Phil. 2. 17, 42 ; 
 5. 7, 19 ; Fam. 12. 2, 1. On his return to Rome he summoned 
 the senate to meet on the 19th of September, and then delivered 
 a speech in Cicero's absence, the nature of which we can gather 
 from the answer it provoked. He accused Cicero of personal 
 baseness and ingratitude ; of cruelty and oppression in his 
 consulship ; of having caused the death of P. Clodius ; of having 
 brought about the civil war, by sowing variance between Caesar 
 and Pompey ; and lastly of having been the prime mover in the 
 murder of Caesar himself. It was an open declaration of war, 
 formed with the object of concentrating on Cicero the enmity of 
 all parties in the state. Regarding it in this light, Cicero did 
 not venture on an immediate reply, and though he remained in 
 Rome till the end of the month, he did not appear in the senate. 
 
 Early in October he retired to Puteoli, where he occupied 
 himself in composing the second Philippic oration, in reply to 
 Antony. It was submitted to the criticism of Atticus, and some 
 alterations made in it at his suggestion, Att. 16. 11 ; but though 
 he was in Rome for a part of the autumn, he still abstained 
 from coming into open collision with Antony, and the oration 
 did not pass beyond the circle of his confidential friends till the 
 end of November, when Antony left Rome to quell the mutiny 
 
22 
 
 INTRODUCTION 
 
 of his troops at Alba. Then, with the approbation of Atticus, 
 Cicero published his manifesto, and the success with which it 
 met showed the soundness of the judgment which had kept it back 
 so long. The defection of the legions weakened the prestige of 
 Antony, and people were prepared to join in any clamour raised 
 against him. The crisis only called for some one with authority 
 to lead the cry, and Cicero's oration gave the impulse which 
 was requisite. Accepting the challenge which Antony had 
 given some ten weeks before, he openly declared himself his 
 enemy, and laid bare his character in one of the bitterest invec- 
 tives which has ever been composed. He begins by answering 
 in detail the charges which Antony had brought against him, 
 and then reviews the public and the private life of Antony 
 throughout its course, showing him to be, if the account be true, 
 the greatest monster of corruption, meanness, and profligacy 
 ever seen upon the earth. Even allowing for exaggeration, there 
 was enough of truth in the attack to make it tell with fatal force 
 against the cause of Antony. The people were shaken by it 
 in their natural allegiance to the Consul ; the veterans were 
 reminded that the man who claimed to be the heir of Caesar's 
 power had slighted and insulted Caesar's adopted son ; and the 
 senate were roused to energetic measures against Antony which 
 contrasted strongly with their previous apathy. Above all, 
 Cicero was placed in a position of influence which made him 
 virtually the leader of the senate, and gave additional weight to 
 his continued exertions in the cause of freedom. 
 
 The speech professes to be spoken on the 19th of September, 
 in immediate reply to Antony ; but even from internal evidence, 
 from the elaboration of its arguments, and the very perfectness 
 of its detail, we might gather that it could not have been an 
 extempore address ; and it is at least noticeable that in no 
 speech which he actually delivered does he lavish such unquali- 
 fied abuse upon the tyranny of Caesar. 
 
 Though it is characterized in many parts by a coarseness 
 which we feel to be intolerable to modern ears, yet the verdict 
 of all ages pronounces this oration to be Cicero's masterpiece. 
 It is probably to this, the longest of the political orations, that 
 
TO THE SECOND ORATION 23 
 
 the younger Pliny is referring, Ep. 1. 20, 4, when he tells of 
 ' M. Tullium, cuius oratio optima fertur, quae maxima ; ' and the 
 lines of Juvenal, 10. 124, are famous 
 
 i Ridenda poemata malo, 
 Quam te conspicuae, divina Philippica, famae, 
 Volveris a prima quae proxima.' 
 
 It was undoubtedly to this oration that the title of Philippic 
 was especially applied, though when it was first given is not 
 easily ascertained. Plutarch, Cic. 24, says that Cicero himself 
 entitled the orations his Philippics, but he is perhaps referring 
 to passages in the spurious letters to Brutus, 2. 4, 2 ; 5,4; so 
 that the lines of Juvenal contain the first certain trace of the 
 name. 
 
 The oration has great historical, as well as literary, value, 
 from the continual allusions to the events of a period of which 
 we have no satisfactory continuous history. 
 
» 
 
 M. TULLII CICERONIS 
 
 ORATIONUM PHILIPPICARUM 
 
 LIBER SECUNDUS. 
 
 Quonam meo fato, patres conscripti, fieri dicam, ut nemo 1 
 his annis viginti rei publicae fuerit hostis, qui non bellum l 
 eodem tempore mihi quoque indixerit? Nec vero necesse 
 est quemquam a me nominari : vobiscum ipsi recordamini. 
 5 Mihi poenarum illi plus quam optarem dederunt : te miror, 
 Antoni, quorum facta imitere, eorum exitus non perhorrescere. 
 Atque hoc in aliis minus mirabar. Nemo enim illorum 
 inimicus mihi fuit voluntarius: omnes a me rei publicae 
 causa lacessiti. Tu ne verbo quidem violatus, ut audacior 
 
 io quam Catilina, furiosior quam Clodius viderere, ultro me 
 maledictis lacessisti tuamque a me alienationem commenda- 
 tionem tibi ad impios cives fore putavisti. Quid putem ? 2 
 contemptumne me? Non video nec in vita nec in gratia 
 nec in rebus gestis nec in hac mea mediocritate ingenii, quid 
 
 15 despicere possit Antonius. An in senatu facillime de me 
 detrahi posse credidit ? qui ordo clarissimis civibus bene 
 gestae rei publicae testimonium multis, mihi uni conservatae 
 dedit. An decertare mecum voluit contentione dicendi ? 
 Hoc quidem est beneficium. Quid enim plenius, quid 
 
 20 uberius quam mihi et pro me et contra Antonium dicere ? 
 
M. TULLII CICERONIS ORAT. PHIL. II 
 
 Illud profecto : non existimavit sui similibus probari posse, 
 
 3 se esse hostem patriae, nisi mihi esset inimicus. Cui prius 
 quam de ceteris rebus respondeo, de amicitia, quam a me 
 violatam esse criminatus est, quod ego gravissimum crimen 
 iudico, pauca dicam. 5 
 
 2 Contra rem suam me nescio quando venisse questus est. 
 An ego non venirem contra alienum pro familiari et necessario ? 
 non venirem contra gratiam non virtutis spe, sed aetatis flore 
 collectam? non venirem contra iniuriam, quam iste inter- 
 cessoris iniquissimi beneficio obtinuit, non iure praetorio? io 
 Sed hoc idcirco commemoratum a te puto, uti te infimo 
 ordini commendares, cum omnes te recordarentur libertini 
 generum et liberos tuos nepotes Q. Fadii, libertini hominis, 
 fuisse. At enim te in disciplinam meam tradideras — nam 
 ita dixisti — ; domum meam ventitaras. Ne tu, si id fecisses, 15 
 melius famae, melius pudicitiae tuae consuluisses. Sed neque 
 fecisti nec, si cuperes, tibi id per C. Curionem facere licuisset. 
 
 4 Auguratus petitionem mihi te concessisse dixisti. O incredi- 
 bilem audaciam ! O impudentiam praedicandam ! Quo enim 
 tempore me augurem a toto collegio expetitum Cn. Pompeius 20 
 et Q. Hortensius nominaverunt — nec enim licebat a pluribus 
 nominari — , tu nec solvendo eras nec te ullo modo nisi eversa 
 
 re publica fore incolumem putabas. Poteras autem eo 
 tempore auguratum petere, cum in Italia C. Curio non esset ? 
 aut turn, cum es factus, unam tribum sine Curione ferre 25 
 potuisses? cuius etiam familiares de vi condemnati sunt, 
 
 3 quod tui nimis studiosi fuissent. At beneficio sum tuo usus. 
 
 5 Quo? quamquam illud ipsum, quod commemoras, semper 
 prae me tuli. Malui me tibi debere confiteri quam cuiquam 
 minus prudenti non satis gratus videri. Sed quo beneficio ? 30 
 quod me Brundisii non occideris? Quern ipse victor, qui 
 tibi, ut tute gloriari solebas, detulerat ex latronibus suis 
 principatum, salvum esse voluisset, in Italiam ire iussisset, 
 
26 
 
 M. TULLII CICERONIS 
 
 eum tu occideres? Fac potuisse. Quod est aliud, patres 
 conscripti, beneficium latronum, nisi ut commemorare possint 
 iis se dedisse vitam, quibus non ademerint? Quod si esset 
 beneficium, numquam qui ilium interfecerunt, a quo erant 
 5 conservati, quos tu clarissimos viros soles appellare, tantam 
 essent gloriam consecuti. Quale autem beneficium est, quod 
 te abstinueris nefario scelere ? Qua in re non tarn iucundum 
 mihi videri debuit non interfectum me a te, quam miserum 
 te id impune facere potuisse. Sed sit beneficium, quando 6 
 
 io quidem maius accipi a latrone nullum potuit : in quo potes 
 me dicere ingratum? an de interitu rei publicae queri non 
 debui, ne in te ingratus viderer ? At in ilia querella, misera 
 quidem et luctuosa, sed mihi pro hoc gradu, in quo me 
 senatus populusque Romanus collocavit, necessaria, quid est 
 
 1 5 dictum a me cum contumelia ? quid non moderate ? quid non 
 amice ? Quod quidem cuius temperantiae fuit, de M. Antonio 
 querentem abstinere maledictis, praesertim cum tu reliquias 
 rei publicae dissipavisses, cum domi tuae turpissimo mercatu 
 omnia essent venalia, cum leges eas, quae numquam pro- 
 
 20 mulgatae essent, et de te et a te latas confiterere, cum auspicia 
 augur, intercessionem consul sustulisses, cum esses foedissime 
 stipatus armatis, cum omnes impuritates impudica in domo 
 quotidie susciperes vino lustrisque confectus. At ego, tarn- 7 
 quam mihi cum M. Crasso contentio esset, quocum multae 
 
 25 et tarn magnae fuerunt, non cum uno gladiatore nequissimo, 
 de re publica graviter querens de homine nihil dixi. Itaque 
 hodie perficiam ut intelligat, quantum a me beneficium turn 
 acceperit. At etiam litteras, quas me sibi misisse diceret, 4 
 recitavit homo et humanitatis expers et vitae communis 
 
 30 ignarus. Quis enim umquam, qui paulum modo bonorum 
 consuetudinem nosset, litteras ad se ab amico missas 
 offensione aliqua interposita in medium protulit palamque 
 recitavit? Quid est aliud tollere ex vita vitae societatem, 
 
ORATIO PHILIPPIC A II 
 
 2 7 
 
 tollere amicorum colloquia absentium ? Quam multa ioca 
 solent esse in epistolis, quae prolata si sint, inepta videantur ! 
 quam multa seria, neque tamen ullo modo divulganda ! Sit 
 hoc inhumanitatis : stultitiam incredibilem videte. Quid habes 
 quod mihi opponas, homo diserte, ut Tironi et Mustelae iam 5 
 esse videris? qui cum hoc ipso tempore stent cum gladiis 
 in conspectu senatus, ego quoque te disertum putabo, si 
 ostenderis, quo modo sis eos inter sicarios defensurus : — 
 sed quid opponas tandem, si negem me umquam ad te istas 
 litteras misisse? Quo me teste convincas? an chirographo? 10 
 in quo habes scientiam quaestuosam. Qui possis? sunt 
 enim librarii manu. Iam invideo magistro tuo, qui te tanta 
 mercede, quantam iam proferam, nihil sapere doceat. Quid 
 enim est minus non dico oratoris, sed hominis, quam id ob- 
 iicere adversario, quod ille si verbo negarit, longius progredi 15 
 non possit qui obiecerit? At ego non nego, teque in isto 
 ipso convinco non inhumanitatis solum, sed etiam amentiae. 
 Quod enim verbum in istis litteris est non plenum humanitatis, 
 officii, benevolentiae? Omne autem crimen tuum est, quod 
 de te in his litteris non male existimem, quod scribebam 20 
 tamquam ad civem, tamquam ad bonum virum, non tamquam 
 ad sceleratum et latronem. At ego tuas litteras, etsi iure 
 poteram a te lacessitus, tamen non proferam : quibus petis 
 ut tibi per me liceat quendam de exsilio reducere, adiurasque 
 id te invito me non esse facturum, idque a me impetras. 25 
 Quid enim me interponerem audaciae tuae, quam neque 
 auctoritas huius ordinis neque existimatio populi Romani 
 neque leges ullae possent coercere? Verum tamen quid 
 erat quod me rogares, si erat is, de quo rogabas, Caesaris 
 lege reductus ? Sed videlicet meam gratiam voluit esse, in 30 
 quo ne ipsius quidem ulla esse poterat lege lata. 
 
 Sed cum mihi, patres conscripti, et pro me aliquid et in 
 M. Antonium multa dicenda sint, alterum peto a vobis ut me 
 
M. TULLII CICERONIS 
 
 pro me dicentem benigne, alterum ipse efficiam ut, contra 
 ilium cum dicam, attente audiatis. Simul illud oro : si meam 
 cum in omni vita, turn in dicendo moderationem modestiam- 
 que cognostis, ne me hodie, cum isti, ut provocavit, respondent, 
 5 oblitum esse putetis mei. Non tractabo ut consulem : ne ille 
 quidem me ut consularem. Etsi ille nullo modo consul, vel 
 quod ita vivit vel quod ita rem publicam gerit vel quod ita 
 factus est : ego sine ulla controversia consularis. Ut igitur 11 
 intelligeretis, qualem ipse se consulem profiteretur, obiecit 
 
 io mihi consulatum meum. Qui consulatus verbo meus, patres 
 conscripti, re vester fuit. Quid enim ego constitui, quid 
 gessi, quid egi nisi ex huius ordinis consilio, auctoritate, 
 sententia? Haec tu homo sapiens, non solum eloquens, 
 apud eos, quorum consilio sapientiaque gesta sunt, ausus es 
 
 15 vituperare ? Quis autem meum consulatum praeter te 
 Publiumque Clodium, qui vituperaret, inventus est? Cuius 
 quidem tibi fatum, sicut C. Curioni, manet, quoniam id 
 domus tuae est, quod fuit illorum utrique fatale. Non placet 12 
 M. Antonio consulatus meus. At placuit P. Servilio, ut eum 
 
 20 primum nominem ex illius temporis consularibus, qui proxime 
 est mortuus ; placuit Q. Catulo, cuius semper in hac re publica 
 vivet auctoritas ; placuit duobus Lucullis, M. Crasso, Q. Hor- 
 tensio, C. Curioni, C. Pisoni, M\ Glabrioni, M\ Lepido, 
 L. Volcatio, C. Figulo, D. Silano, L. Murenae, qui turn erant 
 
 25 consules designati ; placuit idem quod consularibus M. Catoni, 
 qui cum multa vita excedens providit, turn quod te consulem 
 non vidit. Maxime vero consulatum meum Cn. Pompeius 
 probavit, qui, ut me primum decedens ex Syria vidit, corn- 
 plexus et gratulans meo beneflcio patriam se visurum esse 
 
 30 dixit. Sed quid singulos commemoro ? Frequentissimo 
 senatui sic placuit, ut esset nemo, qui mihi non ut parenti 
 gratias ageret, qui mihi non vitam suam, fortunas, liberos, 
 rem publicam referret acceptam. Sed quoniam illis, quos 6 
 
ORATIO PHILIPPIC A II 29 
 
 nominavi, tot et talibus viris res publica orbata est, veniamus 
 ad vivos, qui duo de consularium numero reliqui sunt. 
 L. Cotta, vir summo ingenio summaque prudentia, rebus iis 
 gestis, quas tu reprehendis, supplicationem decrevit verbis 
 amplissimis, eique illi ipsi, quos modo nominavi, consulares 5 
 senatusque cunctus assensus est, qui honos post conditam 
 
 14 hanc urbem habitus est togato ante me nemini. L. Caesar, 
 avunculus tuus, qua oratione, qua constantia, qua gravitate 
 sententiam dixit in sororis suae virum, vitricum tuum ! Hunc 
 
 tu cum auctorem et praeceptorem omnium consiliorum 10 
 totiusque vitae debuisses habere, vitrici te similem quam 
 avunculi maluisti. Huius ego alienus consiliis consul turn 
 usus sum : tu, sororis filius, ecquid ad eum umquam de re 
 publica rettulisti ? At ad quos refert ? di immortales ! Ad 
 eos scilicet, quorum nobis etiam dies natales audiendi sunt. 15 
 
 15 Hodie non descendit Antonius. Cur? dat nataliciam in 
 hortis. Cui ? neminem nominabo : putate turn Phormioni 
 alicui, turn Gnathoni, turn etiam Ballioni. O foeditatem 
 hominis flagitiosam ! o impudentiam, nequitiam, libidinem 
 non ferendam ! Tu cum principem senatorem, civem 20 
 singularem, tarn propinquum habeas, ad eum de re publica 
 nihil referas, referas ad eos, qui suam rem nullam habent, 
 
 7 tuam exhauriunt ? Tuus videlicet salutaris consulatus, 
 perniciosus meus. Adeone pudorem cum pudicitia perdidisti, 
 ut hoc in eo templo dicere ausus sis, in quG ego senatum 2 5 
 ilium, qui quondam florens orbi terrarum praesidebat, con-, 
 sulebam, tu homines perditissimos cum gladiis collocavisti ? 
 
 16 At etiam ausus est — quid autem est quod tu non audeas ? — 
 clivum Capitolinum dicere me consule plenum servorum 
 armatorum fuisse. Ut ilia, credo, nefaria senatus consulta 30 
 fierent, vim afferebam senatui. O miser, sive ilia tibi nota 
 non sunt — nihil enim boni nosti — sive sunt, qui apud tales 
 viros tarn impudenter loquare ! Quis enim eques Romanus, 
 
3° 
 
 M. TULLII CICERONIS 
 
 quis praeter te adolescens nobilis, quis ullius ordinis, qui se 
 civem esse meminisset, cum senatus in hoc templo esset, in 
 clivo Capitolino non fuit ? quis nomen non dedit ? quamquam 
 nec scribae sufficere nec tabulae nomina illorum capere 
 5 potuerunt. Etenim cum homines nefarii de patriae parricidio 17 
 confiterentur, consciorum indiciis, sua manu, voce paene 
 litterarum coacti, se urbem inflammare, cives trucidare, vastare 
 Italiam, delere rem publicam consensisse, quis esset qui ad 
 salutem communem defendendam non excitaretur? praesertim 
 
 io cum senatus populusque Romanus haberet ducem, qualis si 
 qui nunc esset, tibi idem quod illis accidit contigisset. Ad 
 sepulturam corpus vitrici sui negat a me datum. Hoc vero 
 ne Publius quidem Clodius dixit umquam : quern, quia iure 
 ei inimicus fui, doleo a te omnibus vitiis [eum] esse supera- 
 
 15 turn. Qui autem tibi venit in mentem redigere in memoriam 18 
 nostram, te domi P. Lentuli esse educatum? An verebare 
 ne non putaremus natura te potuisse tarn improbum evadere, 
 nisi accessisset etiam disciplina ? Tarn autem eras excors, 8 
 ut tota in oratione tua tecum ipse pugnares, non modo non 
 
 20 cohaerentia inter se diceres, sed maxime disiuncta atque 
 contraria, ut non tanta mecum, quanta tibi tecum esset 
 contentio. Vitricum tuum fuisse in tanto scelere fatebare, 
 poena affectum querebare. Ita quod proprie meum est, 
 laudasti, quod totum est senatus, reprehendisti : nam com- 
 
 25 prehensio sontium mea, animadversio senatus fuit. Homo 
 disertus non intelligit eum, quern contra dicit, laudari a se, 
 eos, apud quos dicit, vituperari. Iam illud cuius est, non 19 
 dico audaciae — cupit enim se audacem — , sed, quod minime 
 vult, stultitiae, qua vincit omnes, clivi Capitolini mentionem 
 
 3° facere, cum inter subsellia nostra versentur armati ? cum in 
 hac cella Concordiae, di immortales! in qua me consule 
 salutares sententiae dictae sunt, quibus ad hanc diem viximus, 
 cum giadiis homines collocati stent ? Accusa senatum, accusa 
 
ORATIO PHILIPPIC A II 
 
 31 
 
 equestrem ordinem, qui turn cum senatu copulatus fuit, 
 accusa omnes ordines, omnes cives, dum confiteare hunc 
 ordinem hoc ipso tempore ab Ityraeis circumsederi. Haec 
 tu non propter audaciam dicis tarn impudenter, sed, quia 
 tantam rerum repugnantiam non videas, nihil profecto sapis. 5 
 Quid est enim dementius quam, cum rei publicae perniciosa 
 
 20 arma ipse ceperis, obiicere alteri salutaria ? At etiam quodam 
 loco facetus esse voluisti. Quam id te, di boni, non decebat ! 
 In quo est tua culpa non nulla ; aliquid enim salis a mima 
 uxore trahere potuisti. Cedant arma togae. Quid? turn 10 
 nonne cesserunt ? At postea tuis armis cessit toga. Quaera- 
 mus igitur, utrum melius merit, libertati populi Romani 
 sceleratorum arma an libertatem nostram armis tuis cedere. 
 Nec vero tibi de versibus plura respondebo : tantum dicam 
 breviter, te neque illos neque ullas omnino litteras nosse, me 15 
 nec rei publicae nec amicis umquam defuisse, et tamen omni 
 genere monimentorum meorum perfecisse ut meae vigiliae 
 meaeque litterae et iuventuti utilitatis et nomini Romano 
 laudis aliquid afferrent. Sed haec non huius temporis : 
 maiora videamus. 20 
 
 9 P. Clodium meo consilio interfectum esse dixisti. Quid- 
 
 21 nam homines putarent, si turn occisus esset, cum tu ilium in 
 foro spectante populo Romano gladio insecutus es nego- 
 tiumque transegisses, nisi se ille in scalas tabernae librariae 
 coniecisset iisque oppilatis impetum tuum compressisset ? 25 
 Quod quidem ego favisse me tibi fateor, suasisse ne tu 
 quidem dicis. At Miloni ne favere quidem potui; prius 
 enim rem transegit quam quisquam eum facturum id suspi- 
 caretur. At ego suasi. Scilicet is animus erat Milonis, 
 
 ut prodesse rei publicae sine suasore non posset ! At lae- 30 
 tatus sum. Quid ergo ? in tanta laetitia cunctae civitatis me 
 
 22 unum tristem esse oportebat ? Quamquam de morte Clodii 
 fuit quaestio — non satis prudenter ilia quidem constituta ; 
 
3 2 
 
 M. TULLII CICERONIS 
 
 quid enim attinebat nova lege quaeri de eo, qui hominem 
 occidisset, cum esset legibus quaestio constituta? quaesitum 
 est tamen — : quod igitur, cum res agebatur, nemo in me 
 dixit, id tot annis post tu es inventus qui diceres ? 
 5 Quod vero dicere ausus es idque multis verbis, opera mea 23 
 Pompeium a Caesaris amicitia esse diiunctum ob eamque 
 causam culpa mea bellum civile esse natum, in eo non tu 
 quidem tota re, sed, quod maximum est, temporibus errasti. 
 Ego M. Bibulo, praestantissimo cive, consule nihil prae- 10 
 
 10 termisi, quantum facere enitique potui, quin Pompeium 
 a Caesaris coniunctione avocarem. In quo Caesar felicior 
 fuit; ipse enim Pompeium a mea familiaritate diiunxit. 
 Postea vero quam se totum Pompeius Caesari tradidit, quid 
 ego ilium ab eo distrahere conarer? Stulti erat sperare, 
 
 15 suadere impudentis. Duo tamen tempora inciderunt, quibus 24 
 aliquid contra Caesarem Pompeio suaserim. Ea velim repre- 
 hendas, si potes : unum, ne quinquennii imperium Caesari 
 prorogaret, alterum, ne pateretur ferri ut absentis eius ratio 
 haberetur. Quorum si utrumvis persuasissem, in has miserias 
 
 20 numquam incidissemus. Atque idem ego, cum iam opes 
 omnes et suas et populi Romani Pompeius ad Caesarem 
 detulisset seroque ea sentire coepisset, quae ego multo ante 
 provideram, inferrique patriae bellum viderem nefarium, 
 pads, concordiae, compositionis auctor esse non destiti, 
 
 25 meaque ilia vox est nota multis: 'Utinam, Pompei, cum 
 Caesare societatem aut numquam coisses aut numquam 
 diremisses ! fuit alterum gravitatis, alterum prudentiae tuae/ 
 Haec mea, M. Antoni, semper et de Pompeio et de re 
 publica consilia fuerunt: quae si valuissent, res publica 
 
 30 staret, tu tuis flagitiis, egestate, infamia concidisses. 
 
 Sed haec Vetera, illud vero recens, Caesarem meo consilio 11 
 interfectum. Iam vereor, patres conscripti, ne, quod turpissi- 25 
 mum est, praevaricatorem mihi apposuisse videar, qui me non 
 
O RATIO PHILIPPIC A II 
 
 33 
 
 solum meis laudibus ornaret, sed etiam alienis. Quis enim 
 meum in ista societate gloriosissimi facti nomen audivit? 
 cuius autem, qui in eo numero fuisset, nomen est occultatum? 
 occultatum dico? cuius non statim divulgatum? Citius 
 dixerim iactasse se aliquos, ut fuisse in ea societate viderentur, 5 
 cum conscii non fuissent, quam ut quisquam celari vellet qui 
 
 26 fuisset. Quam veri simile porro est in tot hominibus partim 
 obscuris, partim adolescentibus neminem occultantibus, 
 meum nomen latere potuisse? Etenim si auctores ad libe- 
 randam patriam desiderarentur illis auctoribus, Brutos ego 10 
 impellerem, quorum uterque L. Bruti imaginem quotidie 
 videret, alter etiam Ahalae ? Hi igitur his maioribus ab 
 alienis potius consilium peterent quam a suis ? et foris potius 
 quam domo ? Quid ? C. Cassius, in ea familia natus, quae 
 non modo dominatum, sed ne potentiam quidem cuiusquam 15 
 ferre potuit, me auctorem, credo, desideravit : qui etiam sine 
 his clarissimis viris hanc rem in Cilicia ad ostium fluminis 
 Cydni confecisset, si ille ad earn ripam, quam constituerat, 
 
 27 non ad contrariam naves appulisset. Cn. Domitium non 
 patris interims, clarissimi viri, non avunculi mors, non 20 
 spoliatio dignitatis ad recuperandam libertatem, sed mea 
 auctoritas excitavit? An C. Trebonio ego persuasi? cui ne 
 suadere quidem ausus essem : quo etiam maiorem ei res 
 publica gratiam debet, qui libertatem populi Romani unius 
 amicitiae praeposuit depulsorque dominatus quam particeps 2 5 
 esse maluit. An L. Tillius Cimber me est auctorem 
 secutus ? quern ego magis fecisse illam rem sum admiratus, 
 quam facturum putavi, admiratus autem ob earn causam, 
 quod immemor beneflciorum, memor patriae fuisset. Quid ? 
 duos Servilios — Cascas dicam an Ahalas ? — et hos auctoritate 3° 
 mea censes excitatos potius quam caritate rei publicae? 
 Longum est persequi ceteros, idque rei publicae praeclarum, 
 fuisse tarn multos, ipsis gloriosum. 
 
 D 
 
34 
 
 M. TULLII CICERONIS 
 
 At quern ad modum me coarguerit homo acutus record- J_2 
 amini. Caesare interfecto, inquit, statim omentum alte 28 
 extollens Brutus pugionem Ciceronem nominatim exclamavit 
 atque ei recuperatam libertatem est gratulatus. Cur mihi 
 5 potissimum ? quia sciebam ? Vide ne ilia causa fuerit appel- 
 landi mei, quod, cum rem gessisset consimilem rebus iis, 
 quas ipse gesseram, me potissimum testatus est se aemulum 
 mearum laudium exstitisse. Tu autem, omnium stultissime, 29 
 non intelligis, si, id quod me arguis, voluisse interfici Cae- 
 
 io sarem crimen sit, etiam laetatum esse morte Caesaris crimen 
 esse ? Quid enim interest inter suasorem facti et probatorem ? 
 aut quid refert, utrum voluerim fieri an gaudeam factum? 
 Ecquis est igitur exceptis iis, qui ilium regnare gaudebant, 
 qui illud aut fieri noluerit aut factum improbarit? Omnes 
 
 15 ergo in culpa: etenim omnes boni, quantum in ipsis fuit, 
 Caesarem occiderunt. Aliis consilium, aliis animus, aliis 
 occasio defuit : voluntas nemini. Sed stuporem hominis vel 30 
 dicam pecudis attendite ; sic enim dixit : ' Brutus, quern 
 ego honoris causa nomino, cruentum pugionem tenens Cic- 
 
 20 eronem exclamavit : ex quo intelligi debet eum conscium 
 fuisse/ Ergo ego sceleratus appellor a te, quern tu suspi- 
 catum aliquid suspicaris : ille, qui stillantem prae se pugionem 
 tulit, is a te honoris causa nominatur ? Esto : sit in verbis 
 tuis hie stupor: quanto in rebus sententiisque maior? 
 
 25 Constitue hoc, consul, aliquando, Brutorum, C. Cassii, Cn. 
 Domitii, C. Trebonii, reliquorum quam velis esse causam ; 
 edormi crapulam, inquam, et exala. An faces admovendae 
 sunt, quae excitent tantae causae indormientem? Numquamne 
 intelliges statuendum tibi esse, utrum illi, qui istam rem 
 
 30 gesserunt, homicidae sint an vindices libertatis ? Attende 13 
 enim paulisper cogitationemque sobrii hominis punctum 
 temporis suscipe. Ego, qui sum illorum, ut ipse fateor, 31 
 familiaris, ut a te arguor, socius, nego quidquam esse 
 
ORATIO PHILIPPIC A II 
 
 medium : confiteor eos, nisi liberatores populi Romani 
 conservatoresque rei publicae sint, plus quam sicarios, plus 
 quam homicidas, plus etiam quam parricidas esse, si quidem 
 est atrocius patriae parentem quam suum occidere. Tu 
 homo sapiens et considerate, quid dicis ? Si parricidas, cur 5 
 honoris causa a te sunt et in hoc ordine et apud populum 
 Romanum semper appellati ? cur M. Brutus referente te 
 legibus est solutus, si ab urbe plus quam decern dies afuisset? 
 cur ludi Apollinares incredibili M. Bruti honore celebrati? 
 cur provinciae Bruto et Cassio datae ? cur quaestores additi? 10 
 cur legatorum numerus auctus? Atqui haec acta per te; 
 non igitur homicidas. Sequitur ut liberatores tuo iudicio, 
 
 32 quando quidem tertium nihil potest esse. Quid est ? num 
 conturbo te ? non enim fortasse satis quae diiunctius di- 
 cuntur intelligis. Sed tamen haec summa est conclusionis 15 
 meae : quoniam scelere a te liberati sunt, ab eodem amplis- 
 simis praemiis dignissimos iudicatos. Itaque iam retexo 
 orationem meam. Scribam ad illos ut, si qui forte quod a te 
 mihi obiectum est quaerent sitne verum, ne cui negent. 
 Etenim vereor ne aut celatum me illis ipsis non honestum, 2 o 
 aut invitatum refugisse mihi sit turpissimum. Quae enim res 
 umquam, pro sancte Iuppiter ! non modo in hac urbe, sed 
 in omnibus terris est gesta maior? quae gloriosior? quae 
 commendatior hominum memoriae sempiternae ? In huius 
 me tu consilii societatem tamquam in equum Troianum cum 25 
 
 33 principibus includis ? Non recuso ; ago etiam gratias, 
 quoquo animo facis. Tanta enim res est, ut invidiam istam, 
 quam tu in me vis concitare, cum laude non comparem. 
 Quid enim beatius illis, quos tu expulsos a te praedicas 
 
 et relegatos ? qui locus est aut tarn desertus aut tarn 3° 
 inhumanus, qui illos, cum accesserint, non affari atque appe- 
 tere videatur? qui homines tarn agrestes, qui se, cum eos 
 adspexerint, non maximum cepisse vitae fructum putent? 
 
 D 2 
 
36 M. TULLII CICERONIS 
 
 quae vero tarn immemor posteritas, quae tarn ingratae 
 litterae reperientur, quae eorum gloriam non immor- 
 talitatis memoria prosequantur ? Tu vero adscribe me 
 talem in numerum. Sed unam rem vereor ne non probes. 
 5 Si enim fuissem, non solum regem, sed etiam regnum de re 14 
 publica sustulissem ; et, si meus stilus ille fuisset, ut dicitur, 34 
 mihi crede, non solum unum actum, sed totam fabulam 
 confecissem. Quamquam si interfici Caesarem voluisse 
 crimen est, vide, quaeso, Antoni, quid tibi futurum sit, quern 
 
 10 et Narbone hoc consilium cum Trebonio cepisse notissimum 
 est, et ob eius consilii societatem, cum interficeretur Caesar, 
 turn te a Trebonio vidimus sevocari. Ego autem — vide 
 quam tecum agam non inimice — quod bene cogitasti ali- 
 quando, laudo; quod non indicasti, gratias ago; quod non 
 
 15 fecisti, ignosco; virum res ilia quaerebat. Quod si te in 35 
 iudicium quis adducat usurpetque illud Cassianum, cui bono 
 fuerit, vide, quaeso, ne haereas. Quamquam illud fuit, 
 ut dicebas quidem, omnibus bono, qui servire nolebant, tibi 
 tamen praecipue, qui non modo non servis, sed etiam regnas, 
 
 20 qui maximo te aere alieno ad aedem Opis liberavisti, qui per 
 easdem tabulas innumerabilem pecuniam dissipavisti, ad quern 
 e domo Caesaris tarn multa delata sunt, cuius domi quaestuo- 
 sissima est falsorum commentariorum et chirographorum offi- 
 cina, agrorum, oppidorum, immunitatium, vectigalium flagitio- 
 
 25 sissimae nundinae. Etenim quae res egestati et aeri alieno 36 
 tuo praeter mortem Caesaris subvenire potuisset? Nescio 
 quid conturbatus esse videris: num quid subtimes ne ad te 
 hoc crimen pertinere videatur ? Libero te metu : nemo 
 credet umquam ; non est tuum de re publica bene mereri ; 
 
 30 habet istius pulcherrimi facti clarissimos viros res publica 
 auctores : ego te tantum gaudere dico, fecisse non arguo. 
 Respondi maximis criminibus : nunc etiam reliquis respond- 
 endum est. 
 
ORATIO PHILIPPIC A II 
 
 37 
 
 15 Castra mihi Pompei atque illud omne tempus obiecisti. 
 
 37 Quo quidem tempore si, ut dixi, meum consilium auctori- 
 tasque valuisset, tu hodie egeres, nos liberi essemus, res pub- 
 lica non tot duces et exercitus amisisset. Fateor enim me, 
 cum ea quae acciderunt providerem futura, tanta in maestitia 5 
 fuisse, quanta ceteri optimi cives, si idem providissent, fuis- 
 sent. Dolebam, dolebam, patres conscripti, rem publicam 
 vestris quondam meisque consiliis conservatam brevi tempore 
 esse perituram. Nec vero eram tarn indoctus ignarusque 
 rerum, ut frangerer animo propter vitae cupiditatem, quae me 10 
 manens conflceret angoribus, dimissa molestiis omnibus lib- 
 eraret. Illos ego praestantissimos viros, lumina rei publicae, 
 vivere volebam, tot consulares, tot praetorios, tot honestissimos 
 senatores, omnem praeterea florem nobilitatis ac iuventutis, 
 turn optimorum civium exercitus ; qui si viverent, quamvis 15 
 iniqua conditione pacis — mihi enim omnis pax cum civibus 
 bello civili utilior videbatur — rem publicam hodie teneremus. 
 
 38 Quae sententia si valuisset, ac non ei maxime mihi, quorum 
 ego vitae consulebam, spe victoriae elati obstitissent, ut alia 
 omittam, tu certe numquam in hoc ordine, vel potius num- 20 
 quam in hac urbe mansisses. At vero Cn. Pompei volunta- 
 tem a me alienabat oratio mea. An ille quemquam plus 
 dilexit ? cum ullo aut sermones aut consilia contulit saepius ? 
 quod quidem erat magnum, de summa re publica dissentien- 
 tes in eadem consuetudine amicitiae permanere. Ego, quid 25 
 ille, et contra ille, quid ego sentirem et spectarem, videbat. 
 Ego incolumitati civium primum, ut postea dignitati possemus, 
 ille praesenti dignitati potius consulebat. Quod autem hab- 
 ebat uterque quid sequeretur, idcirco tolerabilior erat nostra 
 
 39 dissensio. Quid vero ille singularis vir ac paene divinus de 3° 
 me senserit, sciunt qui eum de Pharsalia fuga Paphum per- 
 secuti sunt. Numquam ab eo mentio de me nisi honoriflca, 
 nisi plena amicissimi desiderii, cum me vidisse plus fateretur, 
 
38 
 
 M. TULLII CICERONIS 
 
 se speravisse meliora. Et eius viri nomine me insectari audes, 
 cuius me amicum, te sectorem esse fateare ? Sed omittatur 16 
 bellum illud, in quo tu nimium felix fuisti. Ne de iocis 
 quidem respondebo, quibus me in castris usum esse dixisti. 
 5 Erant quidem ilia castra plena curae ; verum tamen homines 
 quamvis in turbidis rebus sint, tamen, si modo homines sunt, 
 interdum animis relaxantur. Quod autem idem maestitiam 40 
 meam reprehendit, idem iocum, magno argumento est me in 
 utroque fuisse moderatum. 
 
 io Hereditatem mihi negasti venire. Utinam hoc tuum verum 
 crimen esset ! plures amici mei et necessarii viverent. Sed 
 qui istuc tibi venit in mentem ? ego enim amplius sestertium 
 ducentiens acceptum hereditatibus rettuli. Quamquam in 
 hoc genere fateor feliciorem esse te. Me nemo nisi amicus 
 
 15 fecit heredem, ut cum illo commodo, si quod erat, animi 
 quidam dolor iungeretur : te is, quern tu vidisti numquam, 
 L. Rubrius Casinas fecit heredem. Et quidem vide, quam 41 
 te amarit is, qui albus aterne fuerit ignoras. Fratris filium 
 praeteriit, Q. Fufii, honestissimi equitis Romani suique ami- 
 
 20 cissimi, quern palam heredem semper factitarat, ne nominat 
 quidem : te, quern numquam viderat aut certe numquam 
 salutaverat, fecit heredem. Velim mihi dicas, nisi molestum 
 est, L. Turselius qua facie fuerit, qua statura, quo municipio, 
 qua tribu. ' Nihil scio ' inquies ' nisi quae praedia habuerit.' 
 
 25 Igitur fratrem exheredans te faciebat heredem. In multas 
 praeterea pecunias alienissimorum hominum vi eiectis veris 
 heredibus, tamquam heres esset, invasit. Quamquam hoc 42 
 maxime admiratus sum, mentionem te hereditatum ausum 
 esse facere, cum ipse hereditatem patris non adisses. 
 
 30 Haec ut colligeres, homo amentissime, tot dies in aliena 17 
 villa declamasti ? quamquam tu quidem, ut tui familiarissimi 
 dictitant, vini exalandi, non ingenii acuendi causa declamas. 
 At vero adhibes ioci causa magistrum, suffragio tuo et com- 
 
OR A TIO PHILIPPIC A II 
 
 39 
 
 potorum tuorum rhetorem, cui concessisti ut in te quae vellet 
 diceret, salsum omnino hominem, sed materia facilis est in te 
 et in tuos dicta dicere. Vide autem quid intersit inter te et 
 avum tuum. Ille sensim dicebat, quod causae prodesset : tu 
 
 43 cursim dicis aliena. At quanta merces rhetori data est ! 5 
 Audite, audite, patres conscripti, et cognoscite rei publicae 
 vulnera. Duo milia iugerum campi Leontini Sex. Clodio rhetori 
 assignasti et quidem immunia, ut populi Romani tanta mer- 
 cede nihil sapere disceres. Num etiam hoc, homo audacissime, 
 ex Caesaris commentariis ? Sed dicam alio loco et de Leon- 10 
 tino agro et de Campano, quos iste agros ereptos rei publicae 
 turpissimis possessoribus inquinavit. Iam enim, quoniam 
 criminibus eius satis respondi, de ipso emendatore et cor- 
 rectore nostro quaedam dicenda sunt. Nec enim omnia 
 effundam, ut, si saepius decertandum sit, ut erit, semper novus 15 
 veniam : quam facultatem mibi multitudo istius vitiorum 
 peccatorumque largitur. 
 
 18 Visne igitur te inspiciamus a puero ? Sic, opinor ; a prin- 
 
 44 cipio ordiamur. Tenesne memoria praetextatum te decox- 
 isse ? Patris, inquies, ista culpa est. Concedo ; etenim est 20 
 pietatis plena defensio. IUud tamen audaciae tuae, quod se- 
 disti in quattuordecim ordinibus, cum esset lege Roscia decoc- 
 toribus certus locus, quamvis quis fortunae vitio, non suo 
 decoxisset. Sumpsisti virilem, quam statim muliebrem togam 
 reddidisti. Primo vulgare scortum ; certa flagitii merces nec 25 
 ea parva; sed cito Curio intervenit, qui te a meretricio quaes- 
 tu abduxit et, tamquam stolam dedisset, in matrimonio stabili 
 
 45 et certo collocavit. Nemo umquam puer emptus libidinis 
 causa tarn fuit in domini potestate quam tu in Curionis. Quo- 
 tiens te pater eius domu sua eiecit ? quotiens custodes posuit, 3° 
 ne limen intrares ? cum tu tamen nocte socia, hortante libid- 
 ine, cogente mercede per tegulas demitterere. Quae flagitia 
 domus ilia diutius ferre non potuit. Scisne me de rebus mihi 
 
4 o 
 
 M. TULLII CICERONIS 
 
 notissimis dicere ? Recordare tempus illud, cum pater Curio 
 maerens iacebat in lecto ; fllius se ad pedes meos prosternens 
 lacrimans te mihi commendabat; orabat ut se contra suum 
 patrem, si sestertium sexagiens peteret, defenderem : tantum 
 5 enim se pro te intercessisse dicebat. Ipse autem amore ardens 
 confirmavit, quod desiderium tui discidii ferre non posset, se 
 in exsilium iturum. Quo tempore ego quanta mala florentis- 46 
 simae familiae sedavi vel potius sustuli ! Patri persuasi ut 
 aes alienum filii dissolveret, redimeret adolescentem, summa 
 
 io spe et animi et ingenii praeditum, rei familiaris facultatibus, 
 eumque non modo tua familiaritate, sed etiam congressione 
 patrio iure et potestate prohiberet. Haec tu cum per me 
 acta meminisses, nisi illis, quos videmus, gladiis confideres, 
 maledictis me provocare ausus esses ? Sed iam stupra et 19 
 
 15 flagitia omittamus : sunt quaedam, quae honeste non possum 47 
 dicere, tu autem eo liberior, quod ea in te admisisti, quae a , 
 verecundo inimico audire non posses. Sed reliquum vitae 
 cursum videte, quern quidem celeriter perstringam. Ad haec 
 enim, quae in civili bello, in maximis rei publicae miseriis 
 
 20 fecit, et ad ea, quae quotidie facit, festinat animus. Quae 
 peto ut, quamquam multo notiora vobis quam mihi sunt, ta- 
 men, ut facitis, attente audiatis : debet enim talibus in rebus 
 excitare animos non cognitio solum rerum, sed etiam record- 
 atio : etsi incidamus, opinor, media, ne nimis sero ad extrema 
 
 25 veniamus. 
 
 Intimus erat in tribunatu Clodio, qui sua erga me beneficia 48 
 commemorat ; eius omnium incendiorum fax, cuius etiam 
 domi iam turn quiddam molitus est. Quid dicam ipse optime 
 intelligit. Inde iter Alexandream contra senatus auctoritatem, 
 3° contra rem publicam et religiones : sed habebat ducem Gab- 
 inium, quicum quidvis rectissime facere posset. Qui turn 
 inde reditus aut qualis? prius in ultimam Galliam ex Ae- 
 gypto quam domum. Quae autem domus? suam enim 
 
ORATIO PHILIPPIC A II 
 
 41 
 
 quisque domum turn obtinebat, nec erat usquam tua. Do- 
 mum dico ? quid erat in terris, ubi in tuo pedem poneres 
 praeter unum Misenum, quod cum sociis tamquam Sisapo- 
 
 20 nem tenebas ? Venis e Gallia ad quaesturam petendam. 
 
 49 Aude dicere te prius ad parentem tuum venisse quam ad me. 5 
 Acceperam iam ante Caesaris litteras, ut mihi satis fieri pa- 
 terer a te : itaque ne loqui quidem sum te passus de gratia. 
 Postea sum cultus a te, tu a me observatus in petitione quaes- 
 turae. Quo quidem tempore P. Clodium approbante populo 
 Romano in foro es conatus occidere, cumque earn rem tua 10 
 sponte conarere, non impulsu meo, tamen ita praedicabas, 
 
 te non existimare, nisi ilium interfecisses, umquam mihi pro 
 tuis in me iniuriis satis esse facturum. In quo demiror, cur 
 Milonem impulsu meo rem illam egisse dicas, cum te ultro 
 mihi idem illud deferentem numquam sim adhortatus. Quam- 15 
 quam, si in eo perseverares, ad tuam gloriam rem illam 
 
 50 referri malebam quam ad meam gratiam. Quaestor es fac- 
 tus : deinde continuo sine senatus consulto, sine sorte, sine lege 
 ad Caesarem cucurristi ; id enim unum in terris egestatis, aeris 
 alieni, nequitiae perditis vitae jationibus perfugium esse duce- 20 
 bas. Ibi te cum et illius largitionibus et tuis rapinis exple- 
 visses, si hoc est explere quod statim effundas, advolasti egens 
 ad tribunatum, ut in eo magistratu, si posses, viri tui similis 
 esses. 
 
 21 Accipite nunc, quaeso, non ea, quae ipse in se atque in 25 
 domesticum decus impure et intemperanter, sed quae in nos 
 fortunasque nostras, id est in universam rem publicam, impie 
 ac nefarie fecerit : ab huius enim scelere omnium malorum 
 
 51 principium natum reperietis. Nam cum L. Lentulo C. 
 Marcello consulibus Kalendis Ianuariis labentem et prope 3° 
 cadentem rem publicam fulcire cuperetis, ipsique C. Caesari, 
 
 si sana mente esset, consulere velletis : turn iste venditum 
 atque emancipatum tribunatum consiliis vestris opposuit 
 
4 2 
 
 M. TULLII CICERONIS 
 
 cervicesque suas ei subiecit securi, qua multi minoribus in 
 peccatis occiderunt. In te, M. Antoni, id decrevit senatus 
 et quidem incolumis, nondum tot luminibus exstinctis, quod 
 in hostem togatum decerni est solitum more maiorum. Et 
 
 5 tu apud patres conscriptos contra me dicere ausus es, cum 
 ab hoc ordine ego conservator essem, tu hostis rei publicae 
 iudicatus? Commemoratio illius tui sceleris intermissa est, 
 non memoria deleta. Dum genus hominum, dum popuii 
 Romani nomen exstabit — quod quidem erit, si per te licebit, 
 
 io sempiternum, — tua ilia pestifera intercessio nominabitur. 
 Quid cupide a senatu, quid temere fiebat, cum tu unus 52 
 adolescens universum ordinem decernere de salute rei 
 publicae prohibuisti, neque semel, sed saepius? neque tu 
 tecum de senatus auctoritate agi passus es? Quid autem 
 
 1 5 agebatur, nisi ne deleri et everti rem publicam funditus velles, 
 cum te neque principes civitatis rogando neque maiores natu 
 monendo neque frequens senatus agendo de vendita atque 
 addicta sententia movere potuit? Turn illud multis rebus 
 ante tentatis necessario tibi vulnus inflictum est, quod paucis 
 
 20 ante te, quorum incolumis fuit nemo : turn contra te dedit 
 arma hie ordo consulibus reliquisque imperiis et potestatibus : 
 quae non effugisses, nisi te ad arma Caesaris contulisses. 
 Tu, tu, inquam, M. Antoni, princeps C. Caesari omnia 22 
 perturbare cupienti causam belli contra patriam inferendi 53 
 
 25 dedisti. Quid enim aliud ille dicebat? quam causam sui 
 dementissimi consilii et facti afferebat, nisi quod intercessio 
 neglecta, ius tribunicium sublatum, circumscriptus a senatu 
 esset Antonius? Omitto quam haec falsa, quam levia, 
 praesertim cum omnino nulla causa iusta cuiquam esse possit 
 
 30 contra patriam arma capiendi. Sed nihil de Caesare : tibi 
 certe confitendum est causam perniciosissimi belli persona 
 tua constitisse. O miserum te, si haec intelligis, miseriorem, 54 
 si non intelligis, hoc litteris mandari, hoc memoriae prodi, 
 
ORATIO PHILIPPIC A II 
 
 43 
 
 huius rei ne posteritatem quidem omnium saeculorum 
 umquam immemorem fore, consules ex Italia expulsos 
 cumque iis Cn. Pompeium, quod imperii populi Romani 
 decus ac lumen fuit, omnes consulares, qui per valetudinem 
 exsequi cladem illam fugamque potuissent, praetores, praeto- 5 
 rios, tribunos pi., magnam partem senatus, omnem subolem 
 iuventutis, unoque verbo rem publicam expulsam atque 
 
 55 exterminatam suis sedibus ! Ut igitur in seminibus est 
 causa arborum et stirpium, sic huius luctuosissimi belli semen 
 tu fuisti. Doletis tres exercitus populi Romani interfectos : 1 
 interfecit Antonius. Desideratis clarissimos cives : eos quoque 
 nobis eripuit Antonius. Auctoritas huius ordinis afflicta est : 
 afflixit Antonius. Omnia denique, quae postea vidimus — 
 quid autem mali non vidimus ? — si recte ratiocinabimur, uni 
 accepta referemus Antonio. Ut Helena Troianis, sic iste huic 1 
 rei publicae belli causa, causa pestis atque exitii fuit. Reli- 
 quae partes tribunatus principii similes. Omnia perfecit, 
 quae senatus salva re publica ne fieri possent perfecerat. 
 
 23 Cuius tamen scelus in scelere cognoscite. Restituebat multos 
 
 56 calamitosos : in iis patrui nulla mentio. Si severus, cur 1 
 non in omnes ? si misericors, cur non in suos ? Sed omitto 
 ceteros : Licinium Denticulam de alea condemnatum, collu- 
 sorem suum, restituit, quasi vero ludere cum condemnato 
 non liceret : sed ut, quod in alea perdiderat, beneficio legis 
 dissolveret. Quam attulisti rationem populo Romano cur 2 
 eum restitui oporteret ? Absentem credo in reos relatum ; 
 rem indicta causa iudicatam ; nullum fuisse de alea lege 
 iudicium ; vi oppressum et armis ; postremo, quod de patruo 
 tuo dicebatur, pecunia iudicium esse corruptum. Nihil 
 horum. At vir bonus et re publica dignus. Nihil id quidem 3 
 ad rem, ego tamen, quoniam condemnatum esse pro nihilo 
 est, ita ignoscerem. Hominem omnium nequissimum, qui 
 non dubitaret vel in foro alea ludere, lege, quae est de alea, 
 
44 
 
 M. TULLII CICERONIS 
 
 condemnatum qui in integrum restituit, is non apertissime 
 studium suum ipse profitetur ? In eodem vero tribunatu, 57 
 cum Caesar in Hispaniam proficiscens huic conculcandam 
 Italiam tradidisset, quae fuit eius peragratio itinerum ! 
 5 lustratio municipiorum ! Scio me in rebus celebratissimis 
 omnium sermone versari eaque, quae dico dicturusque sum, 
 notiora esse omnibus, qui in Italia turn fuerunt, quam mihi, 
 qui non fui : notabo tamen singulas res, etsi nullo modo 
 poterit oratio mea satis facere vestrae scientiae. Etenim 
 
 10 quod umquam in terris tantum flagitium exstitisse auditum 
 est ? tantam turpitudinem ? tantum dedecus ? Vehebatur in 24 
 essedo tribunus pi. ; lictores laureati antecedebant, inter quos 58 
 aperta lectica mima portabatur, quam ex oppidis municipales 
 homines honesti, obviam necessario prodeuntes, non noto 
 
 15 illo et mimico nomine, sed Volumniam consalutabant. 
 Sequebatur reda cum lenonibus, comites nequissimi : reiecta 
 mater amicam impuri filii tamquam nurum sequebatur. 
 O miserae mulieris fecunditatem calamitosam ! Horum 
 flagitiorum iste vestigiis omnia municipia, praefecturas, 
 
 20 colonias, totam denique Italiam impressit. 
 
 Reliquorum factorum eius, patres conscripti, difficilis est 59 
 sane reprehensio et lubrica. Versatus in bello est ; saturavit 
 se sanguine dissimillimorum sui civium : felix fuit, si potest 
 ulla in scelere esse felicitas. Sed quoniam veteranis cautum 
 
 25 esse volumus, quamquam dissimilis est militum causa et tua — 
 illi secuti sunt, tu quaesisti ducem, — tamen, ne apud illos 
 me in invidiam voces, nihil de genere belli dicam. Victor 
 e Thessalia Brundisium cum legionibus revertisti. Ibi me 
 non occidisti. Magnum beneficium ! potuisse enim fateor : 
 
 30 quamquam nemo erat eorum, qui turn tecum fuerunt, qui 
 mihi non censeret parci oportere. Tanta est enim caritas eo 
 patriae, ut vestris etiam legionibus sanctus essem, quod earn 
 a me servatam esse meminissent. Sed fac id te dedisse 
 
ORATIO PHILIPPICA 11 
 
 45 
 
 mihi, quod non ademisti, meque a te habere vitam, quia non 
 a te sit erepta : licuitne mihi per tuas contumelias hoc tuum 
 beneficium sic tueri, ut tuebar, praesertim cum te haec 
 25 auditurum videres ? Venisti Brundisium, in sinum quidem 
 
 61 et in complexum tuae mimulae. Quid est ? num mentior ? 5 
 Quam miserum est id negare non posse, quod sit turpissimum 
 conflteri ! Si te municipiorum non pudebat, ne veterani 
 quidem exercitus? quis enim miles fuit qui Brundisii illam 
 non viderit ? quis qui nescierit venisse earn tibi tot dierum 
 via gratulatum? quis qui non indoluerit tarn sero se quam io 
 
 62 nequam hominem secutus esset cognoscere ? Italiae rursus 
 percursatio eadem comite mima, in oppida militum crudelis 
 et misera deductio, in urbe auri, argenti maximeque vini 
 foeda direptio. Accessit ut Caesare ignaro, cum esset ille 
 
 . Alexandreae, beneficio amicorum eius magister equitum 15 
 constitueretur. Turn existimavit se suo iure cum Hippia 
 vivere et equos vectigales Sergio mimo tradere. Turn sibi 
 non hanc, quam nunc male tuetur, sed M. Pisonis domum 
 ubi habitaret legerat. Quid ego istius decreta, quid rapinas, 
 quid hereditatum possessiones datas, quid ereptas proferam ? 20 
 Cogebat egestas ; quo se verteret, non habebat : nondum ei 
 tanta a L. Rubrio, non a L. Turselio hereditas venerat ; non- 
 dum in Pompei locum multorumque aliorum, qui aberant, 
 repentinus heres successerat. Erat ei vivendum latronum 
 ritu, ut tantum haberet, quantum rapere potuisset. 25 
 
 63 Sed haec, quae robustioris improbitatis sunt, omittamus : 
 loquamur potius de nequissimo genere levitatis. Tu istis 
 faucibus, istis lateribus, ista gladiatoria totius corporis 
 firmitate tantum vini in Hippiae nuptiis exhauseras, ut tibi 
 necesse esset in populi Romani conspectu vomere postridie. 3° 
 O rem non modo visu foedam, sed etiam auditu ! Si inter 
 cenam in ipsis tuis immanibus illis poculis hoc tibi accidisset, 
 quis non turpe duceret? in coetu vero populi Romani, 
 
4 6 
 
 M. TULLII CICERONIS 
 
 negotium publicum gerens, magister equitum, cui ructare 
 turpe esset, is vomens frustis esculentis vinum redolentibus 
 gremium suum et totum tribunal implevit. Sed haec ipse 
 fatetur esse in suis sordibus : veniamus ad splendidiora. 
 5 Caesar Alexandrea se recepit, felix, ut sibi quidem vide- 26 
 batur, mea autem sententia, qui rei publicae sit hostis, felix 64 
 esse nemo potest. Hasta posita pro aede Iovis Statoris 
 bona subiecta Cn. Pompei — miserum me ! consumptis enim 
 lacrimis tamen infixus haeret animo dolor, — bona, inquam, 
 
 io Cn. Pompei magni voci acerbissimae subiecta praeconis. 
 Una in ilia re servitutis oblita civitas ingemuit servientibusque 
 animis, cum omnia metu tenerentur, gemitus tamen populi 
 Romani liber fuit. Exspectantibus omnibus quisnam esset 
 tarn impius, tarn demens, tarn dis hominibusque hostis, qui 
 
 15 ad illud scelus sectionis auderet accedere, inventus est nemo 
 praeter Antonium, praesertim cum tot essent circum hastam 
 illam, qui alia omnia auderent : unus inventus est qui id 
 auderet, quod omnium fugisset et reformidasset audacia. 
 Tantus igitur te stupor oppressit vel, ut verius dicam, tantus 65 
 
 20 furor, ut primum, cum sector sis isto loco natus, deinde cum 
 Pompei sector, non te exsecratum populo Romano, non 
 detestabilem, non omnes tibi deos, non omnes homines esse 
 inimicos et futuros scias ? At quam insolenter statim helluo 
 invasit in eius viri fortunas, cuius virtute terribilior erat 
 
 25 populus Romanus exteris gentibus, iustitia carior ! In eius 27 
 igitur viri copias cum se subito ingurgitasset, exsultabat 
 gaudio persona de mimo, modo egens, repente dives. Sed, 
 ut est apud poetam nescio quern, male parta male dila- 
 buntur. Incredibile ac simile portenti est, quonam modo 66 
 
 30 ilia tarn multa quam paucis non dico mensibus, sed diebus 
 effuderit. Maximus vini numerus fuit, permagnum optimi 
 pondus argenti, pretiosa vestis, multa et lauta supellex et 
 magniflca multis locis, non ilia quidem luxuriosi hominis, 
 
ORATIO PHILIPPIC A II 
 
 47 
 
 sed tamen abundantis: horum paucis diebus nihil erat. 
 
 67 Quae Charybdis tarn vorax ? Charybdim dico ? quae si 
 fuit, animal unum fuit : Oceanus, me dius fidius, vix videtur 
 tot res, tarn dissipatas, tarn distantibus in locis positas tarn 
 cito absorbere potuisse. Nihil erat clausum, nihil obsigna- 5 
 turn, nihil scriptum. Apothecae totae nequissimis hominibus 
 condonabantur. Alia mimi rapiebant, alia mimae : domus 
 erat aleatoribus referta, plena ebriorum : totos dies potabatur 
 atque id locis pluribus: suggerebantur etiam saepe — non 
 enim semper iste felix — damna aleatoria. Conchyliatis 10 
 Cn. Pompei peristromatis servorum in cellis lectos stratos 
 videres. Quam ob rem desinite mirari haec tarn celeriter 
 esse consumpta : non modo unius patrimonium quamvis 
 amplum, ut illud fuit, sed urbes et regna celeriter tanta 
 nequitia devorare potuisset. At idem aedes etiam et hortos. 15 
 
 68 O audaciam immanem ! tu etiam ingredi illam domum ausus 
 es ? tu illud sanctissimum limen intrare ? tu illarum aedium 
 dis penatibus os impurissimum ostendere ? Quam domum 
 aliquamdiu nemo adspicere poterat, nemo sine lacrimis 
 praeterire, hac te in domo tarn diu deversari non pudet? 20 
 in qua, quamvis nihil sapias, tamen nihil tibi potest esse 
 
 28 iucundum. An tu, ilia in vestibulo rostra [spolia] cum 
 adspexisti, domum tuam te introire putas ? fieri non potest. 
 Quamvis enim sine mente, sine sensu sis, ut es, tamen 
 et te et tua et tuos nosti. Nec vero te umquam neque 25 
 vigilantem neque in somnis credo posse mente consistere. 
 Necesse est, quamvis sis, ut es, violentus et furens, cum 
 tibi obiecta sit species singularis viri, perterritum te de 
 
 69 somno excitari, furere etiam saepe vigilantem. Me quidem 
 miseret parietum ipsorum atque tectorum. Quid enim 30 
 umquam domus ilia viderat nisi pudicum, quid nisi ex 
 optimo more et sanctissima disciplina? Fuit enim ille vir, 
 patres conscripti, sjcuti scitis, cum foris clarus turn domi 
 
48 
 
 M. TULLII CICERONIS 
 
 admirandus, neque rebus externis magis laudandus quam 
 institutes domesticis. Huius in sedibus pro cubiculis stabula, 
 pro conclavibus popinae sunt. Etsi iam negat: nolite quae- 
 rere ; frugi factus est : illam tsuam suas res sibi habere 
 5 iussit, ex duodecim tabulis claves ademit, exegit. Quam 
 porro spectatus civis, quam probatus ! cuius ex omni vita 
 nihil est honestius quam quod cum mima fecit divortium. 
 At quam crebro usurpat 'et consul et Antonius': hoc 70 
 est dicere : et consul et impudicissimus, et consul et homo 
 
 io nequissimus. Quid est enim aliud Antonius ? Nam si 
 dignitas significaretur in nomine, dixisset, credo, aliquando 
 avus tuus se et consulem et Antonium — numquam dixit: 
 — dixisset etiam collega meus, patruus tuus, nisi si tu es 
 solus Antonius. Sed omitto ea peccata, quae non sunt earum 
 
 1 5 partium propria, quibus tu rem publicam vexavisti : ad ipsas 
 tuas partes redeo, id est ad civile bellum, quod natum, 
 conflatum, susceptum opera tua est. Cui bello cum propter 29 
 timiditatem tuam, turn propter libidines defuisti. Gustaras 71 
 civilem sanguinem vel potius exsorbueras : fueras in acie 
 
 20 Pharsalica antesignanus ; L. Domitium, clarissimum et nobi- 
 lissimum virum, occideras multosque praeterea qui e proelio 
 effugerant, quos Caesar, ut non nullos, fortasse servasset, 
 crudelissime persecutus trucidaras. Quibus rebus tantis 
 talibus gestis, quid fuit causae cur in Africam Caesarem 
 
 25 non sequerere, cum praesertim belli pars tanta restaret? 
 Itaque quern locum apud ipsum Caesarem post eius ex 
 Africa reditum obtinuisti? quo numero fuisti? Cuius tu 
 imperatoris quaestor fueras, dictatoris magister equitum, 
 belli princeps, crudelitatis auctor, praedae socius, testa- 
 
 30 mento, ut dicebas ipse, filius, appellatus es de pecunia, 
 quam pro domo, pro hortis, pro sectione debebas. Primo 72 
 respondisti plane ferociter, et, ne omnia videar contra te, 
 prope modum aequa et iusta dicebas. A me C. Caesar 
 
ORATIO PHILIPPIC A II 
 
 49 
 
 pecuniam? cur potius quam ego ab illo ? an sine me ille 
 vicit? At ne potuit quidem. Ego ad ilium belli civilis 
 causam attuli ; ego leges perniciosas rogavi ; ego arma 
 contra consules imperatoresque populi Romani, contra 
 senatum populumque Romanum, contra deos patrios aras- 5 
 que et focos, contra patriam tuli. Num sibi soli vicit? 
 Quorum facinus est commune, cur non sit eorum praeda 
 communis? Ius postulabas, sed quid ad rem? plus ille 
 
 73 poterat. Itaque excussis tuis vocibus et ad te et ad praedes 
 tuos milites misit, cum repente a te praeclara ilia tabula 10 
 prolata est. Qui risus hominum ! tantam esse tabulam, 
 tarn varias, tarn multas possessiones, ex quibus praeter 
 partem Miseni nihil erat, quod is qui auctionaretur posset 
 suum dicere. Auctionis vero miserabilis adspectus : vestis 
 Pompei non multa eaque maculosa, eiusdem quaedam 15 
 argentea vasa collisa, sordidata mancipia. ut doleremus 
 quidquam esse ex illis reliquiis, quod videre possemus. 
 
 74 Hanc tamen auctionem heredes L. Rubrii decreto Caesaris 
 prohibuerunt. Haerebat nebulo : quo se verteret non 
 habebat. Quin his ipsis temporibus domi Caesaris per- 20 
 cussor ab isto missus deprehensus dicebatur esse cum sica : 
 de quo Caesar in senatu aperte in te invehens questus est. 
 Proficiscitur in Hispaniam Caesar, paucis tibi ad solvendum 
 propter inopiam tuam prorogatis diebus. Ne turn quidem 
 sequeris. Tarn bonus gladiator rudem tarn cito ? Hunc 25 
 igitur quisquam, qui in suis partibus, id est in suis fortunis 
 tarn timidus fuerit, pertimescat ? 
 
 30 Profectus est aliquando tandem in Hispaniam, sed tuto, 
 
 75 ut ait, pervenire non potuit. Quonam modo igitur Dola- 
 bella pervenit ? Aut non suscipienda fuit ista causa, Antoni, 30 
 aut, cum suscepisses, defendenda usque ad extremum. Ter 
 depugnavit Caesar cum civibus, in Thessalia, Africa, His- 
 pania. Omnibus adfuit his pugnis Dolabella: in Hispaniensi 
 
 £ 
 
5° 
 
 M. TULLII CICERONIS 
 
 etiam vulmis accepit. Si de meo iudicio quaeris, nollem ; 
 sed tamen consilium a primo reprehendendum, laudanda 
 constantia: tu vero quid es? Cn. Pompei liberi turn primum 
 patriam repetebant — esto; fuerit haec partium causa com- 
 5 munis : — repetebant praeterea deos patrios, aras, focos, larem 
 suum familiarem, in quae tu invaseras. Haec cum peterent 
 armis ii, quorum erant legibus — etsi in rebus iniquissimis 
 quid potest esse aequi? — tamen quern erat aequissimum 
 contra Cn. Pompei liberos pugnare ? quern ? te, sectorem- 
 
 io An cum tu Narbone mensas hospitum convomeres, Dolabella 
 pro te in Hispania dimicaret ? 
 
 Qui vero Narbone reditus ? Etiam quaerebat, cur ego ex 76 
 ipso cursu tarn subito revertissem. Exposui nuper, patres 
 conscripti, causam reditus mei : volui, si possem, etiam 
 
 15 ante Kalendas Ianuarias prodesse rei publicae. Nam quod 
 quaerebas, quo modo redissem : primum luce, non tenebris ; 
 deinde cum calceis et toga, nullis nec Gallicis nec lacerna. 
 At etiam adspicis me et quidem, ut videris, iratus. Ne tu 
 iam mecum in gratiam redeas, si scias quam me pudeat 
 
 20 nequitiae tuae, cuius te ipsum non pudet. Ex omnium 
 omnibus flagitiis nullum turpius vidi, nullum audivi. Qui 
 magister equitum fuisse tibi viderere, in proximum annum 
 consulatum peteres vel potius rogares, per municipia colo- 
 niasque Galliae, a qua nos turn, cum consulatus petebatur, 
 
 25 non rogabatur, petere consulatum solebamus, cum Gallicis et 
 lacerna cucurristi. At videte levitatem hominis. Cum hora 31 
 diei decima fere ad Saxa rubra venisset, delituit in quadam 77 
 cauponula atque ibi se occultans perpotavit ad vesperam; 
 inde cisio celeriter ad urbem advectus domum venit capite 
 
 30 obvoluto. Ianitor : ' Quis tu ? ' ( A Marco tabellarius/ Con- 
 festim ad earn, cuius causa venerat, eique epistolam tradidit. 
 Quam cum ilia legeret flens — erat enim scripta amatorie; 
 caput autem litterarum, sibi cum ilia mima posthac nihil 
 
ORATIO PHILIPPIC A II 
 
 51 
 
 futurum ; omnem se amorem abiecisse illim atque in hanc 
 transfudisse — : cum mulier fleret uberius, homo misericors 
 ferre non potuit : caput aperuit, in collum invasit. O 
 hominem nequam ! quid enim aliud dicam ? magis proprie 
 nihil possum dicere. Ergo ut te catamitum, nec opinato 5 
 cum te ostendisses, praeter spem mulier adspiceret, idcirco 
 urbem terrore nocturno, Italiam multorum dierum metu 
 
 78 perturbasti ? Et domi quidem causam amoris habuisti, 
 foris etiam turpiorem, ne L. Plancus praedes tuos venderet. 
 Productus autem in contionem a tribuno plebis cum respon- 10 
 disses te rei tuae causa venisse, populum etiam dicacem in te 
 reddidisti. Sed nimis multa de nugis : ad maiora veniamus. 
 
 32 C. Caesari ex Hispania redeunti obviam longissime pro- 
 cessisti. Celeriter isti, redisti, ut cognosceret te, si minus 
 fortem, at tamen strenuum. Factus es ei rursus nescio 15 
 quo modo familiaris. Habebat hoc omnino Caesar: quern 
 plane perditum aere alieno egentemque, si eundem nequam 
 hominem audacemque cognorat, hunc in familiaritatem liben- 
 
 79 tissime recipiebat. His igitur rebus praeclare commendatus 
 iussus es renuntiari consul et quidem cum ipso. Nihil queror 20 
 de Dolabella, qui turn est impulsus, inductus, elusus. Qua 
 in re quanta fuerit uterque vestrum perfidia in Dolabellam, 
 quis ignorat? Ule induxit ut peteret, promissum et recep- 
 tum intervertit ad seque transtulit : tu eius perfidiae voluntatem 
 tuam adscripsisti. Veniunt Kalendae Ianuariae : cogimur in 25 
 senatum ; invectus est copiosius multo in istum et paratius 
 
 80 Dolabella quam nunc ego. Hie autem iratus quae dixit, 
 di boni ! Primum cum Caesar ostendisset se, prius quam 
 proficisceretur, Dolabellam consulem esse iussurum — quern 
 negant regem, qui et faceret semper eius modi aliquid et 30 
 diceret : — sed cum Caesar ita dixisset, turn hie bonus augur 
 eo se sacerdotio praeditum esse dixit, ut comitia auspiciis 
 vel impedire vel vitiare posset, idque se facturum esse 
 
 e 2 
 
52 
 
 M. TULLII CICERONIS 
 
 asseveravit. In quo primum incredibilem stupiditatem 
 hominis cognoscite. Quid enim ? istud, quod te sacerdotii 81 
 iure facere posse dixisti, si augur non esses et consul esses, 
 minus facere potuisses ? Vide ne etiam facilius. Nos enim 
 5 nuntiationem solum habemus, consules et reliqui magistratus 
 etiam spectionem. Esto : hoc imperite ; nec enim est ab 
 homine numquam sobrio postulanda prudentia: sed videte 
 impudentiam. Multis ante mensibus in senatu dixit se Dola- 
 bellae comitia aut prohibiturum auspiciis aut id facturum 
 
 io esse, quod fecit. Quisquamne divinare potest, quid vitii 
 in auspiciis futurum sit, nisi qui de caelo servare constituit ? 
 quod neque licet comitiis per leges, et, si qui servavit, non 
 comitiis habitis, sed prius quam habeantur debet nuntiare. 
 Verum implicata inscientia impudentia est; nec scit quod 
 
 15 augurem, nec facit quod pudentem decet. Itaque ex illo die 82 
 recordamini eius usque ad Idus Martias consulatum. Quis 
 umquam apparitor tarn humilis, tarn abiectus ? Nihil ipse 
 poterat ; omnia rogabat ; caput in aversam lecticam inserens 
 beneficia, quae venderet, a collega petebat. Ecce Dolabellae 33 
 
 20 comitiorum dies ; sortitio praerogativae ; quiescit. Renunti- 
 atur ; tacet. Prima classis vocatur, renuntiatur ; deinde, ita 
 ut assolet, suffragia ; turn secunda classis vocatur : quae 
 omnia sunt citius facta quam dixi. Confecto negotio bonus 83 
 augur — C. Laelium diceres — alio die inquit. O impuden- 
 
 25 tiam singularem ! Quid videras? quid senseras? quid 
 audieras? neque enim te de caelo servasse dixisti, nec 
 hodie dicis. Id igitur obvenit vitium, quod tu iam Kalendis 
 Ianuariis futurum esse provideras et tanto ante praedixeras. 
 Ergo hercule magna, ut spero, tua potius quam rei publicae 
 
 30 calamitate ementitus es auspicia, obstrinxisti religione popu- 
 lum Romanum, augur auguri, consul consuli obnuntiasti. 
 Nolo plura, ne acta Dolabellae videar convellere, quae 
 necesse est aliquando ad nostrum collegium deferantur. 
 
ORATIO PHILIPPIC A II 
 
 53 
 
 84 Sed arrogantiam hominis insolentiamque cognoscite. Quam 
 diu tu voles, vitiosus consul Dolabella : rursus, cum voles, 
 salvis auspiciis creatus. Si nihil est, cum augur iis verbis 
 nuntiat, quibus tu nuntiasti, confitere te, cum alio die dixeris, 
 sobrium non fuisse : sin est aliqua vis in istis verbis, ea quae 5 
 sit augur a collega requiro. 
 
 34 Sed ne forte ex multis rebus gestis Antonii rem unam pul- 
 cherrimam transiliat oratio, ad Lupercalia veniamus. Non 
 dissimulat, patres conscripti : apparet esse commotum ; 
 sudat, pallet. Quidlibet, modo ne nauseet, faciat, quod in 10 
 porticu Minucia fecit. Quae potest esse turpitudinis tantae 
 defensio ? Cupio audire, ut videam, ubi rhetoris sit tanta 
 
 85 merces, id est ubi campus Leontinus appareat. Sedebat 
 in rostris collega tuus, amictus toga purpurea, in sella aurea, 
 coronatus. Escendis, accedis ad sellam — ita eras Lupercus, 15 
 ut te consulem esse meminisse deberes — , diadema ostendis. 
 Gemitus toto foro. Unde diadema? non enim abiectum 
 sustuleras, sed attuleras domo meditatum et cogitatum scelus. 
 Tu diadema imponebas cum plangore populi : ille cum 
 plausu reiiciebat. Tu ergo unus, scelerate, inventus es qui, 20 
 cum auctor regni esses, eum, quern collegam habebas, domi- 
 num habere velles ; idem tentares, quid populus Romanus 
 
 86 ferre et pati posset. At etiam misericordiam captabas : 
 supplex te ad pedes abiiciebas. Quid petens ? ut servires ? 
 Tibi uni peteres, qui ita a puero vixeras, ut omnia paterere, 25 
 ut facile servires : a nobis populoque Romano mandatum 
 
 id certe non habebas. O praeclaram illam eloquentiam 
 tuam, cum es nudus contionatus ! Quid hoc turpius ? quid 
 foedius ? quid suppliciis omnibus dignius ? Num exspectas, 
 dum te stimulis fodiamus? haec te, si ullam partem habes 30 
 sensus, lacerat, haec cruentat oratio. Vereor ne imminuam 
 summorum virorum gloriam; dicam tamen dolore commotus. 
 Quid indignius quam vivere eum qui imposuerit diadema, 
 
54 
 
 M. TULLII CICERONIS 
 
 cum omnes fateantur iure interfectum esse qui abiecerit ? 
 At etiam adscribi iussit in fastis ad Lupercalia: C. Caesari, 87 
 dictatori perpetuo, M. Antonium consulem populi 
 iussu regnum detulisse, Caesarem uti noluisse. Iam 
 
 5 iam minime miror te otium perturbare ; non modo urbem 
 
 * odisse, sed etiam lucem ; cum perditissimis latronibus non 
 solum de die, sed etiam in diem vivere. Ubi enim tu in 
 pace consistes ? qui locus tibi in legibus et in iudiciis esse 
 potest, quae tu, quantum in te fuit, dominatu regio sustu- 
 
 io listi ? Ideone L. Tarquinius exactus, Sp. Cassius, Sp. Maelius, 
 M. Manlius necati, ut multis post saeculis a M. Antonio, quod 
 fas non est, rex Romae constitueretur ? 
 
 Sed ad auspicia redeamus, de quibus Idibus Martiis fuit 35 
 in senatu Caesar acturus. Quaero : turn tu quid egisses ? 88 
 
 15 Audiebam equidem te paratum venisse, quod me de ementitis 
 auspiciis, quibus tamen parere necesse erat, putares esse dic- 
 turum. Sustulit ilium diem Fortuna rei publicae. Num 
 etiam tuum de auspiciis iudicium interitus Caesaris sustulit ? 
 Sed incidi in id tempus, quod iis rebus, in quas ingressa erat 
 
 20 oratio, praevertendum est. Quae tua fuga ! quae formido 
 praeclaro illo die ! quae propter conscientiam scelerum despe- 
 ratio vitae ! cum ex ilia fuga beneficio eorum, qui te, si 
 sanus esses, salvum esse voluerunt, clam te domum recepisti. 
 O mea frustra semper verissima auguria rerum futurarum ! 89 
 
 25 Dicebam illis in Capitolio liberatoribus nostris, cum me ad te 
 ire vellent, ut ad defendendam rem publicam te adhortarer : 
 quoad metueres, omnia te promissurum; simul ac timere 
 desisses, similem te futurum tui. Itaque cum ceteri con- 
 sulares irent redirent, in sententia mansi : neque te illo die 
 
 30 neque postero vidi, neque ullam societatem optimis civibus 
 cum importunissimo hoste foedere ullo confirmari posse cre- 
 didi. Post diem tertium veni in aedem Telluris, et quidem 
 invitus, cum omnes aditus armati obsiderent. Qui tibi 
 
ORATIO PHILIPPIC A II 
 
 55 
 
 \ 90 dies ille, Antoni, fuit ! Quamquam mihi inimicus subito 
 
 36 exstitisti, tamen me tui miseret, quod tibi invideris. Qui tu 
 vir, di immortales, et quantus fuisses, si illius diei mentem 
 servare potuisses ! Pacem haberemus, quae erat facta per 
 obsidem puerum nobilem, M. Bambalionis nepotem. Quam- 5 
 quam bonum te timor faciebat, non diuturnus magister 
 officii, improbum fecit ea,. quae, dum timor abest, a te non 
 discedit, audacia. Etsi turn, cum optimum te putabant me 
 quidem dissentiente, funeri tyranni, si illud funus fuit, scelera- 
 
 91 tissime praefuisti. Tua ilia pulchra laudatio, tua miseratio, 10 
 tua cohortatio ; tu, tu, inquam, illas faces incendisti et eas, 
 quibus semustilatus ille est, et eas, quibus incensa L. Bel- 
 lieni domus deflagravit. Tu illos impetus perditorum homi- 
 num et ex maxima parte servorum, quos nos vi manuque 
 reppulimus, in nostras domos immisisti. Idem tamen quasi 15 
 fuligine abstersa reliquis diebus in Capitolio praeclara senatus 
 consulta fecisti, ne qua post Idus Martias immunitatis tabula 
 neve cuius beneficii figeretur. Meministi ipse de exsulibus, 
 scis de immunitate quid dixeris. Optimum vero, quod dic- 
 taturae nomen in perpetuum de re publica sustulisti : quo 20 
 quidem facto tantum te cepisse odium regni videbatur, ut 
 eius omne nomen propter proximi dictatoris metum tolleres. 
 
 92 Constituta res publica videbatur aliis, mihi vero nullo modo, 
 qui omnia te gubernante naufragia metuebam. Num igitur 
 me fefellit ? aut num diutius sui potuit dissimilis esse. In- 25 ■ 
 spectantibus vobis toto Capitolio tabulae figebantur, neque 
 solum singulis venibant immunitates, sed etiam populis uni- 
 versis : civitas non iam singillatim, sed provinces totis da- 
 batur. Itaque si haec manent, quae stante re publica manere 
 non possunt, provincias universas, patres conscripti, perdi- 30 
 distis, neque vectigalia solum, sed etiam imperium populi 
 
 37 Romani huius domesticis nundinis deminutum est. Ubi est 
 
 93 septiens miliens, quod est in tabulis, quae sunt ad Opis? 
 
56 
 
 M. TULLII CICERONIS 
 
 funestae illius quidem pecuniae, sed tamen, quae nos, si iis, 
 quorum erat, non redderetur, a tributis posset vindicare. Tu 
 autem quadringentiens sestertium, quod Idibus Martiis debu- 
 isti, quonam modo ante Kalendas Apriles debere desisti ? 
 
 5 Sunt ea quidem innumerabilia, quae a tuis emebantur non 
 insciente te, sed unum egregium de rege Deiotaro, populi 
 Romani amicissimo, decretum in Capitolio fixum : quo pro- 
 posito nemo erat, qui in ipso dolore risum posset continere. 
 Quis enim cuiquam inimicior quam Deiotaro Caesar ? aeque 94 
 
 io atque huic ordini, ut equestri, ut Massiliensibus, ut omnibus, 
 quibus rem publicam populi Romani caram esse sentiebat. 
 Igitur a quo vivo nec praesens nec absens rex Deiotarus 
 quidquam aequi boni impetravit, apud mortuum factus est 
 gratiosus. Compellarat hospitem praesens, cornputarat, pe- 
 
 15 cuniam impetrarat, in eius tetrarchia unum ex Graecis 
 comitibus suis collocarat, Armeniam abstulerat a senatu 
 datam. Haec vivus eripuit : reddit mortuus. At quibus 95 
 verbis ? modo aequum sibi videri, modo non iniquum. Mira 
 verborum complexio ! At ille numquam — semper enim absenti 
 
 20 adfui Deiotaro— quidquam sibi, quod nos pro illo postulare- 
 mus, aequum dixit videri. Syngrapha sestertii centiens per 
 legatos, viros bonos, sed timidos et imperitos, sine nostra, 
 sine reliquorum hospitum regis sententia facta in gynaecio 
 est, quo in loco plurimae res venierunt et veneunt. Qua ex 
 
 25 syngrapha quid sis acturus meditere censeo : rex enim ipse 
 sua sponte, nullis commentariis Caesaris, simul atque audivit 
 eius interitum, suo Marte res suas recuperavit. Sciebat homo 96 
 sapiens ius semper hoc fuisse, ut, quae tyranni eripuissent, 
 ea tyrannis interfectis ii, quibus erepta essent, recuperarent. 
 
 30 Nemo igitur iure consultus, ne iste quidem, qui tibi uni est 
 iure consultus, per quern haec agis, ex ista syngrapha deberi 
 dicit pro iis rebus, quae erant ante syngrapham recuperatae : 
 non enim a te emit, sed prius, quam tu suum sibi venderes, 
 
ORATIO PHILIPPIC A II 
 
 57 
 
 ipse possedit. Ille vir fuit, nos quidem contemnendi, qui auc- 
 38 torem odimus, acta defendimus. Quid ego de commentariis 
 
 97 infinitis, quid de innumerabilibus chirographis loquar ? quo- 
 rum etiam institores sunt, qui ea tamquam gladiatorum libel- 
 los palam venditent. Itaque tanti acervi nummorum apud 5 
 istum construuntur, ut iam expendantur, non numerentur 
 pecuniae. At quam caeca avaritia est ! Nuper fixa tabula 
 est, qua civitates locupletissimae Cretensium vectigalibus 
 liberantur, statuiturque ne post M. Brutum pro consule sit 
 Creta provincia. Tu mentis es compos ? tu non constrin- 10 
 gendus ? In Caesaris decreto Creta post M. Bruti decessum 
 potuit liberari, cum Creta nihil ad Brutum Caesare vivo per- 
 tineret ? At huius venditione decreti, ne nihil actum putetis, 
 provinciam Cretam perdidistis. Omnino nemo ullius rei fuit 
 
 98 emptor cui defuerit hie venditor. Et de exsulibus legem. 15 
 quam fixisti, Caesar tulit ? Nullius insector calamitatem : 
 tantum queror, primum eorum reditus inquinatos, quorum 
 causam Caesar dissimilem iudicarit ; deinde nescio cur non 
 reliquis idem tribuas : neque enim plus quam tres aut quat- 
 tuor reliqui sunt. Qui simili in calamitate sunt, cur tua 20 
 misericordia non simili fruuntur? cur eos habes in loco 
 patrui ? de quo ferre, cum de reliquis ferres, noluisti : quern 
 etiam ad censuram petendam impulisti, eamque petitionem 
 
 99 comparasti, quae et risus hominum et querellas moveret. Cur 
 autem ea comitia non habuisti ? an quia tribunus pi. sinistrum 25 
 fulmen nuntiabat? Cum tua quid interest, nulla auspicia 
 sunt, cum tuorum, turn fis religiosus. Quid ? eundem in 
 septemviratu nonne destituisti ? intervenit enim, cui metuisti, 
 credo, ne salvo capite negare non posses. Omnibus eum 
 contumeliis onerasti, quern patris loco, si ulla in te pietas 30 
 esset, colere debebas. Filiam eius, sororem tuam, eiecisti, alia 
 conditione quaesita et ante perspecta. Non est satis : probri 
 insimulasti pudicissimam feminam. Quid est quod addi pos- 
 
58 
 
 M, TULLII CICERONIS 
 
 sit ? contentus eo non fuisti. Frequentissimo senatu Kalen- 
 dis Ianuariis sedente patruo hanc tibi esse cum Dolabella 
 causam odii dicere ausus es, quod ab eo sorori et uxori tuae 
 stuprum esse oblatum comperisses. Quis interpretari potest, 
 5 impudentiorne, qui in senatu, an improbior, qui in Dolabel- 
 lam, an impurior, qui patruo audiente, an crudelior, qui in 
 illam miseram tarn spurce, tarn impie dixeris ? Sed ad 39 
 chirograpba redeamus. Quae tua fuit cognitio ? Acta enim loo 
 Caesaris pacis causa confirmata sunt a senatu, quae quidem 
 
 io Caesar egisset, non ea, quae egisse Caesarem dixisset 
 Antonius. Unde ista erumpunt? quo auctore proferuntur? 
 si sunt falsa, cur probantur? si vera, cur veneunt? At sic 
 placuerat, ut Kalendis Iuniis de Caesaris actis cum consilio 
 cognosceretis. Quod fuit consilium ? quern umquam convo- 
 
 15 casti? quas Kalendas Iunias exspectasti? an eas, ad quas te 
 peragratis veteranorum coloniis stipatum armis rettulisti ? 
 
 O praeclaram illam percursationem tuam mense Aprili 
 atque Maio, turn cum etiam Capuam coloniam deducere cona- 
 tus es ! Quern ad modum illinc abieris vel potius paene non 101 
 
 20 abieris, scimus. Cui tu urbi minitaris. Utinam conere, ut 
 aliquando illud paene tollatur! At quam nobilis est tua 
 ilia peregrinatio ! Quid prandiorum apparatus, quid furiosam 
 vinolentiam tuam proferam? Tua ista detrimenta sunt, ilia 
 nostra. Agrum Campanum, qui cum de vectigalibus exime- 
 
 25 batur ut militibus daretur, tamen infligi magnum rei publicae 
 vulnus putabamus, hunc tu compransoribus tuis et collusoribus 
 dividebas. Mimos dico et mimas, patres conscripti, in agro 
 Campano collocatos. Quid iam querar de agro Leontino ? 
 quoniam quidem hae quondam arationes Campana et Leontina 
 
 30 in populi Romani patrimonio grandiferae et fructuosae fere- 
 bantur. Medico tria milia iugerum : quid, si te sanasset ? 
 rhetori duo : quid, si te disertum facere potuisset ? Sed ad iter 40 
 Italiamque redeamus. Deduxisti coloniam Casilinum, quo 102 
 
ORATIO PHILIPPICA II 
 
 59 
 
 Caesar ante deduxerat. Consuluisti me per litteras de Capua 
 tu quidem, sed idem de Casilino respondissem : possesne, ubi 
 colonia esset, eo coloniam novam hire deducere. Negavi in 
 earn coloniam, quae esset auspicato deducta, dum esset inco- 
 lumis, coloniam novam iure deduci : colonos novos adscribi 5 
 posse rescripsi. Tu autem insolentia elatus omni auspiciorum 
 iure turbato Casilinum coloniam deduxisti, quo erat paucis 
 annis ante deducta, ut vexillum tolleres, ut aratrum cir- 
 cumduceres : cuius quidem vomere portam Capuae paene 
 
 103 perstrinxisti, ut florentis coloniae territorium minueretur. Ab 10 
 hac perturbatione religionum advolas in M. Varronis, sanc- 
 tissimi atque integerrimi viri, fundum Casinatem. Quo iure ? 
 quo ore ? Eodem, inquies, quo in heredum L. Rubrii, quo in 
 heredum L. Turselii praedia, quo in reliquas innumerabiles 
 possessiones. Et si ab hasta, valeat hasta, valeant tabulae, 15 
 modo Caesaris, non tuae ; quibus debuisti, non quibus tu te 
 liberavisti. Varronis quidem Casinatem fundum quis venisse 
 dicit ? quis hastam istius venditionis vidit ? quis vocem prae- 
 conis audivit? Misisse te dicis Alexandream, qui emeret 
 
 104 a Caesare. Ipsum enim exspectare magnum fuit ! Quis vero 20 
 audivit umquam — nullius autem salus curae pluribus fuit — 
 de fortunis Varronis rem ullam esse detractam ? Quid ? si 
 etiam scripsit ad te Caesar ut redderes, quid satis potest dici de 
 tanta impudentia? Remove gladios parumper illos, quos 
 videmus : iam intelliges aliam causam esse hastae Caesaris, 25 
 aliam confidentiae et temeritatis tuae ; non enim te dominus 
 modo illis sedibus, sed quivis amicus, vicinus,hospes, procurator 
 
 41 arcebit. At quam multos dies in ea villa turpissime es perbac- 
 chatus ? Ab hora tertia bibebatur, ludebatur, vomebatur. O 
 tecta ipsa misera quam dispari domino ! Quamquam quo 30 
 modo iste dominus ? sed tamen quam ab dispari tenebantur ! 
 studiorum enim suorum M. Varro voluit illud, non libidinum 
 
 105 deversorium. Quae in ilia villa antea dicebantur ! quae cogita- 
 
6o 
 
 M. TULLII CICERONIS 
 
 bantur ! quae litteris mandabantur ! Iura populi Romani, 
 monimenta maiorum, omnis sapientiae ratio omnisque doo 
 trinae. At vero te inquilino — non enim domino — personabant 
 omnia vocibus ebriorum, natabant pavimenta vino, madebant 
 5 parietes, ingenui pueri cum meritoriis, scorta inter matres 
 familias versabantur. Casino salutatum veniebant, Aquino, 
 Interamna. Admissus est nemo. lure id quidem ; in homine 
 enim turpissimo obsolefiebant dignitatis insignia. Cum inde 106 
 Romam proficiscens ad Aquinum accederet, obviam ei proces- 
 
 io sit, ut est frequens municipium, magna sane multitudo. At iste 
 operta lectica latus per oppidum est ut mortuus. Stulte Aqui- 
 nates : sed tamen in via habitabant. Quid, Anagnini ? Qui cum 
 essent devii, descenderunt, ut istum, tamquam si esset, consulem 
 salutarent. Incredibile dictu, t sed turn nimis inter omnes 
 
 15 constabat neminem esse resalutatum, praesertim cum duos 
 secum Anagninos haberet, Mustelam et Laconem, quorum 
 alter gladiorum est princeps, alter poculorum. Quid ego illas 107 
 istius minas contumeliasque commemorem, quibus invectus 
 est in Sidicinos, vexavit Puteolanos, quod C. Cassium et 
 
 20 Brutos patronos adoptassent ? Magno quidem studio, iudicio, 
 benevolentia, caritate, non, ut te et Basilum, vi et armis, et 
 alios vestri similes, quos clientes nemo habere velit, non modo 
 illorum cliens esse. Interea dum tu abes, qui dies ille col- 42 
 legae tui fuit, cum illud, quod venerari solebas, bustum in 
 
 25 foro evertit ! qua re tibi nuntiata, ut constabat inter eos, qui 
 una fuerunt, concidisti. Quid evenerit postea nescio — metum 
 credo valuisse et arma — ; collegam quidem de caelo 
 detraxisti effecistique, non tu quidem etiam nunc ut similis 
 tui, sed certe ut dissimilis esset sui. 
 
 30 Qui vero inde reditus Romam ! quae perturbatio totius 108 
 urbis ! Memineramus Cinnam nimis potentem, Sullam 
 postea dominantem, modo regnantem Caesarem videramus. 
 Erant fortasse gladii, sed absconditi nec ita multi. Ista vero 
 
ORATIO PHILIPPICA II 
 
 61 
 
 quae et quanta barbaria est ! Agmine quadrato cum gladiis 
 secuntur : scutorum lecticas portari videmus. Atque his 
 quidem iam inveteratis, patres conscripti, consuetudine ob- 
 duruimus. Kalendis Iuniis cum in senatum, ut erat constitu- 
 
 109 turn, venire vellemus, metu perterriti repente diffugimus. At 5 
 iste, qui senatu non egeret, neque desideravit quemquam, et 
 potius discessu nostro laetatus est, statimque ilia mirabilia 
 facinora effecit. Qui chirographa Caesaris defendisset lucri 
 sui causa, is leges Caesaris easque praeclaras, ut rem publi- 
 cam concutere posset, evertit. Numerum annorum provinciis 10 
 prorogavit, idemque cum actorum Caesaris defensor esse 
 deberet, et in publicis et in privatis rebus acta Caesaris rescidit. 
 In publicis nihil est lege gravius, in privatis fiimissimum est 
 testamentum. Leges alias sine promulgatione sustulit, alias ut 
 tolleret, promulgavit. Testamentum irritum fecit, quod etiam 15 
 infimis civibus semper obtentum est. Signa, tabulas, quas 
 populo Caesar una cum hortis legavit, eas hie partim in hortos 
 Pompei deportavit, partim in villam Scipionis. 
 
 43 Et tu in Caesaris memoria diligens ? tu ilium amas mortuum? 
 
 110 Quern is honorem maiorem consecutus erat, quam ut haberet 20 
 pulvinar, simulacrum, fastigium, flaminem ? Est ergo flamen, 
 
 ut Iovi, ut Marti, ut Quirino, sic divo Iulio M. Antonius. 
 Quid igitur cessas ? cur non inauguraris ? Sume diem, vide 
 qui te inauguret : collegae sumus ; nemo negabit. O detesta- 
 bilem hominem, sive quod Caesaris sacerdos es, sive quod 25 
 mortui 1 Quaero deinceps, num hodiernus dies qui sit 
 ignores. Nescis heri quartum in Circo diem ludorum Roman- 
 orum fuisse ? te autem ipsum ad populum tulisse ut quintus 
 praeterea dies Caesari tribueretur ? Cur non sumus praetex- 
 tati ? cur honorem Caesaris tua lege datum deseri patimur ? 3° 
 an supplicationes addendo diem contaminari passus es, pul- 
 vinaria contaminari noluisti? Aut undique religionem tolle 
 aut usque quaque conserva. Quaeris placeatne mihi pulvinar 
 
62 
 
 M. TULLII CICERONIS 
 
 esse, fastigium, flaminem. Mihi vero nihil istorum placet : ill 
 sed tu, qui acta Caesaris defendis, quid potes dicere cur 
 alia defendas, alia non cures? nisi forte vis fateri te omnia 
 quaestu tuo, non illius dignitate metiri. Quid ad haec 
 5 tandem ? — exspecto enim eloquentiam tuam : disertissimum 
 cognovi avum tuum, at te etiam apertiorem in dicendo ; ille 
 numquam nudus est contionatus, tuum hominis simplicis 
 pectus vidimus — : respondebisne ad haec aut omnino hiscere 
 audebis ? ecquid reperies ex tarn longa oratione mea, cui te 
 
 io respondere posse confidas? 
 
 Sed praeterita omittamus: hunc unum diem, unum, inquam, 44 
 hodiernum diem, hoc punctum temporis, quo loquor, defende, 112 
 si potes. Cur armatorum corona senatus saeptus est? cur 
 me tui satellites cum gladiis audiunt ? cur valvae Concordiae 
 
 15 non patent? cur homines omnium gentium maxime barbaros, 
 Ityraeos, cum sagittis deducis in forum ? Praesidii sui causa 
 se facere dicit. Non igitur miliens perire est melius quam 
 in sua civitate sine armatorum praesidio non posse vivere ? 
 Sed nullum est istud, mihi crede, praesidium : caritate te et 
 
 20 benevolentia civium saeptum oportet esse, non armis. Eripiet 113 
 et extorquebit tibi ista populus Romanus, utinam salvis 
 nobis ! sed quoquo modo nobiscum egeris, dum istis con- 
 siliis uteris, non potes, mihi crede, esse diuturnus. Etenim 
 ista tua minime avara coniunx, quam ego sine contumelia 
 
 25 describo, nimium diu debet populo Romano tertiam pen- 
 sionem. Habet populus Romanus ad quos gubernacula 
 rei publicae deferat : qui ubicumque terrarum sunt, ibi 
 omne est rei publicae praesidium vel potius ipsa res publica, 
 quae se adhuc tantum modo ulta est, nondum recuperavit. 
 
 30 Habet quidem certe res publica adolescentes nobilissimos, 
 paratos defensores : quam volent illi cedant otio consulentes, 
 tamen- a re publica revocabuntur. Et nomen pacis dulce 
 est et ipsa res salutaris ; sed inter pacem et servitutem 
 
ORATIO PHILIPPICA II 
 
 63 
 
 plurimum interest. Pax est tranquilla libertas, servitus 
 postremum malorum omnium, non modo bello, sed morte 
 
 114 etiam repellendum. Quod si se ipsos illi nostri liberatores 
 e conspectu nostro abstulerunt, at exemplum facti reliquerunt. 
 Illi, quod nemo fecerat, fecerunt. Tarquinium Brutus bello 5 
 est persecutus, qui turn rex fuit, cum esse Romae licebat ; 
 Sp. Cassius, Sp. Maelius, M. Manlius propter suspicionem 
 regni appetendi sunt necati : hi primum cum gladiis non 
 in regnum appetentem, sed in regnantem impetum fecerunt. 
 Quod cum ipsum factum per se praeclarum est atque 10 
 
 . divinum, turn expositum ad imitandum est, praesertim cum 
 illi earn gloriam consecuti sint, quae vix caelo capi posse 
 videatur. Etsi enim satis in ipsa conscientia pulcherrimi 
 facti fructus erat, tamen mortali immortalitatem non arbitror 
 esse contemnendam. 15 
 45 Recordare igitur ilium, M. Antoni, diem, quo dictaturam 
 
 115 sustulisti; pone ante oculos laetitiam senatus populique 
 Romani, confer cum hac immani nundinatione tua tuo- 
 rumque : turn intelliges quantum inter lucrum et laudem 
 intersit. Sed nimirum, ut quidam morbo aliquo et sensus 20 
 stupore suavitatem cibi non sentiunt, sic libidinosi, avari, 
 facinerosi verae laudis gustatum non habent. Sed si te 
 laus allicere ad recte faciendum non potest, ne metus 
 quidem a foedissimis factis potest avocare ? Iudicia non 
 metuis. Si propter innocentiam, laudo : sin propter vim, 25 
 non intelligis, qui isto modo iudicia non timeat, ei quid 
 
 116 timendum sit. Quod si non metuis viros fortes egregios- 
 que cives, quod a corpore tuo prohibentur armis, tui te, 
 mihi crede, diutius non ferent. Quae est autem vita dies 
 
 et noctes timere a suis ? nisi vero aut maioribus habes 30 
 beneficiis obligates, quam ille quosdam habuit ex iis, a 
 quibus est interfectus, aut tu es ulla re cum eo comparan- 
 dus. Fuit in illo ingenium, ratio, memoria, litterae, cura, 
 
64 M. TULLII CICERONIS OR AT. PHIL. II 
 
 cogitatio, diligentia; res bello gesserat quamvis rei publicae 
 calamitosas, at tamen magnas ; multos annos regnare 
 meditatus magno labore, multis periculis quod cogitarat 
 effecerat; muneribus, monumentis, congiariis, epulis multi- 
 5 tudinem imperitam delenierat ; suos praemiis, adversarios 
 clementiae specie devinxerat; quid multa? attulerat iam 
 liberae civitati partim metu, partim patientia consuetudinem 
 serviendi. Cum illo ego te dominandi cupiditate conferre 46 
 possum, ceteris vero rebus nullo modo comparandus es. 117 
 
 io Sed ex plurimis malis, quae ab illo rei publicae sunt inusta, 
 hoc tamen boni est, quod didicit iam populus Romanus, 
 quantum cuique crederet, quibus se committeret, a quibus 
 caveret. Haec non cogitas ? neque intelligis satis esse viris 
 fortibus didicisse, quam sit re pulchrum, beneficio gratum, 
 
 15 fama gloriosum tyrannum occidere? An, cum ilium homines 
 non tulerint, te ferent ? Certatim posthac, mihi crede, ad 118 
 hoc opus curretur neque occasionis tarditas exspectabitur. 
 
 Respice, quaeso, aliquando [rem publicam, M. Antoni] ; 
 quibus ortus sis, non quibuscum vivas considera ; mecum, 
 
 20 uti voles : redi cum re publica in gratiam. Sed de te tu 
 videris, ego de me ipse profitebor. Defendi rem publicam 
 adolescens, non deseram senex : contempsi Catilinae gladios, 
 non pertimescam tuos. Quin etiam corpus libenter obtu- 
 lerim, si repraesentari morte mea libertas civitatis potest, 
 
 25 ut aliquando dolor populi Romani pariat, quod iam diu 
 parturit. Etenim si abhinc annos prope viginti hoc ipso 119 
 in templo negavi posse mortem immaturam esse consulari, 
 quanto verius nunc negabo seni ! Mihi vero, patres con- 
 scripti, iam etiam optanda mors est, perfuncto rebus iis, 
 
 30 quas adeptus sum quasque gessi. Duo modo haec opto, unum, ut 
 moriens populum Romanum liberum relinquam — hoc mihi 
 maius ab dis immortalibus dari nihil potest — ; alterum, 
 ut ita cuique eveniat, ut de re publica quisque mereatur. 
 
INTRODUCTION TO THE THIRD 
 
 ORATION 
 
 The third oration brings before us a new scene in the struggle 
 between the different parties in the state, and is directed against 
 an attempt on the part of Antony which gave occasion, more or 
 less directly, to all the remaining orations except the eleventh. 
 We have seen that one of the first measures which Antony 
 proposed, after the death of Caesar, was a change in the dispo- 
 sition of the provinces, whereby he was to obtain Macedonia, 
 and Dolabella Syria. Not content with this, he shortly after- 
 wards, probably in July (see Merivale 3. 98), proposed that 
 Macedonia should be transferred to his brother Gaius, and that 
 he himself should supplant Decimus Brutus in Cisalpine Gaul, 
 apparently in order that he might possess a powerful force 
 within easy reach of the city. The senate refused to listen to 
 the proposal, but Antony brought it before the people in the 
 4 comitia,' and gained their assent by persuading them that 
 Uecimus was preparing to attack the party of Caesar, and uphold 
 by force the cause of his assassins. He also obtained leave to 
 recall four legions from Macedonia, and on the 9th of October 
 proceeded to Brundisium to place himself at their head. On 
 his way he put some soldiers to death at Suessa Auruncorum, 
 and finding at Brundisium that two of the legions, the Martia 
 and Quarta, despised the largess which he offered them, he 
 treacherously massacred their centurions in the presence of his 
 wife. Finding that the troops were not to be depended 
 
 F 
 
66 
 
 INTRODUCTION TO 
 
 on, probably owing to the temptations offered by agents of 
 Octavianus, he sent the second and thirty-fifth legions, which 
 still in the main adhered to him (see 5. 19, 53 ; Fam. 10. 30, 1), 
 in detachments towards Cisalpine Gaul, appointing a rendezvous 
 at Ariminum ; and returned himself to Rome, at the head 
 of the Gaulish legion Alauda, which he had probably brought 
 with him from Rome ; as we know that it was there in the 
 earlier part of the summer (Att. 16. 8, 2). 
 
 Octavianus had meanwhile been levying troops, and winning 
 over the veterans in Campania, by a largess of 500 denarii 
 apiece. By Cicero's advice he returned to Rome, shortly before 
 the arrival of Antony, but finding that the veterans were not 
 yet prepared for open conflict with the Consul, he thought it 
 prudent to retire to Arretium. 
 
 Antony left the bulk of his troops at Tibur, but entered the 
 city, contrary to the laws, at the head of an armed force, to 
 whom, as he marched through the streets, he promised the 
 houses and property of his enemies for plunder. He convened 
 the senate for the 24th of November, denouncing any senator 
 who should absent himself as an enemy to him and to his 
 country. On the appointed day he was himself absent, being, 
 according to Cicero (Phil. 3. 8, 20), too drunk to make his 
 appearance. He summoned another meeting in the Capitol for 
 the 28th, at which he forbade three tribunes, whom he knew to 
 be hostile to him, to be present. 
 
 The object of the meeting was to denounce the conduct of 
 Octavianus, but when the day arrived his resolution failed him, 
 and the only proposal laid before the senate was for a ' suppli- 
 catio ' in honour of M. Lepidus. In the midst of the debate on 
 this, a message reached him that the fourth legion had openly 
 declared in favour of Octavianus and joined the Martia, which 
 had already taken up a position at Alba. Feeling that to stay 
 in Rome was dangerous, he took a hurried division on the 
 question before the senate, and hastened to Alba, in hopes 
 of yet recovering the allegiance of his troops. Finding the 
 gates shut against him, he proceeded to Tibur, and confirming 
 the fidelity of the forces there by a present of 2000 sesterces to 
 
THE THIRD ORATION 
 
 every soldier, he set forth at their head towards Cisalpine Gaul, 
 with a view of dispossessing Decimus Brutus of his province. 
 
 At this juncture Cicero published his second oration, and 
 used the influence which it gave him in strengthening the 
 cause of Octavianns, and inflaming all parties against Antony. 
 On the 20th of December the tribunes, in the absence of both 
 the Consuls, convened the senate for the transaction of some 
 formal business, and to arrange for its safe meeting on the 
 1st of January; and Cicero availed himself of the occasion to 
 deliver the third Philippic oration. 
 
 In it he denounces Antony as a public enemy, declaring that 
 his conduct was worse than that of Tarquin ; and having re- 
 viewed the lawlessness and cowardice of his proceedings, by 
 which he had forfeited all claim to be regarded as Consul, he 
 exposes the absurdity of his attempt to insult Octavianus by 
 reproaching him with the position of his mother ; and ridicules 
 the bad Latin of his proclamations. On the other hand he 
 highly extols the conduct of Octavianus, of Decimus Brutus, 
 and the fourth and Martian legions ; and he ends his speech 
 by formally proposing that the thanks of the senate should be 
 given them for what they had done, and that the recent changes 
 in the disposition of the provinces should be annulled. His 
 proposals were accepted by the senate, and A. Hirtius and 
 C. Pansa, the Consuls elect, were instructed to take the earliest 
 possible opportunity for carrying them into effect. 
 
 F 2 
 
M. TULLII CICERONIS 
 
 ORATIONUM PHILIPPICARUM 
 
 LIBER TERTIUS. 
 
 Serius omnino, patres conscripti, quam tempus rei 1 
 publicae postulabat, aliquando tamen convocati sumus : quod i 
 flagitabam equidem quotidie, quippe cum bellum nefarium 
 contra aras et focos, contra vitam fortunasque nostras ab 
 5 homine profligato ac perdito non comparari, sed geri iam 
 viderem. Exspectantur Kalendae Ianuariae, quas non ex- 
 spectat Antonius, qui in provinciam D. Bruti, summi et 
 singularis viri, cum exercitu impetum facere conatur; ex 
 qua se instructum et paratum ad urbem venturum esse 
 
 io minitatur. Quae est igitur exspectatio aut quae vel minimi 2 
 dilatio temporis ? quamquam enim adsunt Kalendae Ianuariae, 
 tamen breve tempus longum est imparatis. Dies enim affert 
 vel hora potius, si nihil provisum est, magnas saepe clades. 
 Certus autem dies non ut sacrificiis, sic consiliis exspectari 
 
 15 solet. 
 
 Quod si aut Kalendae Ianuariae fuissent eo die, quo primum 
 ex urbe fugit Antonius, aut eae non essent exspectatae, 
 bellum iam nullum haberemus. Auctoritate enim senatus 
 consensuque populi Romani facile hominis amends fregissemus 
 20 audaciam. Quod confido equidem consules designates. 
 
M. TULLII CICERONIS OR AT, PHIL. Ill 69 
 
 simul ut magistratum inierint, esse facturos ; sunt enim 
 optimo animo, summo consilio, singulari concordia : mea 
 autem festinatio non victoriae solum avida est, sed etiam 
 celeritatis. 
 
 3 Quo enim usque tantum bellum, tarn crudele, tarn nefarium 5 
 privatis consiliis propulsabitur ? cur non quam primum 
 
 2 publica accedit auctoritas ? C. Caesar adolescens, paene 
 potius puer, incredibili ac divina quadam mente atque virtute, 
 cum maxime furor arderet Antonii cumque eius a Brundisio 
 crudelis et pestifer reditus timeretur, nec postulantibus nec 10 
 cogitantibus, ne optantibus quidem nobis quia non posse 
 fieri videbatur, firmissimum exercitum ex invicto genere 
 veteranorum militum comparavit patrimoniumque suum 
 effudit : quamquam non sum usus eo verbo quo debui ; non 
 
 4 enim effudit: in rei publicae salute collocavit. Cui quam- 15 
 quam gratia referri tanta non potest quanta debetur, habenda 
 tamen est tanta, quantam maximam animi nostri capere 
 possunt. Quis enim est tarn ignarus rerum, tarn nihil de re 
 publica cogitans, qui hoc non intelligat, si M. Antonius a 
 Brundisio cum iis copiis, quas se habiturum putabat, Romam, 20 
 ut minabatur, venire potuisset, nullum genus eum crudelitatis 
 praeteriturum fuisse ? quippe qui in hospitis tectis Brundisii 
 fortissimos viros optimosque cives iugulari iusserit ; quorum 
 ante pedes eius morientium sanguine os uxoris respersum esse 
 constabat. Hac ille crudelitate imbutus, cum multo bonis 25 
 omnibus veniret iratior, quam illis fuerat, quos trucidarat, cui 
 
 5 tandem nostrum aut cui omnino bono pepercisset ? Qua 
 peste privato consilio rem publicam — neque enim fieri potuit 
 aliter — Caesar liberavit. Qui nisi in hac re publica natus 
 esset, rem publicam scelere Antonii nullam haberemus. Sic 30 
 enim perspicio, sic iudico, nisi unus adolescens illius furentes 
 impetus crudelissimosque conatus cohibuisset, rem publicam 
 funditus interituram fuisse. Cui quidem hodierno die, patres 
 
7 o 
 
 M. TULLII CICERONIS 
 
 conscripti, — nunc enim primum ita convenimus, ut illius 
 beneficio possemus ea, quae sentiremus, libere dicere — 
 tribuenda est auctoritas, ut rem publicam non modo a se 
 susceptam, sed etiam a nobis commendatam possit defendere. 
 5 Nec vero de legione Martia, quoniam longo intervallo 3 
 loqui nobis de re publica licet, sileri potest. Quis enim 6 
 unus fortior, quis amicior umquam rei publicae fuit quam 
 legio Martia universa ? quae cum hostem populi Romani An- 
 tonium iudicasset, comes esse eius amentiae noluit : reliquit 
 
 io consulem, quod profecto non fecisset, si eum consulem iudi- 
 casset, quern nihil aliud agere, nihil moliri nisi caedem civium 
 atque interitum civitatis videret. Atque ea legio consedit Albae. 
 Quam potuit urbem eligere aut opportuniorem ad res gerundas 
 aut fideliorem aut fortium virorum aut amicorum rei publicae 
 
 1 5 civium ? Huius legionis virtutem imitata quarta legio duce 7 
 L. Egnatuleio quaestore, civi optimo et fortissimo, C. Caesaris 
 auctoritatem atque exercitum persecuta est. Faciundum est 
 igitur nobis, patres conscripti, ut ea, quae sua sponte clarissi- 
 mus adolescens atque omnium praestantissimus gessit et 
 
 20 gerit, haec auctoritate nostra comprobentur, veteranorumque, 
 fortissimorum virorum, turn legionis Martiae quartaeque 
 mirabilis consensus ad rem publicam recuperandam laude et 
 testimonio nostro confirmetur, eorumque commoda, honores, 
 praemia, cum consules designati magistratum inierint, curae 
 
 25 nobis fore hodierno die spondeamus. 
 
 Atque ea quidem, quae dixi de Caesare deque eius exercitu, 4 
 iam diu nota sunt nobis. Virtute enim admirabili Caesaris 8 
 constantiaque militum veteranorum legionumque earum, quae 
 optimo iudicio auctoritatem vestram, libertatem populi 
 
 30 Romani, virtutem Caesaris secutae sunt, a cervicibus nostris 
 est depulsus Antonius. Sed haec, ut dixi, superiora: hoc 
 vero recens edictum D. Bruti, quod paulo ante proppsitum 
 est, certe silentio non potest praeteriri. Pollicetur enim se 
 
ORATIO PHILIPPIC A III 
 
 71 
 
 provinciam Galliam retenturum in senatus populique Romani 
 potestate. O civem natum rei publicae, memorem sui 
 nominis imitatoremque maiorum ! Neque enim Tarquinio 
 expulso maioribus nostris tarn fuit optata libertas, quam est 
 9 depulso iam Antonio retinenda nobis. Illi regibus parere 5 
 iam a condita urbe didicerant : nos post reges exactos 
 servitutis oblivio ceperat. Atque ille Tarquinius, quern 
 maiores nostri non tulerunt, non crudelis, non impius, sed 
 superbus est habitus et dictus : quod nos vitium in privatis 
 saepe tulimus, id maiores nostri ne in rege quidem ferre 10 
 potuerunt. L. Brutus regem superbum non tulit : D. Brutus 
 sceleratum atque impium regnare patietur Antonium ? Quid 
 Tarquinius tale, qualia innumerabilia et facit et fecit Antonius? 
 Senatum etiam reges habebant : nec tamen, ut Antonio 
 senatum habente, in consilio regis versabantur barbari 15 
 armati. Servabant auspicia reges ; quae hie consul augurque 
 neglexit, neque solum legibus contra auspicia ferendis, sed 
 etiam collega una ferente eo, quern ipse ementitis auspiciis 
 
 10 vitiosum fecerat. Quis autem rex umquam fuit tarn insignite 
 impudens, ut haberet omnia commoda, beneficia, iura regni 20 
 venalia? Quam hie immunitatem, quam civitatem, quod 
 praemium non vel singulis hominibus vel civitatibus vel 
 universis provinciis vendidit? Nihil humile de Tarquinio, 
 nihil sordidum accepimus : at vero huius domi inter quasilla 
 pendebatur aurum, numerabatur pecunia ; una in domo 25 
 omnes, quorum intererat, totum imperium populi Romani 
 nundinabantur. Supplicia vero in cives Romanos nulla 
 Tarquinii accepimus : at hie et Suessae iugulavit eos, quos in 
 custodiam dederat, et Brundisii ad trecentos fortissimos viros 
 
 11 civesque optimos trucidavit. Postremo Tarquinius pro 30 
 populo Romano bellum gerebat turn, cum est expulsus : 
 Antonius contra populum Romanum exercitum adducebat 
 turn, cum a legionibus relictus nomen Caesaris exercitumque 
 
72 
 
 M. TULLII CICERONIS 
 
 pertimuit neglectisque sacrifices sollemnibus ante lucem vota 
 ea, quae numquam solveret, nuncupavit, et hoc tempore in 
 provinciam populi Romani conatur invadere. Maius igitur 
 a D. Bruto beneficium populus Romanus et habet et 
 5 exspectat, quam maiores nostri acceperunt a L. Bruto, 
 principe huius maxime conservandi generis et nominis. Cum 5 
 autem omnis servitus est misera, turn vero intolerabilis est 12 
 servire impuro, impudico, effeminato, numquam ne in metu 
 quidem sobrio. Hunc igitur qui Gallia prohibet, privato 
 
 io praesertim consilio, iudicat verissimeque iudicat non esse 
 consulem. Faciendum est igitur nobis, patres conscripti, ut 
 D. Bruti privatum consilium auctoritate publica comprobemus. 
 Nec vero M. Antonium consulem post Lupercalia debuistis 
 putare. Quo enim ille die populo Romano inspectante 
 
 15 nudus, unctus, ebrius est contionatus et id egit ut collegae 
 diadema imponeret, eo die se non modo consulatu, sed etiam 
 libertate abdicavit. Esset enim ipsi certe statim serviendum, 
 si Caesar ab eo regni insignia accipere voluisset. Hunc 
 igitur ego consulem, hunc civem Romanum, hunc liberum, 
 
 20 hunc denique hominem putem, qui foedo illo et flagitioso die 
 et quid pati C. Caesare vivo posset et quid eo mortuo consequi 
 ipse cuperet ostendit ? Nec vero de virtute, constantia, 13 
 gravitate provinciae Galliae taceri potest. Est enim ille flos 
 Italiae, illud firmamentum imperii populi Romani, illud 
 
 25 ornamentum dignitatis. Tantus autem est consensus munici- 
 piorum coloniarumque provinciae Galliae, ut omnes ad 
 auctoritatem huius ordinis maiestatemque populi Romani 
 defendendam conspirasse videantur. Quam ob rem, tribuni 
 pi., quamquam vos nihil aliud nisi de praesidio, ut senatum 
 
 30 tuto consules Kalendis Ianuariis habere possent, rettulistis, 
 tamen mihi videmini magno consilio atque optima mente 
 potestatem nobis de tota re publica fecisse dicendi. Cum 
 enim tuto haberi senaium sine praesidio non posse iudicavistis, 
 
ORATIO PHILIPPICA III 
 
 73 
 
 turn statuistis etiam intra muros Antonii scelus audaciamque 
 versari. 
 
 Q Quam ob rem omnia mea sententia complectar, vobis, ut 
 
 14 intelligo, non invitis, ut et praestantissimis ducibus a nobis 
 detur auctoritas, et fortissimis militibus spes ostendatur 5 
 praemiorum, et iudicetur non verbo, sed re non modo non 
 consul, sed etiam hostis Antonius. Nam si ille consul, 
 fustuarium meruerunt legiones, quae consulem reliquerunt ; 
 sceleratus Caesar, Brutus nefarius, qui contra consulem privato 
 consilio exercitus comparaverunt : si autem militibus exqui- 1 
 rendi sunt honores novi propter eorum divinum atque immor- 
 tale meritum, ducibus autem ne referri quidem potest gratia, 
 quis est qui eum hostem non existimet, quern qui armis per- 
 
 15 sequantur, conservatores rei publicae iudicantur? At quam 
 contumeliosus in edictis I quam barbarus ! quam rudis ! 1 
 Primum in Caesarem maledicta congessit deprompta ex 
 recordatione impudicitiae et stuprorum suorum. Quis enim 
 hoc adolescente castior ? quis modestior ? quod in iuventute 
 habemus illustrius exemplum veteris sanctitatis ? quis autem 
 illo, qui male dicit, impurior? Ignobilitatem obiicit C. Cae- 2 
 saris filio, cuius etiam natura pater, si vita suppeditasset, con- 
 sul factus esset. — Aricina mater. — Trallianam aut Ephesiam 
 putes dicere. Videte quam despiciamur omnes, qui sumus e 
 municipiis, id est omnes plane : quotus enim quisque nostrum 
 non est ? Quod autem municipium non contemnit is, qui 2 
 Aricinum tanto opere despicit, vetustate antiquissimum, iure 
 foederatum, propinquitate paene fmitimum, splendore 
 
 16 municipum honestissimum ? Hinc Voconiae, hinc Atiniae 
 leges ; hinc multae sellae curules et patrum memoria et 
 nostra ; hinc equites Romani lautissimi et plurimi. Sed si 3 
 Aricinam uxorem non probas, cur probas Tusculanam ? 
 Quamquam huius sanctissimae feminae atque optimae pater, 
 M. Atius Balbus, in primis honestus, praetorius fuit: tuae 
 
74 
 
 M. TULLII CICERONIS 
 
 coniugis, bonae feminae, locupletis quidem certe, Bambalio 
 quidam pater, homo nullo numero. Nihil illo contemptius, 
 qui propter haesitantiam linguae stuporemque cordis cogno- 
 men ex contumelia traxerat. — At avus nobilis. — Tuditanus 
 5 nempe ille, qui cum palla et cothurnis nummos populo de 
 rostris spargere solebat. Vellem hanc contemptionem 
 pecuniae suis reliquisset ! Habetis nobilitatem generis 17 
 gloriosam. Qui autem evenit ut tibi t Iulia natus ignobilis 
 videatur, cum tu eodem materno genere soleas gloriari ? 
 
 io Quae porro amentia est eum dicere aliquid de uxorum 
 ignobilitate, cuius pater Numitoriam Fregellanam, proditoris 
 filiam, habuerit uxorem, ipse ex libertini filia susceperit 
 liberos ? Sed hoc clarissimi viri viderint, L. Philippus, qui 
 habet Aricinam uxorem, C. Marcellus, qui Aricinae filiam : 
 
 x 5 quos certo scio dignitatis optimarum feminarum non paeni- 
 tere. Idem etiam Q. Ciceronem, fratris mei filium, compel- 7 
 lat edicto, nec sentit amens commendationem esse compella- 
 tionem suam. Quid enim accidere huic adolescenti potuit 
 optatius quam cognosci ab omnibus Caesaris consiliorum esse 
 
 20 socium, Antonii furoris inimicum ? At etiam gladiator ausus 18 
 est scribere hunc de patris et patrui parricidio cogitasse. O 
 admirabilem impudentiam, audaciam, temeritatem ! in eum 
 adolescentem hoc scribere audere, quern ego et frater meus 
 propter eius suavissimos atque optimos mores praestantissim- 
 
 25 umque ingenium certatim amamus omnibusque horis oculis, 
 auribus, complexu tenemus ! Nam me isdem edictis nescit 
 laedat an laudet. Cum idem supplicium minatur optimis 
 civibus, quod ego de sceleratissimis ac pessimis sumpserim, 
 laudare videtur, quasi imitari velit : cum autem illam 
 
 30 pulcherrimi facti memoriam refricat, turn a sui similibus 
 invidiam aliquam in me commoveri putat. 
 
 Sed quid fecit ipse ? Cum tot edicta posuisset, edixit ut 8 
 adesset senatus frequens a. d. viii Kalendas Decembres : 19 
 
ORATIO PHILIPPIC A III 
 
 75 
 
 eo die ipse non adfuit. At quo modo edixit ? Haec sunt, 
 ut opinor, verba in extremo : Si quis non adfuerit, 
 hunc existimare omnes poterunt et interitus mei et 
 perditissimorum consiliorum auctorem fuisse. Quae 
 sunt perdita consilia ? an ea, quae pertineant ad libertatem 5 
 populi Romani recuperandam ? quorum consiliorum Caesari 
 me auctorem et hortatorem et esse et fuisse fateor. Quam- 
 quam ille non eguit consilio cuiusquam, sed tamen currentem, 
 ut dicitur, incitavi. Nam interitus quidem tui quis bonus 
 non esset auctor, cum eo salus et vita optimi cuiusque, 10 
 
 20 libertas populi Romani dignitasque consisteret ? Sed cum 
 tarn atroci edicto nos concitavisset, cur ipse non adfuit ? 
 Num putatis aliqua re tristi ac severa ? vino atque epulis 
 retentus, si illae epulae potius quam popinae nominandae 
 sunt. Diem edicti obire neglexit : in ante diem quartum 15 
 Kalendas Decembres distulit. Adesse in Capitolio iussit : 
 quod in templum ipse nescio qua per Gallorum cuniculum 
 adscendit. Convenerunt corrogati, et quidem ampli quidam 
 homines, sed immemores dignitatis suae. Is enim erat dies, 
 ea fama, is qui senatum vocarat, ut turpe senatori esset nihil 20 
 timere. Ad eos tamen ipsos, qui convenerant, ne verbum 
 quidem ausus est facere de Caesare, cum de eo constituisset 
 ad senatum referre : scriptam attulerat consularis quidam 
 
 21 sententiam. Quid est aliud de eo referre non audere, qui 
 contra se consulem exercitum duceret, nisi se ipsum hostem 25 
 iudicare ? Necesse erat enim alterutrum esse hostem ; nec 
 poterat aliter de adversariis iudicari ducibus. Si igitur 
 Caesar hostis, cur consul nihil referat ad senatum ? sin 
 ille a senatu notandus non fuit, quid potest dicere, quin, 
 cum de illo tacuerit, se hostem confessus sit ? Quern in 30 
 edictis Spartacum appellat, hunc in senatu ne improbum 
 quidem dicere audet. At in rebus tristissimis quantos 
 
 9 excitat risus ! Sententiolas edicti cuiusdam memoriae man- 
 
7 6 
 
 M. TULLII CICERONIS 
 
 davi, quas videtur ille peracutas putare : ego autem qui in- 
 telligeret, quid dicere vellet, adhuc neminem inveni. Nulla 
 contumelia est, quam facit dignus. Primum quid est 22 
 dignus? nam etiam malo multi digni, sicut ipse. An 
 5 quam facit is, qui cum dignitate est ? quae autem potest 
 essemaior? Quid est porro facere contumeliam? quis 
 sic loquitur? Deinde: nec timor, quern denuntiat 
 inimicus. Quid ergo? ab amico timor denuntiari solet ? 
 Horum similia deinceps. Nonne satius est mutum esse 
 
 io quam quod nemo intelligat dicere ? En, cur magister eius 
 ex oratore arator factus sit, possideat in agro publico campi 
 Leontini duo milia iugerum immunia, ut hominem stupidum 
 magis etiam infatuet mercede publica. Sed haec leviora 23 
 fortasse : illud quaero, cur tarn mansuetus in senatu merit, 
 
 15 cum in edietis tarn ferus fuisset. Quid enim attinuerat L. 
 Cassio, tribuno pi., fortissimo et constantissimo civi, mortem 
 denuntiare, si in senatum venisset, D. Carfulenum, bene de 
 re publica sentientem, senatu vi et minis mortis expellere, Ti. 
 Canutium, a quo erat honestissimis contentionibus et saepe et 
 
 20 iure vexatus, non templo solum, verum etiam aditu prohibere 
 Capitolii ? Cui senatus consulto ne intercederent verebatur ? 
 De supplicatione, credo, M. Lepidi, clarissimi viri. Atque id 
 erat periculum, de cuius honore extraordinario quotidie aliquid 
 cogitabamus, ne eius usitatus honos impediretur. Ac ne sine 24 
 
 25 causa videretur edixisse ut senatus adesset, cum de re publica 
 relaturus fuisset, allato nuntio de legione quarta mente con- 
 cidit, et fugere festinans senatus consultum de supplicatione 
 per discessionem fecit, cum id factum esset antea numquam. 
 Quae vero profectio postea ! quod iter paludati ! quae 10 
 
 30 vitatio oculorum, lucis, urbis, fori ! quam misera fuga ! 
 quam foeda! quam turpis! Praeclara tamen senatus con- 
 sulta illo ipso die vespertina, provinciarum religiosa sortitio, 
 divina vero opportunitas, ut, quae cuique apta esset, ea 
 
ORATIO PHILIPPIC A III 
 
 11 
 
 25 cuique obveniret. Praeclare igitur facitis, tribuni pi., qui 
 de praesidio consilium senatusque referatis, meritoque vestro 
 maximas vobis gratias omnes et agere et habere debemus. 
 Qui enim periculo carere possumus in tanta hominum cupidi- 
 tate et audacia ? ille autem homo afflictus et perditus quae 5 
 de se exspectat iudicia # graviora quam amicorum suorum? 
 Familiarissimus eius, mihi homo coniunctus, L. Lentulus 
 et P. Naso, omni carens cupiditate, nullam se habere pro- 
 vinciam, nullam Antonii sortitionem fuisse iudicaverunt. 
 Quod idem fecit L. Philippus, vir patre, avo, maioribus suis io 
 dignissimus. In eadem sententia fuit homo summa integritate 
 atque innocentia, C. Turranius. Idem fecit Sp. Oppius ; ipsi 
 etiam, qui amicitiam M. Antonii veriti plus ei tribuerunt, 
 quam fortasse vellent, M. Piso, necessarius meus, et vir et 
 civis egregius, parique innocentia M. Vehilius senatus aucto- 15 
 
 26 ritati se obtemperaturos esse dixerunt. Quid ego de L. 
 Cinna loquar ? cuius spectata multis magnisque rebus 
 singularis integritas minus admirabilem facit huius hones- 
 tissimi facti gloriam : qui omnino provinciam neglexit, quam 
 item magno animo et constanti C. Cestius repudiavit. Qui 20 
 sunt igitur reliqui, quos sors divina delectet? t L. Annius, 
 M. Antonius. O felicem utrumque ! nihil enim maluerunt. 
 C. Antonius Macedonian!. Hunc quoque felicem ! hanc 
 enim habebat semper in ore provinciam. C. Calvisius 
 Africam. Nihil felicius ! modo enim ex Africa decesserat 25 
 et quasi divinans se redilurum duos legatos Uticae reliquerat. 
 Deinde M. t Cusini Sicilia, Q. Cassii Hispania. Non habeo 
 quid suspicer: duarum credo provinciarum sortes minus 
 
 11 divinas fuisse. O C. Caesar — adolescentem appello — , 
 
 27 quam tu salutem rei publicae attulisti ! quam improvisam ! 30 
 quam repentinam ! qui enim haec fugiens fecit, quid faceret 
 insequens ? Etenim in contione dixerat se custodem fore 
 urbis seque usque ad Kalendas Maias ad urbem exercitum 
 
7 8 
 
 M. TULLII CICERONIS 
 
 habiturum. O praeclarum custodem ovium, ut aiunt, lupum ! 
 custosne urbis an direptor et vexator esset Antonius? Et 
 quidem se introiturum in urbem dixit exiturumque, cum 
 vellet. Quid illud? nonne audiente populo sedens pro 
 5 aede Castoris dixit, nisi qui vicisset, victurum neminem ? 
 
 Hodierno die primum longo intervallo in possessionem 28 
 libertatis pedem ponimus : cuius quidem ego, quoad potui, 
 non modo defensor, sed etiam conservator fui. Cum autem 
 id facere non possem, quievi, nec abiecte nec sine aliqua 
 
 10 dignitate casum ilium temporum et dolorem tuli. Hanc vero 
 taeterrimam beluam quis ferre potest aut quo modo ? Quid 
 est in Antonio praeter libidinem, crudelitatem, petulantiam, 
 audaciam? Ex his totus conglutinatus est. Nihil apparet 
 in eo ingenuum, nihil moderatum, nihil pudens, nihil pudi- 
 
 15 cum. Quapropter, quoniam res in id discrimen adducta est, 29 
 utrum ille poenas rei publicae luat an nos serviamus, ali- 
 quando, per deos immortales ! patres conscripti, patrium 
 animum virtutemque capiamus, ut aut libertatem propriam 
 Romani et generis et nominis recuperemus aut mortem servi- 
 
 20 tuti anteponamus. Multa, quae in libera civitate ferenda non 
 essent, tulimus et perpessi sumus : alii spe forsitan recuper- 
 andae libertatis, alii vivendi nimia cuptditate : sed, si ilia 
 tulimus, quae nos necessitas ferre coegit, quae vis quaedam 
 paene fatalis, quae tamen ipsa non tulimus : etiamne huius 
 
 25 impuri latronis feremus taeterrimum crudelissimumque domi- 
 natum ? Quid hie faciet, si poterit, iratus, qui cum suscen- 12 
 sere nemini posset, omnibus bonis fuerit inimicus ? quid hie 30 
 victor non audebit, qui nullam adeptus victoriam tanta scelera 
 post Caesaris interitum fecerit ? refertam eius domum 
 
 30 exhauserit ? hortos compilaverit ? ad se ex iis omnia 
 ornamenta transtulerit ? caedis et incendiorum causam quae- 
 sierit ex funere? duobus aut tribus senatus consultis bene 
 et e re publica factis reliquas res ad lucrum praedamque 
 
OR ATI O PHILIPPIC A III 
 
 79 
 
 revocaverit ? vendiderit immimitates ? civitates liberaverit ? 
 provincias universas ex imperii populi Romani iure sustulerit ? 
 exsules reduxerit? falsas leges C. Caesaris nomine et falsa 
 decreta in aes incidenda et in Capitolio Agenda curaverit 
 earumque rerum omnium domesticum mercatum instituerit ? 5 
 populo Romano leges imposuerit ? armis et praesidiis 
 populum et magistratus foro excluserit, senatum stiparit 
 [armatis] ? armatos in cella Concordiae, cum senatum 
 haberet, incluserit? ad legiones Brundisium cucurrerit? ex 
 iis optime sentientes centuriones iugulaverit ? cum exercitu 10 
 Romam sit ad interitum nostrum et ad dispersionem urbis 
 
 31 venire conatus ? Atque is ab hoc impetu abstractus consilio 
 et copiis Caesaris, consensu veteranorum, virtute legionum, ne 
 fortuna quidem fractus minuit audaciam, nec ruere demens 
 nec furere desinit. In Galliam mutilatum ducit exercitum, 15 
 cum una legione et ea vaccillante L. fratrem exspectat, quo 
 neminem reperire potest sui similiorem. Ille autem ex 
 myrmillone dux, ex gladiatore imperator, quas effecit strages, 
 ubicumque posuit vestigium ! Fundit apothecas, caedit greges 
 armentorum reliquique pecoris, quodcumque nactus est ; 20 
 epulantur milites ; ipse autem se, ut fratrem imitetur, obruit 
 vino ; vastantur agri, diripiuntur villae, matres familiae, 
 virgines, pueri ingenui abripiuntur, militibus traduntur. Haec 
 
 13 eadem, quacumque exercitum duxit, fecit M. Antonius. His 
 
 32 vos taeterrimis fratribus portas aperietis ? hos umquam in 25 
 urbem recipietis ? non tempore oblato, ducibus paratis, 
 animis militum incitatis, populo Romano conspirante, Italia 
 tota ad libertatem recuperandam excitata, deorum immor- 
 talium beneficio utemini ? Nullum erit tempus hoc amisso. 
 
 A tergo, fronte, lateribus tenebitur, si in Galliam venerit. 30 
 Nec ille armis solum, sed etiam decretis nostris urguendus 
 est. Magna vis est, magnum numen unum et idem sentien- 
 tis senatus. Videtisne refertum forum populumque Romanum 
 
8o 
 
 M. TULLII CICERONIS 
 
 ad spem recuperandae libertatis erectum ? qui longo inter- 
 vallo cum frequentes hie videt nos, turn sperat etiam liberos 
 convenisse. Hunc ego diem exspectans M, Antonii scelerata 33 
 arma vitavi turn, cum ille in me absentem invehens non 
 5 intelligebat, ad quod tern pus me et meas vires reservarem. 
 Si enim turn illi caedis a me initium quaerenti respondere 
 voluissem, nunc rei publicae consulere non possem. Hanc 
 vero nactus facultatem, nullum tempus, patres conscripti, 
 dimittam neque diurnum neque nocturnum, quin de libertate 
 o populi Romani et dignitate vestra quod cogitandum sit 
 cogitem, quod agendum atque faciendum, id non modo non 
 recusem, sed etiam appetam atque deposcam. Hoc feci, 
 dum licuit : intermisi, quoad non licuit. Iam non solum 
 licet, sed etiam necesse est, nisi servire malumus quam, ne 
 5 serviamus, armis animisque decernere. Di immortales nobis 34 
 haec praesidia dederunt : urbi Caesarem, Brutum Galliae. Si 
 enim ille opprimere urbem potuisset, statim, si Galliam tenere, 
 paulo post optimo cuique pereundum erat, reliquis servien- 
 dum. Hanc igitur occasionem oblatam tenete, per deos 14 
 immortales ! patres conscripti, et amplissimi orbis terrae 
 consilii principes vos esse aliquando recordamini. Signum 
 date populo Romano consilium vestrum non deesse rei 
 publicae, quoniam ille virtutem suam non defuturam esse 
 profitetur. Nihil est quod moneam vos. Nemo est tarn 
 stultus qui non intelligat, si indormierimus huic tempori, 
 non modo crudelem superbamque dominationem nobis, sed 
 ignominiosam etiam et flagitiosam ferendam esse. Nostis 35 
 insolentiam Antonii, nostis amicos, nostis totam domum. 
 Libidinosis, petulantibus, impuris, impudicis, aleatoribus, 
 ebriis servire, ea summa miseria est summo dedecore con- 
 iuncta. Quod si iam — quod di omen avertant ! — fatum 
 extremum rei publicae venit, quod gladiatores nobiles faciunt 
 ut honeste decumbant, faciamus nos, principes orbis terrarum 
 
ORATIO PHILIPPIC A III 
 
 8l 
 
 gentiumque omnium, ut cum dignitate potius cadamus quam 
 
 36 cum ignominia serviamus. Nihil est detestabilius dedecore, 
 nihil foedius servitute. Ad decus et ad libertatem nati 
 sumus : aut haec teneamus aut cum dignitate moriamur. 
 Nimium diu teximus quid sentiremus : nunc iam apertum 5 
 est; omnes patefaciunt, in utramque partem quid sentiat, 
 quid velit. Sunt impii cives, sed pro caritate rei publicae 
 nimium multi, contra multitudinem bene sentientium ad- 
 modum pauci : quorum opprimendorum di immortales 
 incredibilem rei publicae potestatem et fortunam dederunt. 10 
 Ad ea enim praesidia, quae habemus, iam accedent consules 
 summa prudentia, virtute, concordia, multos menses de rei 
 publicae libertate commentati atque meditati. His auctoribus 
 
 et ducibus> dis iuvantibus, nobis vigilantibus et multum in 
 posterum providentibus, populo Romano consentiente, erimus 15 
 profecto liberi brevi tempore. Iucundiorem autem faciet 
 libertatem servitutis recordatio. 
 15 Quas ob res, quod tribuni pi. verba fecerunt, uti senatus 
 
 37 Kalendis Ianuariis tuto haberi sententiaeque de summa re 
 publica libere dici possint, de ea re ita censeo, uti C. Pansa 20 
 A. Hirtius, consules designati, dent operam uti senatus 
 Kalendis Ianuariis tuto haberi possit : quodque edictum 
 D. Bruti, imperatoris, consulis designati, propositum sit, 
 senatum existimare D. Brutum, imperatorem, consulem 
 designatum, optime de re publica mereri, cum senatus auctori- 25 
 tatem populique Romani libertatem imperiumque defendat : 
 
 38 quodque provinciam Galliam citeriorem, optimorum et fortissi- 
 morum amicissimorumque rei publicae civium, exercitumque 
 in senatus potestate retineat, id eum exercitumque eius, 
 municipia, colonias provinciae Galliae recte atque ordine 30 
 exque re publica fecisse et facere : senatum ad summam rem 
 publicam pertinere arbitrari ab D. Bruto et L. Planco, 
 imperatoribus, consulibus designatis, itemque a ceteris, qui 
 
82 M. TULLII CICERONIS ORAT. PHIL, III 
 
 provincias obtinent, obtineri ex lege Iulia, quoad ex senatus 
 consulto cuique eorum successum sit ; eosque dare operam ut 
 eae provinciae atque exercitus in senati populique potestate 
 praesidioque rei publicae sint : cumque opera, virtute, consilio 
 5 C. Caesaris summoque consensu militum veteranorum, qui 
 eius auctoritatem secuti rei publicae praesidio sunt et fuerunt, 
 a gravissimis periculis populus Romanus defensus sit et hoc 
 tempore defendatur ; cumque legio Martia Albae constiterit, 39 
 in municipio fldelissimo et fortissimo, seseque ad senatus 
 
 io auctoritatem populique Romani libertatem contulerit ; et 
 quod pari consilio eademque virtute legio quarta usa L. Egna- 
 tuleio duce, civi egregio, senatus auctoritatem populique 
 Romani libertatem defendat ac defenderit: senatui magnae 
 curae esse ac fore, ut pro tantis eorum in rem publicam 
 
 15 meritis honores eis habeantur gratiaeque referantur: senatui 
 placere uti C. Pansa A. Hirtius, consules designati, cum 
 magistratum inissent, si eis videretur, primo quoque tempore 
 de his rebus ad hunc ordinem referrent, ita uti e re publica 
 fideque sua videretur. 
 
INTRODUCTION TO THE FIFTH ORATION 
 
 The fourth oration was a 6 contio ad populum,' in which Cicero, 
 after the debate in the senate on the 20th of December, 43 B.C., 
 explains to the people the course that had eventually been agreed 
 upon. No immediate action, however, could be taken, as it was 
 necessary to wait till the new Consuls, A. Hirtius and C. Vibius 
 Pansa, entered on office on the 1st of January, 43 B.C. Mean- 
 while Antony had marched upon Cisalpine Gaul, whereupon 
 D. Brutus threw himself into Mutina, the modern Modena, 
 resolved to stand a siege rather than surrender his province ; 
 and Octavianus, at the head of a considerable force, including 
 Antony's two revolted legions, was marching to attack him in 
 the rear. If the new Consuls proved vigorous in attacking 
 Antony, his cause was hopeless, and Cicero was using all his 
 influence to induce them to adopt an energetic policy. On the 
 other hand, they were both staunch adherents of Caesar, who 
 had given them all the position which they held in the state, 
 and therefore they were not likely to be very warm in supporting 
 the cause of one of his assassins, against the man who professed 
 to be upholding all his measures. Hence, though Cicero speaks 
 in public as though they could be thoroughly depended on, yet 
 we learn from his letters that he did not wholly trust them. 
 (Att. 15. 6 and 22.) And this distrust was justified by the 
 proceedings in the senate on the 1st of January. The Consuls 
 themselves indeed adopted a firm and manly tone, which excited 
 Cicero's hopes, but then they called on Q. Fufius Calenus to 
 deliver his opinion first among the consulars. It has been 
 
8 4 
 
 INTRODUCTION TO 
 
 commonly thought that giving him this precedence was a matter 
 of private arrangement ; but be this as it may (see on c. I, i), at 
 any rate he was Pansa's father-in-^aw, and might be reasonably 
 supposed to represent the real feelings of the Consul, which his 
 official position forced him in some degree to suppress in his 
 own speech. He was not only a firm partisan of the dictator, 
 but a personal enemy of Cicero (Att. II. 8, s), and so closely 
 allied to the cause of Antony, that he was acting as his repre- 
 sentative in Rome, and Fulvia and her children were actually 
 staying at his house. He proposed that Antony should not yet 
 be treated as a public enemy, but that ambassadors should be 
 sent to him, to bring him back, if possible, to his allegiance to 
 the senate. This motion was supported by L. Piso and some 
 other consulars, and it was against it that Cicero delivered his 
 fifth oration. 
 
 In this he urges that it would be in the highest degree in- 
 consistent, and unworthy of the dignity of the senate to enter 
 into negotiations with a man whom, a few days before, they had 
 virtually declared to be a public enemy, by voting their thanks 
 to the legions who had deserted him, and to the generals who 
 had taken on themselves to act against him. He passes in 
 review once more the conduct of Antony since the dictator's 
 death ; his wanton forgeries ; his various pernicious measures, 
 especially condemning his degradation of the judicial bench ; 
 and his unconstitutional conduct in maintaining an armed force 
 within the city walls. He maintains that not merely war, but 
 civil war (tumullus) should be proclaimed, that the military 
 dress should be assumed, the courts of justice closed, and a 
 general levy made throughout the whole of Italy. He concludes 
 by renewing his proposal of thanks and honours to D. Brutus 
 and Octavianus, and the soldiers under their command. 
 
 The debate was continued for the unusual period of four days, 
 and it appears that Cicero would have had a large majority, 
 had not Salvius, a tribune of the commons, interposed his veto, 
 and prevented the motion for declaring Antony a public enemy 
 from being voted on. The proposal of Calenus was then adopted ; 
 Servius Sulpicius L. Piso and L. Philippus were appointed 
 
THE FIFTH ORATION 
 
 85 
 
 ambassadors to treat with Antony ; and Cicero so far prevailed 
 that he was entrusted with the drawing out of their commission. 
 They were instructed to call on Antony to raise the siege of 
 Mutina, to cease from further hostilities against D. Brutus, 
 and from all attempts upon the province of Cisalpine Gaul, and 
 to submit himself in all respects to the authority of the senate 
 and the Roman people. If he refused submission on any single 
 point, he was to be treated as a public enemy. 
 
 The rest of the proposals in Cicero's motion, with reference 
 to the honours to be bestowed on Brutus and Octavianus and 
 their armies, were carried without opposition. 
 
 At the close of the debate in the senate on the 4th of January, 
 Cicero came out into the Forum, and being introduced to the 
 multitude by P. Apuleius, a tribune of the commons, he told 
 them what had happened. The Contio thus delivered forms 
 the sixth Philippic oration, and is in great measure a summary 
 of the fifth. 
 
 I 
 
M. TULLII CICERONIS 
 
 ORATIONUM PHILIPPICARUM 
 
 LIBER QUINTUS. 
 
 Nihil umquam longius his Kalendis Ianuariis mihi visum 1 
 est, patres conscripti : quod idem intelligebam per hos dies l 
 uni cuique vestrum videri. Qui enim bellum cum re publica 
 gerunt, hunc diem non exspectabant. Nos autem turn, cum 
 5 maxime consilio nostro subvenire communi saluti oporteret, 
 in senatum non vocabamur. Sed querellam praeteritorum 
 dierum sustulit oratio consulum ; qui ita locuti sunt, ut magis 
 exoptatae Kalendae quam serae esse videantur. Atque ut 
 oratio consulum animum meum erexit spemque attulit non 
 
 10 modo salutis conservandae, verum etiam dignitatis pristinae 
 recuperandae, sic me perturbasset eius sententia, qui primus 
 rogatus est, nisi vestrae virtuti constantiaeque confiderem. 
 Hie enim dies vobis, patres conscripti, illuxit, haec potestas 2 
 data est, ut quantum virtutis, quantum constantiae, quantum 
 
 15 gravitatis in huius ordinis consilio esset, populo Romano 
 declarare possetis. Recordamini qui dies nudius tertius 
 decimus fuerit, quantus consensus vestrum, quanta virtus, 
 quanta constantia ; quantam sitis a populo Romano laudem, 
 quantam gloriam, quantam gratiam consecuti. Atque illo 
 
 20 die, patres conscripti, ea constituistis, ut vobis iam nihil sit 
 
M. TULLII CICERONIS ORAT. PHIL. V 87 
 
 3 integrum nisi aut honesta pax aut bellum necessarium. Pacem 
 vult M. Antonius ? Anna deponat, roget, deprecetur. Nemi- 
 nem aequiorem reperiet quam me, cui, dum se civibus impiis 
 commendat, inimicus quam amicus esse maluit. Nihil est 
 profecto, quod possit dari bellum gerenti : erit fortasse 5 
 aliquid, quod concedi possit roganti : legatos vero ad eum 
 mittere, de quo gravissimum et severissimum iudicium nudius 
 tertius decimus feceritis, non iam levitatis est, sed, ut quod 
 
 2 sentio dicam, dementiae. Primum duces eos laudavistis, qui 
 contra ilium bellum privato consilio suscepissent ; deinde 10 
 milites veteranos, qui cum ab Antonio in colonias essent 
 deducti, illius beneficio libertatem populi Romani ante- 
 
 4 posuerunt. Quid? legio Martia, quid? quarta, cur laudantur? 
 Si enim consulem suum reliquerunt, vituperandae sunt : si 
 inimicum rei publicae, iure laudantur. Atqui cum consules 15 
 nondum haberetis, decrevistis ut de praemiis militum et de 
 honoribus imperatorum primo quoque tempore referretur. 
 Placet eodem tempore praemia constituere eis, qui contra 
 Antonium arma ceperint, et legatos ad Antonium mittere ? 
 
 ut iam pudendum sit honestiora decreta esse legionum quam 20 
 senatus : si quidem legiones decreverunt senatum defendere 
 contra Antonium, senatus decernit legatos ad Antonium. 
 Utrum hoc est confirmare militum animos an debilitare 
 
 5 virtutem ? Hoc dies duodecim profecerunt, ut, quern nemo 
 praeter Cotylam inventus sit qui defenderet, is habeat iam 25 
 patronos etiam consulares. Qui utinam omnes ante me 
 sententiam rogarentur! — quamquam suspicor, quid dicturi 
 sint quidam eorum, qui post me rogabuntur — : facilius contra 
 dicerem, si quid videretur. Est enim opinio decreturum 
 aliquem Antonio illam ultimam Galliam, quam Plancus 3° 
 obtinet. Quid est aliud omnia ad bellum civile hosti arma 
 largiri? primum nervos belli, pecuniam infinitam, qua nunc 
 eget, deinde equitatum, quantum velit. Equitatum dico? 
 
88 
 
 M. TULLII CICERONIS 
 
 dubitabit, credo, gentes barbaras secum adducere. Hoc qui 
 non videt, excors, qui cum videt decernit, impius est. Tu 6 
 civem sceleratum et perditum Gallorum et Germanorum 
 pecunia, peditatu, equitatu, copiis instrues? Nullae istae 
 5 excusationes sunt: 4 meus amicus est:' sit patriae prius. 
 6 Meus cognatus/ An potest cognatio propior ulla esse 
 quam patriae, in qua parentes etiam continentur ? 1 Mihi 
 pecuniam tribuit/ Cupio videre qui id audeat dicere. Quid 
 autem agatur cum aperuero, facile erit statuere quam senten- 
 
 io tiam dicatis aut quam sequamini. 
 
 Agitur, utrum M. Antonio facultas detur opprimendae rei 3 
 publicae, caedis faciendae bonorum, urbis dividundae, agrorum 
 suis latronibus condonandi, populum Romanum servitute 
 opprimendi, an horum ei facere nihil liceat. Dubitate quid 
 
 15 agatis. At non cadunt haec in Antonium. Hoc ne Cotyla 7 
 quidem dicere auderet. Quid enim in eurn non cadit ? qui, 
 cuius acta se defendere dicit, eius eas leges pervertit, quas 
 maxime laudare poteramus. Ille paludes siccare voluit : hie 
 omnem Italiam moderato homini, L. Antonio, dividundam 
 
 20 dedit. Quid ? hanc legem populus Romanus accepit ? quid ? 
 per auspicia ferri potuit ? Sed augur verecundus sine collegis 
 de auspiciis : quamquam ilia auspicia non egent interpre- 
 tatione ; love enim tonante cum populo agi non esse fas 
 quis ignorat? Tribuni plebi tulerunt de provinciis contra 
 
 25 acta C. Caesaris : ille biennium, iste sexennium. Etiam 
 hanc legem populus Romanus accepit ? quid ? promulgata 
 fuit ? quid ? non ante lata quam scripta est ? quid ? non 
 ante factum vidimus quam futurum quisquam est suspicatus ? 
 Ubi lex Caecilia et Didia ? ubi promulgatio trinum nundinum? 8 
 
 30 ubi poena recenti lege Iunia et Licinia ? Possuntne hae leges 
 esse ratae sine interitu legum reliquarum ? Eccui potestas in 
 forum insinuandi fuit ? Quae porro ilia tonitrua ! quae tem- 
 pestas ! ut, si auspicia M. Antonium non moverent, sustinere 
 
ORATIO PHILIPPIC A V 
 
 89 
 
 tamen eum ac ferre posse tantam vim tempestatis, imbris ac 
 turbinum, mirum videretur. Quam legem igitur se augur 
 dicit tulisse non modo tonante love, sed prope caelesti 
 clamore prohibente, hanc dubitabit contra auspicia latam 
 
 9 confiteri ? Quid ? quod cum eo collega tulit, quern ipse fecit 5 
 sua nuntiatione vitiosum, nihilne ad auspicia bonus augur 
 
 4 pertinere arbitratus est? Sed auspiciorum nos fortasse erimus 
 interpretes, qui sumus eius collegae. Num ergo etiam 
 armorum interpretes quaerimus? Primum omnes fori aditus 
 ita saepti, ut, etiam si nemo obstaret armatus, tamen nisi 10 
 saeptis revulsis introiri in forum nullo modo posset : sic vero 
 erant disposita praesidia, ut, quo modo hostium aditus urbe 
 prohibentur, ita castellis et operibus ab ingressione fori 
 
 10 populum tribunosque plebi propulsari videres. Quibus de 
 causis eas leges, quas M. Antonius tulisse dicitur, omnes 15 
 censeo per vim et contra auspicia latas iisque legibus populum 
 non teneri. Si quam legem de actis Caesaris confirmandis 
 deve dictatura in perpetuum tollenda deve colonis in agros 
 deducendis tulisse M. Antonius dicitur, easdem leges de 
 integro, ut populum teneant, salvis auspiciis ferri placet. 20 
 Quamvis enim res bonas vitiose per vimque tulerit, tamen 
 eae leges non sunt habendae, omnisque audacia gladiatoris 
 
 11 amentis auctoritate nostra repudianda est. Ilia vero dissi- 
 patio pecuniae publicae ferenda nullo modo est, per quam 
 sestertium septiens miliens falsis perscriptionibus donationi- 25 
 busque avertit, ut portenti simile videatur tantam pecuniam 
 populi Romani tarn brevi tempore perire potuisse. Quid ? 
 
 ill i immanes quaestus ferendine, quos M. Antonii tota ex- 
 hausit domus ? Decreta falsa vendebat, regna, civitates, 
 immunitates in aes accepta pecunia iubebat incidi. Haec se 30 
 ex commentariis C. Caesaris, quorum ipse auctor erat, agere 
 dicebat. Calebant in interiore aedium parte totius rei publicae 
 nundinae ; mulier, sibi felicior quam viris, auctionem provin- 
 
go 
 
 M. TULLII CICERONIS 
 
 ciarum regnorumque faciebat; restituebanturexsules quasi lege 
 sine lege : quae nisi auctoritate senatus rescinduntur, quoniam 
 ingressi in spem rei publicae recuperandae sumus, imago 
 nulla liberae civitatis relinquetur. Neque solum commen- 12 
 5 tariis commenticiis chirographisque venalibus innumerabilis 
 pecunia congesta in illam domum est, cum, quae vendebat 
 Antonius, ea se ex actis Caesaris agere diceret, sed senatus 
 etiam consulta pecunia accepta falsa referebat; syngraphae 
 obsignabantur; senatus consulta numquam facta ad aerarium 
 
 *o deferebantur. Huius turpitudinis testes erant etiam exterae 
 nationes. Foedera interea facta, regna data, populi pro- 
 vinciaeque liberatae, ipsarumque rerum falsae tabulae gemente 
 populo Romano toto Capitolio figebantur. Quibus rebus 
 tanta pecunia una in domo coacervata est, ut, si hoc t genus 
 
 15 pene in unum redigatur, non sit pecunia rei publicae defutura. 
 Legem etiam iudiciariam tulit, homo castus atque integer, 5 
 iudiciorum et iuris auctor. In quo nos fefellit. Antesignanos 
 et manipulares et Alaudas iudices se constituisse dicebat. 
 At ille legit aleatores, legit exsules, legit Graecos. O con- 
 
 20 sessum iudicum praeclarum ! o dignitatem consilii admiran- 
 dam ! Avet animus apud consilium illud pro reo dicere. 13 
 Cydam Cretensem, portentum insulae, hominem audacis- 
 simum et perditissimum. Sed fac non esse: num Latine 
 scit ? num est ex iudicum genere et forma ? num, quod 
 
 25 maximum est, leges nostras moresve novit ? num denique 
 homines ? est enim Creta vobis notior quam Roma 
 Cydae; dilectus autem et notatio iudicum etiam in 
 nostris civibus haberi solet. Cortynium vero iudicem quis 
 novit aut quis nosse potuit? Nam Lysiaden Atheniensem 
 
 30 plerique novimus ; est enim Phaedri, philosophi nobilis, 
 filius, homo praeterea festivus, ut ei cum Curio, consessore 
 eodemque collusore, facillime possit convenire. Quaero 14 
 igitur, si Lysiades citatus iudex non respondent excuseturque 
 
ORATIO PHILIPPIC A V 
 
 91 
 
 Areopagites esse nec debere eodem tempore Romae et 
 Athenis res iudicare : accipietne excusationem is, qui 
 quaestioni praeerit, Graeculi iudicis, modo palliati, modo 
 togati ? an Atheniensium antiquissimas leges negliget ? Qui 
 porro ille consessus, di boni I Cretensis iudex, isque nequis- 5 
 simus. Quem ad modum ad hunc reus alleget ? quo modo 
 accedat ? dura natio est. At Athenienses misericordes. Puto 
 ne Curium quidem esse crudelem, qui periculum fortunae 
 quotidie facit. Sunt item lecti iudices, qui fortasse excusa- 
 buntur; habent enim legitimam excusationem, exsilii causa 10 
 
 15 solum vertisse nec esse postea restitutos. Hos ille demens 
 iudices legisset, horum nomina ad aerarium detulisset, his 
 magnam partem rei publicae credidisset, si ullam speciem 
 
 6 rei publicae cogitavisset? Atque ego de notis iudicibus dixi : 
 quos minus nostis, nolui nominare : saltatores, citharistas, 1 5 
 totum denique comissationis Antonianae chorum in tertiam 
 decuriam iudicum scitote esse coniectum. En causam cur 
 lex tarn egregia tamque praeclara maximo imbri, tempestate, 
 ventis, procellis, turbinibus, inter fulmina et tonitrua ferretur, 
 ut eos iudices haberemus, quos hospites habere nemo velit. 20 
 Scelerum magnitudo, conscientia maleficiorum, direptio eius 
 pecuniae, cuius ratio in aede Opis confecta est, hanc tertiam 
 decuriam excogitavit : nec ante turpes iudices quaesiti quam 
 
 16 honestis iudicibus nocentium salus desperata est. Sed illud 
 os, illam impuritatem caeni fuisse, ut hos iudices legere 25 
 auderet! quorum lectione duplex imprimeretur rei publicae 
 dedecus : unum, quod tarn turpes iudices essent ; alterum, 
 quod patefactum cognitumque esset, quam multos in civitate 
 turpes haberemus. Hanc ergo et reliquas eius modi leges, 
 etiam si sine vi salvis auspiciis essent rogatae, censerem :,o 
 tamen abrogandas : nunc vero cur abrogandas censeam, 
 quas iudico non rogatas ? 
 
 17 An ilia non gravissimis ignominiis monumentisque huius 
 
9 2 
 
 M. TULLII CICERONIS 
 
 ordinis ad posteritatis memoriam sunt notanda, quod unus 
 M. Antonius in hac urbe post conditam urbem palam secum 
 habuerit armatos ? quod neque reges nostri fecerunt neque 
 ii, qui regibus exactis regnum occupare voluerunt. Cinnam 
 5 memini, vidi Sullam, modo Caesarem : hi enim tres post 
 civitatem a L. Bruto liberatam plus potuerunt quam universa 
 res publica. Non possum affirmare nullis telis eos stipatos 
 fuisse : hoc dico nec multis et occultis. At hanc pestem 18 
 agmen armatorum sequebatur : Cassius, Mustela, Tiro, 
 
 io gladios ostentantes, sui similes greges ducebant per forum ; 
 certum agminis locum tenebant barbari sagittarii. Cum 
 autem erat ventum ad aedem Concordiae, gradus comple- 
 bantur, lecticae collocabantur, non quo ille scuta occulta 
 esse vellet, sed ne familiares, si scuta ipsi ferrent, laborarent. 
 
 15 Illud vero taeterrimum non modo adspectu, sed etiam auditu, 7 
 in cella Concordiae collocari armatos, latrones, sicarios; de 
 templo carcerem fieri ; opertis valvis Concordiae, cum inter 
 subsellia senatus versarentur latrones, patres conscriptos 
 sententias dicere. Hue nisi venirem Kalendis Septembribus, 19 
 
 20 etiam fabros se missurum et domum meam disturbaturum esse 
 dixit. Magna res, credo, agebatur : de supplicatione re- 
 ferebat. Veni postridie : ipse non venit Locutus sum de 
 re publica, minus equidem libere quam mea consuetudo, 
 liberius tamen quam periculi minae postulabant. At ille 
 
 25 homo vehemens et violentus, qui hanc consuetudinem libere 
 dicendi excluderet — fecerat enim hoc idem maxima cum 
 laude L. Piso triginta diebus ante — , inimicitias mihi 
 denuntiavit ; adesse in senatum iussit a. d. xm Kalendas 
 Octobres, Ipse interea septemdecim dies de me in Tiburtino 
 
 30 Scipionis declamitavit, sitim quaerens : haec enim ei causa 
 esse declamandi solet. Cum is dies, quo me adesse iusserat, 20 
 venisset, turn vero agmine quadrato in aedem Concordiae 
 venit atque in me absentem orationem ex ore impurissimo 
 
ORATIO PHILIPPIC A V 
 
 93 
 
 evomuit. Quo die, si per amicos mihi cupienti in senatum 
 venire licuisset, caedis initium fecisset a me ; sic enim 
 statuerat. Cum autem semel gladium scelere imbuisset nulla 
 res ei finem caedendi nisi defatigatio et satietas attulisset. 
 Etenim aderat Lucius frater, gladiator Asiaticus, qui myr- 5 
 millo Myiasis depugnarat ; sanguinem nostrum sitiebat, suum 
 in ilia gladiatoria pugna multum profuderat. Hie pecunias 
 vestras aestimabat ; possessiones notabat et urbanas et 
 rusticas; huius mendicitas aviditate coniuncta in fortunas 
 nostras imminebat ; dividebat agros quibus et quos volebat ; 1 
 nullus aditus erat privato, nulla aequitatis deprecatio : tantum 
 quisque habebat possessor, quantum reliquerat divisor 
 
 21 Antonius. Quae quamquam, si leges irritas feceritis, rata 
 esse non possunt, tamen separatim suo nomine notanda 
 censeo, iudicandumque nullos septemviros fuisse, nihil placere 1 
 ratum esse, quod ab iis actum diceretur. 
 
 8 M. vero Antonium quis est qui civem possit iudicare potius 
 quam taeterrimum et crudelissimum hostem, qui pro aede 
 Castoris sedens audiente populo Romano dixerit, nisi victorem 
 victurum neminem ? Num putatis, patres conscripti, dixisse 2 
 eum minacius quam facturum fuisse? Quid vero, quod in 
 condone dicere ausus est, se, cum magistratu abisset, ad 
 urbem futurum cum exercitu, introiturum quotienscumque 
 vellet, quid erat aliud nisi denuntiare populo Romano 
 
 22 servitutem ? Quod autem eius iter Brundisium ! quae festi- 2 
 nalio ! quae spes, nisi ad urbem vel in urbem potius exercitum 
 maximum adduceret ? Qui autem dilectus centurionum ! 
 quae effrenatio impotentis animi ! Cum eius promissis 
 legiones fortissimae reclamassent, domum ad se venire 
 iussit centuriones, quos bene sentire de re publica cognoverat, 3 
 eosque ante pedes suos uxorisque suae, quam secum gravis 
 imperator ad exercitum duxerat, iugulari coegit. Quo animo 
 hunc futurum fuisse censetis in nos, quos oderat, cum in eos, 
 
94 M. TULLII CICERONIS 
 
 quos numquam viderat, tarn crudelis fuisset ? et quam avidum 
 in pecuniis locupletium, qui pauperum sanguinem con- 
 cupisset? quorum ipsorum bona, quantacumque erant, 
 statim suis comitibus compotoribusque descripsit. Atque 23 
 5 ille furens infesta iam patriae signa a Brundisio inferebat, 
 cum C. Caesar deorum immortalium beneflcio, divina animi, 
 ingenii, consilii magnitudine, quamquam sua sponte eximiaque 
 virtute, tamen approbatione auctoritatis meae colonias patrias 
 adiit, veteranos milites convocavit, paucis diebus exercitum 
 
 io fecit, incitatos latronum impetus retardavit. Postea vero 
 quam legio Martia ducem praestantissimum vidit, nihil egit 
 aliud nisi ut aliquando liberi essemus : quam est imitata 
 quarta legio. Quo ille nuntio audito cum senatum vocasset 9 
 adhibuissetque consularem, qui sua sententia C. Caesarem 
 
 15 hostem iudicaret, repente concidit Post autem, neque 24 
 sacrificiis sollemnibus factis neque votis nuncupatis, non 
 profectus est, sed profugit paludatus. At quo ? In provinciam 
 firmissimorum civium, qui ilium, ne si ita quidem venisset, 
 ut nullum bellum inferret, ferre potuissent, impotentem, 
 
 20 iracundum, contumeliosum, superbum, semper poscentem, 
 semper rapientem, semper ebrium. At ille, cuius ne pacatam 
 quidem nequitiam quisquam ferre posset, bellum intulit 
 provinciae Galliae; circumsedet Mutinam, nrmissimam et 
 splendidissimam populi Romani coloniam; oppugnat D. 
 
 25 Brutum imperatorem, consulem designatum, civem non sibi, 
 sed nobis et rei publicae natum. Ergo Hannibal hostis, 25 
 civis Antonius? Quid ille fecit hostiliter, quod hie non aut 
 fecerit aut faciat aut moliatur et cogitet? Totum iter 
 Antoniorum quid habuit nisi depopulationes, vastationes, 
 
 30 caedes, rapinas ? quas non faciebat Hannibal, quia multa 
 ad usum suum reservabat : at hi, qui in horam viverent, non 
 modo de fortunis et de bonis civium, sed ne de utilitate 
 quidem sua cogitaverunt. . 
 
ORATIO PHILIPPIC A V 
 
 95 
 
 Ad hunc, di boni ! legatos mitti placet ? Norunt isti 
 homines formam rei publicae, iura belli, exempla maiorum ? 
 cogitant quid populi Romani maiestas, quid senatus severitas 
 postulet ? Legatos decernis ? Si, ut deprecere, contemnet : 
 si, ut imperes, non audiet : denique quamvis severa legatis 5 
 mandata dederimus, nomen ipsum legatorum hunc, quern 
 videmus, populi Romani restinguet ardorem, municipiorum 
 atque Italiae franget animos. Ut omittam haec, quae magna 
 sunt, certe ista legatio moram et tarditatem afferet bello. 
 
 26 Quamvis dicant, quod quosdam audio dicturos: 'legatiio 
 proficiscantur: bellum nihilo minus paretur/ tamen legatorum 
 nomen ipsum et animos hominum et belli celeritatem 
 
 10 morabitur. Minimis momentis, patres conscripti, maximae 
 inclinationes temporum fiunt, cum in omni casu rei publicae, 
 turn in bello et maxime civili, quod opinione plerumque et 15 
 fama gubernatur. Nemo quaeret, quibus cum mandatis 
 legatos miserimus : nomen ipsum legationis ultro missae 
 timoris esse signum videbitur. Recedat a Mutina, desinat 
 oppugnare Brutum, decedat ex Gallia : non est verbis 
 
 27 rogandus, cogendus est armis. Non enim ad Hannibalem 20 
 mittimus ut a Sagunto recedat, ad quern miserat olim senatus 
 P. Valerium Flaccum et Q. Baebium Tampilum, qui, si 
 Hannibal non pareret, Karthaginem ire iussi erant : — nostros 
 quo iubemus ire, si non paruerit Antonius ? — ad nostrum 
 civem mittimus, ne imperatorem, ne coloniam populi Romani 25 
 oppugnet. Itane vero ? hoc per legatos rogandum est ? 
 Quid interest, per deos immortales ! utrum hanc urbem 
 oppugnet an huius urbis propugnaculum, coloniam populi 
 Romani praesidii causa collocatam? Belli Punici secundi, 
 quod contra maiores nostros Hannibal gessit, causa fuit 30 
 Sagunti oppugnatio. Recte ad eum legati missi : mittebantur 
 ad Poenum, mittebantur pro Hannibalis hostibus, nostris 
 sociis. Quid simile tandem? nos ad civem mittimus, ne 
 
9 6 
 
 M. TULLII CICERONIS * 
 
 imperatorem populi Romani, ne exercitum, ne coloniam 
 circumsedeat, ne oppugnet, ne agros depopuletur, ne sit 
 hostis. 
 
 Age, si paruerit, hoc cive uti aut volumus aut possumus? 11 
 5 Ante diem xin Kalendas Ianuarias decretis vestris eum 28 
 concidistis : constituistis ut haec ad vos Kalendis Ianuariis 
 referrentur, quae referri videtis, de honoribus et praemiis 
 bene de re publica meritorum et merentium : quorum 
 principem iudicastis eum, qui fuit, C. Caesarem, qui M. 
 
 io Antonii impetus nefarios ab urbe in Galliam avertit : turn 
 milites veteranos, qui primi Caesarem secuti sunt, atque illas 
 caelestes divinasque legiones Martiam et quartam compro- 
 bastis, quibus, cum consulem suum non modo reliquissent, 
 sed bello etiam persequerentur, honores et praemia spo- 
 
 15 pondistis : eodemque die D. Bruti, praestantissimi civis, 
 edicto allato atque proposito, factum eius collaudastis, 
 quodque ille bellum privato consilio susceperat, id vos 
 auctoritate publica comprobastis. Quid igitur illo die aliud 29 
 egistis nisi ut hostem iudicaretis Antonium? His vestris 
 
 20 decretis aut ille vos aequo animo adspicere poterit aut vos 
 ilium sine dolore summo videbitis? Exclusit ilium a re 
 publica, distraxit, segregavit non solum scelus ipsius, sed 
 etiam, ut mihi videtur, fortuna quaedam rei publicae. Qui 
 si legatis paruerit Romamque redierit, num umquam perditis 
 
 25 civibus vexillum quo concurrant defuturum putatis ? Sed 
 hoc minus vereor : sunt alia, quae magis timeam et cogitem. 
 Numquam parebit ille legatis : novi hominis insaniam, 
 arrogantiam ; novi perdita consilia amicorum, quibus ille 
 est deditus. Lucius quidem frater eius, utpote qui peregre 30 
 
 30 depugnarit, familiam ducit. Sit per se ipse sanus, quod 
 numquam erit : per hos esse ei tamen non licebit. Teretur 
 interea tempus, belli apparatus refrigescent. Unde est adhuc 
 bellum tractum nisi ex retardatione et mora? Ut primum 
 
ORATIO PHILIPPIC A V 
 
 97 
 
 post discessum latronis vel potius desperatam fugam libere 
 senatus haberi potuit, semper flagitavi ut convocaremur. 
 Quo die primum convocati sumus, cum designati consules 
 non adessent, ieci sententia mea maximo vestro consensu 
 fundamenta rei publicae, serius omnino quam decuit — nec 5 
 enim ante potui — , sed tamen si ex eo tempore dies nullus 
 
 31 intermissus esset, bellum profecto nullum haberemus. Omne 
 malum nascens facile opprimitur : inveteratum fit plerumque 
 robustius. Sed turn exspectabantur Kalendae Ianuariae, 
 
 12 fortasse non recte. Verum praeterita omittamus. Etiamne 10 
 hanc moram, dum proficiscantur legati? dum revertantur? 
 quorum exspectatio dubitationem belli affert : bello autem 
 dubio quod potest studium esse dilectus ? 
 
 Quam ob rem, patres conscripti, legatorum mentionem 
 nullam censeo faciendam ; rem administrandam arbitror sine 15 
 ulla mora et confestim gerendam censeo ; tumultum decerni, 
 iustitium edici, saga sumi dico oportere, dilectum haberi 
 sublatis vacationibus in urbe et in Italia praeter Galliam tota. 
 
 32 Quae si erunt facta, opinio ipsa et fama nostrae severitatis 
 obruet scelerati gladiatoris amentiam. Sentiet sibi bellum 20 
 cum re publica esse susceptum, experietur consentientis 
 senatus nervos atque vires: nam nunc quidem partium 
 contentionem esse dictitat. Quarum partium ? Alteri victi 
 sunt, alteri sunt e mediis C. Caesaris partibus : nisi forte 
 Caesaris partes a Pansa et Hirtio consulibus et a filio 25 
 C. Caesaris oppugnari putamus. Hoc vero bellum non 
 est ex dissensione partium, sed ex nefaria spe perditissimorum 
 civium excitatum : quibus bona fortunaeque nostrae notatae 
 
 33 sunt et iam ad cuiusque opinionem distributae. Legi episto- 
 lam Antonii, quam ad quendam septemvirum, capitalem 30 
 hominem, collegam suum, miserat. ' Quid concupiscas tu 
 videris : quod concupiveris certe habebis.' En ad quern 
 legatos mittamus, cui bellum moremur inferre : qui ne sorti 
 
 H 
 
98 
 
 M. TULLII CICERONIS 
 
 quidem fortunas nostras destinavit, sed libidini cuiusque nos 
 ita addixit, ut ne sibi quidem quidquam integrum, quod non 
 alicui promissum iam sit, reliquerit. Cum hoc, patres con- 
 scripti, bello, bello, inquam, decertandum est, idque confestim : 
 5 legatorum tarditas repudianda est. Quapropter ne multa 34 
 nobis quotidie decernenda sint, consulibus totam rem publicam 
 commendandam censeo iisque permittendum, ut rem publicam 
 defendant provideantque ne quid res publica detrimenti 
 accipiat, censeoque ut iis, qui in exercitu M. Antonii sunt, 
 
 io ne sit ea res fraudi, si ante Kalendas Februarias ab eo 
 discesserint. Haec si censueritis, patres conscripti, brevi 
 tempore libertatem populi Romani auctoritatemque vestram 
 recuperabitis : si autem lenius agetis, tamen eadem, sed 
 fortasse serius decernetis. De re publica, quoad rettulistis, 
 
 1 5 satis decrevisse videor. 
 
 Altera res est de honoribus : de quibus deinceps intelligo 13 
 esse dicendum. Sed qui ordo in sententiis rogandis servari 35 
 solet, eundem tenebo in viris fortibus honorandis. A Bruto 
 igitur, consule designate, more maiorum capiamus exordium : 
 
 20 cuius ut superiora omittam, quae sunt maxima ilia quidem, 
 sed adhuc hominum magis iudiciis quam publice laudata, 
 quibusnam verbis eius laudes huius ipsius temporis consequi 
 possumus? Neque enim ullam mercedem tanta virtus' 
 praeter hanc laudis gloriaeque desiderat : qua etiam si 
 
 25 careat, tamen sit se ipsa contenta : quamquam in memoria 
 gratorum civium tamquam in luce posita laetetur. Laus 
 igitur iudicii testimoniique nostr tribuenda Bruto est. Quam 36 
 ob rem his verbis, patres conscripti, senatus consultum 
 faciendum censeo : Cum D. Brutus imperator, consul 
 
 30 designatus, provinciam Galliam in senatus populique Romani 
 potestate teneat, cumque exercitum tantum tarn brevi tem- 
 pore summo studio municipiorum coloniarumque provinciae 
 Galliae, optime de re publica meritae merentisque, con- 
 
ORATIO PHILIPPIC A V 
 
 99 
 
 scripserit compararit, id eum recte et ordine exque re publica 
 fecisse, idque D. Bruti praestantissimum meritum in rem 
 publicam senatui populoque Romano gratum esse et fore : 
 itaque senatum populumque Romanum existimare, D. Bruti 
 imperatoris, consulis designate opera, consilio, virtute in- 5 
 credibilique studio et consensu provinciae Galliae rei publicae 
 
 37 difficillimo tempore esse subventum. Huic tanto merito 
 Bruti, patres conscripti, tantoque in rem publicam beneficio 
 quis est tantus honos qui non debeatur ? Nam si M. Antonio 
 patuisset Gallia, si oppressis municipiis et coloniis imparatis io 
 in illam ultimam Galliam penetrare potuisset, quantus rei 
 publicae terror impenderet ? Dubitaret, credo, homo araen- 
 tissimus atque in omnibus consiliis praeceps et devius non 
 solum cum exercitu suo, sed etiam cum omni immanitate 
 barbariae bellum inferre nobis, ut eius furorem ne Alpium 15 
 quidem muro cohibere possemus. Haec igitur habenda 
 gratia est D. Bruto, qui ilium, nondum interposita auctoritate 
 vestra, suo consilio atque iudicio non ut consulem recepit, 
 sed ut hostem arcuit Gallia seque obsideri quam hanc urbem 
 maluit. Habeat ergo huius tanti facti tamque praeclari 20 
 decreto nostro testimonium sempiternum : Galliaque, quae 
 semper praesidet atque praesedit huic imperio libertatique 
 communi, merito vereque laudetur, quod se suasque vires 
 non tradidit, sed opposuit Antonio. 
 
 14 Atque etiam M. Lepido pro eius egregiis in rem publicam 25 
 
 38 meritis decernendos honores quam amplissimos censeo. 
 Semper ille populum Romanum liberum voluit maximumque 
 signum illo die dedit voluntatis et iudicii sui, cum Antonio 
 diadema Caesari imponente se avertit gemituque et maestitia 
 declaravit, quantum haberet odium servitutis, quam populum 3° 
 Romanum liberum cuperet, quam ilia, quae tulerat, temporum 
 magis necessitate quam iudicio tulisset. Quanta vero is 
 moderatione usus sit in illo tempore civitatis, quod post 
 
 H 2 
 
IOO 
 
 M. TULLII CICERONIS 
 
 mortem Caesaris consecutum est, quis nostrum oblivisci 
 potest ? Magna haec, sed ad maiora properat oratio. Quid 39 
 enim, o di immortales ! admirabilius omnibus gentibus, quid 
 optatius populo Romano accidere potuit quam, cum bellum 
 5 civile maximum esset, cuius belli exitum omnes timeremus, 
 sapientia + etiam id potius exstingui quam armis et ferro rem 
 in discrimen adducere ? Quod si eadem ratio Caesaris 
 fuisset in illo taetro miseroque bello, ut omittam patrem, 
 duos Cn. Pompei, summi et singularis viri, filios incolumes 
 
 io haberemus : quibus certe pietas fraudi esse non debuit. 
 Utinam omnes M. Lepidus servare potuisset ! Facturum 
 fuisse declaravit in eo, quod potuit, cum Sex. Pompeium 
 restituit civitati, maximum ornamentum rei publicae, claris- 
 simum monumentum clementiae suae. Gravis ilia fortuna 
 
 15 populi Romani, grave fatum. Pompeio enim patre, quod 
 imperio populi Romani lumen fuit, exstincto interfectus est 
 patris simillimus filius. Sed omnia mihi videntur deorum 40 
 immortalium iudicio expiata, Sex. Pompeio rei publicae con- 
 servato. Quam ob causam iustam atque magnam et quod 15 
 
 20 periculosissimum civile bellum maximumque humanitate et 
 sapientia sua M. Lepidus ad pacem concordiamque convertit, 
 senatus consultum his verbis censeo perscribendum : Cum 
 a M. Lepido imperatore, pontiflce maximo, saepe numero 
 res publica et bene et feliciter gesta sit, populusque Romanus 
 
 25 intellexerit ei dominatum regium maxime displicere, cumque 
 eius opera, virtute, consilio singularique dementia et man- 
 suetudine bellum acerbissimum civile sit restinctum, Sextusque 
 Pompeius, Gnaei filius, Magnus, huius ordinis auctoritate ab 41 
 armis discesserit et a M. Lepido imperatore, pontifice maximo, 
 
 3° summa senatus populique Romani voluntate civitati restitutus 
 sit: senatum populumque Romanum pro maximis plurimis- 
 que in rem publicam M. Lepidi mentis magnam spem in 
 eius virtute, auctoritate, felicitate reponere otii, pacis, con- 
 
ORATIO PHILIPPIC A V 
 
 IOI 
 
 cordiae, libertatis, eiusque in rem publicam meritorum senatum 
 populumque Romanum memorem fore, eique statuam eques- 
 trem inauratam in rostris aut quo alio loco in foro vellet ex 
 huius ordinis sententia statui placere. Qui honos, patres 
 conscripti, mihi maximus videtur primum, quia iustus est : 5 
 non enim solum datur propter spem temporum reliquorum, 
 sed pro amplissimis mentis redditur; nec vero cuiquam 
 possumus commemorare hunc honorem a senatu tributum 
 iudicio senatus soluto et libero. 
 16 Venio ad C. Caesarem, patres conscripti : qui nisi fuisset, 10 
 
 42 quis nostrum esse potuisset? Advolabat ad urbem a Brun- 
 disio homo impotentissimus, ardens odio, animo hostili in 
 omnes bonos, cum exercitu Antonius. Quid huius audaciae 
 et sceleri poterat opponi ? Nondum ullos duces habebamus, 
 non copias; nullum erat consilium publicum, nulla libertas ; 15 
 dandae cervices erant crudelitati nefariae ; fugam quaere- 
 
 43 bamus omnes, quae ipsa exitum non habebat. Quis turn 
 nobis, quis populo Romano obtulit hunc divinum adolescentem 
 deus, qui, cum omnia ad perniciem nostram pestifero illi 
 civi paterent, subito praeter spem omnium exortus prius 20 
 confecit exercitum, quern furori M. Antonii opponeret, quam 
 quisquam hoc eum cogitare suspicaretur. Magni honores 
 habiti Cn. Pompeio, cum esset adolescens, et quidem hire : 
 subvenit enim rei publicae, sed aetate multo robustior et 
 militum ducem quaerentium studio paratior et in alio genere 25 
 belli ; non enim omnibus Sullae causa grata : declarat 
 multitudo proscriptorum, tot municipiorum maximae calam- 
 
 44 itates. Caesar autem annis multis minor veteranos cupientes 
 iam requiescere armavit ; earn complexus est causam, quae 
 esset senatui, quae populo, quae cunctae Italiae, quae dis 30 
 hominibusque gratissima. Et Pompeius ad L. Sullae 
 maximum imperium victoremque exercitum accessit : Caesar 
 
 se ad neminem adiunxit; ipse princeps exercitus faciendi et 
 
I02 
 
 M. TULLII CICERONIS 
 
 praesidii comparandi fuit. Ille adversariorum partibus agrum 
 Picenum habuit inimicum : hie ex Antonii amicis, sed 
 amicioribus libertatis contra Antonium confecit exercitum. 
 Illius opibus Sulla regnavit : huius praesidio Antonii 
 
 5 dominatus oppressus est. Demus igitur imperium Caesari, 45 
 sine quo res militaris administrari, teneri exercitus, bellum 
 geri non potest : sit pro praetore eo iure quo qui optimo. 
 Qui honos quamquam est magnus ilia aetate, tamen ad 
 necessitatem rerum gerendarum, non solum ad dignitatem 
 
 io valet. Itaque ilia quaeramus, quae vix hodierno die con- 
 sequemur. Sed saepe spero fore huius adolescentis honor- 17 
 andi et nobis et populo Romano potestatem : hoc autem 
 tempore ita censeo decernund m : Quod C. Caesar, Gai 46 
 filius, pontifex, pro praetore, summo rei publicae tempore 
 
 15 milites veteranos ad libertatem populi Romani cohortatus sit 
 eosque conscripserit, quodque legio Martia atque quarta 
 summo studio optimoque in rem publicam consensu C. 
 Caesare duce et auctore rem publicam, libertatem populi 
 Romani defendant defenderint, et quod C. Caesar pro 
 
 20 praetore Galliae provinciae cum exercitu subsidio profectus 
 sit, equites, sagittarios, elephantos in suam populique Romani 
 potestatem redegerit difficillimoque rei publicae tempore 
 saluti dignitatique populi Romani subvenerit : ob eas causas 
 senatui placere, C. Caesarem, Gai fllium, pontificem, pro 
 
 25 praetore, senatorem esse sententiamque loco praetorio dicere, 
 eiusque rationem, quemcumque magistratum petet, ita haberi, 
 ut haberi per leges liceret, si anno superiore quaestor fuisset. 
 Quid est enim, patres conscripti, cur eum non quam primum 47 
 amplissimos honores capere cupiamus ? Legibus enim anna- 
 
 30 libus cum grandiorem aetatem ad consulatum constituebant, 
 adolescentiae temeritatem verebantur: C. Caesar ineunte 
 aetate docuit ab excellenti eximiaque virtute progressum 
 aetatis exspectari non oportere. Itaque maiores nostri, 
 
ORATIO PHILIPPIC A V 
 
 103 
 
 veteres illi admodum antiqui, leges annales non habebant: 
 quas multis post annis attulit ambitio, ut gradus essent 
 petitionis inter aequales. Ita saepe magna indoles virtutis, 
 prius quam rei publicae prodesse potuisset, exstincta est. 
 
 48 At vero apud antiquos Rulli, Decii, Corvini multique alii, 5 
 recentiore autem memoria superior Africanus, T. Flamininus 
 admodum adolescentes consules facti tantas res gesserunt, 
 ut populi Romani imperium auxerint, nomen ornarint. Quid? 
 Macedo Alexander, cum ab ineunte aetate res maximas 
 gerere coepisset, nonne tertio et tricesimo anno mortem 10 
 obiit ? quae est aetas nostris legibus decern annis minor quam 
 consularis. Ex quo iudicari potest virtutis esse quam aetatis 
 
 18 cursum celeriorem. Nam quod ii, qui Caesari invident, 
 simulant se timere, ne verendum quidem est, ut tenere se 
 possit, ut moderari, ne honoribus nostris elatus intemperan- 15 
 
 49 tius suis opibus utatur. Ea natura rerum est, patres con- 
 scripti, ut, qui sensum verae gloriae ceperit quique se ab 
 senatu, ab equitibus Romanis populoque Romano universo 
 senserit civem carum haberi salutaremque rei publicae, nihil 
 cum hac gloria comparandum putet. Utinam C. Caesari, 20 
 patri dico, contigisset adolescenti. ut esset senatui atque 
 optimo cuique carissimus ! quod cum consequi neglexisset, 
 omnem vim ingenii, quae summa fuit in illo, in populari 
 levitate consumpsit. Itaque cum respectum ad senatum et 
 ad bonos non haberet, earn sibi viam ipse patefecit ad opes 25 
 suas amplificandas, quam virtus liberi populi ferre non posset. 
 Eius autem filii longissime diversa ratio est : qui cum 
 omnibus est, turn optimo cuique carissimus. In hoc spes 
 libertatis posita est ; ab hoc accepta iam salus ; huic summi 
 
 50 honores et exquiruntur et parati sunt. Cuius igitur singularem 30 
 prudentiam admiramur, eius stultitiam timemus? Quid enim 
 stultius quam inutilem potentiam, invidiosas opes, cupiditatem 
 dominandi praecipitem et lubricam anteferre verae, gravi, 
 
M. TULLII CICERONIS 
 
 solidae gloriae ? An hoc vidit puer : si aetate processerit, 
 non videbit? At est quibusdam inimicus clarissimis atque 
 optimis civibus. Nullus iste timor esse debet. Omnes 
 Caesar inimicitias rei publicae condonavit : hanc sibi iudicem 
 5 constituit, hanc moderatricem omnium consiliorum atque 
 factorum. Ita enim ad rem publicam accessit, ut earn 
 conflrmaret, non ut everteret. Omnes habeo cognitos sensus 
 adolescentis. Nihil est illi re publica carius, nihil vestra 
 auctoritate gravius, nihil bonorum virorum iudicio optatius, 
 
 10 nihil vera gloria dulcius. Quam ob rem ab eo non modo 51 
 nihil timere, sed maiora et meliora exspectare debetis, neque 
 in eo, qui ad D. Brutum obsidione liberandum profectus sit, 
 timere, ne memoria maneat domestici doloris, quae plus apud 
 eum possit quam salus civitatis. Audebo etiam obligare 
 
 15 fidem meam, patres conscripti, vobis populoque Romano 
 reique publicae : quod profecto, cum me nulla vis cogeret, 
 facere non auderem, pertimesceremque in maxima re peri- 
 culosam opinionem temeritatis : promitto, recipio, spondeo, 
 patres conscripti, C. Caesarem talem semper fore civem, 
 
 20 qualis hodie sit qualemque eum maxime velle esse et optare 
 debemus. 
 
 Quae cum ita sint, de Caesare satis hoc tempore dictum 19 
 habebo. Nec vero de L. Egnatuleio, fortissimo et con- 52 
 stantissimo civi amicissimoque rei publicae, silendum arbitror, 
 
 25 sed tribuendum testimonium virtutis egregiae, quod is legionem 
 quartam ad Caesarem adduxerit, quae praesidio consulibus, 
 senatui populoque Romano reique publicae esset: ob earn 
 causam placere, uti L. Egnatuleio triennium ante legitimum 
 tempus magistratus petere, capere, gerere liceat. In quo, 
 
 30 patres conscripti, non tantum commodum tribuitur L. Egna- 
 tuleio, quantus honos : in tali enim re satis est nominari. 
 
 De exercitu autem C. Caesaris ita censeo decernundum : 53 
 senatui placere, militibus veteranis, qui Caesaris pontincis 
 
ORATIO PHILIPPIC A V 105 
 
 auctoritatem secuti libertatem populi Romani auctoritatemque 
 huius ordinis defenderint atque defendant, iis liberisque 
 eorum militiae vacationem esse, utique C. Pansa A. Hirtius 
 consules, alter ambove, si eis videretur, cognoscerent, qui 
 ager iis coloniis esset, quo milites veterani deducti essent, 5 
 qui contra legem Iuliam possideretur, ut is militibus veteranis 
 divideretur: de agro Campano separatim cognoscerent 
 inirentque rationem de commodis militum veteranorum 
 augendis ; legionique Martiae et legioni quartae et iis 
 militibus, qui de legione secunda, tricesima quinta ad C. 10 
 Pansam A. Hirtium consules venissent suaque nomina 
 edidissent, quod iis auctoritas senatus populique Romani 
 libertas carissima sit et fuerit, vacationem militiae ipsis 
 liberisque eorum esse placere extra tumultum Gallicum 
 Italicumque, easque legiones bello confecto missas fieri 15 
 placere ; quantamque pecuniam militibus earum legionum 
 in singulos C. Caesar, pontifex, pro praetore pollicitus sit, 
 tantam dari placere: utique C. Pansa A. Hirtius consules, 
 alter ambove, si eis videretur, rationem agri haberent, qui 
 sine iniuria privatorum dividi posset, iisque militibus, legioni 20 
 Martiae et legioni quartae ita darent adsignarent, ut quibus 
 militibus amplissime dati adsignati essent. Dixi ad ea omnia, 
 consules, de quibus rettulistis : quae si erunt sine mora 
 matureque decreta, facilius apparabitis ea, quae tempus et 
 necessitas flagitat. Celeritate autem opus est: qua si 25 
 essemus usi, bellum, ut saepe dixi, nullum haberemus. 
 
INTRODUCTION TO THE SEVENTH 
 
 ORATION 
 
 During the absence of the ambassadors appointed in pur- 
 suance of the proposal made by L. Fufius Calenus on the 1st of 
 January, 43 B. c, the Consuls summoned a meeting of the senate, 
 for the purpose of settling some comparatively unimportant busi- 
 ness connected with the Appian road, the Mint, and the festival 
 of the Lupercalia. The day of the meeting is not exactly known, 
 but it was before the 15th of February, that being the day on 
 which the Lupercalia was held. Cicero was present, and on 
 being asked for his vote upon the first two questions, he took the 
 opportunity of delivering the seventh Philippic oration, in which 
 the first three lines and the last seven words refer to the matter 
 under discussion, and the rest is occupied with an urgent appeal 
 to the senate not to listen to the friends of Antony, whose 
 anxiety for a peace, which was incompatible with freedom, 
 safety, or honour, showed more zeal for the cause of their friend 
 than loyalty to their country. He therefore pressed upon them 
 the necessity of continuing their efforts for the protection of the 
 state, since no sincere proposals could be hoped for on the side 
 of Antony. The speech is one of his most eloquent : but it 
 does not appear that any immediate action was taken in conse- 
 quence of it. 
 
M. TULLII CICERONIS 
 
 ORATIONUM PHILIPPICARUM 
 LIBER SEPTIMUS 
 
 1 Parvis de rebus, sed fortasse necessariis consulimur, patres 
 
 1 conscripti. De Appia via et de Moneta consul, de Lupercis 
 tribunus pi. refert. Quarum rerum etsi facilis explicatio 
 videtur, tamen animus aberrat a sententia suspensus curis 
 maioribus. Adducta est enim, patres conscripti, res in 5 
 maximum periculum et in extremum paene discrimen. Non 
 sine causa legatorum missionem semper timui, numquam 
 probavi, quorum reditus quid sit allaturus ignoro : ex- 
 spectatio quidem quantum afferat languoris animis quis non 
 videt ? Non enim se tenent ii, qui senatum dolent ad io 
 auctoritatis pristinae spem revirescere, coniunclum huic ordini 
 populum Romanum, conspirantem Italiam, paratos exercitus, 
 
 2 expeditos duces. Iam nunc fingunt responsa Antonii eaque 
 defendunt. Alii postulare ilium, ut omnes exercitus dimit- 
 tantur. Scilicet legatos ad eum misimus, non ut pareret 15 
 et dicto audiens esset huic ordini, sed ut conditiones ferret, 
 leges imponeret, reserare nos exteris gentibus Italiam iuberet, 
 se praesertim incolumi, a quo maius periculum quam ab 
 
 3 ullis nationibus extimescendum est. Alii remittere eum 
 nobis Galliam citeriorerh, illam ultimam postulare ; prae- 20 
 
io8 
 
 M. TULLII CICERONIS 
 
 clare ! ex qua non legiones solum, sed etiam nationes ad 
 urbem conetur adducere. Alii nihil eum iam nisi modeste 
 postulare. Macedonian! suam vocat omnino, quoniam Gaius 
 frater est inde revocatus. Sed quae provincia est, ex qua 
 
 5 ilia fax excitare non possit incendium ? Itaque idem, quasi 
 providi cives et senatores diligentes, bellicum me cecinisse 
 dicunt, suscipiunt pacis patrocinium. Nonne sic disputant ? 
 Irritatum Antonium non oportuit ; nequam est homo ille 
 atque confidens ; multi praeterea improbi — quos quidem 
 
 io a se primum numerare possunt, qui haec locuntur — : eos 
 cavendos esse denuntiant. Utrum igitur in nefariis civibus 
 ulciscendi, cum possis, an pertimescendi diligentior cautio 
 est ? Atque haec ii locuntur, qui quondam propter levitatem 2 
 populares habebantur. Ex quo intelligi potest animo illos 4 
 
 15 abhorruisse semper ab optimo civitatis statu, non voluntate 
 fuisse populares. Qui enim evenit ut, qui in rebus improbis 
 populares fuerint, idem in re una maxime populari, quod 
 eadem salutaris rei publicae sit, improbos se quam populares 
 esse malint? Me quidem semper, uti scitis, adversarium 
 
 20 multitudinis temeritati haec fecit praeclarissima causa popu- 
 larem. Et quidem dicuntur, vel potius se ipsi dicunt con- 5 
 sulares : quo nomine dignus est nemo, nisi qui tanti honoris 
 nomen potest sustinere. Faveas tu hosti ? ille litteras ad te 
 mittat de sua spe rerum secundarum ? eas tu laetus proferas, 
 
 25 recites, describendas etiam des improbis civibus ? eorum 
 augeas animos? bonorum spem virtutemque debilites? et 
 te consularem aut senatorem, denique civem putes ? Acci- 
 piet in optimam partem C. Pansa, fortissimus consul atque 
 optimus. Etenim dicam animo amicissimo: hunc ipsum, 
 
 30 mihi hominem familiarissimum, nisi talis consul esset, ut 
 omnes vigilias, curas, cogitationes in rei publicae salute 
 defigeret, consulem non putarem. Quamquam nos ab 6 
 * ineunte illius aetate usus, consuetudo, studiorum etiam 
 
ORATIO PHILIPPIC A VII 
 
 honestissimorum societas similitudoque devinxit, eiusdemque 
 cura incredibilis in asperrimis belli civilis periculis perspecta 
 docuit non modo salutis, sed etiam dignitatis meae fuisse 
 fautorem : tamen eundem, ut dixi, nisi talis consul esset, 
 negare esse consulem auderem. Idem non modo consulem 5 
 esse dico, sed etiam memoria mea praestantissimum atque 
 optimum consulem, non quin pari virtute et voluntate alii 
 fuerint, sed tantam causam non habuerunt, in qua et volun- 
 
 7 tatem suam et virtutem declararent. Huius magnitudini 
 animi, gravitati, sapientiae tempestas est oblata formido- 10 
 losissimi temporis. Turn autem illustratur consulatus, cum 
 gubernat rem publicam, si non optabili, at necessario tempore. 
 Magis autem necessarium, patres conscripti, nullum tempus 
 umquam fuit. 
 
 3 Itaque ego ille, qui semper pacis auctor fui, cuique pax 15 
 praesertim civilis, quamquam omnibus bonis, tamen in 
 primis fuit optabilis — omne enim curriculum industriae 
 nostrae in foro, in curia, in amicorum periculis propulsandis 
 elaboratum est ; hinc honores amplissimos, hinc mediocres 
 opes, hinc dignitatem, si quam habemus, consecuti sumus — : 20 
 
 8 ego igitur pacis, ut ita dicam, alumnus, qui, quantuscumque 
 sum — nihil enim mihi arrogo — sine pace civili certe non 
 fuissem — periculose dico ; quern ad modum accepturi, patres 
 conscripti, sitis horreo, sed pro mea perpetua cupiditate 
 vestrae dignitatis retinendae et augendae quaeso oroque 25 
 vos, patres conscripti, ut primo, etsi erit vel acerbum auditu 
 vel incredibile a M. Cicerone esse dictum, accipiatis sine 
 offensione quod dixero, neve id prius, quam quale sit 
 explicaro, repudietis — : ego ille, dicam saepius, pacis semper 
 laudator, semper auctor, pacem cum M. Antonio esse nolo. 30 
 Magna spe ingredior in reliquam orationem, patres conscripti, 
 quoniam periculosissimum locum silentio sum praetervectus. 
 
 9 Cur igitur pacem nolo ? quia turpis est, quia periculosa, 
 
IIO M. TULLII CICERONIS 
 
 quia esse non potest. Quae tria dum explico, peto a vobis, 
 patres conscripti, ut eadem benignitate qua soletis mea verba 
 audiatis. 
 
 Quid est inconstantia, levitate, mobilitate cum singulis 
 5 hominibus, turn vero universo senatui turpius ? quid porro 
 inconstantius quam, quern modo hostem non verbo, sed 
 re multis decretis iudicaritis, cum hoc subito pacem velle 
 coniungi ? Nisi vero, cum C. Caesari meritos illi quidem 10 
 honores et debitos, sed tamen singulares et immortales de- 
 
 io crevistis, unam ob causam, quod contra M. Antonium 
 exercitum comparavisset, non hostem turn Antonium iudi- 
 cavistis; nec turn hostis est a vobis iudicatus Antonius, 
 cum laudati auctoritate vestra veterani milites, qui C. 
 Caesarem secuti essent; nec turn hostem Antonium iudi- 
 
 15 castis, cum fortissimis legionibus, quod ilium, qui consul 
 appellabatur, cum esset hostis, reliquissent, vacationes, pecu- 
 nias, agros spopondistis. Quid ? cum Brutum, omine quo- 4 
 dam illius generis et nominis natum ad rem publicam 11 
 liberandam, exercitumque eius, pro libertate populi Romani 
 
 20 bellum gerentem cum Antonio, provinciamque fidelissimam 
 atque optimam, Galliam, laudibus amplissimis affecistis, turn 
 non hostem iudicastis Antonium ? Quid ? cum decrevistis 
 ut consules, alter ambove, ad bellum proficiscerentur, quod 
 erat bellum, si hostis Antonius non erat ? Quid igitur pro- 12 
 
 25 fectus est vir fortissimus, meus collega et familiaris, A. Hirtius 
 consul ? at qua imbecillitate ! qua macie ! sed animi vire.s 
 corporis infirmitas non retardavit. Aequum, credo, putavit 
 vitam, quam populi Romani votis retinuisset, pro libertate 
 populi Romani in discrimen adducere. Quid ? cum dilectus 13 
 
 30 haberi tota Italia iussistis, cum vacationes omnes sustulistis, 
 turn ille hostis non est iudicatus ? Armorum officinas in 
 urbe videtis ; milites cum gladiis secuntur consulem ; prae- 
 sidio sunt specie consuli, re et veritate nobis ; omnes sine 
 
ORATIO PHILIPPIC A VII 
 
 III 
 
 ulla recusatione, summo etiam cum studio nomina dant, 
 parent auctoritati vestrae : non est iudicatus hostis Antonius ? 
 
 14 At legatos misimus. Heu me miserum ! cur senatum cogor, 
 quern laudavi semper, reprehendere ? Quid ? vos censetis, 
 patres conscripti, legatorum missionem populo Romano 5 
 vos probavisse ? non intelligitis, non auditis, meam sententiam 
 flagitari ? cui cum pridie frequentes essetis assensi, postridie 
 ad spem estis inanem pacis devoluti. Quam turpe porro 
 legiones ad senatum legatos mittere, senatum ad Antonium ! 
 quamquam ilia legatio non est : denuntiatio est paratum illi 10 
 exitium, nisi paruerit huic ordini. Quid refert ? tamen 
 opinio est gravior. Missos enim legatos omnes vident, 
 
 5 decreti nostri non omnes verba noverunt. Retinenda est 
 igitur nobis constantia, gravitas, perseverantia, repetenda 
 vetus ilia severitas : si quidem auctoritas senatus decus, 15 
 honestatem, laudem, dignitatemque desiderat, quibus rebus 
 hie ordo caruit nimium diu. Sed erat tunc excusatio 
 oppressis, misera ilia quidem, sed tamen iusta : nunc nulla 
 est. Liberati regio dominatu videbamur : multo postea 
 gravius urguebamur armis domesticis. Ea ipsa depulimus 20 
 nos quidem: extorquenda sunt. Quod si non possumus 
 facere — dicam quod dignum est senatore et Romano 
 
 15 homine — , moriamur. Quanta enim ilia erit rei publicae 
 turpitudo, quantum dedecus, quanta labes, dicere in hoc 
 ordine sententiam M. Antonium consulari loco ! cuius ut 25 
 omittam innumerabilia scelera urbani consulatus, in quo 
 pecuniam publicam maximam dissipavit, exsules sine lege 
 restituit, vectigalia divendidit, provincias de populi Romani 
 imperio sustulit, regna addixit pecunia, leges civitati per vim 
 imposuit, armis aut obsedit aut exclusit senatum : ut haec, 30 
 inquam, omittam, ne hoc quidem cogitatis eum, qui Mutinam, 
 coloniam populi Romani firmissimam, oppugnarit, impera- 
 torem populi Romani, consulem designatum, obsederit, 
 
112 
 
 M. TULLII CICERONIS 
 
 depopulates agros sit, hunc in eum ordinem recipi, a quo 
 totiens ob has ipsas causas hostis iudicatus sit, quam foedum 
 flagitiosumque sit ? 
 
 Satis multa de turpitudine : dicam deinceps, ut proposui, 16 
 
 5 de periculo, quod etsi minus est fugiendum quam turpitudo, 
 tamen offendit animos maioris partis hominum magis. 
 Poteritis igitur exploratam habere pacem, cum in civitate 6 
 M. Antonium videbitis vel potius Antonios ? Nisi forte 
 contemnitis Lucium ; ego ne Gaium quidem. Sed, ut video, 
 
 o dominabitur Lucius ; est enim patronus quinque et triginta 
 tribuum, quarum sua lege, qua cum C. Caesare magistratum 
 partitus est, suffragium sustulit; patronus centuriarum equitum 
 Romanorum, quas item sine suffragio esse voluit ; patronus 
 eorum, qui tribuni militares fuerunt ; patronus Iani medii. 
 
 5 Quis huius potentiam poterit sustinere ? praesertim cum 17 
 eosdem in agros etiam deduxerit. Quis umquam omnes 
 tribus ? quis equites Romanos ? quis tribunos militares ? 
 Gracchorum potentiam maiorem fuisse arbitramini, quam 
 huius gladiatoris futura sit ? quern gladiatorem non ita 
 
 o appellavi, ut interdum etiam M. Antonius gladiator appellari 
 solet, sed ut appellant ii, qui plane et Latine locuntur. 
 Myrmillo in Asia depugnavit. Cum ornasset thraecidicis 
 comitem et familiarem suum, ilium miserum fugientem 
 iugulavit; luculentam tamen ipse plagam accepit, ut de- 
 
 5 clarat cicatrix. Qui familiarem iugularit, quid is occasione 18 
 data faciet inimico? et qui illud animi causa fecerit, hunc 
 praedae causa quid facturum putatis ? Non rursus improbos 
 decuriabit? non sollicitabit rursus agrarios? non queretur 
 expulsos ? M. vero Antonius non is erit, ad quern omni 
 
 o motu concursus fiat civium perditorum ? Ut nemo sit alius 
 nisi ii, qui una sunt, et ii, qui hie ei nunc aperte favent, 
 parumne erunt multi ? praesertim cum bonorum praesidia 
 discesserint, illi parati sint ad nutum futuri ? Ego vero 
 
ORATIO PHILIPPIC A VII 
 
 113 
 
 metuo, si hoc tempore consilio lapsi erimus, ne illi brevi 
 
 19 tempore nimis multi nobis esse videantur. Nec ego pacem 
 nolo, sed pacis nomine bellum involutum reformido. Quare 
 si pace frui volumus, bellum gerendum est : si bellum 
 
 7 omittimus, pace numquam fruemur. Est autem vestri con- 
 silii, patres conscripti, in posterum quam longissime providere. 
 Idcirco in hac custodia et tamquam specula collocati sumus, 
 uti vacuum metu populum Romanum nostra vigilia et pro- 
 spicientia redderemus. Turpe est summo consilio orbis terrae, 
 praesertim in re tarn perspicua, consilium intelligi defuisse. 
 
 20 Eos consules habemus, earn populi Romani alacritatem, eum 
 consensum Italiae, eos duces, eos exercitus, ut nullam calami- 
 tatem res publica accipere possit sine culpa senatus. Equidem 
 non deero : monebo, praedicam, denuntiabo, testabor semper 
 deos hominesque quid sentiam, nec solum fidem meam, 
 quod fortasse videatur satis esse, sed in principe civi non 
 est satis : curam, consilium vigilantiamque praestabo. 
 
 8 Dixi de periculo : docebo ne coagmentari quidem posse 
 
 21 pacem ; de tribus enim, quae proposui, hoc extremum est. 
 Quae potest pax esse M. Antonio primum cum senatu? 
 quo ore vos ille poterit, quibus vicissim vos ilium oculis 
 intueri ? quis vestrum ilium, quern ille vestrum non oderit ? 
 Age, vos ille solum, et vos ilium ? Quid ? ii, qui Mutinam 
 circumsedent, qui in Gallia dilectus habent, qui in vestras 
 fortunas imminent, amici umquam vobis erunt aut vos illis ? 
 An equites Romanos amplectetur? occulta enim fuit eorum 
 voluntas iudiciumque de Antonio. Qui frequentissimi in 
 gradibus Concordiae steterunt, qui nos ad libertatem recupe- 
 randam excitaverunt, arma, saga, bellum flagitaverunt, me 
 una cum populo Romano in contionem vocaverunt : hi 
 
 22 Antonium diligent et cum his pacem servabit Antonius ? Nam 
 quid ego de universo populo Romano dicam ? qui pleno ac 
 referto foro bis me una mente atque voce in contionem vocavit 
 
 1 
 
ii4 
 
 M. TULLII CICERONIS 
 
 declaravitque maximam libertatis recuperandae cupiditatem„ 
 Ita quod erat optabile antea, ut populum Romanum comitem 
 haberemus, nunc habemus ducem. Quae est igitur spes, 
 qui Mutinam circumsedent, imperatorem populi Romani 
 5 exercitumque oppugnant, iis pacem cum populo Romano 
 esse posse ? An cum municipiis pax erit, quorum tanta 23 
 studia cognoscuntur in decretis faciendis, militibus dandis, 
 pecuniis pollicendis, ut in singulis oppidis curiam populi 
 Romani non desideretis ? Laudandi sunt ex huius ordinis 
 
 io sententia Firmani, qui principes pecuniae pollicendae fuerunt : 
 respondendum honorifice est Marrucinis, qui ignominia 
 notandos censuerunt eos, si qui militiam subterfugissent. 
 Haec iam tota Italia fient. Magna pax Antonio cum iis, 
 his item cum illo. Quae potest esse maior discordia ? in 
 
 1 5 discordia autem pax civilis esse nullo pacto potest. Ut 24 
 omittam multitudinem, L. Visidio, equiti Romano, homini 
 in primis ornato atque honesto civique semper egregio^ 
 cuius ego excubias et custodias mei capitis cognovi in con- 
 sulatu meo; qui vicinos suos non cohortatus est solum ut 
 
 20 milites fierent, sed etiam facultatibus suis sublevavit : huic, 
 inquam, tali viro, quern nos senatus consulto collaudare 
 debemus, poteritne esse pacatus Antonius ? Quid? C. 
 Caesari ? qui ilium urbe, quid ? D. Bruto, qui Gallia pro- 
 hibuit ? Iam vero ipse se placabit et leniet provinciae 25 
 
 25 Galliae, a qua expulsus et repudiatus est? Omnia videbitis, 
 patres conscripti, nisi prospicitis, plena odiorum, plena dis- 
 cordiarum, ex quibus oriuntur bella civilia. Nolite igitur id 
 velle, quod fieri non potest, et cavete, per deos immortales ! 
 patres conscripti, ne spe praesentis pacis perpetuam pacem 
 
 30 amittatis. 
 
 Quorsum haec omnis spectat oratio ? quid enim legati 9 
 egerint, nondum scimus. At vero excitati, erecti, parati, 26 
 armati animis iam esse debemus, ne blanda aut supplici 
 
ORATIO PHILIPPIC A VII 115 
 
 oratione aut aequitatis simulatione fallamur. Omnia fecerit 
 oportet, quae interdicta et denuntiata sunt, prius quam aliquid 
 postulet ; Brutum exercitumque eius oppugnare, urbes et 
 agros provinciae Galliae populari destiterit ; ad Brutum 
 adeundi legatis potestatem fecerit, exercitum citra flumen 5 
 Rubiconem eduxerit, nec propius urbem milia passuum 
 ducenta admoverit ; fuerit et in senatus et in populi Romani 
 potestate. Haec si fecerit, erit integra potestas nobis de- 
 liberandi : si senatui non paruerit, non illi senatus, sed ille 
 27 populo Romano bellum indixerit. Sed vos moneo, patres 10 
 conscripti : libertas agitur populi Romani, quae est com- 
 mendata vobis, vita et fortunae optimi cuiusque, quo cupidi- 
 tatem infmitam cum immani crudelitate iam pridem intendit 
 Antonius, auctoritas vestra, quam nullam habebitis, nisi 
 nunc tenueritis : taetram et pestiferam beluam ne inclusam 15 
 et constrictam dimittatis cavete. Te ipsum, Pansa, moneo — 
 quamquam non eges consilio, quo vales plurimum, tamen 
 etiam summi gubernatores in magnis tempestatibus a vectori- 
 bus admoneri solent — , hunc tantum tuum apparatum tamque 
 praeclarum ne ad nihilum recidere patiare. Tempus habes 20 
 tale, quale nemo habuit umquam. Hac gravitate senatus, 
 hoc studio equestris ordinis, hoc ardore populi Romani 
 potes in perpetuum rem publicam metu et periculo liberare. 
 Quibus de rebus refers, P. Servilio assentior. 
 
MARCUS TULLIUS CICERO 
 
 PHILIPPIC ORATIONS 
 
 I, II, III, v, VII 
 
 WITH ENGLISH NOTES 
 
 BY 
 
 JOHN R. KING, M.A. 
 
 FELLOW AND TUTOR OF ORIEL COLLEGE, OXFORD 
 
 PART II.— NOTES 
 
 AT THE 
 
 CLARENDON 
 1899 
 
 PRESS 
 
HENRY FROWDE, M.A. 
 
 PUBLISHER TO THE UNIVERSITY OF OXFORD 
 
 LONDON, EDINBURGH, AND NEW YORK 
 
NOTES 
 
 4 * 
 
 THE FIRST PHILIPPIC ORATION 
 
 cc. 1, 2. Before entering on the main topic of his speech, Cicero thinks 
 it right to explain why he left the city, and why he returned without 
 accomplishing his contemplated journey to Greece. He had derived 
 great hopes from the amnesty which followed the dictator's death ; from 
 the 7iioderation and constitutional policy of Antony ; and, above all, 
 from the abolitio?i of the dictatorship. These hopes were confirmed by the 
 strong and orderly administration, both of Antony and Dolabella: but 
 they were rudely dashed to the ground by the events of the \st of June. 
 Then the senate was terrified into inaction ; the populace was excited 
 into revolutionary acts ; the veterans were urged to look for booty ; and 
 Cicero, despairing of any present sphere of usefulness, left the city till the 
 new year should open a prospect of better things. 
 
 Page 7, line i. Patres Coriscripti. Livy 2. i tells us that on the ex- 
 pulsion of the kings, in order to fill up the number of the senate, diminished 
 by the massacres of Tarquinius, Brutus admitted the principal knights to 
 the rank of senators, under the title of ' Conscripti : ' and that this was the 
 origin of the double title of the senate, ' ut in senatum vocarentur, qui 
 Patres, quique conscripti essent. Conscriptos videlicet, in novum 
 senatum adpellabant lectos.' The term ' Patres Conscripti ' therefore 
 is condensed for ' Patres et Conscripti/ like * Populus Romanus Qui- 
 rites/ 1 lis vindiciae/ &c. It had however so completely come to be 
 used as a single expression for * Senators/ that Cicero even uses the 
 singular ' Pater Conscriptus,' of an individual senator, Phil. 13. 13, 28. 
 
 I. 3. Reversionis. The distinction between 1 reversio and ' reditus 1 
 seems to be that the latter is used of a man who has attained the object 
 of his journey, and so returns in accordance with his original plan : 
 the former of a man who turns back before reaching his proposed 
 destination. 
 
 B 2 q 
 
NOTES 
 
 1. 7. Ex eo die : the 17th of March, two days after Caesar's murder. 
 The temple of Tellus was in the Carinae, on the site of the house of Sp. 
 Cassius, which was pulled down and confiscated on his condemnation 
 in 485 B.C. The exact situation of it is very uncertain, but it pro- 
 bably lay in the valley at the foot of the western slopes of the Esquiline, 
 and so conveniently near the house of Pompey in the Carinae, which 
 Antony himself occupied. 
 
 1. 9. Atheniensium. On the restoration of the exiles under Thrasy- 
 bulus, in 403 B. c, when a general amnesty was proclaimed, and 
 the people swore firj \xvr}aiKaKtiv . The term a\xvr]GTia, which Cicero 
 is said to have used on this occasion, is not found in any Greek author 
 before the time of Plutarch ; the classical word being aSem. 
 
 1. 14. Per liberos. The conspirators, even after the amnesty had 
 been proclaimed, did not venture to come down from the Capitol till 
 Antony and Lepidus each sent a son to them, to be kept as hostages 
 for their safety. That ' liberos ' is a mere rhetorical inaccuracy for 
 'filmm' is clear from c. 13, 31, and 2. 36, 90, from the latter of which 
 passages we learn that Antony's hostage was one of his sons by Fulvia. 
 On receiving the hostages, Brutus and Cassius descended from their 
 stronghold, and supped the same evening, Brutus with Lepidus, Cassius 
 with Antony. Plut. Brut. 19. 
 
 P. 8. 1. 1. Deferebat. 'Deferre res ad senatum' is to make an 
 announcement to the senate on a matter over which they have no 
 control ; whence it is used of the augurs reporting the auspices, and 
 here of Antony reporting to the senate the purport of documents which 
 they had already ratified : ' referre ad senatum ' is the term used of the 
 Consuls, bringing a question formally before the senate for their 
 decision. 
 
 1. 2. In C. Caesaris commentariis, 'in Caesar's papers/ 'com- 
 mentarii ' being notes for future expansion and use ; as Cicero, Brut. 
 75, 262, tells us that Caesar called his histories ' Commentarios/ because 
 they were ' nudi, recti et venusti, omni ornatu orationis tamquam veste 
 detracta,' written from the wish 'alios habere parata, unde sumerent, 
 qui vellent scribere historiam.' 
 
 1. 4. Unum. This was Sex. Clodius, a client of P. Clodius, and the 
 chief agent of his lawlessness, who had been condemned and sent into 
 exile in 52 B.C., after the trial of Milo. Cicero, Att. 14. 13, 6, says 
 he consented to his recall, though convinced that Caesar had never 
 expressed any wish for it: 'quae enim Caesar numquam neque 
 fecisset neque passus esset, ea nunc ex falsis eius commentariis pro- 
 feruntur.' 
 
 1. 5. Immunitates, dr€\€iai, exemptions from taxation, which we 
 find frequently granted, especially by the emperors both to individuals 
 
 4 
 
THE FIRST PHILIPPIC ORATION 
 
 and states. It appears from a letter of Cicero, Fam. 12. 1, 1, written 
 about the end of the previous May, that such grants of exemption were 
 among the evils immediately consequent on the death of Caesar : and 
 in the second Philippic we find that Antony soon proceeded to make 
 them by wholesale, 2. 36, 92 ; 38, 97. 
 
 1. 6. Servius Sulpicius, the famous lawyer, in favour of erecting 
 a statue to whom Cicero delivered the ninth Philippic oration. 
 
 Ne qua tabula figeretur, ' that no law should be published,' the 
 custom being that any new law was engraved on a brazen tablet, and 
 hung up for seventeen days in public, before being finally deposited 
 in the 1 aerarium.' 
 
 1. 11. Ne sententias quidem diximus, 4 we passed a silent vote,' 
 without debate, and therefore without a division. See on 3. 9, 24. 
 
 Scriptum senatus consultum. It appears to have been unusual 
 for senators to write out beforehand the proposals which they intended 
 to make in the senate. Cp. however 3. 8, 20 : 10. 2, 5 : Fam. 10. 13, 1. 
 
 1. 18. Iustum : so long as the dictatorship was held only for a definite 
 time, 'ad tempus sumebatur,' Tac. Ann. 1. 1, and to meet a special 
 emergency. Sulla was the first to make himself perpetual dictator, 
 in 82 B.C., reviving the office after a lapse of 120 years, when its old 
 spirit, as well as the necessity for it, had completely died away. At the 
 time therefore when Antony abolished the dictatorship, there were 
 no feelings of old association attached to it which could counterbalance 
 the dislike which the despotism of Sulla and of Caesar had inspired. 
 
 1. 21. Uncus. The hook by which the bodies of criminals were 
 dragged, after execution, to the 1 scalae Gemoniae,' on the brink of the 
 Aventine, and thence thrown into the Tiber. Cp. Juv. 10. 66 'Seianus 
 ducitur unco/ Suet. Vit. 1 7 ; Apud Gemonias minutissimis ictibus 
 excarnificatus atque confectus est, et inde unco tractus in Tiberim.' 
 
 Fugitive This was Herophilus, a horse-doctor or oculist, 1 equarius ' 
 or 1 ocularius,' who, according to Val. Max. 9. 15, 2, exchanged his 
 Greek name for the Roman one of Amatius. He assumed to be the 
 grandson of Marius, and having attempted to raise a distutbance after 
 the death of Caesar, was put to death without a trial by Antony ; 
 an illegal act, for which the senate granted him indemnity. 
 
 1. 22. Cum collega: P. Cornelius Dolabella, who had been nominated 
 by Caesar to succeed him in the consulship for the latter part of the year 
 44 B. C, after he himself should have started on his Parthian expedition. 
 Cp. 2. 32, 80 and 81. 
 
 1. 24. Afuisset : on that progress through Campania, in the latter 
 half of April and the beginning of May, in order to superintend the 
 distribution of lands to the veterans, with which Cicero taunts him 
 in the second Philippic, §§100 foil. 
 
 5 
 
NOTES 
 
 1. 25. Infinitum malum, 'an evil of which no one could foresee the 
 end.' 
 
 1. 26. Bustum : alluding to a column which the lower orders 
 of the people raised in Caesar's honour on the site of his funeral 
 pyre, with the inscription ' parenti patriae.' This column Dola- 
 bella threw down during the absence of Antony, finding that the 
 honours paid to it were made a pretext for tumult and sedition. He 
 also put the ringleaders in the disturbances to death, crucifying the 
 slaves, and throwing the freemen from the Tarpeian rock. 
 
 Insepultam sepulturam, ' that burial so little worthy of the name ; * 
 probably with reference to the tumultuous and irregular nature of the 
 proceedings. The body, contrary to the general custom at Rome, was 
 burnt in the very heart of the city, in the Forum. See Legg. 2. 23, 58 
 ' Hominem mortuum, inquit lex in xii tabulis, in urbe ne sepelito neve 
 unto.' The oxymoron appears to be an imitation of such Greek 
 expressions as vvfxcprjv aw jjupov, irapOivov t airapOevov Eur. Hec. 612. 
 
 1. 33. Kalendis Iuniis. Cicero tells us in the second Philippic, 
 42, 108, that the senate was too much alarmed to obey the summons 
 convening it for the 1 st of June ; and gives a detailed account of the 
 unconstitutional proceedings . of Antony on that day : proceedings 
 nominally sanctioned by the people, though in reality they were 
 wholly devoid of such a sanction, as the assembly consisted only of an 
 excited, tumultuous rabble, none of the respectable citizens being 
 present. 
 
 P. 9. 1. 2. Consules designati, C. Vibius Pansa and Aul. Hirtius, 
 who had been nominated by Caesar as Consuls for the year 43. B. c. 
 
 1. 5. Quos tamen, &c, 'and that though the Consuls themselves 
 were always speaking of them in the highest terms.' Cp. 2. 3, 5 ' Quos 
 tu clarissimos viros soles appellare,' and 12, 30 'Brutus, quern ego 
 honoris causa nomino.' 
 
 L 6. Veterani qui appellabantur : Graevius takes this to mean 
 ' the veterans to whom Antony appealed ; ' but it seems more probable 
 that it signifies ' those who claimed the name of veterans : ' the imperfect 
 being used rather than the present, because it is not Cicero's object to define 
 the term ' veterani,' but he is wishing to intimate either that he thought 
 those who had aided Caesar against the state to be unworthy of the 
 name, or that many of them had not yet served the number of cam- 
 paigns which entitled them to it. Hence the reading 'appellantur/ 
 which is found in two MSS., would destroy the meaning of the passage, 
 which would then merely be ' the veterans, as they are called.' 
 
 1. 7. Caverat : by assigning lands to them after their term of 
 military service had expired. 
 
 1. 9. Ius legationis liberum. Cicero gives an account of this 
 
 6 
 
THE FIRST PHILIPPIC ORATION 
 
 * legatio' in one of his letters to Atticus, 15. 11, saying that Dolabella 
 had appointed him his * legatus,' with the special privilege, usually con- 
 fined to ' liberae legationes,' of being allowed to enter and leave Rome at 
 his will ; and had extended the time within which he might avail himself 
 of it to five years. He says that with these additions to the usual rights 
 of a ' legatus,' this commission suits him better than a ' libera legatio/ 
 since the time of the latter could not be extended. These * liberae lega- 
 tiones ' were a species of honorary commissions, granted to senators who 
 wished to travel in the provinces, and investing them with all the privi- 
 leges of 'legati.' Seeing the abuses to which they led, Cicero endeavoured, 
 in his consulship, to abolish them, but only succeeded in limiting their 
 duration to one year, Legg. 3. 8, 18. Further regulations, the exact 
 nature of which is unknown, were made about them by a ' Lex Iulia.' 
 
 cc. 3, 4. Cicero had scarcely left Italy, when the fortunate accident of 
 a storm drove him back in time to hear of the speech of Antony, and the 
 farewell edict of Brutus and Cassius ; together with the news that the 
 senate was to meet on the 1st of August, and that Antony once more 
 promised to obey the constitution. And although at Velia he heard from 
 Brutus that these promises had not been fulfilled, and that L. Piso alone 
 had dared to raise his voice in support of the attthority of the senate, 
 yet he deter?7iined still to return, and to make a solemn protest against 
 the encroachments of Antony. 
 
 1. 13. Plus admirationis habet, 1 has more in it, carries with it 
 more, to excite astonishment.' Cp. Off. 2. 5, 17 ' Cum hie locus nihil 
 habeat dubitationis.' 
 
 1. 15. Non sine causa. In a letter to Atticus, 16. 4, 4, he explains 
 this cause to be the expected arrival of certain legions, probably those 
 from Macedonia, at Brundisium ; and says that he entertains the idea of 
 waiting to sail with Brutus. In the next letter he tells Atticus that this 
 scheme fell through, owing to Brutus' anxiety to se£ how things turned 
 out in Italy. 
 
 1. 17. Tamen refers, not to what precedes, but to the desire of the 
 Syracusans expressed in the same clause by the participle ' cupiens : ' — 
 ' which city, in spite of its eagerness to do so, yet could not detain me 
 more than a single night.' Halm compares Pro Sestio, 67, 140 1 Hunc 
 tamen flagrantem invidia . . . ipse populus Romanus periculo liberavit.' 
 It is somewhat like the use of 6/xcos in such passages as Soph. O. C. 957 
 eprj/xta fic, kc'i diKai ofxeus \iyco, afxiKpov TtOrjcri. 
 
 Coniunctissima : owing to the integrity of his conduct as quaestor 
 in the island, and his zeal on its behalf in the prosecution of Verres. 
 
 1. 22. Conscendi. This verb appears in Cicero to have everywhere 
 the meaning of ' embarking/ whether it is used absolutely, as here, or 
 
 7 
 
NOTES 
 
 with the addition of 'navem,' as in Fam. 3. 10, 3 ' Conscendens iam 
 navem, Epheso Laodiceam revertit.' 
 
 1. 24. Intempesta nox, ' the dead of night,' ' quae non habe 
 idoneum tempus rebus gerendis' Macrob. Sat. 1. 3, sub fin. Cp. Varr. 
 L. L. 7. 72 'Nox intempesta dicta ab tempestate; tempestas ab 
 tempore ; nox intempesta quo tempore nihil agitur.' We may compare 
 with it the Greek expression vvktos awpi, Theocr. 11. 40. 
 
 1. 28. Oontionem. Of the purport or occasion of this speech we 
 know nothing, except that we may gather from this passage that it 
 referred to the restoration of tranquillity in the state. It was a common 
 practice to have such speeches taken down by shorthand writers, 1 notarii/ 
 and copies distributed among those interested in the proceedings. 
 
 1. 29. Coeperim, the perfect subjunctive, instead of the pluperfect, 
 to bring the picture more vividly before the minds of the hearers, on the 
 same principle as the use of the present indicative in historic narration. 
 
 1. 30. Edictum Bruti et Cassii. This was probably the farewell 
 edict which they published when on the point of leaving Italy ; in 
 which they declared themselves willing, if it were necessary for the 
 peace of the state, to live in perpetual exile. 
 
 P. 10. 1. 2. Rem conventuram, ' that an arrangement would 
 be made ; ' cp. Att. 9. 6, 2 1 Rem conventuram putamus.' Lit. ' that 
 the matter would be agreed upon.' 
 
 Kalendis. In the MSS. we find ' Kalendis Sextilibus/ an obvious 
 mistake, since Cicero came to Syracuse on the 1st of August. Halm 
 thinks there is a confusion between 1 Sext.' and 1 Sept. : 9 but it seems 
 more probable that the month was not named by Cicero, and that some 
 copyist has repeated the word 1 Sextilibus ' from the previous section. 
 See Madvig, Opusc. I. p. 163. 
 
 Senatum frequentem fore, 1 that there would be a full meeting 
 of the senate.' 
 
 1. 3. Provinciis G-alliis. By the disposition of Caesar, Transalpine 
 Gaul had been assigned to L. Munatius Plancus, and Cisalpine Gaul 
 to Decimus Brutus. Antony prevailed on the people, notwithstanding 
 this arrangement, to grant him the latter province ; but on proceeding 
 in November to take possession of it, he was resisted by Brutus, who 
 threw himself into Mutina, and there maintained himself till the siege 
 was raised by the new Consuls, Hirtius and Pansa, both of whom fell 
 in the struggle. Antony was driven across the Alps, and Brutus 
 remained in undisputed command of the province. 
 
 1. 6. Non quo . . . non putarem, 1 not that I had any fears of being 
 too late.' The subjunctive with such expressions appears to be used 
 when the proposition they introduce is in itself a mere hypothesis of the 
 writer or speaker, which is not only declared not to be the reason of the 
 
 8 
 
THE FIRST PHILIPPIC ORATION 
 
 phenomenon under investigation, but is also asserted to be in itself untrue. 
 Accordingly, when the supposed cause is in itself a real fact, and it is 
 merely denied that it is the cause of the phenomenon, the indicative is 
 used with ' quia ' or ' quoniam,' as in Tac. Hist. 3. 4 'Non quia industria 
 Flaviani egebat,' 'not influenced by the desire, which he yet felt, to 
 avail himself of the zeal of Flavianus,' ' sed ut consulare nomen surgen- 
 tibus . . . praetenderetur : ' and Livy 33. 27 ' Non quia satis dignos eos 
 esse credebat,' 'not from the conviction which he yet entertained of their 
 worthiness.' 
 
 1. 11. Tuto esse. A similar use of ' esse ' with 'tuto* instead of a 
 predicative noun is found, Fam. 14. 3, 3 ' Ut tuto sim ; ' Att. 8. 1 , 1 L Nus- 
 quam eris tutius;' ib. 2 'Non quaerere, ubi tutissimo essem.' 
 
 1. 14. De vestro, i. e. their loss of real power, owing to Antony 
 assuming to take everything into his own hands. 
 
 1. 16. L. Piso, Caesar's father-in-law, was formerly the bitter personal 
 and political enemy of Cicero, and was attacked by him with the greatest 
 virulence in his speeches De Provinciis Consularibus, and In Pisonem, 
 55 B.C. In these Cicero accuses him, with apparent justice, of every 
 kind of maladministration in his province of Macedonia during the 
 two preceding years. Piso's opposition to Antony was only short-lived, 
 as when the latter went to Mutina to attack D. Brutus, Piso remained as 
 the principal supporter of his views in Rome. He was one of the envoys 
 to Antony in the beginning of the following year. At present Cicero was 
 ready to follow him as the most appropriate leader of the constitutional 
 party. 
 
 1. 23. Si quid mihi humanitus, &c, 1 if any of the accidents to which 
 man is liable should have befallen me — and many do appear to be hang- 
 ing over me contrary at once to the course of nature and to my destined 
 lot;' — 'fatum' being apparently the natural tenour of the life which 
 destiny had marked out for him, liable however to be overthrown by rash 
 interference on the part of himself or others. Virg. Aen. 4. 696 foil. 
 
 ' Nam quia nec fato, mei ita nec morte peribat, 
 Sed misera ante diem, subitoque accensa furore, 
 Nondum illi flavum Proserpina vertice crinem 
 Abstulerat, Stygioque caput damnaverat Oreo,' 
 
 and Demosth. de Cor. p. 296, 19 rbv rrji dfiapfifvrjs /cat rbv avru^iarov 
 Oavarov. The same idea occurs frequently in Homer; cp. Od. 1. 33 
 [PpoToY] cr<p7j(Tiv draaOaXiyaiv virtpfiopov aXyc' ex 0V(Jl1/ y H« 2 - 155 * v 0 a 
 K€v 'Apycioiaip virepfiopa vooros hvxOrj : though the supremacy of fate 
 was generally vindicated, even by supernatural interference, if necessary, 
 when external causes were on the point of breaking through it. Cp. II. 17. 
 321 ; 20. 30 and 336. See also Professor Conington's note on Virgil, I.e. 
 
 9 
 
NOTES 
 
 1. 25. Tamen is omitted in some MSS., but it is commonly found in 
 the apodosis after a protasis produced by a concessive 4 si : ' 4 1 might at 
 any rate leave my voice in testimony/ &c. Cp. 2. 32, 78 'Si minus 
 fortem, at tamen strenuum/ 
 
 L 26. Erga se rather than 'erga earn,' because 'respublica' is vir- 
 tually the subject of the sentence ; ' that the state might still have my 
 voice this day as a witness to my loyalty.' 
 
 1. 29. Hesterna M. Antonii iniuria, the threats which Antony had 
 used, when Cicero, on the plea of illness, absented himself from the 
 senate on the 1st of September. Nominally, every senator was bound to 
 be present at all meetings of the senate ; cp. Legg. 3. 4, 1 1 ' Senatori, 
 qui nec aderit, aut causa aut culpa esto ; ' and absence was liable to be 
 punished by a fine, which might be enforced by a ' pignoris capio.' 
 This was the technical term for the process whereby the praetor allowed 
 the goods of a person, who was in contempt of court, to be taken, and 
 sold, unless the contempt was purged within a given time. Cp. Livy 3. 38 
 i Postquam citati non convenibant, dimissi circa domos adparitores simul 
 ad pignora capienda, sciscitandumque, num consulto detrectarent.' On 
 such an occasion however as the proposal of a * supplicatio,' or solemn 
 holiday in honour of a general who had gained an important victory, it 
 was supposed that the friends of the person thus honoured would be certain 
 to attend in sufficient numbers to ensure a full house, and therefore it 
 was generally left open to the senators to be present or not as they 
 pleased. The irregularity of the present ( supplicatio ' is pointed out by 
 Cicero in this speech, c. 6, 13. 
 
 1. 30. Won nullo eius officio : in sparing him at Brundisium, when 
 on his return from Pharsalus, Antony was instructed by Caesar to prevent 
 any of Pompey's party from landing in Italy. For Cicero's later estimate 
 of this service, see 2. 3, 5 ; 24, 59. 
 
 ce. 5, 6. Cicero complains of the personal animosity displayed towards 
 him by Antony, in endeavouring to force him to attend the meeting of 
 the senate on the previous day, when he was iveary with his journey , and 
 in threatening violent measures towards him in consequence of his non- 
 appearance. He declares the impossibility of his taking part in any such 
 unco7istittitional proceedings as the ordinance of a ' supplicatio ' in 
 honour of a dead man ; and regrets that absence had prevented him from 
 supporting L. Piso in his patriotic opposition to Antony on the 1st of 
 A ugust. 
 
 P. 11. 1. 2. De Pyrrhi pace agebatur. The allusion is to the mis- 
 sion of Cineas, after the battle of Heraclea, 280 B. c, when the terms of 
 peace that Pyrrhus offered were on the point of being accepted, till 
 Appius Claudius Caecus persuaded the senate to reject them. The 
 
 10 
 
THE FIRST PHILIPPIC ORATION 
 
 speech which he delivered on the occasion was still extant in Cicero's 
 time. Cic. Brut. 16, 62. 
 
 1. 9. E via languerem, 1 1 was tired after my journey.' A more com- 
 mon combination is ' de via fessus esse,' and the like, and some MSS. 
 here have ' de via,' but the balance of authority is in favour of the reading 
 in the text. 
 
 Mihimet displicerem, ' was indisposed.' So of mental trouble, 
 ' Displiceo mihi nec sine multo scribo dolore,' Cic. Att. 2. 18, 3. 
 
 1. 11. Cum fabris. Cp. 5. 7, 19 ' Hue etiam nisi venirem Kal. Sept. 
 etiam fabros se missurum et domum meam disturbaturum esse dixit.' 
 Cicero's house had been pulled down during his exile in 58 B. C, and 
 rebuilt on his return in the following year, out of funds granted him by 
 the state, in spite of the violent opposition of P. Clodius. 
 
 I.14. Publicis operis. This use of ' operae,' for the concrete 1 operarii, ' 
 is not infrequent in Cicero; cp. c. 9, 22 'Ut ipse ad operas mercenarias 
 statim protrahatur ; ' Att. 4. 3, 3 ' Facile operas aditu prohibuerunt.' So 
 Hor. S. 2. 7, 118 * Accedes opera agro nona Sabino.' 
 
 1. 20. Parentalia. In the end of February the Romans celebrated 
 a festival in honour of the dead, ' Feralia,' at which offerings were 
 brought to their tombs, and panegyrics pronounced in their praise. 
 Cicero's argument here is, that Antony is mixing up two inconsistent 
 kinds of religious ceremony ; the * Parentalia/ addressed directly to the 
 dead ; and the 1 Supplicatio,' a solemn service in honour indeed of some 
 general, but addressed to the gods, and therefore incapable of being 
 celebrated after the death of the general without the risk of confusing 
 thanksgiving for his success with worship to himself, and so incurring 
 the guilt of impiety. 
 
 1. 22. Fuerit ille, ' suppose that he was,' &c. Cp. § 15 'Fuerit 
 quaedam necessarian 
 
 1. 24. Stirpem propagavit. The identity of the families of L. Iunius 
 Brutus, the first consul, and M. Brutus, the tyrannicide, is upheld also 
 by Plutarch Brut. 1, who says, on the authority of Posidonius, that 
 L. Brutus had a third son, who was only a child when his father 
 put his elder brothers to death. The connexion is, however, improbable 
 in itself ; and the story of Posidonius would naturally be invented to 
 reconcile its difficulties. The objection that the later Bruti were 
 plebeians, while L. Brutus was a patrician, even if we admit the latter fact 
 as certain, would not be fatal, as there are many instances of families 
 passing from the one order to the other. 
 
 1. 28. Supplicetur. The tense is to be explained by reference to 
 the idea in Cicero's mind (' numquam adducar ut coniungam '), the 
 change from the imperfect being aided by the tenses in the intervening 
 relative clause. 
 
 11 
 
NOTES 
 
 1. 29. Si qui gravior casus, ' if any more serious kind of disaster. 
 The reading of the old editions, supported by two MSS., is 1 si quis:' 
 but the usual distinction seems to apply here, that i si qui casus ' means 
 ' if any kind 0/" disaster ; ' si quis casus, 'if any individual disaster.' Cicero 
 is giving the reason why he was so urgent in expressing his opinion on 
 the subject, in order that, whatever might be the result, he at least 
 should be free from blame. 
 
 P. 12. 1. 6. Unus modo consularis, L. Piso. See on § 10. 
 
 1. 9. Amplissimis beneficiis usos : in being made Consuls and 
 praetors. Among those of consular rank, the most conspicuous were 
 L. Piso, Servius Sulpicius, C. Marcellus, Q. Fufius Calenus, P. Servilius 
 Isauricus, P. Vatinius, and L. Caesar, the uncle of Antony, to whom 
 Cicero is probably especially referring in saying that he can pardon the 
 silence of some of them. 
 
 1. 14. Quae, malum, 'what, the plague?' Cp. 10. 9, 18 ' Quae, 
 malum! est ista ratio?' and Verr. Act. 2. 1. 20, 54 'Quae, malum! est 
 ista tanta audacia ? ' This interjectional use of ' malum ' is most common 
 in the comedians. 
 
 1. 15. Hoc, i. e. the assertion of freedom under all circumstances. The 
 obscurity in the connexion of ideas has led some recent editors to sup- 
 pose that some such words as 4 repellenda est voluntaria ' have been lost : 
 but this seems hardly necessary ; and there is no trace of such omission in 
 any of the MSS. The train of thought appears to be, ' Grant that all 
 could not avoid such slavery ; this is a degree of patriotism whose 
 absence I must needs forgive in some who speak as consulars ; but yet 
 we must distinguish between those whose silence is pardonable, and 
 those who are absolutely bound to speak.' 
 
 I. 16. Sententiam consulari loco dicunt. The privilege of speak- 
 ing ' consulari ' or 1 praetorio loco ' was often granted as a special honour 
 to persons who had not filled the office of Consul or praetor. Compare 
 the decree in favour of Octavius, Phil. 5. 17, 46. 
 
 1. 18. Suspicionem . . alium . . deesse. 'Suspicio' is occasionally 
 found with the accusative and the infinitive ; as in Cic. Att. 8. 11 D, 1 
 1 Suspicionem nullam habebam, te reipublicae causa mare transiturum ; ' 
 Brut. 1 1, 43 ' Fuisse suspicionem veneno sibi conscivisse mortem : ' but 
 here there is the especial awkwardness of the clause depending on another 
 infinitive of which the persons suspected are themselves the subject. 
 
 cc. 7, 8. Turning to the main subject of his speech, as containing the 
 reasons for his vote, Cicero declares his opinion that the ' acts ' of Caesar 
 ought to be ratified: meaning thereby \ not all the ?nemoranda and notes, 
 genuine or forged, which Antony quoted from the dictator s private papers; 
 but his formal and computed acts, as embodied in his laws, such as that 
 
 12 
 
THE FIRST PHILIPPIC ORATION 
 
 limiting the tenure of provinces ; or that abolishing the third decuria of 
 ( indices,' which Antony proposed to nullify by establishing a new third 
 decuria, composed of centurions and of privates of the legion Alauda. 
 
 L 26. Primum igitur . . . censeo. With this begins the formal 
 declaration of Cicero's resolution and vote, to which all that went before 
 was prefatory. See on 3. 9, 24. Subsequently in writing to C. Cassius, 
 Cicero says that the senate made these concessions to Antony merely ' tem- 
 poribus cedentes,' Fam. 12. 1, 2. 
 
 1. 29. Sine advocatis. ' Advocatus' was the name commonly applied 
 to any one who by his presence gave aid or countenance to a person 
 pleading his cause in the senate or law-courts ; and especially to the 
 < iurisconsultus ' who supplied him with advice on points of law. 
 Antony's ' advocati,' whose presence Cicero deprecates, were the armed 
 soldiers with whom he had beset the entrances of the 'Cella Concordiae' 
 on the previous day. 
 
 1- 33- Se uno auctore. This use of the reflexive pronoun is justified 
 by the fact that Antony's views are the prominent thought in Cicero's 
 mind, so that he is the logical subject of the sentence : ' Does he think to 
 secure the ratification of those acts of Caesar, of whose existence we have 
 no evidence except in the various note-books of the dictator, which he, 
 and he alone, produces, or rather simply quotes : and that meanwhile 
 all that Caesar caused to be engraved on brass, signifying thereby that 
 they should be permanent laws, should go for nothing?' 
 
 P. 13. 1. 1. In aes incidit : see on c. 1, 3. 
 
 1. 4. An si cui, &c. Cicero goes on to prove the absurdity of ratifying 
 all these supposed i acta,' by showing that it would pledge the people 
 to a much more rigid fulfilment of the promises, and even the unexpressed 
 intentions of the dictator, than he either could or would have carried 
 out himself. Cp. Att. 14. 10, 1 * Ut omnia facta, scripta, dicta, promissa, 
 cogitata Caesaris plus valerent, quam si ipse viveret. 
 
 I. 9. Peeunia utinam ad Opis maneret. Sc. the seven hundred 
 million sesterces which Antony had seized on the evening of the dictator's 
 murder. See lntrod., and 2. 37, 93. The remains of the temple of Ops 
 are still visible in the Forum, adjoining the temple of Saturn. Cicero 
 calls the money ' cruenta,' and ' funesta,' 2. 1. c, as being the result of 
 the tyranny and bloodshed of the dictator, especially in the confiscation 
 of the property belonging to the party of Pompey. 
 
 1. 11. Efifusa sit, ' let us acquiesce in its having been expended.' 
 
 § 18 introduces, somewhat irregularly, the opposition to what pre- 
 cedes. The natural antithesis to 1 id erit fixum ' would have been 1 leges 
 eius fixae non erunt,' instead of which Cicero proceeds to prove that 
 Caesar's laws were especially 1 acta Caesaris > ' and leaves his hearers to 
 draw the inference. 
 
 13 
 
NOTES 
 
 1. 13. Qui togatus, &c, 'who as a civilian has been invested with 
 supreme civil and military authority in the state.' Cp. Sull. 30, 85 ' Cui 
 uni togato supplicationem decreverit.' ' Imperium ' is denned by Cicero, 
 Phil. 5. 16, 45, as the power ' sine quo res militaris administrari, teneri 
 exercitus, bellum geri non potest.' As it was an established principle 
 that a Consul could not exercise the authority of a general within the 
 city walls, this ' imperium togati ' was the especial characteristic of a 
 dictator. 
 
 1. 15. Tertius consulatus. In 52 B.C., when Pompey, being elected 
 sole Consul, passed the laws 'deVi,' 'de Ambitu,' and 'de Sodalitiis,' 
 which proved the means of delivering the city from the disturbances o 
 Milo and his party. 
 
 1. 24. Ne praetoriae provinciae, &c. Cp. 5. 3, 7 ; 8. 9, 28 ' Ipse 
 autem ut quinquennium, inquit Antonius, obtineam provinciam. At istud 
 vetat lex Caesaris, et tu acta Caesaris defendis.' Before the passing of 
 this i Lex Iulia,' the tenure of a province was not limited in time ; and 
 Dion Cassius, 43. 35, says that Caesar was led to propose it by feeling 
 how much both his desire for empire, and his power of acquiring it, 
 were increased by his own long government in the province of Gaul. 
 
 1. 27. De tertia decuria. The third decuria of the 'tribuni aerarii/ 
 to whom a share in the iudicium had been given by the ' Lex Aurelia ' 
 in 70 B.C., was abolished by a 'Lex Iudiciaria' of Julius Caesar passed 
 in 46 B.C. Cp. Suet. Iul. 41. Antony proposed to add another third 
 decuria, consisting of centurions < qui ordines duxerunt,' and of private 
 soldiers of the legion Alauda. Cp. 5. 5, 12. 
 
 1. 32. Quae ista tertia decuria ? The omission of 'est/ which is 
 however found in some MSS., is quite common in such rhetorical 
 questions. 
 
 P. 14. 1. 1. Pompeia ; passed 55 B.C., confirming the provisions of 
 the 'Lex Aurelia,' with regard to the three decuriae, but imposing a 
 property qualification. Cicero therefore shows that the bill of Antony 
 did more to lower the dignity of the judicial bench than any of those 
 which had preceded it. 
 
 1. 6. Quicumque eqUo meruisset, 'any who hstd served in the 
 cavalry,' such service, so far as it was performed by Roman citizens, 
 being always esteemed more honourable than the infantry, and receiving 
 triple pay (Liv. 41. 13, 7). In early times only the centuries of 
 knights served as cavalry. These Were eighteen in number, comprising 
 the ' sex suffragia,' or six centuries representing the 1 maiores minoresque 
 gentes ' of the three old Roman tribes, together with the twelve centuries 
 added by Servius Tullius. These old centuries were provided with a 
 horse by the state, and were said ' merere equo publico.' In the war 
 with Veii, 400 B. C, other citizens possessed of property which would have 
 
 14 
 
THE FIRST PHILIPPIC ORATION 
 
 qualified them for admission into the centuries of knights, volunteered to 
 serve as cavalry ' suis equis' (Liv. 5. 17), and from that time forward we 
 frequently find such service mentioned, but apparently always as sup- 
 plementary to the ' centuriae equitum.' 
 
 Quod est lautius, * a more honourable service.' 
 
 I. 9. Alaudarum, ' the legion Alauda ' (so called, apparently, from 
 a plume on their helmets like a lark's crest, Pliny H. N. 11. 37, 44) had 
 been raised by Caesar among the natives of Transalpine Gaul, about 
 55 B.C., so that the admission of its soldiers to the 'iudicatus' was the 
 first opening of the judicial bench to barbarians. On this point Cicero 
 expresses himself strongly in a later oration, 5. 5. According to him, 
 the avowed motive of Antony in giving them this privilege was to have 
 some devoted partisans among the * iudices. ' They had already been 
 invested with the franchise by Caesar. Suet. Iul. 24. 
 
 Aliter, ' without this admixture of obsequious adherents.' 
 
 1. 11. Legis index, 'the whole gist of the law,' 'index' being used 
 not merely for * the title' of a book, but also for a summary of its 
 contents ; and being hence applied to an abstract of any work, or the 
 subject-matter of any science. 
 
 1. 13. In quo quantus, &c. Cicero argues that Antony's scheme 
 will defeat its own object; for these legionary ' iudices,' from the very 
 fact of their being admitted on such insulting terms to the judicial bench, 
 to act as his tools, will be led to discharge their duty with greater 
 sternness, if not even to show bias against his followers, in order to 
 exhibit their independence and impartiality, and to prove that they were 
 worthy of receiving admission in more creditable fashion ; and of being 
 enrolled in honourable ' decuriae,' instead of being hustled into one 
 which was nothing but a disgrace. 
 
 cc. 9, 10. As for the proposed law allowing those who were found 
 guilty of rioting or treason to appeal to the people, it ivas a simple 
 abolition of all laws whatsoever ; reducing any trials for such cri?)ies 
 to mere questions of violence and corruption, while there was not even 
 any one whose favour Antony might thus conciliate. He was using 
 Caesar's name to nullify the very laws to which Caesar, when alive, 
 attached the most importance ; the power of the dead dictator was 
 ruining the commonwealth; and though, in virtue of its constitution, 
 the state had means of guarding against evil consequences even from 
 the worst of laws, the present reign of terrorism turned the ancient 
 forms of law into a farce, and neutralized all such salutary checks. 
 
 1. 18. Maiestatis. The crime of 'maiestas' is defined by Cicero, 
 de Invent. 2. 17, 53, as * De dignitate aut amplitudine aut potestate 
 populi, aut eorum, quibus populus potestatem dedit, aliquid derogare.' 
 
 15 
 
NOTES 
 
 The right of appeal to the people from the decision of any magistrate, 
 to which we find so much value attached in early Roman history, 
 apparently did not exist in the case of 'quaestiones perpetuae,' per- 
 manent judicial commissions, which were first introduced by L. Cal- 
 purnius Piso, 149 B.C., to try cases of extortion in the provinces. 
 Afterwards they were extended, probably by C. Gracchus, to the in- 
 vestigation of those public crimes which most frequently gave occasion 
 to capital sentences, such as poisoning and assassination; and by Sulla 
 to all criminal causes. The practical effect of this was the abolition 
 of capital punishment, as the power of life and death rested with the 
 people only. See Mommsen, Hist, of Rome, vol. 3. pp. 112, 372, 373, 
 Eng. Trans. The appeal of C. Rabirius, supported by an extant speech 
 of Cicero, was from the * Duumviri perduellionis,' exceptionally ap- 
 pointed for that occasion, and not from the regular criminal tribunal, 
 pro C. Rab. 4. 12. It is obvious that as the working of the law courts 
 became more settled, and rriore deserving of the confidence of the 
 people, and more especially as the jealousies between patricians and 
 plebeians died away, the ' Provocatio ad Populum,' which was rendered 
 so necessary by the tyranny of kings and decemvirs, and the oppression 
 of a dominant class, would tend to become both unnecessary and per- 
 nicious. 
 
 1. 21. Manere can only mean ' should stand,' an unusual sense of the 
 word. Cp. however Tac. Agric. c. 46 4 Quidquid mirati sumus manet 
 mansurumque est in animis hominum.' If the reading is genuine, it 
 would seem as though Cicero were looking forward beyond the actual 
 passing of the law : ' Suppose you pass the law, who will be interested 
 in its remaining in operation ? ' 
 
 Legibus illis. Under the existing laws there were no prisoners for 
 trial, so where was the need of a change by which none would benefit ? 
 It was a law for which no one would thank him, ( quae gratiam nullam 
 habeat.' The common reading ' istis legibus ' loses all the distinction 
 between the present state of things, in which as a matter of fact no 
 offenders existed, and the result of Antony's proposal, whereby any 
 future criminals would secure indemnity : ' id fertur, ne quis omnino 
 umquam istis legibus reus fiat.' 
 
 L 23. At res popularis, 'but, you will say, it is a matter which 
 public opinion has already settled.' 
 
 1. 29. Ad earn ipsam vim. Because it reduces the matter to 
 a contest between the loyal and the partakers of his treason. 
 
 1. 30. Quasi vero, &c, 'just as though the object were that any 
 single person should appeal.' ' Quisquam ' is here used on account of 
 the negative notion really inherent in the clause : ' the object being that 
 no one should appeal.' Cp. in Vat, 3, 7 ' Quasi vero quisquam vir 
 
 16 
 
THE FIRST PHILIPPIC ORATION 
 
 excellenti animo. . . . optabilius quicquam arbitretur quam se a suis 
 civibus rei publicae causa diligi.' 
 
 1. 32. Q,uis enim, &c, 4 for where will you find either a prosecutor 
 so mad as willingly to expose himself to the mercy of a hired crowd by 
 convicting his opponent ; or a juryman so rash as to condemn a prisoner, 
 knowing that he himself will thereupon be dragged before a mob of 
 mercenary labourers ? ' 
 
 P. 15. 1. 2. Operas. See on c. 5, 12. 
 
 1. 4. Quid est aliud, 1 what else were it to exhort the youths,' &c. 
 Some MSS. insert 1 quam' or 1 nisi,' as in 5. 8, 21 * Quid erat aliud nisi 
 denuntiare servitutem?' but cp. 2. 4, 7, * Quid est aliud tollere ex vita 
 vitae societatem ? ' So also 5. 2,5. We may compare the two Greek 
 expressions dWo ti 77 and d'AAo ri. 
 
 1. 8. Obrogatur : ' obrogare legi est legis prioris infirmandae causa 
 legem aliam ferre : abrogare legem, penitus tollere,' Ferrar. e Festo. 
 Cp. Cic. Rep. 3. 22, 33 1 Huic legi neque obrogari fas est, neque 
 derogari ex hac aliquid licet, neque tota abrogari potest.' 
 
 Legibus Caesaris. Passed in 46 B.C. 
 
 1. 11. Ilia numquam probavi, ' never approved of their being 
 carried;' not so much because of any fault he had to find with the 
 measures themselves, as on account of the unconstitutional manner in 
 which they were passed. 
 
 1. 15. De exsilio . . . immunitatibus. See on § 3. 
 
 1. 17. Nationibus, to the Sicilians, among others. Cp. Att. 14. 12, 
 1 'Antonius accepta grandi pecunia fixit legem a dictatore comitiis 
 latam, qua Siculi cives Romani : cuius rei vivo illo mentio nulla.' 
 
 1. 18. Uno, verum optimo auctore, ' on the unsupported testimony 
 of a single man, however excellent he may be.' Vulg. 1 uno viro 
 optimo,' a reading which loses the irony expressed by the prominence 
 given to ' optimo ' in the reading of the text. 
 
 1. 19. Domo prolata appears to be opposed to the publicity and 
 regularity of the proceedings in the other case. 
 
 1. 20. Recitavit, prommtiavit seem both of them to express the 
 public reading of the laws by the crier, before they were proposed ; 
 tulit the formal proposal of them before the people. 
 
 1. 21. Eisque legibus, &c, 'thinking that the safety of the state 
 depended on them.' Cp. § 25 1 Quibus rei publicae salus continetur.' 
 The change from the relative to the demonstrative, for the sake of 
 simplicity, is common both in Greek and Latin. Cp. Fin. 2. 2, 5 
 ' Finem definiebas id esse, quo omnia, quae recta fierent, referrentur, 
 neque id ipsum usquam referretur.' Plat. Rep. p. 505 E b 5rj Siaj/cei 
 naaa ipvxv tovtov %v€Ka iravra irpaTTei. 
 
 1. 24. De his tamen legibus, ' And yet these laws, which come 
 
 C 17 
 
NOTES 
 
 under our cognizance by having been promulgated, are not the worst ; 
 of these we may at any rate complain.' So far Antony had only used 
 Caesar's authority in support of laws which he brought forward and 
 passed in regular course, so that men might canvass, though they dared 
 not reject them : but besides this, he introduced certain supposititious 
 laws, which he declared to have been actually passed by Caesar, so that 
 men were forced to accept them, without even the opportunity of 
 discussing them. And though constitutionally the tribunes of the 
 commons, by interposing their veto, or by ' obnuntiatio ' (see on 2. 
 32, 81), ought to have been able to overcome all fear of bad laws being 
 passed or acted on to the injury of the state, yet Antony got over this 
 difficulty by the simple process of forcibly preventing them from adopt- 
 ing such a course. 
 
 1. 33. Antiqua ac stulta, 1 follies of a bygone age.' Cp. pro Rose. 
 Amer. 9, 26 1 Homines antiqui, qui ex sua natura ceteros fingerent.' 
 So dpxaios, Aesch. Prom. 317 apx 0 "' taws aoi (paivofiai \4y€iv rade. Cp. 
 Soph. O. T. 290 tewepa Kot iraXoLL eirrj. 
 
 P. 16. 1. 3. Credo. Muretus reads 1 cedo ilia legitima,' but besides 
 its MS. authority, £ credo ' seems also to have more force in keeping 
 up the irony of the clause. ' What is thus carried must needs be law : 
 and the provisions so made law, I presume, you will order to be inscribed 
 on brass.' Cicero then changes from irony into direct invective, while 
 he shows the hollowness of meaning in the ancient formula of laws, when 
 used to introduce measures passed under absolute compulsion. 
 
 1. 7. De futuris. He passes over all that is irrevocable, and speaks 
 only of the laws which had been promulgated, and were in due course 
 awaiting the vote of the people, who could yet decide upon them as 
 they would (' de quibus est integrum vobis ') ; and herein, he says, he is 
 acting the part of a friend even towards Antony and Dolabella ; for he 
 is warning them of the neglect of religion and order which he foresees 
 will render their acts really invalid, and they need only give heed 
 to his warnings, and abandon their unconstitutional proceedings, if 
 they wish to prove his forebodings false. If he were blaming them for 
 what is past, he argues, they might reasonably be angry with him, but 
 with his friendly advice they have no ground of quarrel. 
 
 cc. 11, 12. Turning directly to address the Consuls, Cicero deprecates 
 the notion that he is actuated by hostility towards them ; he even courts 
 their opposition, so long as they confine the?nselves within the bounds of 
 fair antagonism ; and while lamenting that a false conception of glory 
 had lately misled them, he compliments Dolabella on the vigour which 
 he displayed in putting down the riots occasioned by the erection of 
 a monument to Caesar. 
 
 18 
 
THE FIRST PHILIPPIC ORATION 
 
 § 27. With this section begins the second division of Cicero's speech, 
 in which he points out the dangers and the evils of the course which the 
 Consuls were pursuing. See on § 16. 
 
 1. 14. Facilitatem, ' how placable your temper is :* ' facilitas ■ being 
 distinguished from ' dementia,' with which it is often joined, as 'readi- 
 ness to admit an explanation, and so to forgive,' from * calmness of 
 temper, which does not readily take offence/ See on 9. 5, 11. 
 
 1. 16. Avorum. These were M. Antonius the orator, Consul in 
 99 B.C., a strenuous opponent of the democratic party, and L. Julius 
 Caesar, Consul in 90 B. C, and author of the ' Lex Iulia de civitate 
 sociis danda.' They both were put to death by Marius and Cinna when 
 they obtained possession of the city in 87 B.C. 
 
 The uncle referred to was L. Julius Caesar, Consul in 64 B.C., the 
 year before Cicero himself, and his firm supporter in suppressing the 
 conspiracy of Catiline. 
 
 1. 17. Sed eum. After the long parenthesis, the thread of the 
 sentence is resumed with 'sed,' in a manner not infrequent in Cicero. 
 Cp. 2. 3, 5 ' Sed quo beneficio?' ib. 4, 8 ; 32, 80. 
 
 1. 20. Ius . . aequum, ' I will make a proposition which seems to me 
 so fair, that I think Antony will not refuse to entertain it.' The manifest 
 equity of the proposal entitles Cicero afterwards to term it ' postulatio.' 
 See on 2. 29, 72. 
 
 1. 26. Ut civi, i. e. without violent and illegal use of arms. 
 
 Sui defendendi causa. The usual pretext of all tyrants for obtain- 
 ing a body-guard. So Peisistratus, Tpco/xaTLaas koovTov kdetro tov 5-q/xov 
 <pvKaKrjs twos rrpos clvtov Kvpr\aai Hdt. I. 59, 5. Cp. Phil. 2. 8, 19 * Quid 
 est dementius, quam, cum rei publicae perniciosa arma ipse ceperis, 
 obiicere alteri salutaria?' 
 
 1. 32. Feremus amici naturam, 'we will not quarrel with the 
 humour of a friend,' rather than (with Mr. Long) ' we will bear with 
 his humour like friends,' which does not harmonize with the resumption 
 of ' familiares ' in 1 idem illi.' 
 
 Locuntur. So the Vatican MS. Halm reads * loquuntur,' but the 
 Romans appear to have avoided with especial care the concurrence 
 of 'uu.' 
 
 P. 17. 1. 1. Nec erit iustior, &c. The meaning of this clause 
 seems to be that, ' if sickness is, as all allow, a valid excuse for absence 
 from the senate, surely the danger of death is at least as valid, and 
 Cicero would be fully justified, if these threats continue, in refusing 
 to expose himself to obvious peril of his life.' 
 
 1. 3. Sed per deos immortales ! The sentence, interrupted after 
 this exclamation, is virtually though not formally resumed in § 30, 
 with the words 'Recordare, quaeso, Dolabella,' &c. Cicero, being 
 
 C 2 i 9 
 
NOTES 
 
 as yet unwilling to make the rupture with Antony final, here attributes 
 the unpatriotic conduct of the Consuls to an error of judgment. 
 
 1. 3. Qui es mini carissimus. These words rest solely on the 
 authority of the second writer in the Vatican MS. 
 
 1. 5. Mobiles homines. The word 'nobiles' is here used in its 
 strictly technical sense, ' belonging to families ennobled by the tenure 
 of curule offices/ 
 
 1. 6. Nimis creduli. Yet at the end of November in this same year, 
 Cicero, in a letter to Atticus, Att. 16. 15, I, speaks of Dolabella as 
 having betrayed a client's cause, ' emptus pecunia.' 
 
 1. 7. Ab amplissimo quoque, 1 by each in proportion to his dignity 
 and honour;' the usual force of the superlative with 'quisque/ . 
 
 L 8. Opes violentas, Resources founded on violence.' Cicero 
 frequently draws a similar distinction between ' money ' and the wider 
 expression 'opes:' cp. Lael. 6, 22 ' Ceterae res, quae expetuntur, 
 opportunae sunt singulae rebus fere singulis, divitiae ut utare, opes 
 ut colare, honores ut laudere.' 
 
 1. 10. Est autem gloria. Cp. c. 14, 33; and Tusc. 3. 2, 3 'Ea 
 (gloria) est consentiens laus bonorum, incorrupta vox bene iudicantium 
 de excellenti virtute, ea virtuti resonat tamquam imago : quae quia recte 
 factorum plerumque comes est, non est bonis viris repudianda.' 
 
 1. 15. Expiato foro, &c. See on § 5. 
 
 1. 17. Cuius ordinis, &c, 'what rank, or family, or fortune, then 
 could hinder men from pressing forward to congratulate and praise you ? ' 
 
 1. 19. Quin mini etiam, &c. Cp. Cicero's letter to Dolabella, Att. 
 14. 17 A, 1 'Neminem conveni . . . quin omnes, cum te summis laudibus 
 ad caelum extulerunt, mihi continuo gratias maximas agant. Negant 
 enim se dubitare, quin tu, meis praeceptis et consiliis obtemperans, 
 praestantissimum te civem et singularem consulem praebeas.' 
 
 1. 22. Earum rerum obliti. Dolabella, being greatly in debt, 
 and finding that Caesar would do nothing for him, caused himself 
 to be adopted into the plebeian family of Cn. Lentulus, and thus 
 became eligible for the tribuneship, which he obtained in 48 B.C. 
 He then proposed a general abolition of debts, which gave rise to 
 great tumults, the opposition being headed by his colleague L. 
 Trebellius : and these tumults being repeated on the day of voting, 
 Dolabella's party was defeated, and the motion lost, mainly through 
 the influence of Antony, then Caesar's Master of the Horse. 
 
 cc. 13-15. Apostrophizing Antony in his absence, he reminds him 
 of his magnanimous and patriotic conduct during the few days im- 
 mediately following the death of Caesar, Especially he thanks him 
 for abolishing the dictatorship ; and pointing out the infamy with 
 
 20 
 
THE FIRST PHILIPPIC ORATION 
 
 which he thereby branded the last holder of the office, he laments that 
 instead of following the example of M. Antonius, his grandfather, 
 he should seek to imitate Caesar, by striving after supreme power and 
 desiring to be feared. At the same time he warns both Antony and 
 Dolabella that the public voice was everywhere against the memory of 
 Caesar, and in favour of constitutional authority, and that any one 
 who sought to rival the dictator's power must be prepared to meet with 
 the dictator's fate. 
 
 He ends his oration by declaring his undying zeal for the good of the 
 state, and thanking the senate for the kindness with which they had 
 listened to him. 
 
 1. 27. Unum ilium diem. See on § 1. 
 
 1. 30. Veterani. Their fear would probably be lest the grants 
 of land made by Caesar should be revoked ; for otherwise the interests 
 of the soldiery would lie on the side of war and tumult. The 
 suggestion of Graevius, that 'veterani' is the genitive ('from what fear 
 of the veteran soldiery '), ' veteranus ' being used like ' eques ' or ' pedes,' 
 is improbable, and unsupported by any similar use of the word. 
 
 I. 32. Auspiciorum; by which, he had declared the election of 
 Dolabella to be invalid. See 2. 33, 82 and 83. 
 
 P. 18. 1. 1. Tims parvus Alius. See on § 2. 
 
 1. 10. M. Manlii, the preserver of Rome from the night attack of the 
 Gauls, 390 B.C. ; in consequence of whose subsequent attempt, 384 B.C., 
 to raise himself to despotic power, the Manlia gens passed a resolution 
 that none of them should thenceforth bear the praenomen of Marcus, 
 Livy 6. 20. According to Dion Cassius, 51. 19, a similar decree was 
 passed in the family of the Antonii, after the battle of Actium, to mark 
 their repudiation of M. Antonius. 
 
 1. 11. Patricium; there being also plebeian families of Manlii. 
 
 1. 18. Nihil in te sordidum. Yet in the next oration, c. 14, 35, 
 he does not hesitate to attribute the conduct of Antony to the basest 
 greed for money, and in the same oration, c. 16, 40 and 41, he points 
 out his discreditable avarice in securing, by any means, the succession 
 to the property even of utter strangers. It is probable, however, that 
 Cicero here refers to his liberality in spending money, which Plutarch 
 (vit. Anton. 4) shows to have been remarkable. 
 
 1. 19. Domestici; referring especially to his wife Fulvia, whose 
 avarice was notorious. Cp. 5. 4, 11 'Calebant in interiore aedium 
 parte totius rei publicae nundinae : mulier, sibi felicior quam viris, 
 auctionem provinciarum regnorumque faciebat.' 
 
 1. 23. Metui a civibus tuis. Some MSS. add 'quam diligi malis/ 
 but these words seem to have been inserted (perhaps from Off. 2. 8, 29 
 ' Dum metui, quam cari esse, et diligi maluimus') by some copyist, who 
 
 21 
 
NOTES 
 
 did not see that c metui' depends on ' gloriosum,' and is parallel to 'plus 
 te unum posse.' ' You think that glory consists in being more powerful 
 than all your fellow-citizens together, and in being the object of their 
 dread.' 
 
 1. 26. Imbecillum, caducum, * a sign of weakness and impending ruin.' 
 
 1. 27. Oderint, dum metuant. These words, probably from Attius, 
 are quoted with abhorrence by Seneca, de Ira, 1. 20, 4 * qualis ilia 
 dira et abominanda, Oderint dum metuant:' and again by Cicero, 
 Off. 1. 28, 97, as a wicked sentiment, but yet appropriately put into 
 the mouth of some characters, ' Atreo dicente plausus excitantur. 
 Est enim digna persona oratio.' 
 
 1. 29. De quo tamen, &c. 'Tamen' rather apologizes for the 
 utterance of the wish, than qualifies its meaning. ' And yet there 
 ought to be no doubt of your doing so, considering how often you 
 have heard so much from me concerning him.' 
 
 1. 31. XJt .... metueretur, 'at the price of being feared.' Cp. 
 Nat. Deor. 1. 24, 67 'Quid enim mereas, ut Epicurus esse desinas ? ' 
 ' what would you take to give up Epicureanism ? ' 
 
 1. 33. Parem ceteris. So the Vatican MS. Vulg. 'parem cum 
 ceteris/ which though an unusual construction is not unparalleled. 
 Cp. Brut. 59. 215 ' Paria cum Crasso.' 
 
 P. 19. 1. 1. Supremum diem. See on § 27. 
 
 1. 2. Dominatum. His four successive consulships, 87-84 B.C., 
 called also by Tacitus, Ann. 1. 1, ' dominatio.' Among the leading men 
 in Rome, besides M. Antonius and L. Caesar, L. Merula, Q. Catulus, 
 Cn. Octavius and others fell victims to his tyranny. 
 
 1. 5. Carus esse quam metui. Cp. 2. 44, 112 ' Caritate te et bene- 
 volentia civium saeptum oportet esse, non armis.' 
 
 1. 11. Wee unctus. If the reading be genuine, 'unctus' probably 
 means ' distinguished/ like ' lautus,' for which sense however there is 
 apparently no authority elsewhere, the nearest approach to it being 
 a metaphorical use of the word as applied to language, Brut. 20, 78 
 ' lam enim erat unctior quaedam splendidiorque consuetudo loquendi.' 
 
 1. 13. Iudicia multa. Showing, that is, the rigour with which they 
 exact true patriotism as a necessary condition of popularity. 
 
 1. 14. Gladiatoribus, 'at the time of the gladiators' shows.' Cp. 
 Att. 2. 1, 5 ' Quaerit ex me, num consuessem Siculis locum gladiatoribus 
 dare;' ib. 19, 3 'Gladiatoribus qua dominus qua advocati sibilis con- 
 scissi : ludis Apollinaribus, Diphilus tragoedus in nostrum Pompeium 
 petulanter invectus est.' So in Greek, rpaywdoTs kclivois, ' when the new 
 tragedies were acted:' ap. Dem. Cor. p. 243, 16. 
 
 1. 15. Populi versus. Extempore effusions, by which the people on 
 any public occasion expressed their views on the events and characters 
 
THE FIRST PHILIPPIC ORATION 
 
 of the day ; in the present instance probably either praising Caesar's 
 murderers, or reviling those who sought to emulate him in crushing the 
 liberty of the state. * Significo ' appears to be the technical word for 
 such expression of opinion : cp. pro Sest. 50, 106 ' Tribus locis significari 
 maxime populi Romani iudicium ac voluntas potest, contione, comitiis, 
 ludorum gladiatorumque consessu.' 
 
 Pompei statuae, the statue of Pompey in the Curia Pompei, at the 
 foot of which Caesar was assassinated, and which is therefore represented 
 as looking with a favourable eye upon his death. A statue, believed to 
 be the one in question, 
 
 ' yet existent in 
 The austerest form of naked majesty,' 
 
 is preserved in the Palazzo Spada at Rome. 
 
 L 16. Duobus tribunis plebis, 1 the applause bestowed on the two 
 tribunes of the commons,' ' tribunis/ like ' statuae,' being the dative. 
 Cicero, Phil. 3. 9, 23, enumerates three tribunes of the commons among 
 the enemies of Antony, L. Cassius, D. Carfulenus, and Ti. Canutius, the 
 last-named being also mentioned by Velleius, 2. 64, 2, as a bitter 
 antagonist who ' continua rabie lacerabat Antonium.' The other one 
 referred to here is probably L. Cassius, the brother of C. Cassius : cp. 
 Att. 14. 2, 1 'Plausus L. Cassio datus etiam facetus mihi quidem visus est.' 
 
 1. 18. Apollinarium ludorum plausus, ' applause,' not merely as at 
 the gladiators' shows, at the time of the games, but ' bestowed upon the 
 games themselves,' and so by implication on Brutus, who as 1 praetor 
 urbanus ' had defrayed their expense, though he did not dare to trust 
 himself in Rome. The presidency of the games, in his absence, was 
 entrusted to C. Antonius. The games took place every year on the 6th 
 of July. 
 
 1. 20. O beatos illos. Brutus, Cassius, and their adherents, who, 
 though banished from the city, yet remained rooted in the hearts and 
 breasts of the people. 
 
 1. 23. Attio. The play acted at these games was the Tereus of Attius. 
 Cp. Cic. Att. 16. 2, 3 1 Delectari mihi Tereo videbatur, et habere maiorem 
 Attio quam Antonio gratiam.' Cicero argues that this unwonted demon- 
 stration in favour of so old a play could only be due to the circumstances 
 under which it was acted. 
 
 1. 26. Tribuerit, ' have shown their zeal, which still remains, while at 
 the time they soothed their regret.' Each tense has thus its proper and 
 distinct meaning, and the various emendations, 1 tribueret,' found as a 
 correction in the Vatican MS., and adopted by Halm, or ' lenierit,' are 
 quite unnecessary. 
 
 1. 28. Cum popularibus tribuerentur, 'as a mere tribute of praise 
 to citizens who court popular favour.' One MS. and many editors read 
 
 23 
 
NOTES 
 
 1 a popularibus/ apparently from a wish to make it harmonize with fr a 
 summis,' &c, interpreting ( populares ' and ' qui sequi populi consensum 
 solebant' to mean ' citizens who follow in the wake of public opinion, 
 and always shout with the majority : ' but besides the strangeness of 
 meaning thus given to 1 populares,' the difference of mood and tense in 
 the two clauses shows that they were in no way intended to be parallel. 
 
 1. 31. Qui .... solebant, * who used to follow public opinion,' but 
 see that the present is no time to show themselves, since now it is not 
 demagogues, but honest men, who are being cheered. 
 
 P. 20. 1. 4. Tantam tamen, &c, ' yet whom can we remember whose 
 health excited such anxiety, such fear in all good men ? ' Fear, that is, 
 of the consequences should the state be left unprotected by the death of 
 the Consul elect. As late as the last week in December Cicero writes 
 to a friend that 1 Hirtius noster tardius convalescit,' Fam. 12. 22, 1. 
 Cp. Phil. 7. 4, 12 ; 8. 2, 5. 
 
 1. 7. Quid? eos, &c. 'If the Romans care so much for the life of 
 those whom they hope to find serving the interests of the state, think ye 
 they will pass over your proceedings without notice,' when they see you 
 trying to reimpose on them the yoke of slavery ? Vulg. 1 Quid eos .... 
 cogitare censetis ? ' 
 
 L 9. Fructum. In clearing his own conscience, and in experiencing 
 the kindness and attention of the senate. 
 
 L 10. Quicumque casus. Cp. c. 4, 10. 
 
 1. 13. Utar, without 'ea.' Cp. pro Sulla 33, 92 ' Quae prima inno- 
 centis mihi defensio est oblata suscepi.' 
 
 L 14. Mihi fere satis est, &c, 'I have lived long enough to satisfy 
 my desire of life, and to fill up the measure of my fame.' Cp. Fam. 10. 
 I, I * Mihi maximae curae est, non de mea quidem vita, cui satisfeci, vel 
 aetate, vel factis, vel (si quid etiam hoc ad rem pertinet) gloria : sed me 
 patria sollicitat,' and Att. 14. 21, 3 'Mihi quidem fePiwrai' 
 
 THE SECOND PHILIPPIC ORATION 
 
 c. 1. Cicero opens his speech by remarking on his peculiar destiny \ 
 that he was always personally involved in conflict with every citizen who 
 had proved himself a traitor to the state. Generally he was the aggressor, 
 but Antony had taken the initiative in a speech of more than ordinary 
 virulence. After reviewing all the motives which suggested themselves 
 for such a course, he concludes that Antony must have wished to make 
 his treason unmistakeable, by attacking so notorious a patriot. 
 
 P. 24. L 1. Nemo. He mentions by name Catiline and Clodius, but 
 the point of his sarcasm is not a little blunted by the omission of Caesar, 
 
 24 
 
THE SECOND PHILIPPIC ORATION 
 
 from whom he had received too many favours to enumerate him among 
 his personal enemies. 
 
 1. 2. His annis viginti, 1 within these twenty years :' a less exact 
 description of time than ' ante hos viginti annos,' or 'abhinc viginti 
 annos,' though according to the inclusive mode of reckoning in vogue 
 at Rome it was just twenty years since the conspiracy of Catiline, 
 63 B.C. 
 
 Bellum indixerit : cp. pro Sulla, 9, 28 1 Cum mihi uni cum omnibus 
 improbis aeternum videam esse bellum susceptum.' 
 
 1. 5. Optarem, 'than I should wish them to have paid, did it still 
 depend on me.' Heumann's conjecture 4 optaram,' adopted by Mueller, 
 is needless, and would rather express that Cicero had determined in 
 his own mind some less penalty which he had wished that they 
 should pay. 
 
 1. 8. Voluntarius, 1 of his own accord, without having been first 
 attacked by me.' 
 
 1. 9. Ut . . . viderere. These words go better with ' lacessisti ' than 
 with ' violatus ; ' ' you attacked me, to prove yourself more daring than 
 Catiline, more insane than Clodius.' 
 
 1. 12. Quid putem? Of the four conceivable reasons for Antony's 
 conduct, viz. 1. contempt of Cicero, 2. a mistaken estimate of their 
 respective positions with the senate, 3. a desire to rival him in oratory, 
 4. a wish to prove his own disloyalty, by attacking the noblest of patriots, 
 Cicero rejects the first three as untenable, and adopts the fourth. 
 
 1. 13. In vita, 'in my private life/ as opposed to 'in rebus gestis,' 
 ' in the actions of official life/ 
 
 1. 17. Uni conservatae : so Cat. 4. 10, 20 ' Ceteris semper bene gesta, 
 mihi uni conservata republica gratulationem decrevistis. , Cp. also Cat. 
 3. 6, 1 5, Phil. 14. 8, 24. 
 
 1. 19. Hoc quidem, 'this is indeed the greatest kindness he could 
 show me.' 
 
 P. 25. 1. 1. Illud profecto. So the Vatican MS. The others add 
 * est : ' but ' illud ' depends on some such word as 1 putavit,' to be supplied 
 from ' non existimavit.' 
 
 cc. 2, 3. He began by charging Cicero with being false to ties of 
 friendship, by opposing him in a lawsuit. Cicero replies, first generally, 
 that he was pleading against Antony, with whom he was wholly 
 uncomiected. for a friend, and in the cause of justice: then in detail he 
 denies that Antony was an intimate of his house, or that he owed his 
 augurship to the courtesy of Antony, who could ?iot possibly have stood 
 against him ; or that Antony had any claim upon his gratitude, unless 
 it constituted a claim that he had once abstained from murdering him, 
 
 25 
 
NOTES 
 
 Even if the most were made of this, it could not outweigh Cicero s plain 
 duty in denouncing Antony when he violated every duty of a citizen , 
 a magistrate, and a man. 
 
 1. 6. Contra rem suam. In some trial, of the particulars of which 
 we know nothing, but in which, from Cicero's expression, Antony was 
 rather indirectly than directly interested. So far as we can gather, it 
 would seem probable that the suit in question was brought by Sicca, 
 Cicero's Sicilian friend, against some associate of Antony's, and that the 
 latter, finding the suit going against his friend, prevailed on a certain 
 tribune of the commons, whose favour he had gained by companionship 
 in profligacy, to stop the proceedings by his veto. 
 
 1. 9. Won venirem contra iniuriam, &c, *was I not to oppose 
 a wrong which Antony carried through, not by due course of law in the 
 praetor's court, but by favour of a veto from the most unscrupulous of 
 tribunes?' It appears from the speech against Vatinius, 14, 33, that 
 such exercise of the veto was at least an unusual, if not an absolutely 
 illegal practice : ' Fecerisne, quod in hac re publica non modo factum 
 antea numquam est, sed in omni memoria est Omnino inauditum ? appel- 
 larisne tribunos plebis, ne causam diceres ? ' 
 
 1. 12. Te is inserted by Halm, following Orelli, as necessary for the 
 construction. 
 
 Libertini generum. Fadia was his first wife. According to 
 Suetonius, Claud. 24, the original meaning of this word 'libertinus' 
 was a freedman's son, as opposed to * libertus,' a freedman : but in all 
 extant authors in whom we find the words, from Plautus onwards, 
 they both denote the actual freedman, ' libertinus ' absolutely, in respect 
 of his condition in the state, ' libertus' in his relation to his former 
 master. ♦ 
 
 1. 14. Fuisse. Fadius being apparently already dead, so that the tie 
 between him and Antony was no longer in existence. 
 
 At enim. Here Cicero introduces, and refutes, the several arguments 
 whereby Antony had sought to prove that he was not * alienus,' but 
 bound to Cicero by the closest ties. 
 
 In disciplinam. ' You had placed yourself under my instruction.' 
 
 1. 15. tu. All the MSS. concur in the orthography * ne,' rather 
 than ' nae,' which appears to be a later device of spelling for the sake of 
 distinction from the conjunction. In Cicero this adverb is never found 
 except in combination with a pronoun. Cp. c. 30, 76. 
 
 1. 17. C. Curionem. See c. 18, 44-46. It was to Curio's influence 
 that Antony owed his election to the augurship, 53 B.C., three years after 
 Cicero's admission to the college. 
 
 1. 18. Mihi te concessisse, 'you retired in my favour from the 
 contest for the augurship.' 
 
 26 
 
THE SECOND PHILIPPIC ORATION 
 
 1. 20. A toto collegio. The number of the augurs was increased by 
 Sulla to fifteen, by Caesar to sixteen. The nomination by two augurs 
 perhaps was a relic of the time when their whole number was only three, 
 and any vacancy was filled by the * cooptatio ' of the two survivors. By 
 the * Lex Domitia de Sacerdotiis,' passed 103 B.C., and re-enacted 63 B.C., 
 the election to the college of augurs was vested in seventeen out of the 
 thirty-five tribes chosen by lot. 
 
 1. 22. Neo solvendo eras, ' were insolvent;' lit. ' not in a condition 
 to pay your debts.' Cp. Livy 2. 9 ' Tributo plebes liberata, ut divites 
 conferrent, qui oneri ferendo essent.' This use of the dative is closely 
 allied to its employment as marking the destination in official titles : cp. 
 Livy 10. 8 i Decemviri sacris faciundis ;' Id. 2. 8 ' Gomitia collegae 
 subrogando habuit :' and see Madv. § 415, Obs. 1. 
 
 1. 23. Fore incolumem, 1 could escape bankruptcy.' 
 
 1. 28. Semper prae me tuli : see on 1. 4, 11. 
 
 1. 30. Minus prudenti, ' who does not look at the matter in its right 
 
 light.- 
 
 Sed quo: see on 1. 11, 27. 
 
 P. 26. 1. 3. Quod si esset benericium. Cicero's argument is, that 
 the general voice of the Roman people, in holding the assassins of 
 Caesar, who had owed their lives to him, to be yet worthy of the highest 
 praise, declared that no gratitude was due to any one who merely 
 abstained from exercising illegal power over the lives of his fellow- 
 citizens. 
 
 1. 8. Interfectum me. i Me ' is a conjecture of Madvig's, being absent 
 from the MSS. He urges that its insertion is absolutely necessary, since 
 ' nudum participium pro tota sententia infinita nullo exemplo nulla ratione 
 ponitur' Opusc. 1. p. 207. 
 
 1. 12. In ilia querella, sc. the first Philippic, in which, as we have seen, 
 his tone towards Antony was comparatively moderate. 
 
 Misera quidem. With this concessive use of ' quidem ' it is usual to 
 insert the pronoun, ' misera ilia quidem,' but its absence here is due to 
 its occurrence immediately before. 
 
 1. 1 3. Pro hoc gradu, ' in consideration of my consular rank.' For 
 the view which Cicero entertained of the responsibilities involved by this 
 position, see 1. 6, 14 and 15. 
 
 I.17. Keliquias, ' what treasures the state had still remaining.' 
 Cp. 1. 7, 17. 
 
 1. 18. Domi tuae : Cp. cc. 14, 35 ; 36, 92 ; 37, 95 ; 45, 115. 
 
 1. 20. De te, 'to benefit yourself.' This was forbidden by a 1 Lex 
 Licinia' and a 'Lex Aebutia,' both of uncertain date. We learn from 
 11. 6, 13 that he had placed himself on a commission for dividing 
 public lands ; ' Duos collegas Antoniorum et Dolabellae, Nuculam 
 
 27 
 
NOTES 
 
 et Lentonem, Italiae divisores lege ea, quam senatus per vim latam 
 iudicavit.' 
 
 1. 20. A te, and therefore not among the 6 acta Caesaris.' 
 
 Auspicia augur, intercessionem consul. The first in passing his 
 Agrarian law, which was in double defiance of the omens, both because 
 they were at the time adverse, and because he proposed it in conjunction 
 with Dolabella, whose election he had himself pronounced void, in 
 consequence of unfavourable omens, see c. 32, 81 ; Phil. 5. 3, 7 : the 
 second, by filling the forum with armed men, and so forcibly over- 
 bearing any opposition, lb. 4, 9. 
 
 1. 22. Impudica: so the Vat. MS. ; Vulg. ' pudica/ which probably 
 is derived from c. 28, 69 1 Quid enim umquam domus ilia viderat nisi 
 pudicum, quid nisi ex optimo more et sanctissima disciplina?' Here 
 however it is more appropriate to find an epithet descriptive of the 
 present condition of the house, than a reference to its former purity 
 when in the possession of Pompey. 
 
 1. 24. M. Crasso, the colleague of Caesar and Pompey, who fell in 
 battle against the Parthians, 55 B.C. Cicero professed the greatest 
 admiration for him in public ; and a letter to him is extant, full of the 
 warmest protestations of friendship, Fam. 5.8; but in speaking of him 
 to his intimate friends, he always expresses distrust of him; see Att. 
 1. 14, 3 and 4 ; Fam. 14. 2, 2. 
 
 1. 25. Uno. Halm takes this with ' nequissimo,' 'most especially 
 wicked ; ' but it is rather equivalent to * aliquo,' with a shade of 
 contempt conveyed in it, 'with a certain most abandoned gladiator.' 
 Cp. Att. 9. 10, 2 'Me una haec res torquet, quod non . . . Pompeium, 
 tamquam unus manipularis, secutus sim:' and Plaut. True. 2. 1, 39 
 ' Sed est huic unus servos violentissumus.' 
 
 c. 4. As regards the letters which Antony had read, while wondering 
 at his want of manners in publishing private correspondence, and at his 
 folly in producing documents whose authenticity he could not prove, 
 Cicero urges that the only charge against him which they could support 
 was that he used too much courtesy in addressing A ntony. He would 
 not produce in return the letters which would show Antony in the light 
 of a suppliant to himself. 
 
 1. 28. Litteras. A copy of this letter, sent to Atticus for inspection, 
 is preserved, Att. 14. 13 B. It is couched in terms of warm friendship, 
 but in the accompanying letter to Atticus he explains that his com- 
 plaisance is only feigned, for the sake of temporizing where resistance 
 was useless. For the substance of the letter see on 1. 1, 3. 
 
 Diceret. This use of the subjunctive, of words introducing a sen- 
 tence in the oratio obliqua, though irregular in itself, is not uncommon^ 
 
 28 
 
THE SECOND PHILIPPIC ORATION 
 
 in Cicero. Cp. c. 24, 60 ' Quod earn a me servatam esse meminissent 
 and see Madv. § 357, Obs. 2. 
 
 1. 31. Nosset, the subjunctive, because the clause describes a particular 
 class of men, not an individual. 
 
 1. 33. Quid est aliud: see on 1. 9, 22. 
 
 P. 27. 1. 4. Inhumanitatis. Halm adds ' tuae,' but it is not found 
 in the Vatican MS., and seems unnecessary. ' So much for his ill 
 breeding : now see the inconceivable folly of the man.' 
 
 1. 5. Tironi et Mustelae. These men are often mentioned among 
 the satellites of Antony : cp. 8. 9, 26 ; 12. 6, 14 ; 13. 2, 3. The latter 
 was a native of Anagnia, and is styled by Cicero 'gladiorum princeps,' 
 c. 41, 106 ; but nothing more is known of either of them. 
 
 1. 8. Inter sicarios, 'when tried for murder,' lit. 'when numbered 
 among assassins for trial.' Cp. pro Rose. Amer. 32, 90 ' Sexcenti sunt, 
 qui inter sicarios et de beneficiis accusabant;' Fin. 2. 16, 54 'Cum 
 praetor quaestionem inter sicarios exercuisset.' 
 
 1. 11. Scientiam quaestuosam : see c. 38, 97. 
 
 1. 13. Nihil sapere, 'to be a fool.' Cp. c. 17, 43, whence we learn 
 that his teacher was Sex. Clodius, a Sicilian rhetorician, whom he 
 rewarded with 2000 ' iugera ' of Leontine land. 
 
 1. 14. Id obiicere, &c, 'to bring an objection against an opponent, 
 which requires only his bare denial to stop your further progress in the 
 attack.' 
 
 1. 19. Omne autem tuum crimen, &c., 'the sole point of your 
 accusation is that in the said letter I express no bad opinion of you.' 
 Cp. below ' existimatio,' * the expressed opinion.' 
 
 1. 20. Scribebam: so the Vatican MS. Halm and Mueller follow 
 the ordinary reading 'scribam,' but there seems to be a special reason 
 for the difference of mood, in that ' male existimem ' only expresses the 
 charge which Antony might have expected Cicero to make against him ; 
 whereas ' scribebam 1 introduces the actual substance of the letter. 
 
 1. 24. Quendam. Sextus Clodius, the tool of P. Clodius, not the 
 rhetorician mentioned above. 
 
 1. 30. Meam gratiam, 'he wished me to have the credit of the 
 action.' 
 
 1. 31. Lege lata : see 1.1,3, where Antony is represented as expressly 
 declaring that Sextus Clodius was the one exile whom the act that 
 Caesar had passed restored to his country ; so that the gratitude of 
 Sextus Clodius would be due to Caesar, and not to Antony. 
 
 cc. 5-7. apologizing for his unwonted egotism in speaking of his 
 own merits, Cicero ansivers the attack which Antony had made npo?i 
 his consulship, by appealing to the approbation of his conduct expressed 
 
 29 
 
NOTES 
 
 by all the leading men of his time: contrasting in this respect the 
 consulship of Antony, which was only marked by deeds of unconstitu- 
 tional violence, calculated to win applause from the base companions of 
 his revels. 
 
 1. 33. Alterum peto, &c. The reason for the different tone he takes 
 with regard to the two divisions of his speech may be found in the 
 beginning of Demosthenes' speech de Corona, p. 226. 20 <pv(T€i iraaiv 
 dvOpojirois virdpx^i, tSjv fieu \oihopiuv koli twv Karrjyopiwv arcoveiv ^Seo;?, 
 rots kiratvovcri 8' clvtovs axOecrOat. Accordingly, while judiciously 
 apologizing for the part concerning himself, he gains greater attention 
 even for this portion of his speech, by the promise of the more exciting 
 invective which is to follow. His appeal, moreover, to his usual 
 moderation is not without its object, as serving to show that nothing 
 but the atrocity of the case could have led him to break forth at such 
 length on the present occasion. 
 
 P. 28. L 7. Quod ita factus est. Since he had been nominated by 
 Caesar, not elected by the free vote of the people. Cp. c. 32, 79 
 ' Iussus es renuntiari consul et quidem cum ipso.' See on c. 30, 76. 
 For the use of ' ita' as a predicate, see Madv. § 209 b. Obs. 2. 
 
 1. 8. Ut igitur intelligeretis, &c. He uses a similar argument 
 in the speech against Piso, 7. 14 'Relatio ilia salutaris et diligens fuit 
 consulis, animadversio quidem et iudicium senatus: quae cum repre- 
 hendis, ostendis qualis tu, si ita forte accidisset, fueris illo tempore 
 consul futurus/ 
 
 1. 17. Tibi. One MS. has <te . . manet,' which would simply mean 
 ' awaits you,' whereas ' tibi ' is a pure dativus commodi, ' is reserved in 
 all its force for your benefit.' So Virg. Aen. 9. 301 
 
 1 Quae tibi polliceor reduci, rebusque secundis, 
 Haec eadem matrique tuae generique manebunt/ 
 
 ' shall be confirmed without diminution to your mother and your family/ 
 Id domus tuae est. Fulvia, who before she married Antony, had 
 been the wife of P. Clodius and C. Scribonius Curio, who fell in the 
 war with Juba, before Utica, 49 B.C. Halm retains the ordinary 
 meaning ' domi tuae,' ' in your house ; ' but ' domus,' the reading of 
 the Vatican MS., is more appropriate, signifying ' there exists as part 
 of your household that which proved the death of both of them/ 
 
 1. 19. P. Servilio, &c. The 'consulares* whose names he here 
 enumerates all held the consulship in the course of the seventeen years 
 immediately preceding the conspiracy of Catiline, with the exception 
 of D. Junius Silanus and L. Licinius Murena, who were then Consuls 
 elect. The most eminent among them were P. Servilius Vatia Isauricus, 
 the repressor of the Cilician and Isaurian pirates, 79 B. c. ; L. Lucullus, 
 
 30 
 
THE SECOND PHILIPPIC ORATION 
 
 the conqueror of Mithridates ; M. Licinius Crassus, the colleague of 
 Caesar and Pompey in the so-called first triumvirate, 61 B.C.; and 
 L. Hortensius the orator. 
 
 L 20. Proxime. He had died in the early part of this same year, 
 at the advanced age of 80. 
 
 1. 25. M. Catoni. Cato's speech on the 5th of December turned the 
 scale against the conspirators, in whose behalf the speech of Caesar had 
 produced a great effect. 
 
 1. 26. Cum multa . . . provid.it, &c., 1 by hastening his death he 
 avoided many evils, and chief of them the sight of you as Consul.' 
 Cato killed himself at Utica, 46 B.C., to avoid falling into Caesar's hands. 
 
 1. 27. Cn. Pompeius had been absent from Rome at the time of 
 Cicero's consulship, and on first hearing of its events had been wanting 
 in his congratulations, of which Cicero complains to him in an extant 
 letter, Fam. 5. 8. 
 
 L 33. Referret acceptam, 'gave me credit for the boon of life.' 
 The metaphor is taken from keeping accounts, in which 1 referre 
 acceptam' is 'to enter in the column of money received,' 'referre 
 expensam ' 'to enter in that of money paid.' Cp. c. 22, 55 'Omnia 
 denique, quae postea vidimus . . . uni accepta referemus Antonio.' 
 
 P. 29. 2. Qui duo, ' of whom two.' The Latin idiom, more logical 
 than the English, never uses the genitive with numerals, unless some 
 real partition is expressed. See Madv. 284. Obs. 7. 
 
 1. 3. L. Cotta, Consul 65 B.C., the year of the first conspiracy of 
 Catiline, showed his friendship for Cicero, not only by proposing the 
 * supplicatio ' (see on 1. 6, 13) in his honour, but later, by proposing 
 his recall from exile. 
 
 L 9. Vitricum tuum. After the death of M. Antonius the elder, 
 Julia married P. Lentulus Sura, the man of most note among the 
 associates of Catiline, who was put to death in prison on the special 
 motion of his brother-in-law L. Julius Caesar. Cp. Cat. 4. 6, 13. 
 
 L 12. Alienus . . . consul, ' a stranger in blood, and in the highest 
 position in the state, I thought no scorn to seek his counsels.' 
 
 L 15. Quorum nobis, &c, 'whose birthdays must needs be dinned 
 into even our ears.' Such is the shamelessness of the man, that he not 
 only celebrates the birthdays of his minions, but he cannot be content 
 without letting the very senate know of it. 
 
 1. 16. Non descendit, 'comes not down to the senate;' not neces- 
 sarily implying literal descent, since Antony's house was in the low 
 ground of the Carinae, but as most people in Rome lived on the hills, 
 it was usual to talk of their 'coming down' to the Forum, or the 
 Campus, or any place of public resort. 
 
 Nataliciam, sc. 'cenam.' So Halm from the Vatican MS. Vulg. 
 
 3i 
 
NOTES 
 
 'natalicia,' sc. 'munera,' like ' sponsalia.' Cp. ad Q. Fratr. 2. 6, I 
 ' A. D. viii. Id. Apr. sponsalia Crassipedi praebui.' 
 
 1. 17. Phormioni, &c, characters from well-known comedies, the 
 former two being parasites in the Phormio and Eunuchus respectively 
 of Terence, Ballio a pander in the Pseudolus of Plautus. 
 
 1. 23. Tuus videlicet, &c. Cicero here begins another point in his 
 answer, by taking up again the summary of Antony's charge against 
 him, from the beginning of § 12 'non placet M. Antonio consulatus 
 meus.' 
 
 1. 24. Pudorem cum pudicitia, ' all sense of shame, as well as 
 purity:' c pudor' being purity of mind, 'pudicitia* purity of body. 
 Thus they are contrasted with * petulantia ' and ' stuprum ' respectively, 
 Cat. 2. 11, 35. 
 
 1. 25. In eo templo. In the shrine of Concord, see c. 8, 19. This 
 was at the N. E. corner of the Forum, close under the Capitol. The 
 raised floor of it, paved with marble, still remains. The Clivus 
 Capitolinus, that portion of the Via Sacra which wound up the 
 slope of the Capitoline hill, passed just to the south of the Aedes 
 Concordiae, only separated from it by the Senaculum. 
 
 1. 26. Quondam. Before the ruin brought upon the state by the 
 civil war, and more recently by the oppressive measures of Antony. 
 In his speech pro Mil. 33, 90, Cicero calls the senate house which was 
 burnt at the funeral of Clodius 'templum sanctitatis, amplitudinis, 
 mentis, consilii publici, caput urbis, portum omnium gentium.' 
 
 1. 29. Servorum armatorum. So Antony styled the knights, as 
 being wholly subservient to Cicero. To arm slaves was in itself 
 contrary to law. 
 
 1. 31. AfFerebam, 'I was proposing to employ.' 
 
 O miser, &c. Cp. c. 22, 54 'O miserum te, si haec intelligis, 
 miseriorem, si non intelligis.' Some MSS. have ' miserum ' here, but 
 cp. 13. 17, 34 'O miser, cum re, turn hoc ipso, quod non sentis quam 
 miser sis.' 
 
 P. 30. 1. Nobilis. See on 1. 12, 29. 
 
 1. 3. Nomen non dedit, ' did not enrol his name for service.' 
 Cicero says that the very slaves hastened to volunteer for the preserva- 
 tion of the state, Cat. 4. 8, 16 'Servus est nemo qui modo tolerabili 
 conditione sit servitutis . . qui non quantum audet et quantum potest 
 conferat ad salutem voluntatis.' 
 
 1. 5. De patriae parricidio. The words i parricidium,' 'parricida,' 
 as applied to treason against the state, seem always to have a conscious 
 reference to the metaphor of the state being the parent of her citizens, 
 as in Val. Max. 6. 4, 5 ' M. Brutus suarum prius virtutum quam patriae 
 parentis parricida.' See also c. 13, 31. 
 
 32 
 
THE SECOND PHILIPPIC ORATION 
 
 1. 7. Se . .. consensisse. The infinitive is explanatory of 'de patriae 
 parricidio confiterentur.' ' Consentio ' is more usually found in a good 
 sense, 'to agree together;' but cp. Verr. Act. 2. 5. 8, 18 ' belli faciendi 
 causa consensisse/ 
 
 cc. 7, 8. In particular Antony had charged Cicero with refusing 
 burial to his step-father. Denying the fact, Cicero rebukes his folly 
 in reminding the senate that Lentulus was his step-father ; in laying 
 on him the blame of a punishment for which the senate was itself 
 responsible; and in bringing forward any charge of violence, while 
 guilty at the monient of the grosser violence of blocking up the senate 
 with barbarian mercenaries. He takes occasion by the way to vindicate 
 his own poetry from the impotent assault of Antony 's wit. 
 
 1. 11. Ad sepulturam, &c. Cicero here passes to a fresh charge of 
 Antony against him ; rather abruptly, but the 1 ad ' with which the 
 clause begins may account for the absence of the usual ' at.' The 
 charge itself is declared to be false by Plutarch, who asserts, Ant. c. 2, 
 that not only P. Lentulus, but all the conspirators who were killed were 
 given up for burial. 
 
 1. 14. Eum, which is found in the Vatican MS., appears to be here 
 superfluous, unless indeed the true reading be i cui quia iure inimicus 
 fui, doleo a te omnibus vitiis eum esse superatum;' as has been con- 
 jectured by Stiirenburg, on pro Arch. p. 185. 
 
 1. 16. P. Lentulus Sura was Consul in 71 B.C. His dissolute life 
 led to his expulsion from the senate in the following year, but he was 
 again made praetor in 63 B.C., and held that office at the time of the 
 conspiracy. See on c. 6, 13. 
 
 1. 20. Disiuncta. So the Vatican MS. spells the word, in this place 
 only. It means ' contradictory to each other,' in the logical sense of 
 the word. Cp. c. 13, 32 ' Quae diiunctius dicuntur/ * what is put in the 
 form of a dilemma ; ' and Top. 14, 56 * In diiunctione plus uno verum 
 esse non potest.' 
 
 1. 26. Quern contra dicit. So Cicero always, the first use of the 
 compound word ' contradico ' being apparently found in Livy 8. 2 ■ nec 
 contradici, quin . . . amicitia de integro reconcilietur ; ' while its usage 
 with a dative is wholly post- Augustan. 
 
 1. 30. Inter subsellia nostra. In the very senate house itself (see 
 on c. 7? *5)> where, if anywhere, freedom from violence might have been 
 confidently expected. 
 
 P. 31. 1. 1. Qui copula tus fuit. See Cat. 4. 7, 15, where Cicero 
 tells us that the knights, after many years of struggling with the 
 senate, — the most prominent subject of dispute being the exclusive 
 
NOTES 
 
 right to the ' iudicium,' — had shown the greatest cordiality in combining 
 with them to repress the sedition. 
 
 1. 3. Ityraeis. These men, whom he again alludes to as 'barbari 
 sagittarii' in 5. 6, 18, were first introduced into the Roman army 
 as archers by Caesar in his African campaign, 47 B. c. (Bell. Afric. c. 20) ; 
 their country, which lies on the east bank of the Jordan, to the north-east 
 of the sea of Galilee, having been subdued by Pompey in 63 B.C. 
 
 1. 4. Sed quia . . . videas, 'because you do not see how great 
 an inconsistency is involved.' The use of ' quia 7 with the subjunctive, 
 though found in the Vatican MS., seems to be an anomaly. Orelli, 
 followed by Mueller, reads ' qui * for quia, with the later MSS. In 
 other passages where 'quia' is joined with a subjunctive (as Lael. 
 4, 1 5 * ut beate vixisse videar, quia cum Scipione vixerim ') the reason 
 which it introduces is obviously quoted as existing in the mind of some 
 one else. 
 
 1. 9. In quo, &c, 4 and yet you deserve some blame for failing/ 
 The 1 mima uxor ' who should have supplied Antony with wit was 
 Cytheris, formerly the mistress of Volumnius Eutrapelus, Fam. 9. 26, 
 2 ; whence Cicero tells us that certain i municipales ' saluted her, when 
 travelling with Antony, as Volumnia, c. 24, 58 ; cp. 28, 69. 
 
 1. 10. Cedant arma togae. Cp* Off. 1. 22, 77; when he deprecates 
 hostile criticism of the line ' Cedant arma togae, concedat laurea laudi.' 
 It is one of four, which are all that remain to us of his epic poem in three 
 books, de Meis Temporibus. 
 
 1. 17. Perfecisse ut. Between these words some MSS. introduce 
 c operis subsecivis,' which are wanting in the Vatican MS. The ex- 
 pression would mean 'bits of work, done at odd times/ and it is so 
 used by Cicero, de Or. 2. 89, 364, but with an apologetic ' ut aiunt,' 
 as though the metaphor were then a new one ; and this is borne out by 
 a more elaborate explanation of it in the treatise de Legg. 1. 3, 9. 
 
 cc. 9, 10. Antony had laid at Cicero's door the death of Clodius. 
 Cicero replies that Milo needed and allowed no aid or countenance ; and 
 that he only shared the feelings of every patriot in rejoicing at a deed 
 which Antony himself had once before attempted. As regarded the 
 charge of causing the quarrel between Caesar and Pompey, Cicero 
 had indeed endeavoured to prevent their friendship ; and failing in 
 this, had tried to keep Pompey from violating the laws ; but when 
 their alliance had been once completed, he used his utmost efforts to 
 maintain harmony between them. 
 
 1. 22. Tu ilium . . . insecutus es. This as we learn rom c. 20, 
 49, was when Antony was a candidate for the quaestor p, in 53 
 B.C., the year before Clodius was killed by Milo. 
 
 34 
 
THE SECOND PHILIPPIC ORATION 
 
 1. 24. In scalas. This would be the staircase leading from the shop 
 on the ground floor to the upper room, inhabited by the shopman. Cp. 
 pro Mil. 15, 40 'Cum se ille (Clodius) fugiens in scalarum tenebris 
 abdidisset.' So the runaway slave in Horace, ' In scalis latuit metuens 
 pendentis habenae,' Epp. 2. 2, 15. 
 
 L 26. Quod . . . favisse . . fateor, ' herein I confess I gave you 
 the sanction of my approval.' * Faveo ' seems to be here used in its 
 technical sense of applauding (whence ' favitores,' 'claqueurs/ Plaut. 
 Amph. prol. 78 &c.) : cp. Hor. Od. 3. 24, 46 ' Quo clamor vocat 
 et turba faventium.' Cicero says that in Milo's case he could only 
 rejoice after the event, as he should not have presumed to give him 
 advice on the matter, and the affray was over too quickly to admit 
 of any one cheering him on. For the use of * quod ' limiting the extent 
 of the action of an intransitive verb, see Madv. § 229. 
 
 1. 32. Quamquam . . . fuit quaestio. And therefore, Cicero implies, 
 had I taken a prominent part in the general rejoicing, — had it been 
 supposed that I was accessory to the deed, — then was the time when 
 such suspicions would have found vent, but then no one asserted 
 that I was in any way implicated. He entirely ignores what he 
 himself had written in his speech for the occasion, pro Mil. 18, 47 
 ' Scitis, iudices, fuisse qui in hac rogatione suadenda dicerent Milonis 
 manu caedem esse factam, consilio vero maioris alicuius : me videlicet 
 latronem ac sicarium abiecti homines et perditi describebant.' 
 
 P. 32. 1. 1. Nova lege. This was the 'Lex Pompeia de Vi/ 
 a privilegium passed specially to meet the case of Milo. See on 
 I. 7, 18. 
 
 1. 8. Temporibus. Cicero's argument is that until Caesar's power 
 had reached such a height as to be dangerous to the state, he did 
 endeavour to check its growth by warning Pompey against him. When 
 however the alliance between them was cemented by the marriage 
 of Pompey with Julia, Caesar's daughter, which took place in the 
 consulship of Caesar and Bibulus, 59 B.C., he felt that further remon- 
 strance would be both dangerous and useless ; though he still kept 
 a watchful eye upon them, and took advantage of two opportunities 
 to advise Pompey not to strain the laws in Caesar's favour. 
 
 1. 12. Ipse . . . diiunxit. In his speeches pro Sestio, 64, 133, 
 and in Pisonem, 31, 76, Cicero attributes this estrangement to the 
 intrigues and calumnies of Vatinius, Gabinius, and Piso. As these 
 were all the devoted adherents of Caesar, Piso being his father-in- 
 law, they were probably merely acting as his agents in the matter. 
 
 1. 17. Quinquennii imperium. The provinces of Gallia Cisalpina 
 and Illyricum had been conferred on Caesar for five years, by the ' Lex 
 Vatinia/ in 59 B.C. To these the senate added Gallia Transalpina, 
 
NOTES 
 
 and his command in all three was extended, ' prorogabatur imperium,' 
 for a further space of five years, in 55 B.C., by the 'Lex Trebonia,' 
 which received the support of the Consuls, Cn. Pompeius and 
 M. Crassus. 
 
 1. 18. Ratio haberetur. This was in 53 B.C., when the senate had 
 passed a decree that Pompey should be sole Consul. Though Cicero 
 here claims credit for opposing the proposal that votes should be 
 received for Caesar in his absence, we learn from a letter to Atticus, 
 7. 1, 4, that he promised Caesar to exert himself in his behalf. In 
 a letter however to A. Caecina, Fam. 6. 6, 5, he says that his advocacy 
 extended, not to urging that the leave should be given, but only 
 to supporting the decision of the people on the matter, * quoniam ipso 
 consule repugnante populus iusserat.' 
 
 1. 25. Utinam, &c. Cp. the same letter § 4 'Plurimi sunt testes 
 me et initio, ne coniungeret se cum Caesare, monuisse Pompeium, 
 et postea, ne seiungeret : coniunctione frangi senatus opes, diiunctione 
 civile bellum excitari videbam.' 
 
 1. 27. Gravitatis, if the genuine reading, probably means 'consist- 
 ency,' or ' steadfastness of character;' an absence of which was shown 
 by Pompey in allying himself with Caesar, and dissolving his connexion 
 with the aristocracy. The reading is however doubtful, being added 
 by a later hand to supply a blank in the Vatican MS. Halm suggests 
 ' pietatis.' 
 
 cc. 11-13. The last charge was that Cicero was the contriver of 
 Caesar s death. This was something altogether new, and resting on 
 no evidence. Nor were the liberators 'men to need his sanction or 
 advice. In rejoicing at the tyranfs death, he agreed with every other 
 loyal citizen. The actual assassins even Antony mentioned with 
 respect, and this, with the special honours which their country granted 
 them, proved the?n to be, not, as otherwise they must have been, the 
 worst of 7mirderers, but saviours of their country. To be of their 
 number, could he but claim the honour, would be indeed a ground 
 of pride. Though, had the plot been his, he would not have failed 
 to carry it through, by rooting out the kingly power with the king. 
 
 1. 31. Meo cpnsilio interfectum. Cp. Fam. 12. 2, 1 'Homo 
 aniens et perditus . . . nullam aliam ob causam me auctorem fuisse 
 Caesaris interficiendi criminatur, nisi ut in me veterani excitentur.' 
 
 1. 33. Praevaricatorem, ' a collusive accuser,' in league with the 
 accused, to secure his acquittal : — such as Verres sought to gain for 
 himself in Q. Caecilius. The charges, he says, which Antony brings 
 against him, although false, are such as would be most honourable, 
 if true. 
 
 3 6 
 
THE SECOND PHILIPPIC ORATION 
 
 P. 33. 1. 4. Citius, here and Brut. 67, 238, * Earn ut citius vetera- 
 toriam quam oratoriam diceres,' does not seem to be quite equivalent 
 to ' potius ' but rather signifies ( it would require less time and argu- 
 ment to induce one to say,' &c. 
 
 1. 5. Iactasse se aliquos, &c. Plutarch, Caes. 67, tells us that this 
 was actually the fact, and that among others, Gaius Octavius and 
 Lentulus Spinther were put to death by Antonius and Octavianus for 
 the complicity in the act of which they boasted, without however 
 gaining any credit for their assertions. 
 
 1. 6. TJt quisquam vellet. The anomalous construction of these 
 words, which really depend on ' dixerim,' is probably due to the 
 confusion introduced by the intervening clause, 'ut . . . viderentur,' 
 into the construction of which they are attracted. Otherwise a verb 
 of contrary meaning, * were so timid,' must be supplied from * iactasse 1 
 after ( quam.' 
 
 1. 8. Adolescentibus neminem occultantibus, ' young men without 
 discretion to suppress the name of any one.' 
 
 1. 10. Illis auctoribus. Madvig, Opusc. 1. p. 164, objects that 
 they actually perpetrated, and not merely advised the deed. He 
 suggests 'actoribus/ which Mueller adopts. Ernesti thinks the 
 words to be a gloss. 
 
 1. 11. L. Bruti. See on 1. 6, 13 
 
 1. 12. Ahalae, of C. Servilius Ahala, who killed Sp. Maelius in 439 
 B. c. From him Servilia, the mother of M. Brutus, traced her descent. 
 The allusion is to the waxen images or masks of those members of the 
 family who had held curule offices, which were placed by all 1 nobiles ' 
 in the atrium of their houses. See Pliny N. H. 35. 2, 2. 
 
 1. 13. Foris, ' from external sources,' as in de Orat. 2. 40, 173 
 ' Foris assumuntur ea, quae non sua vi sed extranea sublevantur.' 
 Hence ' domo,' 1 from their home resources,' not 'domi/ ' at home.' 
 
 1. 14. In ea familia. The allusion is to the fate of Sp. Cassius 
 Viscellinus, the proposer of the first Agrarian law, who according 
 to one story was put to death by his own father in 485 B.C., for 
 aiming at tyranny. See Liv. ii. 41. 
 
 1. 15. Dominatus is the regular word for absolute power: cp. Off. 
 2. 1, 2 'Cum dominatu unius omnia tenerentur neque esset usquam 
 consilio aut auctoritati locus; ' and see on Phil. 1. 14, 34. 
 
 1. 18. Ad earn ripam, &c. This perhaps refers to the marshy lake 
 formed at the mouth of the Cydnus, just below Tarsus (see Strabo 
 14. 5, 11); otherwise it is not easy to see how £aesars landing on 
 the wrong bank of a small river like the Cydnus should have over- 
 thrown Cassius' plans. Of this proposed attempt on Caesar's life we 
 know nothing from other sources. 
 
 37 
 
NOTES 
 
 Quam constituerat. For the omission of the preposition see Madv. 
 § 323 b. Obs. 1. 
 
 1. 19. Cn. Domitius Ahenobarbus was son of L. Domitius, who 
 was killed after the battle of Pharsalus by the cavalry of Caesar, by 
 Porcia, the sister of M. Cato Uticensis. He was himself at the battle 
 of Pharsalus, and remained an exile till 46 B. c, when he received the 
 pardon of the conqueror, but remained in the retirement of a private 
 citizen. 
 
 1. 24. Unius, of Caesar, whose friendship and confidence Trebonius 
 enjoyed up to the time of the assassination. The same may be said of 
 Cimber, cp. Fam. 6. 12, 2. 
 
 1. 27. Quern ego magis, &c, ' whose antecedents gave me far less 
 reason to suppose that he would do the deed, than to wonder at his 
 having done it.' 
 
 L 30. An Analas, * or are they not rather worthy to be called 
 Ahala?' See on § 26. P. Servilius Casca, who aimed the first blow 
 at the dictator, and his brother Gaius, had both been among Caesar's 
 adherents. 
 
 1. 32. Longum est, 'it would be tedious.' See Madv. § 348 e. 
 Obs. 1. 
 
 Idque rei publicae, &c, 'that there were so many, does honour 
 to the state, and has conferred glory on themselves.' 
 
 P. 34. 1. 3. Ciceronem exelamavit, ' shouted out the name of 
 Cicero ; ' perhaps for the reason Cicero alleges, perhaps because Cicero 
 was now left the most powerful man in the state. It might also be to 
 make the people believe that Cicero was an accomplice in the plot, 
 without his really being so. 
 
 1. 5. Quia. So Halm, from a conjecture of Graevius. The MSS. 
 have 1 qui.' 
 
 1. 8. Laudium. So the Vatican MS. Cp. 'fraudium/ Off. 3. 18, 
 75 ; and in Pis. 19, 44. The other MSS. have the more usual form 
 ' laudum.' 
 
 1. 13. Regnare. He purposely uses the obnoxious word, 'to rule 
 with kingly sway.' 
 
 1. 18. Pecudis, 'of the ass,' as we should say: the use of 'pecus' 
 (properly ' a sheep ') referring to his intellectual rather than his moral 
 baseness. 
 
 Quern ego honoris causa nomino, 'whom I name with all respect/ 
 the usual formula when living persons were spoken of by name, so that 
 no special compliment is thereby intended. Cp. c. 44, 113 ' Tua 
 minime avara coniunx, quam ego sine contumelia describo ; * and see 
 on 1. 2, 6. Conventional, however, as the expression was, it gave 
 Cicero some ground for urging the argument that to speak of the 
 
 38 
 
THE SECOND PHILIPPIC ORATION 
 
 assassin with respect was inconsistent with looking on the accessory 
 as accursed. 
 
 1. 23. Is. For this redundant use of s is,' especially after an interven- 
 ing relative clause, see Madv. § 489 a. 
 
 1. 26. Quam velis causam. Explanatory of* hoc,' 1 what complexion 
 you would wish to be given to the case of the conspirators. ' 
 
 1. 27. Inquam, 'in other words, I bid you rouse yourself from 
 sleep.' 
 
 An faces admovendae sunt, i must we apply a lighted torch to stir 
 up a man who can sleep over a question such as this?' The same 
 expression is used metaphorically de Orat. 3. 1, 4 ' Verborum faces 
 admovere.' Before 'excitent' Halm inserts [te] from a later copyist 
 in the Vatican MS. It seems to be unnecessary, its omission leaving 
 the clause in the form of a general sentiment, as rendered above. 
 
 P. 35. 1. 2. Plus quam, ' more than can be expressed by the term 
 cut-throats.' See Madv. § 305. Obs. 2. 
 
 1. 3. Parricidas. See on c. 7, 17. 
 
 1. 8. Legibus solutus, from the special law, that is, which forbade 
 Brutus, as praetor urbanus, from being absent from the city more than 
 ten nights. Such exemption from the obligation of a particular law 
 could originally only be granted by the people : and so we are told by 
 Asconius, in his preface to Cicero's lost oration pro C. Cornelio, that 
 when the senate first began to grant such immunities, the condition was 
 inserted * ut de ea re ad populum ferretur/ though by degrees first the 
 actual reference to the people, and eventually even the form of inserting 
 the clause, were discontinued. 
 
 1. 9. Ludi Apollinares. See on 1. 15, 36. 
 
 1. 10. Provinciae datae. According to the disposition of Caesar, 
 Brutus was to have had the province of Macedonia, Cassius Syria, on the 
 expiration of their praetorship in the city : but one of the first measures 
 of Antony, on the 18th of March, had been to prevail on the senate to 
 alter this arrangement, giving Brutus Crete, and Cassius Africa. 
 
 Quaestores additi. The meaning of this appears from what follows 
 to be that an extraordinary number of quaestors and legates were voted 
 to Brutus and Cassius, as part of the compensation for the loss of the 
 more important provinces. 
 
 1. 14. Diiunctius. So Halm from the Vatican MS. Other MSS- 
 have ' distinctius,' which is less appropriate than the technical word, 
 which means ' in the form of a dilemma/ See on c. 8, 18. 
 
 1. 16. Ab eodem. Some MSS. insert ' te,' which is quite in accord- 
 ance with Cicero's manner: cp. pro Sest. 50, 107 1 Habuit de eodem me 
 P. Lentulus consul contionem ; ' ib. 51, 109 ' De me eodem comitiis 
 centuriatis ferebatur.' Halm omits it on the authority of the Vatican MS. 
 
 39 
 
NOTES 
 
 1. 1 7. Retexo, ' I remodel my speech on the hypothesis that I was 
 cognizant of the matter.' So Matius, ap. Cic. Fam. 11. 28, 5 'Me ipse 
 retexam.' Cicero has shown, cc. 11, 12, that Antony's arguments were 
 insufficient to prove his complicity ; he now declares that the charge, if 
 proved against him, is but further testimony to his patriotism. 
 
 1. 18. Ut . . . ne. Cp. Fam. 4. 1, 2 ' Trebatio mandavi, ut, si quid tu 
 eum velles ad me mittere, ne recusaret ; ' 1 ut ' in each case expressing 
 the general final nature of the clause, 1 ne ' resuming it with the negative, 
 after a parenthesis. See Madv. § 456. 
 
 1. 20. Celatum me, 1 my being kept in ignorance.' Cp. de Leg. Agr. 
 2. 5, 11 ' Cum me in eorum sermonem insinuarem, celabar, excludebar/ 
 Plutarch, Brut. 12, says that Cicero was not informed of the conspiracy 
 from fear of his natural timidity, exaggerated by the cautiousness of age. 
 
 1. 24. Commend atior, 1 commends itself more to the recollection of 
 mankind for all ages.' Cp. Fam. 12. 26 ' Ceteris rebus habeas eos a 
 me commendatissimos.' ' Commendabilis,' besides slightly differing in 
 meaning ('capable of commending itself rather than actually doing 
 so), is not found earlier than Livy. 
 
 1. 25. In equum Troianum. Cp.de Orat. 2. 22, 94 1 Isocrates, cuius 
 e ludo tamquam ex equo Troiano meri principes exierunt.' 
 
 1. 27. Invidiam istam, * I consider the risk of the odium which you 
 wish to excite against me, as nothing in comparison with the chance of 
 the praise which may await me.' 
 
 1. 29. Expulsos et relegatos. The former is the general word 
 expressing 1 driven into exile,' the latter the technical term for exclusion 
 from Rome, without loss of civic rights. Cp. Ov. Trist. 2. 135 
 
 1 Adde quod edictum, quamvis immane minaxque, 
 Attamen in poenae nomine lene fuit ! 
 Quippe relegatus, non exsul dicor in illo.' 
 
 c. 14. If however killing Caesar was a crime, let Antony beware lest 
 he himself be found to be a sharer in it. He was well known to have 
 wished it once, and now he was the person who had reaped the greatest 
 benefit from it, so that the only thing which saved him from suspicion 
 was the feeling that he could have had no part in so meritorious a deed. 
 
 P. 36. 1. 5. Fuissem, sc. ' in eo numero.' 
 
 Won solum regem, sed regnum. Abrami compares Fam. 12. 1, 1 
 (a letter to Cassius) 1 Ut adhuc quidem actum est, non regno sed rege 
 liberati videmur ; ' Att. 14. 14, 2 ' Sublato tyranno tyrannida manere 
 video.' 
 
 1. 6. Si meus stilus, &c. ( Had I been the author of that tragedy, 
 I should not have stopped at the completion of the first act.' The play 
 
 40 
 
THE SECOND PHILIPPIC ORATION 
 
 on the word ' stilus/ intimated in the words ' ut dicitur,' is untranslate- 
 able. Halm compares Hor. S. 2. 1, 39 
 
 ' Sed hie stilus haud petet ultro 
 Quemquam animantem et me veluti custodiet ensis 
 Vagina tectus.' 
 
 For the sentiment cp. Fam. 12. 4, 1 * Vellem Idibus Martiis mead cenam 
 invitasses : reliquiarum nihil fuisset.' 
 
 1. 10. Hoc consilium. Plutarch, (Ant. 13) tells us that the 
 proposal to kill Caesar was made by Trebonius to Antony on the 
 occasion of Caesar's return from Spain after defeating Cn. and Sext. 
 Pompeius 45 B.C. : and that Antony, though not accepting the proposal, 
 did not inform Caesar of its being made. 
 
 1. 12. Turn . . . sevocari. Cp. Plut. Brut. 17 Tpt&tvvios irepl rds 
 Ovpas 1 Avtujviov kitLOiraoaiAtvos real TrpoaofAiXwv e£a> Karea\e : and Phil. 
 13. 10, 23. 
 
 1. 14. Non indie asti. 'Non' is wanting in the Vatican MS., but 
 seems necessary to the sense ; though Faerni would explain it, ' I thank 
 you for having at length shown your patriotism by wishing to kill the 
 tyrant.' In this sense ' indicasti ' would be most unusual. 
 
 1. 16. Cui bono fuerit ? 6 who has profited by the deed ?' This 
 saying of L. Cassius, the proposer of the second * Lex Tabellaria' in 137 
 B.C., is quoted also pro Mil. 12, 32 ; and pro S. Rose. Amer. 30, 84. 
 Cicero argues that Antony had derived more advantage than any one else 
 from Caesar's death, since it removed the sole barrier between himself 
 and absolute power. The following words, * omnibus bono, tibi tamen 
 praecipue/ are conclusive against the common mistranslation of the 
 phrase, ' what was the good of it/ as though ' cui ' * bono ' agreed with 
 one another. 
 
 1. 17. Ne haereas, 1 1 fear lest you may find it embarrassing.' 
 
 Illud fuit, ut dicebas quidem. The occasion referred to is probal ly 
 the 1 7th of March, when Antony made his conciliatory speech in the 
 temple of Tellus. 
 
 1. 20. Ad aedem Opis. See on 1. 7, 17; and cp. c. 37, 9;,; 
 5. 4, 11. 
 
 Per easdem tabulas. Entries in the note-books (commentarii) of 
 Caesar : more openly denounced as ' falsae perscriptiones ' in 5. 4, II. 
 1. 21. Ad quern, &c. See Introduction to the first oration. 
 1. 23. Commentariorum. See on 1. 1, 2. 
 
 1. 25. Nundinae. From meaning the day on which markets were held, 
 1 nandinae ' came to mean the place of meeting for traffic ; cp. de Leg. 
 Agr. 2. 33, 89 ' Illi Capuam receptaculum aratorum, nundinas rusticorum 
 . . esse voluerunt and hence the traffic itself, as here, and 5. 4, 11 
 
NOTES 
 
 * Calebant in interiore aedium parte totius rei publicae nundinae.' So 
 ' nundinabantur,' 3. 4, 10. 
 
 1. 26. Nescio quid. For the accusative see on c. 9, 21. 
 
 c. 15. To pass to lighter accusations. — And first, Cicero's conduct in 
 the last campaign with Pompey. ' He was too sad,' says Antony. Not 
 too sad, surely, considering the perils of the state, and the critical position 
 of so many noble men. ( He alienated Pompey by his levity' Experience 
 did not bear this out, nor his unbroken friendship with Pompey, nor the 
 testimony borne by Pompey to his merits during his final flight. This 
 was the stronger proof of friendship, since Cicero had been throughout 
 opposed to Pompey' 's policy , having always advocated peace as the object 
 to be first sought after, even at some sacrifice of dignity. 
 
 P. 37. 1. 1. Castra mini Pompei. This was Pompey's last campaign 
 in Epirus, where Cicero joined him in the summer of 49 B. c. 
 
 1. 4. Tot duces. Notably Pompey himself, his father-in-law Q. Me- 
 tellus Scipio, who fell in Africa shortly after the battle of Thapsus, 
 in 46 B.C., and his son Cn. Pompeius, slain in Spain in 45 B.C. The 
 armies referred to are probably those defeated under their respective 
 commands at Pharsalus, Thapsus, and Munda. 
 
 1. 16. Mini enim omnis pax. Cp. 7. 3, 7 'Ego ille, qui semper 
 pacis auctor fui, cuique pax praesertim civilis, quamquam omnibus bonis, 
 tamen in primis fuit optabilis.' 
 
 1. 18. Quae sententia si valuisset, i. e. if Caesar's terms had been 
 accepted. These were that Pompey, dismissing his army and his 
 garrisons, should go to Spain, whilst Caesar himself should resign the 
 two provinces of Gaul to their respective praetors, L. Domitius and 
 Considius Nonianus, and come to Rome to stand in person for the 
 consulship. See Fam. 16. 12, 3. 
 
 1. 21. At vero, &c. This charge of Antony is confirmed by Macro- 
 bius (Sat. 2. 3, 8), who tells us that Cicero was so free in the indulgence 
 of his sarcastic humour, as to irritate Pompey, so that at last he 
 exclaimed ' Cupio ad hostes Cicero transeat, ut nos timeat.' 
 
 1. 24. Quod quidem erat magnum, ' and this, it must be confessed, 
 was no slight proof of mutual goodwill.' Cicero wished to secure peace 
 by accepting Caesar's conditions, Pompey to hold out for more honour- 
 able terms. 
 
 1. 29. Quid sequeretur, c as each had a definite object in view.' 
 1. 31. Paphum. His companions in flight were M. 'Favonius, the 
 two Lentuli, and the king Deiotarus (Plut. Pomp. 77 : Cic. de Div. 2. 
 
 37, 79)- 
 
 1. 33. Me vidisse plus, ' that I had had the keener foresight.' 
 
 P. 38. 1. 2. Sector is the term applied to one who bought the goods 
 
 42 
 
THE SECOND PHILIPPIC ORATION 
 
 of a proscribed person when they were put up to auction. Partly from 
 the forced nature of the sale, partly because the property was taken with 
 all its liabilities, known and unknown, and partly too from the odium 
 attaching to the purchase, such property seldom realized its full value. 
 In the present case Cicero tells us, c. 26, 44, that Antony was the only 
 bidder. The word is probably derived from 1 seco,' the property being 
 bought in bulk, and afterwards ' cut up ' into lots for purposes of resale. 
 Cp. pro S. Rose. Amer. 29, 80 'Nescimus per ista tempora eosdem fere 
 sectores fuisse collorum et bonorum.' Others, with less likelihood, 
 derive the word from ' sequor.' 
 
 1. 5- Erant quidem. The unusual position of 'quidem,' attached 
 to the verb instead of the pronoun, is owing to the fact that the 
 opposition lies, not between two attributes of the camp, but between 
 the expected and actual consequences of its anxiety. 'It is true the 
 camp was full of care (and might therefore have been expected to be 
 gloomy), but men, so long as they are men, relax at times even amid 
 the greatest perplexities.' 
 
 Plena curae. Very different is the account given of that camp by 
 Caesar, B.C. 3. 91, 1 * In castris Pompei videre licuit trichilas structas, 
 magnum argenti pondus expositum, multa praeterea quae nimiam 
 luxuriam et victoriae fiduciam designarent, ut facile aestimari posset, 
 nihil eos de eventu eius diei timuisse, qui non necessarias conquirerent 
 voluptates.' 
 
 c. 16. The last named accusations contradicted one another. The 
 next was simply false, that no one ever had left legacies to Cicero. 
 It was true indeed that of the twenty million sesterces he had so 
 received, none had ever come to him except from men he knew, 
 whereas Antony was fortunate enough to find hij?iself the heir of 
 perfect stra7igers. 
 
 1. 10. Wegasti : as a proof of his unpopularity. It was a mark of 
 disrespect if a man was passed over in a friend's will. Among the 
 legacies which Cicero had received, we hear of one from Cyrus the 
 architect, pro Mil. 18, 48, and one of ten million sesterces from 
 Diodotus the Stoic, Att. 2. 20, 6. 
 
 1. 13. Ducentiens, &c, 'centena millia,' twenty million sesterces, 
 nearly 180,000/. of our money. 
 
 Acceptum rettuli, 'I entered to the credit of inheritances;' see on 
 c. 6, 12. 
 
 1. 17. L. Rubrius of Casinum is not known from any other source. 
 
 Fecit heredem. Madvig, Opusc. 1. p. 165, thinks that these words 
 should be expunged, as being redundant, and weakening the sentence by 
 transferring its emphasis from the antithetical words i te is ' to the end. 
 
 43 
 
NOTES 
 
 He is followed by Baiter and Kayser, but Halm maintains the words 
 on the authority of all the MSS. 
 
 1. 1 8. Albus aterne fuerit, i the very colour of whose complexion 
 you do not know/ Cp. Catull. 93 
 
 'Nil nimium studeo, Caesar, tibi velle placere, 
 Nec scire utrum sis albus an ater homo.' 
 
 The MSS. vary between ' fuerit ' and ' fueris,' ' ignoras ' and ' ignorans,' 
 whence Orelli reads ' fueris ignorans, fratris filium praeteriit,' 'when, 
 without even knowing the colour of your hair, he passed over his 
 nephew in your favour.' 
 
 1. 19. Q. Fufii, sc. ' filium.' So Halm, following the Vatican MS. 
 He says, ' nominat Cicero duos filios, alterum fratris L. Rubrii, alteram 
 amicissimi eius Q. Fufii, quos ambos ab eo, ut Antonio gratificaretur, 
 praeteritos esse conqueritur.' Another reading is c ne nomen quidem 
 perscripsit,' making Fufius himself the disappointed heir. Faerni, 
 with the same object, suggested, ' meminit.' Heusinger wished to 
 expunge the doubtful words, making Q. Fufius to be the brother of 
 L. Rubrius. 
 
 1. 22. Salutaverat, 'had never visited.' Cp. Att. 13. 9, 1 'Venit 
 paullo post Curtius, salutandi causa, sed mansit invitatus.' 
 
 1. 25. Igitur, 'this then was the reason, merely because you knew 
 about his property.' 
 
 Faciebat, ' he was willing, as you say, to leave his property to you.' 
 
 In multas pecunias invasit : cp. pro S. Rose. Amer. 2,6 1 Quoniam 
 in alienam pecuniam tarn plenam atque praeclaram nullo iure invaserit.' 
 ' Multae pecuniae' are * many sums of money:' cp. Verr. Act. 2. 3. 73, 
 171 ' Ut praetor pecunias (the several sums of money) quas civitatibus 
 distribuere debeat, eas omnes avertat atque auferat/ 
 
 1. 29. Non adisses, ' had not entered on the estate of your father.' 
 ' Hereditatem adire ' or ' cernere ' was the technical term for taking 
 possession of a property bequeathed to one. ' Heredes necessarii ' 
 (slaves and unemancipated children), were bound to accept a bequest, 
 unless the praetor exempted them on the ground of its being encumbered. 
 Hence it is doubtful whether Cicero means here that Antony was 
 disinherited, or that he found the estate so burdened with debt, that 
 he was allowed to relinquish it, and give it up for sale to pay the debts. 
 The latter is rendered more probable by c. 18, 44; and Sallust, Fragm. 
 3. 65, says that M. Antonius, the father, was ' perdundae pecuniae 
 genitus.' 
 
 c. 17. In concluding the refutation of the charges brought against him, 
 Cicero takes occasion to point out the failure of Antony s attempts at 
 
 44 
 
THE SECOND PHILIPPIC ORATION 
 
 learning rhetoric ; and rebukes his criminal folly in giving his un- 
 successful tutor such extravagant remuneration fro?n the public lands. 
 
 1. 30. In aliena villa. In Scipio's villa at Tibur : cp. 5. 7, 19. 
 
 P. 39. 1. I. Rhetorem. Sex. Clodius, of Sicily (not to be con- 
 founded with Sex. Clodius, the tool of P. Clodius, see on r. 1, 3), was 
 noted for his wit, which is acknowledged by Cicero himself, Att. 4. 15, 
 2 ' Vereor ne lepore te suo detineat diutius rhetor Clodius.' He mentions 
 him again in contemptuous terms, 3. 9, 22. 
 
 1. 2. Omnino, 'under any circumstances.' 
 
 1. 3. Dicta, ' sharp sayings,' ' dicteria,' like the French ' mots.' Cp. 
 de Orat. 2. 54, 222 ' Haec scilicet bona dicta, quae salsa sint ; nam ea 
 dicta appellantur proprio iam nomine.' Hence the use of the cognate 
 accusative, usually only found with the addition of an adjective or 
 pronoun,' ' dicta * containing in itself the requisite additional idea. 
 See Madv. § 224. Obs. 4. 
 
 1. 4. Avum, the famous orator, M. Antonius. For his cautious, 
 deliberate style of speaking, ' sensim,' cp. de Orat. 3. 9, 32 ' Videtisne, 
 genus hoc quod sit Antonii? forte, vehemens, commotum in agendo, 
 praemunititm et ex omni parte causae saeptum, acre, acutum, enucleatum, 
 in una quaque re commorans, &c. 
 
 1. 5. Aliena, ' all that can do it injury.' 
 
 1. 7. Iugerum, as 'nummum,' ' amphorum,' 'mecUmnum,' and other 
 genitives in common use as measures. See on 5. 3, 8. 
 
 Campi Leontini: cp. c. 39, 1 01. The state domains of Leontini 
 were almost entirely in the hands of foreign possessors, either Roman 
 citizens, or natives of other states in Sicily: see Verr. Act. 2. 2. 46, 
 109 'In agro Leontino praeter unam Mnasistrati familiam glebam 
 Leontinorum possidet nemo.' 
 
 1. 8. Immunia. Under ordinary circumstances land thus held would 
 have paid one tenth of the produce, 'decumae,'to the state. Clodius 
 held his rent free, so that the Roman people was doubly defrauded, 
 first, in not being able to assign its land to a more worthy occupant, 
 and secondly, in losing its rent. Hence Pop. Rom. tanta mercede. 
 
 1. 9. Nihil sapere. See on c. 3, 8. 
 
 1. 10. Alio loco. See c. 39, 101. 
 
 1. 13. De ipso emendatore et correctore, 'our would-be school- 
 master and reformer.' So Pliny Pan. 6 ' Corrector emendatorque 
 disciplinae castrorum.' 
 
 c. 18. Turning to review the life of Antony, Cicero exposes the 
 extravagance, impudence, and profligacy of his boyhood, whereby he 
 brought disgrace, not only 011 himself but on C. Curio, his nobler 
 though misguided partner in debauchery. 
 
 45 
 
NOTES 
 
 1. 19. Praetextatum, ' while still a boy/ 'before changing the dress 
 of boyhood for that of manhood.' Cp. Livy 22. 57 ' Delectu edicto, 
 iuniores ab annis septemdecim, et quosdam praetextatos scribunt. , 
 
 Decoxisse, 'were a bankrupt,' a meaning gained from the sense 
 of 'boiling down to nothing.' Cp. Pliny N. H. 33. 10, 47 ' Qui primus 
 acceperit cognomen divitis, decoxisse creditoribus suis.' Antony's 
 apology renders it probable that this bankruptcy was caused by the 
 worthlessness of his father's estate, see on c. 16, 41. 
 
 1. 20. Concedo. Your very dutiful apology is valid, as excusing 
 your poverty, but it does not justify your breaking the law, which 
 takes cognizance only of a man's position, not of the causes of it. 
 
 1. 22. Lege Rosc-ia, the law of L. Roscius Otho, 67 B.C., assigning 
 the fourteen rows of seats immediately behind the orchestra to the 
 equites. Cp. Hor. Epod. 4, 15 
 
 ' Sedilibusque magnus in primis eques 
 Othone contempto sedet.' 
 
 1. 24. Togam. Some MSS. ' stolam,' but this loses the whole point 
 of Cicero's sarcasm, the ■ stola ' being the dress of Roman matrons, 
 to which he says that Antony had no right until his marriage with 
 Curio. Cp. c. 20, 50 ' Ut viri tui similis esses.' The 'toga' was worn 
 by courtezans and freed-women. Cp. Hor. S. I. 2, 62 ' Quid inter-est in 
 matrona, ancilla peccesve togata;' and Ovid Ep. ex Pont. 3. 3, 51. 
 
 * Scripsimus haec illis, quarum nec vitta pudicos 
 Contingit crines, nec stola longa pedes.' 
 
 1. 30. Domu. Some MSS. have ' domo,' but 'domu' is the reading 
 of the Vatican MS., and also of the best MS. of Verr. Act. 2. 5. 49, 128 
 'Domu sua tota expilata.' The form is also found in the Prae- 
 nestine Kalendar (Orelli, Inscript. Lat. 2. p. 388), ' IN domv imp. 
 caesaris/ and it is quoted by Garatonius as a reading in Pliny 
 Epp. 10. 76. 
 
 1. 32. Cogente mercede. Abrami notices the climax, ' nox socia 
 est, hortatur libido, merces cogit.' 
 
 Per tegulas. Cp. Ter. Eun. 3. 5, 40 
 
 * Deum sese in pretium convertisse, atque in alienas tegulas 
 Venisse clanculum per impluvium, fucum factum mulieri;' 
 
 where 'impluvium' is used for the aperture in the roof, usually 
 ' compluvium.' 
 
 P. 40. 1. 3. Orabat, &c. The younger Curio had become security 
 for Antony to the amount of six millions of sesterces (53,125/.) which 
 he was called upon to pay, and thus obliged to ask his father for them, 
 and so he begs Cicero to stand between him and his father's anger. 
 
 46 
 
THE SECOND PHILIPPIC ORATION 
 
 If we follow the reading, 'te contra/ found in some MSS., the subject 
 of ' peteret ' will be * pater,' the father demanding repayment from 
 Antony of the sum which his son had lost on his account. 
 
 I.5. Intercedere, 'to become security.' Cp. Att. 6. 1, 5 'Quasi 
 calcar admovet, intercessisse se pro iis magnam pecuniam.' Cicero's 
 friendship for the elder Curio showed itself by continued interest in 
 the son, in spite of his profligacy and extravagance, as we find in the 
 letters to him, Fam. 2. 1-7. He may also have hoped to turn to use 
 his great powers of oratory, which, however, Caesar attached to his side 
 by paying all his debts, 50 B.C. 
 
 I.9. Kedimeret, &c, 'employ his fortune to ransom so promising 
 a youth from slavery to Antony.' 
 
 1. 13. Quos videmus; as though he were delivering the speech in 
 the presence of Antony's body-guard of mercenaries. See on c. 8, 19. 
 
 c. 19. His entry into public life was as the friend and tool of Clodius. 
 Next he was found, under the respectable patronage of Gabinius, travel- 
 ling to all corners of the world, to find himself on his return to Italy 
 the only citizen without a home. 
 
 1. 16. Eo liberior, 1 you can allow yourself more licence of speech, 
 because you know how my tongue is tied in answering you.' 
 
 1. 24. Incidamus, ' let us cut short the middle of the story.' Cp. 
 Livy 32. 37 'Longiorem exorsis orationem, brevis interrogatio sermonem 
 incidit.' For ' opinor ' some MSS. have ' oportet.' 
 
 1. 27. Incendiorum fax, perhaps metaphorically 'the firebrand that 
 set alight the fire of all the treason which Clodius committed,' cp. de 
 Dom. 5, 13 ' Ne in hanc tantam materiem seditionis ista funesta fax 
 adhaeresceret : ' though Cicero often charges P. Clodius and his satellites 
 with actual incendiarism, cp. ib. 24, 62 ; pro Cael. 32, 78. Clodius 
 was tribune in 58 B.C. 
 
 1. 28. Quiddam. What this was we have no means of knowing, 
 but from his afterwards marrying Fulvia, the wife of Clodius, Manutius 
 supposes that a reference is made to an intrigue with her. 
 
 1. 29. Iter Alexandream. See on c. 30, 76. The journey was 
 made in 56 B.C., when Antony combined with A. Gabinius to reinstate 
 Ptolemy Auletes on his throne, in opposition to a decree of the senate, 
 and an oracle of the Sibyl, which forbade that he should be restored 
 'cum multitudine' (ad Q. Frat. 2. 2, 3). 
 
 1. 31. Quicum. See Madv., § 86. Obs. 2. Cicero was especially 
 bitter against Gabinius, as being the author of his exile. 
 
 1. 32. In ultimam Galliam, to join Caesar, who had just then re- 
 turned from Britain. 
 
 1. 33» Quae autem domus? The later copyist in the Vatican MS. 
 
 47 
 
NOTES 
 
 and some other MSS. insert £ erat,' but the omission of the verb is com- 
 mon in short exclamatory questions, cp. c. 17, 43 4 Num etiam hoc ex 
 Caesaris commentariis ?' c. 29, 74 c Tam bonus gladiator rudem tarn 
 cito?' 
 
 P. 41. 1. 1. K*ec erat usqnam tua. The time had not come for Antony 
 to acquire a house, since that was only to be done through the aid of 
 confiscations. 
 
 1. 3. Sisaponem. Probably the true explanation of this comparison 
 is that the cinnabar mines at Sisapo, in Hispania Baetica, were worked 
 by a joint stock company, so that no one of the partners could say in- 
 dividually that they belonged to him. Abrami himself thinks that as the 
 fumes of cinnabar were unwholesome, so the villa of Antony was exposed 
 ' ad ventum horribilem et pestilentem,' viz. the exactions of his creditors. 
 Cp. Catullus 26, 5. 
 
 c. 20. As candidate for the quaestorship, Antony sought, and readily 
 obtained, the countenance and aid of Cicero ; in gratitude for which, as he 
 alleged, he tried to take the life of Clodius. So soon as he obtained the 
 quaestor ship, he hurried to the camp of Caesar, as the best resort for 
 ru ined profligates. 
 
 1. 4. Venis. So Halm, from the Vatican reading c venisse Gallia.' 
 Other MSS. have ' venisti Galliam,' whence the common reading i venisti 
 e Gallia.' Antony was elected quaestor for the year 52 B.C. 
 
 1. 5. Ad parentem tuum. So the Vatican and other MSS., but as 
 his father and his stepfather, P. Lentulus, both were dead, his only 
 parent was Julia. Charisius, indeed (1. 76), quotes instances of ' parens ' 
 in the masculine being used for ' mother,' but in the only one which we 
 can verify (Virg. Aen. 3, 341) against the authority of all existing MSS. 
 T he others are a fragment of Pacuvius, ' Te, sol, invoco, ut mihi po- 
 testatem duis Inquirendi mei parentis :' and of an epistle of Gracchus, 
 c tuus parens sum,' h. e. ' mater.' Still as £ ad parentem' here is merely 
 equivalent to i to your home,' as we might say ' to your father's house,' 
 the masculine gender is perhaps defensible. An obvious emendation 
 is * tuam,' suggested by Buchanan. 
 
 1. 6. Ut mihi satis fieri, &c, * that I would accept your overtures 
 of reconciliation ; ' the main ground of offence being probably the friend- 
 ship of Antony with P. Clodius. 
 
 1. 8. Observatus, 'countenanced/ Cp. pro Mur. 34, 70 'A quibus 
 (senatoribus et equitibus) si domus nostra celebratur, si interdum ad 
 forum deducimur, si uno basilicae spatio honestamur, diligenter observari 
 videmur et coli.' 
 
 1. 10. Es conatus. See on c. 9, 21. 
 
 1. 15. Quamquam, &c. The train of thought seems to be ' I did no 
 
 48 
 
THE SECOND PHILIPPIC ORATION 
 
 encourage you, because I saw your want of perseverance. And yet, under 
 any circumstances, even if you were to persevere, I thought it better that 
 you should have the whole credit of the matter.' 
 
 1. 1 8. Sine sorte. Cp. Att. 6. 6, 4 'Pompeius, eo robore vir, iis 
 radicibus, Q. Cassium sine sorte delegit, Caesar Antonium.' The 
 regular mode of apportioning the several quaestorships was by lot, 
 though sometimes the senate gave a general some particular quaestor by 
 decree, as C. Laelius to P. Scipio, 202 B.C. (Livy 30. 33) ; and sometimes, 
 as this passage seems to show, the people passed a special law for the 
 purpose ; similar to those by which they assigned extraordinary provinces 
 to proconsuls. 
 
 1. 20. Perfugium. See below, c. 32, 78 ; Cael. ap. Cic. Fam. 8. 14, 3 
 ' Video ad Caesarem omnes, qui cum timore aut mala spe vivant, acces- 
 suros.' 
 
 1. 22. Explere. Halm marks here a lacuna, which is variously 
 supplied, 'haurire,' 1 devorare,' 'ingerere,' 4 compere.' The sense may 
 be, however, ' if we may apply the word " explere " to that which you 
 immediately intend disgorging. ' 
 
 1. 23. Viri tui, Curio. See on c. 18, 44. 
 
 cc. 21, 22. In his tribunes/zip, he persisted in thwarting by his veto 
 the counsels of the senate for the co7nmon weal, till they were obliged, in 
 self-defence, to stop his interference by declaring him a public enemy. 
 Again he fled to C. Caesar, and gave him the excuse he sought for the in- 
 vasion of his country, in the allegation that the tribunes' privileges had 
 been violated. Thus Antony was the immediate cause of all the evils of 
 the civil zvar, and of the loss, by death or banislimcnt : , of so many noble 
 citizens ; the final issue being loss of liberty to the senate and the state. 
 
 1. 26. Decus. This reading is due to Madvig, who shows (Opnsc. 
 1. p. 166; 2. p. 322) not only that ' in' must have the same meaning 
 with both accusatives, so that here 'indedecus' could (,nly mean 'to 
 the detriment of his dishonour,' which is absurd, but also that such an 
 expression as 1 in dedecus,' 1 to his dishonour,' 1 so as to bring dishonour 
 on himself,' is never used by any prose writer till after the Augustan 
 period, though it occurs in poetry, as Hor. Epod. 17, 6, ? , 
 
 1 Ingrata misero vita ducenda est, in hoc, 
 Novis ut usque suppetas doloribus : ' 
 
 and in later prose, especially in the time of Seneca. The mistake would 
 easily arise from doubling the syllable. 
 
 1. 29. Ij. Lentulo, C. Marcello, in 49 B.C., the year of Antony's 
 tribuneship, and of the commencement of the civil war between Caesar 
 and Pompey. 
 
 E 49 
 
NOTES 
 
 1. 32. Si sana mente esset, 'had he been willing,' that is, 'to show 
 himself a loyal citizen/ See c. 35, 88 note. The senate passed a decree 
 on the ist of January, that Caesar should disband his army, or be held 
 a public enemy. Antony and his colleague, Q. Cassius Longinus, 
 interposed their vetos, which the senate disregarded, declaring that in 
 doing so the tribunes violated the interests of the state. Finding them- 
 selves expelled from the senate on the 6th of January, and feeling that 
 the absolute power given to the Consuls was aimed especially against 
 them, they fled from Rome and joined Caesar at Ravenna. (Caes. B. C 
 
 1. 5, 4 : Liv. Epit. lib. 109.) 
 
 1. 33. Emancipatum, ' transferred from his own authority to that of 
 Caesar,' his own loss of power being the idea more prominently brought 
 forward. So de Fin. 1. 7, 24 ' Filium in adoptionem D. Silano emanci- 
 paverat ; ' but Cat. Mai. 11, 38 ' Senectus honesta est, . .si nemini 
 mancipata est,' stress being laid on the slavery which is the result. 
 
 P. 42. 1. 1. Cervices. It is noticeable that Cicero nowhere uses the 
 word ' cervix ' in the singular. 
 
 I. 4. In hostem togatum, so as to give the Consuls power of life and 
 death within the city walls. 
 
 1. 6. Conservator. See on c. 1, 2. 
 
 1. 10. Sempiternum. See Virg. Aen. 1. 278 
 
 ■ Hie ego nec met as re rum nec tempora pono ; 
 Imperium sine fine dedi.' 
 
 Hence Tibullus, ' Aeternae urbis moenia,' 2. 5, 23. 
 
 1. 11. Unus adolescens. Cicero conveniently ignores the co-opera- 
 tion of Q. Cassius, and exaggerates the youth of Antony, who, being 
 now 34, could no longer be reckoned among ' adolescentes.' See on c. 
 
 44> 11 3- 
 
 1. 13. Neque tu tecum, &c, 'nor would you allow the opening of 
 any negotiations with yourself about upholding the authority of the 
 senate, though all that was sought was that you should consent not 
 utterly to destroy the state : ' ne velles, ' that you would not exert your 
 sovereign will and pleasure.' 
 
 1. 17. Agendo, 'by its attempted negotiations,' rather than 'by the 
 severity of its measures.' 
 
 1. 1 8. Addicta, ' given over to the highest bidder : ' cp. Verr. Act. 
 
 2. 3- 63, 148 'Si doceo aliquanto pluris potuisse vendere neque iis 
 voluisse te addicere, qui contra Apronium licerentur.' 
 
 19. Vulnus, viz. the decree, s dent operam consules, praetores, 
 tribuni plebis, quique consulares sunt ad urbem (these being "reliqua 
 imperia"), ne quid res publica detrimenti capiat' Caes. B. C. 1. 5, 3 ; 
 cp. Fara. 16. 11, 3. This power, Cicero says, had never before been 
 
 50 
 
THE SECOND PHILIPPIC ORATION 
 
 given to the Consuls without proving fatal to those against whom it was 
 directed. 
 
 1. 24. Causam. Caesar himself alleges this object amongst others 
 that induced him to take up arms against the state ('ut tribunos plebis, 
 ea re ex civitate expulsos, in suam dignitatem restitueret' B. C. 1. 32, 5), 
 and it was no doubt useful to him as a popular cry, especially as the 
 senate seem to have been technically in the wrong : but his counsels were 
 based on deeper views than this, and as Plutarch says, Ant. 6 ravra 
 TtaXai fieofievcv it pocpdo tcos axV^ 01 - KaL ^oyov evirpeiTr} tov Tro\€fxov -napkoysv . 
 
 1. 27. Ius tribunicium sublatum, not only by ignoring their veto, 
 but by threatening the sanctity of their persons. Cp. Livy 2. 33 ; Dionys. 
 7. 17. 
 
 Circumscriptus, 'hampered in the exercise of his power.' Cp. 13. 
 9, 19 'Parata de circumscribendo adolescente sententia consularis ; and 
 pro Mil. 33, 88 ' Senatus, credo, praetorem eum circumscripsisset,' 
 'would have fenced in Clodius, so that he should not exceed his 
 powers.' 
 
 L 31. Persona tua. So the Vatican MS. Cp. 3. 8, 19 1 cum eo (sc. 
 interitu tuo ) salus. . . consisteret.' Vulg. 1 in persona.' 
 1. 32. O miserum te. See c. 7, 16. 
 
 P. 43. 1. 3. Pompeium, quod lumen fuit. This attraction of the 
 relative into the gender of the predicate is found when, the antecedent 
 being already sufficiently defined, stress is to be laid on the attribute con- 
 tained in the relative clause. Cp. 5. 14, 38 ' Pompeio patre, quod 
 imperio populi Romani lumen fuit, exstincto.' When the relative clause 
 contains the only data for identifying the antecedent, the relative pro- 
 noun must follow the ordinary rules. See Madv. § 316. 
 
 1. 4. Omnes consulares. As it was notorious that several men of 
 consular rank (among whom were P. Servilius Isauricus, L. Volcatius, 
 and Serv. Sulpicius Rufus, the last-named actively espousing Caesar s 
 side), remained in Rome, Cicero invents for all of them the plea of ill 
 health. 
 
 1. 5. Exsequi, &c, * to accomplish that disastrous flight.' The 
 leaders of Pompey's party retired with him in the first instance to Capua, 
 whence he fled to Brundisium at the end of February, in preparation for 
 leaving Italy for his last campaign. 
 
 1. 9. Semen. Abrami compares Dem. Cor. p. 280, 2S o yap to 
 airep/xa irapaoxwv, ourov tuju (pvurcov kclkuiv clltlos ; and in Tim. p. 748, 
 13 ovdt crirepfia 8ef KarafiaWtiv kv rfj nu\u toiovtqjv Trpayfiarajv, ovb ti 
 
 1. 10. Tres exercitus. See c. 6, 12 note. 
 L 15. Accepta referemus. See c. 16, 40. 
 
 1. 17. Principii. So Halm, following Garatonius, from the Vatican 
 
 E 2 51 
 
NOTES 
 
 reading * principiis,' where the ' s ' is probably due to the initial of the 
 following ' similis.' Vulg. f principio.' 
 
 1. 1 8. Quae senatus, &c., * which the senate had rendered impossible 
 without the ruin of the constitution.' 
 
 1. 19. Scelus in scelere. It was an offence against the state to annul 
 its sentences ; but if he were doing that, natural affection demanded the 
 recall from exile of his uncle, C. Antonius. 
 
 cc. 23-25. His poiver he abused in every way. First, by restoring 
 to their civil rights convicted persons, in behalf of whom no single plea 
 could decently be tirged. Secondly, in not exteftding this clemency to his 
 tmcle. Thirdly, by his progress through the borough tozvns in the 
 company of an actress, and attended by a t7-oop of profligates, amid 
 luxury most unsuited to a tribune. Fourthly, by his cruelty and avarice 
 in war, in which the only ??ierit he could urge was his single act of 
 moderation in not killing Cicero ; and this was only out of deference to 
 the unanimous opinion of his soldiers, who were scandalized by the open 
 profligacy of his conduct. 
 
 His next appointment, to be Caesar s master of the horse, was gained 
 by jobbery, and led to further jobbery, combined with rapine and excess 
 of every kind. 
 
 Restituebat in this chapter seems to mean generally ' he restored to 
 their former privileges ' (cp. below, ' restituit in integrum '), since 
 Denticula was evidently not in exile. Cp. Verr. Act. 2. 2. 26, (3 
 ' Alia iudicia restituta sunt.' 
 
 1. 22. De alea condemnatum. Cp. Hor. Od. 3. 24, 58 ' Seu malis 
 vetita legibus alea.' 
 
 1. 23. Quasi vero, &c, 'as though to keep up some show of re- 
 spectability in his company, but really to escape the payment of his 
 gambling debts;' ' sed' marking the transition from the false plea to 
 the real object which Antony had in view. 
 
 L 24. Benencio legis, by the gratitude he earned from Denticula, 
 for carrying through the law which restored him to his civic rights. 
 
 1. 26. Absentem credo. Here follow the usual pleas on which 
 reversal of a sentence might be urged, or even (as in the last case) the 
 compassion of the senate excited. One of these, he says, Antony might 
 have pressed in favour of his uncle ; Denticula could claim the benefit 
 of none. Additional point is given to the comparison by the fact that 
 Cicero himself defended C. Antonius. 
 
 1. 31. Condemnatum esse. In such a general confusion of the 
 constitution, respect for the mere decision of a court of law would 
 naturally go for nothing. 
 
 1. 32. Qui non dubitaret, &c, 'who would not hesitate to play dice 
 
 52 
 
THE SECOND PHILIPPIC ORATION 
 
 in the very forum itself ; ' this being the height of profanity in a Roman's 
 eyes ; cp. Off. 3. 24, 93, where Cicero propounds the case of a man who 
 had accepted an inheritance under promise of dancing in the forum, and 
 decides that he ought to violate his promise rather than do so, unless 
 the money gained were to be applied to some great necessity of the 
 state. 
 
 P. 44. 1. 2. Studium suum, ' his own predilection for play/ 
 1. 4. Italiam. Caesar left Lepidus in charge of Rome, and Antony 
 of Italy. Plut. Ant. 6. 
 
 1. 8. Qui non fui. See on c. 15, 37. 
 
 1. 11. Vehebatur in essedo. Abrami calls attention to the force of 
 every single word in this charge. He, a tribtme of the commons, bound 
 to avoid aristocratic pomp, and to make himself accessible to all, drove, 
 like a woman, in a barbarian carriage, preceded by lictors, to which 
 a tribune had no right, and these adorned with laurel wreaths, in token 
 of victory over Pompey and the Consuls. Among these was carried 
 Cytheris, a mimic actress, a courtezan among the insignia of magistracy, 
 without even the decency of a curtained litter. 
 
 1. 12. Essedo. This was a Celtic two-wheeled chariot, found 
 apparently both in Britain and in Gaul. Cp. Fam. 7. 6, 2 4 Tu, qui 
 ceteris cavere didicisti, in Britannia ab essedariis decipiaris caveto;' and 
 Virg. G. 3. 204 ' Belgica vel molli melius feret esseda collo.' Caesar 
 describes them as used in war, B. G. 4. 33. It seems to have become 
 a fashionable carriage in Rome ; see Professor Conington on Virg. 1. c. 
 
 Tribunus plebi. See on 5. 3, 7. 
 
 1. 13. Mima. Cp. Juv. 8. 198 
 
 i Res haud mira tamen, citharoedo principe, mimus 
 Nobilis.' 
 
 Cicero complained at the time of the disgraceful nature of the proceeding, 
 Att. 7. 10, 5 ' Hie tamen Cytherida secum lectica aperta portat, alteram 
 uxorem cp. ib. 16, 5. 
 
 1. 15. Volumniam. See on c. 8, 20. 
 
 1. 16. Reda. This was also a Gaulish chariot, but on four wheels : 
 see Quint. 1. 5, 57 'Plurima Gallica (verba) valuerunt, ut reda ac 
 petorritu?7i? 
 
 Comites is in apposition to the general idea of * reda cum lenonibus,' 
 * the coach-load of panders.' Another reading, supported however only 
 by one late MS., is • leonibus,' in defence of which Pliny's story (N. H. 
 8. 16, 21 ; cp. Att. 10. 13, 1) of Antony driving a yoke of lions in 
 a chariot is urged. But besides that this event was after Pharsalus, and 
 that the lions were yoked to his own chariot, not to that of his attendants, 
 the anomaly of the expression 'reda cum leonibus ' for 4 reda leonibus 
 
 53 
 
NOTES 
 
 iuncta ' would be sufficient to decide the question in favour of the read- 
 ing of the MSS. 
 
 1. 17. Mater. Julia, daughter of L. Iulius Caesar, who was Consul 
 in the social war, 90 B.C. 
 
 1. 19. Municipia, &c. See on 3. 5, 13. 
 
 1. 22. Lubriea, 'hazardous/ on account of the offence which would 
 be given to the veterans. 
 
 1. 24. Quoniam veteranis, &c. Two reasons are assigned by 
 Cicero for his silence, of which the latter, though in strictness of grammar 
 it should merely re-assert the former, is really quite distinct from it : 
 * Since we wish to maintain the interests of the veterans/ * that you may 
 not bring me into disfavour with them.' 
 
 I.25. Dissimilis. Besides the superior and more responsible position 
 of Antony, the soldiers were in the first instance bound to Caesar by their 
 military oath. 
 
 1. 28. E Thessalia. After the battle of Pharsalus, August, 48 B. c , 
 Cicero came to Brundisium in November, and remained there till 
 September in the following year. 
 
 1. 29. Non occidisti. See on c. 3, 5 and 6. 
 
 1. 33. Meminissent. See on c. 4, 7. 
 
 P. 45. 1. 2. Licuitne, &c, ' did not your abuse prevent me from con- 
 tinuing to show that I recognized your kindness, especially as, all the 
 time that you were abusing me, you saw that such would be my answer? ' 
 Praesertim cum gives an additional reason for what is really, though 
 not grammatically, the leading notion in this sentence, viz. the effect of 
 Antony's wanton abuse of him. Cp. 8. 2, 5 'C. quidem Caesar non 
 exspectavit vestra decreta, praesertim cum illud esset aetatis : ' where the 
 train of thought is, ' Octavius might have been expected to wait for your 
 decrees, especially considering his age, but he acted on his own re- 
 sponsibility.' 
 
 1. 7. Municipiorum, ' if you felt no shame in the presence of the 
 borough towns,' i. e. at bringing on them such a disgrace : anything or 
 any person that causes a man to feel shame, whether on the one hand 
 his own evil deeds, or on the other, a respectable witness whose presence 
 should have deterred him from committing them, being expressed in the 
 genitive after pudere. Cp. 12.3,8* Pudet huius legionis, pudet quartae 
 Ter. Hec. 5. 2, 27 'Pudet Philumenae/ ' I am ashamed of seeing 
 Philumena ;' and Sail. Frag. 1. 51, 15 'Te neque hominum nequedeorum 
 pudet.' 
 
 1. 13. Deductio, 1 quartering the soldiers on the towns for the winter :' 
 4 deduco ' being commonly employed for bringing soldiers into winter 
 quarters: cp. Caes. B. G. 2. 35, 3 ' Legionibus in hiberna deductis;' 
 and Livy 26. 20 ; 43. 9. Abrami takes it of the allotment of lands to 
 
 54 
 
THE SECOND PHILIPPIC ORATION 
 
 the soldiers, which would drive the citizens from their homes ; but it is 
 not likely that any measures of this sort would be taken till Caesar had 
 returned to Rome. 
 
 i. 14. Caesare ignaro. Yet Plutarch, Ant. 8, says that Caesar him- 
 self appointed him master of the horse, and sent him in that capacity to 
 Rome. 
 
 L 16. Cum Hippia, that as master of the horse (iirirapxos) he was 
 entitled to live with Hippias, the mimic actor. 
 
 L 17. Vectigales, according to Manutius (whom Forcellini follows), 
 means simply 1 earning profit for their master.' Hence he thinks the 
 reference is to the horses that contended in the games, and that Antony 
 allowed Sergius, the mimic actor, to contract for the supply of these, 
 a privilege hitherto monopolized by senators, and in their case exercised 
 with a view to popularity rather than to profit. Abrami thinks that 
 * equi vectigales ' (like * pecunia vectigalis 1 in Verr. Act. 2. I. 35, 89) 
 means horses supplied as tribute by conquered nations. He quotes Hdt. 
 3. 90 to show that the Cilicians paid a tribute of horses to Darius, and 
 thinks that the Romans probably continued to receive their tribute in 
 the ancient fashion. In that case the passage would mean that Antony 
 gave Sergius the horses which belonged to the state. 
 
 1. 18. Male tuetur, 'has difficulty in retaining for his own.' It was 
 Pompey's house (see on 1. 1, 1), and was now claimed by Sextus 
 Pompeius, who had agreed to lay aside hostilities in Spain, on condition 
 of receiving the property of his father. 
 
 M. Pupius Piso distinguished himself in the first civil war, on the 
 side of Sulla, and was afterwards Consul, through the interest of Pompey, 
 6l B.C. 
 
 1. 20. Datas . . ereptas, 1 which he gave to his adherents, or seized 
 from their lawful owners.' 
 
 1. 22. A. L. Rubrio, &c. See on c. 16, 40. 
 
 L 27. Istis faucibus, &c, all showing Antony's great powers of 
 drinking, and therefore the enormity of his excess, when it produced 
 such results. 
 
 1. 33. In coetu, &c. Garatonius quotes Quint. 8. 4, 8, commenting 
 on this passage : * Singula incrementum habent. Per se deforme, vel 
 non "in coetu," vomere ; "in coetu" vel non "populi;" "populi" 
 etiam non "Romani;" vel, si nullum " negotium " ageret ; vel si non 
 "publicum;" vel si non "magister equitum." ' Mr. Mayor remarks 
 that this chapter is more often cited by Quintilian than any other in 
 the speech. 
 
 cc. 26-28. Caesar s ill-omened return to Rome led to the sale of 
 his proscribed opponents' pi'operty. Antony alone had the heart and 
 
 55 
 
NOTES 
 
 shamelessness to bid for that of Pompey ; and entering on it with 
 indecent haste, in a few days, with the aid of his abandoned followers, 
 he had squandered all the treasures of that house, which no one else 
 could look on without tears. He alone was utterly devoid of feeling, 
 never disturbed by the contrast between the former pure and noble otvner 
 of the house, and its present tenant, zvhose most virtuous act was to 
 divorce his mistress. And withal he was so proud of his notoriety, that 
 even notv he spoke of himself as being ' both Consul and Antonius? lest 
 men in respect for the Consul should forget the contempt appropriate 
 to the debauchee. 
 
 P. 46. 1. 5. Alexandrea. Caesar left Alexandrea in the latter end 
 of March, and arrived in Rome in September, 47 B. c. 
 
 1. 6. Hostis. So the Vatican MS. Some others have * infelix.' 
 
 1. 7. Iiasta posita. The origin of setting up a spear as the sign of 
 a public auction is probably to be found in the fact that the earliest 
 auctions would be sales of spoil taken in war, and sold on the spot. 
 
 Pro aede Iovis Statoris. At the top of the Via Sacra, near the 
 place where the arch of Titus now stands. 
 
 1. 9. Haeret animo. Madvig, Opusc. 1. p. 145, would alter the 
 order of the words, reading ' animo haeret,' to mark more clearly 
 the dependence of * animo ' on 'haeret.' 
 
 1. 15. Sectionis. See on c. 15, 39. 
 
 Accedere is the special word for bidding at an auction. Cp. Livy 
 43. 16 1 Edixerunt, ne quis eorum . . ad hastam suam accederet.' 
 
 1. 16. Praesertim cum, though formally dependent on inventus 
 est nemo,' really refers to the leading idea in Cicero's mind ; to the 
 strangeness of the want of bidders, rather than to the actual fact of 
 that want. See on c. 24, 60. It may be translated * which was all the 
 more remarkable as,' or 1 even though,' or 1 and that at a time when.' 
 
 1. 20. Isto loco, sc. as being 'nobilis.' 
 
 1. 21. Exsecratum, so Halm from the Vatican MS. Vulg. 'execran- 
 dum ;' but see on c. 13, 32. 
 
 1. 26. Se subito ingurgitasset, ' had all at once begun to wallow 
 in;' cp. in Pis. 18, 42 ' Numquam te in tot flagitia ingurgitasses.' 
 
 1. 27. Persona de mimo, 'like the man in the farce.' 
 
 1. 28. Male, &c, ' ill-gotten gain never thrives.' The quotation is 
 from Naevius. 
 
 1. 31. Numerus, *a vast stock of wine/ so 'frumenti' Verr. Act. 2. 
 2. 72, 176. 
 
 Optimi argenti, 'of beautifully-wrought plate.' Madvig (§ 466 b) 
 says that the words are placed in such unusual order ' to give a promi- 
 nence to both adjectives, and at the same time to bring " argenti," which 
 forms an antithesis with other words, to the last place.' 
 
 56 
 
THE SECOND PHILIPPIC ORATION 
 
 1. 33. Won ilia quidem, &c, ' not enough to stamp the man as 
 luxurious, but sufficiently betokening affluence.' 
 
 P. 47. 1. 3. Animal unum fuit, 'was but a single creature.' So 
 Virgil personifies Charybdis, Aen. 3. 420 ' Laevum implacata Charybdis 
 Obsidet.' 
 
 Me dius fidius is taken by some to be the same oath as c Mehercle,' 
 being equivalent to 1 Me Dius (Iovis) filius/ d and 1 being interchanged 
 as in 1 lingua/ 4 dingua,' ' lacrima,' Saupv, and many other words. The 
 more probable derivation is from * fides,' ' Dius Fidius ' corresponding 
 to Ztiiy iriGTios. The ( me' is merely a demonstrative inseparable 
 particle, like ' e ' in ' ecastor.' 
 
 1. 5. Nihil erat clausum, &c, ■ so careless was he, that he neither 
 locked, nor sealed, nor put his name on anything;' or 'scriptum' may 
 be (as Halm takes it) ' he made no list of anything.' 
 
 1. 6. Apothecae, ' whole stores of wine.' ' Apothecae ' differ from 
 'cellae vinariae,' being the magazine where the main stock of wine was 
 stowed away, as opposed to the place where the supply for daily use 
 was kept. The latter was in the inmost part of the house, for coolness 
 (not necessarily underground, see Pliny, N. H. 14. 21, 27), whereas the 
 ' apotheca ' was in the upper part, where it could be mellowed by the 
 smoke. See Colum. 1. 6, 20; and cp. Hor. Od. 3. 21, 7 
 
 ' Descende, Corvino iubente 
 Promere languidiora vina ; ' 
 
 of ajar of special wine that was to be produced in honour of his guest. 
 
 1. 11. Servorum in cellis, ' in the garrets of the slaves.' 
 
 1. 15. Devorare potuisset, ' could have devoured, supposing it had 
 had them;' the further condition causing the use of the subjunctive, 
 instead of the more usual indicative. See Madv. § 348, Obs. 1. 
 
 Aedes et hortos, sc. 'devoravit.' ' Horti,' in the plural, means 
 'pleasure-grounds;' esp. ' a villa with its grounds.' Cp. c. 6, 15, and 
 Off. 3. 14, 58 ' Ad cenam hominem in hortos invitavit.' 
 
 1. 2T. Quamvis nihil sapias, 'however void of sense you are,' cp. 
 c. 17, 43 ; c. 4, 8. 
 
 1. 22. In vestibulo, 'in the courtyard,' an empty space before the 
 door, not a part of the building, as appears from pro Caec. 12, 35 ' Si 
 te . . armati non modo limine tectoque aedium tuarum, sed primo 
 aditu vestibuloque prohibuerint.' Cp. Plaut. Most. 3. 2, 133 ' Viden ' 
 vestibulum ante aedes hoc, et ambulacrum cuius modi ? ' 
 
 Rostra, in all likelihood trophies of Pompey's victories over the pirates, 
 66 B.C. Spolia is probably a gloss. The reading of the Vatican MS. 
 is ' rostran spolia.' For the custom of decorating the entrance with 
 such trophies, compare Virg. Aen. 7. 183 
 
 57 
 
NOTES 
 
 'Multaque praeterea sacris in postibus arma, 
 Captivi pendent currus, curvaeque secures, 
 Et cristae capitum, et portarum ingentia claustra, 
 Spiculaque, clipeique, ereptaque rostra carinis/ 
 
 1. 26. Mente consistere, ' to be at ease in your mind.' 
 
 1. 27. Violentus ; so Halm, from the Vatican and two other MSS. 
 Al. 1 vinolentus,' which has plausibility, both from the character of 
 Antony, and the combinations ' vinolentum furorem,' Fain. 12. 25, 4; 
 and ' furiosam vinolentiam,' c. 39, 101. 
 
 1. 28. Species, 'the phantom:' cp. Ov. M. 11. 677 ' Voce sua, 
 specieque viri turbata soporem Excutit.' 
 
 P. 48. 1. 3. Pro cbnclavibus. Some MSS. have ( pro tricliniis,' 
 but the Vatican reading, 1 pro conclavibus popinae triclinis,' seems to 
 show that the latter word is a gloss. ' Conclave ' is any chamber ' quod 
 clave claudi potest,' here ' a dining room.' 
 
 1. 4. Illam suam. Halm thinks that ' suam,' which is the reading 
 of the Vatican MS., but supplied by a later hand, may be a corrupt 
 substitution for 1 mimam.' * He has formally divorced his actress-wife,' 
 ' alteram uxorem ' as Cicero calls Cytheris, Att. 7. 10, 5. Restoration of 
 the dowry (Plaut. Stich. 2.1, 50 ' Uxorin' sit reddenda dos divortio cp. 
 Trinum. 2. 1, 43 
 
 1 Tuas res tibi habe, 
 Amor ! mihi amicus 
 Ne fuas umquam ; ' 
 
 and Mart. 10. 41, 1 
 
 • Mense novo Iani veterem, Proculeia, maritum 
 Deseris, atque iubes res sibi habere suas'), 
 
 and expulsion from the house (Plaut. Mil. Gl. 4. 6, 62 ' Quin tua causa 
 exegit virum a se,') seem to have been regular parts of a divorce from a 
 marriage by ' coemtio/ With respect to reclaiming the household keys, 
 the symbol of domestic government, the only other evidence we have is 
 a passage from the Epistles of S. Ambrose (6, 3), quoted by Abrami : 
 ' Mulier offensa claveis remisit, domum revertit.' Cicero's application of 
 these terms to Cytheris is of course mere sarcasm. 
 
 1. 8. Hoc est dicere, the only attributes connoted by the word 
 ' Antonius ' being those of shamelessness and depravity. 
 
 1. 12. Avus. M. Antonius, the orator, whose younger son C. Antonius 
 Hybrida was Consul with Cicero, 63 B.C. 
 
 1. 13. Nisi si, ' unless it be the case that;' the excepted case being 
 the hypothesis put forward in the whole clause. * Nisi si ' is most 
 commonly thus used with indefinite pronouns and adverbs : cp. Livy 6. 
 
 58 
 
THE SECOND PHILIPPIC ORATION 
 
 26 'Hie plebis nostrae habitus fuit, eritque semper, nisi si quando a 
 vobis, proque vobis, arma acceperimus.' 
 
 L 14. Earum partium propria, ' passing over all that does not bear 
 upon the policy whereby you harassed the state, I return to your own 
 special work.' 
 
 c. 29. After his cruelty in the civil ivar, he might have been expected 
 to follow Caesar into Spain : but they had lately quarrelled, when Caesar, 
 somewhat unreasonably, made his adherent pay for the property he had 
 bought. This brought him into difficulties ; he had little left to sell, and 
 even what he had was claimed by those on whose inheritances he had seized. 
 On this he tried to murder Caesar, just before his setting out for Spain. 
 
 1. 18. Defuisti. The real reason why Antony did not join Caesar in 
 the African campaign probably was the coolness which arose between 
 them in consequence of Caesar requiring him to pay the money which 
 he bid for Pompey's house : though below Cicero represents this as the 
 result (' Itaque . . appellatus es '). For the charge of cowardice there is 
 no foundation, and Cicero himself refutes it by recording that he fought 
 in the post of honour in the front ranks ('antesignanus') at Pharsalus. 
 
 1. 20. L. Domitium. See on c. 11, 2.7. 
 
 1. 27. Quo numero fuisti ? * of what account were you V So 3. 6, 
 16 1 Bambalio, homo nullo numero.' 
 
 1. 28. Quaestor, see on c. 20, 50 ; magister equitum, on c. 25, 62 ; 
 belli princeps, on c. 22, 55. 
 
 1. 30. Filius. We learn from Dion Cassius (44. 35) that Antony was 
 placed among the heirs in remainder (' secundi heredesij,), by the will of 
 Caesar, but nowhere of anything like his adoption by the dictator. 
 
 Appellatus es, ' you were summoned for the money : ' cp. de Leg. Agr. 
 2. 36, 100 'Nulli populo Romano pro me maiores mei spoponderunt, 
 mihi creditum est : a me petere quod debeo, me ipsum appellare debetis.' 
 
 P. 49. 1. 3. Causam ; see on c. 22, 53. 
 
 Ego leges perniciosas rogavi. These words are wanting in the 
 Vatican MS., but are found in the others, and are quoted by the gram- 
 marian Nonius (about A. D. 200). Their reference is very doubtful, as 
 among Antony's actions we hear of no laws which he passed at this 
 period, with the exception of that for the reversal of certain judicial 
 sentences (see c. 23, 56). It shows Cicero's power of sarcasm that he 
 makes Antony urge as services to Caesar exclusively the wrongs he did 
 the state. 
 
 1.8. Ius postulabas, 'your demands were only fair/ c postulo,' 
 according to Donatus, being strictly ' to demand what is one's right.' 
 He says, on Ter. Andr. 2.5, 11 'Petimus precario ; poscimus imperiose; 
 postulamus iure.' See on 1. 11, 27. The fairness of any claims, Cicero 
 
 59 
 
NOTES 
 
 declares, is the last thing to be taken into consideration ; Caesar was the 
 more powerful, and that decided the matter. 
 
 1. 9. Excussis. So the Vatican, and most other MSS. Two have 
 'exclusis,' which M dvig adopts (Opusc. 1. p. 207). The use, however, 
 of ' excussis' (' having shaken himself free from your words') probably 
 has reference to ' respondisti plane ferociter ' above ; and it is borne out 
 by Tibullus, 2. 6, 12 
 
 ' Magna loquor, sed magnifice mini magna locuto 
 Excutiunt clausae fortia verba fores.' 
 
 1. 10. Tabula, 'catalogue of the sale;' ' tabulae auctionariae,' Cat. 
 2. 8, 18 ; cp. pro Caec. 6, 16 ' Adest ad tabulam, licetur Aebutius.' 
 
 1. 11. Prolata est. This is Madvig's interpretation (Opusc. 1. c.) of 
 the Vatican reading ' prolatas.' He urges the necessity of the verb being 
 expressed in such a sentence, and is followed by Halm. 
 
 1. 13. Partem Miseni. See on c. 19, 48. 
 
 1. 14. Adspectus, though more commonly subjective, is elsewhere 
 used objectively, of the appearance of the object gazed upon. Cp. Cat. 
 4. 6, 11 * Versatur mihi ante oculos ads pectus Cethegi ;' and de Nat. 
 Deor. 2. 63, 158 'Pomorum iucundus adspectus.' ' Conspectus,' on the 
 other hand, seems always to be subjective, of the act of looking. See 
 Madvig on Cic. Fin. 5. 18, 48. 
 
 1. 16. Sordidata mancipia, 'a few slaves in mean apparel ; ' 'man- 
 cipia ' being ' chattels,' * quae iure mancipi possidentur,' and especially 
 living chattels, or slaves. 
 
 1. 18. Heredats L. Rubrii. See c. 16, 40 The injured heirs pro- 
 bably took the opportunity of Antony's disgrace to beg for Caesar's 
 interference. Some of their property, we may suppose, was added by 
 Antony to the sale. 
 
 1. 23. Proficiscitur in Hispaniam. About the end of 46 B.C., to 
 crush the resistance of Cn. and Sext. Pompeius. 
 
 1. 25. Eudem. The wand with which gladiators who had served their 
 time were presented by the praetor, in token that they had earned their 
 pension. Cp. Hor. Epp. I. I, 2 ' Spectatum satis, et donatum iam rude 
 quaeris;' Juv. 7. 171 * Ergo sibi dabit ipse rudem ;' and Mart. 3. 36, 10 
 1 Ut nondum credas me meruisse rudem.' Some MSS. have 'rudem ac- 
 cepisti,' but the verb is wanting in the Vatican MS. See on c. 19, 48 ; 
 and for the term gladiator as applied to Antony, cp. 7. 6, 17. 
 
 1. 26. In suis partibus, * in following out his own policy ; that is, in 
 looking after his own interests.' 
 
 cc. 30, 31. Thither Antony, after much delay, proposed to follow him f 
 but only got as far as Narbo, leaving Dolabella to fight his battles for him, 
 
 60 
 
THE SECOND PHILIPPIC ORATION 
 
 even against the softs of Pompey, who were seeking to regain from him their 
 lost inheritance. From Narbo he returned, by night, in most unworthy 
 guise, alarming all the city, that he might surprise his wife, and save his 
 sureties fro?n an execution on their property. 
 
 1. 31. Ter depugnavit Caesar. See on c. 15, 37. 
 
 P. 50. 1. 1. Wollem, 1 1 would he had been absent.' 
 
 1. 2. A primo, ' from the outset :' cp. Att. 9. 6, 5 1 Tuas nunc episto- 
 las a primo lego.' 
 
 1. 3. Q,uid es P As we say, ' you are neither one thing nor the other 
 neither loyal nor consistent. Cp. de Har. Resp. 20, 42 ' Hie vero quid 
 est ? quid valet ? 1 
 
 If 1 turn,' which is only to be found in the Vatican MS., is the genuine 
 reading, it must be taken separately from ' primum,' which is ' in the first 
 place,' as opposed to ' praeterea.' 
 
 1. 4. Fuerit, &c, 'grant that in this you were but abandoning your 
 party s cause, the further object of their resistance touched yourself more 
 nearly.' 
 
 1. 6. In quae, referring to masculine and feminine antecedents. Cp. 
 Livy 44. 24 i Natura inimica sunt libera civitas et rex.' 
 
 1. 8. Tamen is resumptive, after the parenthesis introducing an apology 
 for the word 1 aequissimum.' 
 
 1. 10. Narboue. Narbo, the capital of Gallia Narbonensis, now 
 Narbonne, at the mouth of the Aude, in the department of that name (in 
 the province of Languedoc), was the furthest point that Antony reached 
 in his journey to join Caesar. 
 
 Convomeres. Cp. c. 41, 104 ' Ab hora tertia bibebatur, ludebatur, 
 vomebatur ;' and above c. 25, 63. 
 
 1. 12. Narbone reditus, 1 leturn from Narbo.' In a letter to Atticus 
 9. 5, 1) we find a series of combinations of verbal nouns with the 
 several cases denoting different relations of place : * Sunt ista quidem 
 difficillima, iter ad superum, navigatio infero, discessus Arpinum, mansio 
 Formiis.' Cp. above c. 19, 48 ' Iter Alexandream.' 
 
 Cur revertissem. See on 1.3, 7, foil. 
 
 1. 17. Calceis, 4 with my boots on,' i. e. fully dressed. Cp. pro Cael. 
 26, 62 ' Calceati et vestiti.' 
 
 Toga. Juvenal mentions the relief from the necessity of wearing the 
 toga as one of the pleasures of a country life : 11. 203 
 
 c Nostra bibat vernum contracta cuticula solem 
 Kffugiatque togam.' 
 
 Cp. id. 3. 171 
 
 i Pars magna Italiae est, si verum admittimus, in qua 
 Nemo togam sumit, nisi mortuus ; 1 
 
 61 
 
NOTES 
 
 and Martial (10. 47, 5) enumerates among the things that make life 
 happy, * Lis numquam, toga rara, mens quieta.' 
 
 Gallicis. From Gellius (13. 21) we learn that 'gallicae' were a kind 
 of sandals, like the Roman ' soleae,' and the Greek Kprjmdes, covering 
 only the sole of the feet. There was an ancient law at Rome, ' Neive 
 quis in poplico luci praetextam, neive soleas habeto ' (Marini, Atti degli 
 Arvali, p. 569); and Cicero brings a reproach against Piso (c. 6. 13) 
 ' Nescio quo e gurgustio te prodire, capite involute, soleatum" Cp. Verr. 
 Act. 2. 5. 33, 86. 
 
 Lacerna (cp. Hor. S. 2. 7, 55 1 Odoratum caput obscurante lacerna), 
 was a large riding cloak, fastened by a brooch, and used in Cicero's time 
 (apparently not before) for travelling. Suetonius (Aug. 40) confirms 
 the inference from this passage, that it was considered a mark of 
 effeminate luxury to wear it in the city: 'Negotium aedilibus dedit 
 (Augustus) ne quern posthac paterentur in foro Circove, nisi positis 
 lacernis, togatum consistere.' 
 
 L 18. 3STe tu. See on c. 2, 3. 
 
 1. 23. Rogares. Abrami takes this change of words as though Cicero 
 referred to Antony's obtaining the consulship as a gift from Caesar, not 
 by a legitimate election. As, however, f rogatio ' is a regular word for 
 a constitutional canvass, the explanation of Graevius seems better, that 
 Antony, according to Cicero, begged the consulship as a favour from 
 the people, instead of claiming it as the reward of his services. He 
 compares pro Plane. 10, 25 'Neque enim sic rogabam, ut petere viderer, 
 quia familiaris esset meus.' 
 
 1. 24. A qua, ' whose votes we used to ask, while votes were freely 
 given.' Cp. Att. r. 1, 2 ' Fortasse, quoniam videtur in suffragiis 
 multum posse Gallia, . . . excurremus mense Septembri (in the law 
 vacation) legati ad Pisonem.' 
 
 1. 26. Levitatem, not, as in later writers, ' inconstancy,' but ' trifling,' 
 as it is explained by Gellius 7. n 'Veterum hominum qui proprie atqne 
 integre locuti sunt, leves dixerunt, quos vulgo nunc viles et nullo honore 
 dignos dicimus, et levitatem appellaverunt proinde quasi vilitatem? 
 
 L 27. Ad Saxa rubra, on the Cremera, between Rome and Veii. 
 
 1. 28. Vesperam. So Halm from the Vatican MS. Other MSS. 
 and Gellius (who quotes this passage, 7. 11) ' vesperum/ a form which 
 occurs de Fin. 3. 2, 8. 
 
 1. 29. Cisio, ' in a gig.' 'Cisia' were two-wheeled vehicles, especially 
 used for rapid travelling: cp. pro Rose. Amer. 7, 19 ' Decern horis noc- 
 turnis sex et quinquaginta milia passuum cisiis pervolavit.' 
 
 Capite obvoluto. Cp. in Pis. 6, 13, quoted above on § 76. 
 
 J. 30. A Marco, the praenomen only being given in his own house, 
 among his own servants. 
 
 62 
 
THE SECOND PHILLIPIC ORATION 
 
 1. 31. Ad earn. Some MSS. add ' deducitur,' but the omission of 
 the verb suits better the dramatic character of the scene. 
 
 P. 51. 1. 1. Illim, 'from that quarter.' Halm maintains this form 
 also in pro Rab. Post. 12, 35; de Har. Resp. 20, 42; instead of 
 4 illinc,' which is formed from it by the addition of the demonstrative 
 particle 4 ce.' 
 
 L 5. Catamitum. The inappropriateness of this reproach here led 
 Heusinger to conjecture that this word is a corruption for the name of 
 a well-known character in some play, who reappeared when he was 
 supposed to be dead. 
 
 1. 8. Causam amoris, ' the plea of love to urge.' 
 
 1. 9. Praedes tuos. Caesar having apparently given orders to the 
 praefecti urbis, of whom L. Plancus was one, that, if Antony did not 
 pay the price of Pompey's house within the time appointed, a distress 
 should be levied, and that, as was usual, not on the goods of Antony 
 himself, but on those of his sureties. ' Praedes,' properly the sureties 
 themselves, is here used for their goods. Cp. Verr. Act. 2. 1. 54, 142 
 ' Praedibus praediisque vendendis.' 
 
 Tuos. So Halm from the Vatican reading * tus,' and from other 
 MSS. Al. 'suos/ which agrees better with the MS. reading ' habuit,' 
 for ' habuisti.' 
 
 ]. 10. Productus in contionem, in order that the news which 
 occasioned the mission of a special messenger might be made publicly 
 known. When Antony declared that he had merely returned * on 
 urgent private affairs,' ('res tua' having moreover a special reference to 
 ' love affairs,') the very people made jokes at his expense. 
 
 c. 32. When Caesar was rettirning home, Antony went some way 
 to meet him, and not only regained his favour, — to that his villainy zoas 
 sufficient passport, — but obtained from him the consulship. In this 
 Dolabella was cheated, first by Caesar grasping for himself zvhat he had 
 piomised Dolabella, and secondly, by the conduct of Antony. Abject 
 enough in all his demeanour towards his master, he had the face to 
 declare beforehand that he, as Consul, would usurp the augur s duly, 
 and pronounce the auspices faulty, whatever their real character 
 might be. 
 
 I.14. Isti, redisti. So c. 35,89: the omission of the copula marking 
 more strongly the restlessness of the proceeding. 
 
 1. 15. Stremmm, ' active,' especially in travelling. Cp. Att. 15. 6, 2 
 ' Noli me tarn strenuum putare, ut ad nonas recurram.' Antony's 
 reputation for bravery, Cicero says, was lost when he stopped short at 
 Narbo ; he sought to regain favour by his energy. 
 
 63 
 
NOTES 
 
 1. 16. Habebat, &c, e this was exactly Caesar's way.' Cp. Pliny Ep. 
 1. 12, 7 ' Habebat enim hoc moris ; ' and Hor. S. 1. 3, 3 
 
 ' Sardus habebat 
 
 Ille Tigellius hoc. , 
 
 1. ai. Impulsus, inductus, elusus. The two latter words are 
 explained by what follows ; * impulsus ' probably means, excited with 
 the hope of being Consul; cp. ad Brut. 1. 10, 3 ' Caesarem impulerunt 
 in spem certissimam consulatus ; ' Suet. Ner. 35 ' In spem imperii 
 impellere.' 
 
 1. 23. Receptum adds to 'promissum' the further idea of e guarantee- 
 ing : ' cp. Att. 13. 1, 2 ' De aestate polliceris vel potius recipis.' 
 
 1. 25. Kalendae Ianuariae, when the Consuls entered on their office, 
 44 B. c. 
 
 L 26. In istum. Against Antony, as the instrument of Caesar, whom 
 he dared not attack directly for his treachery. 
 
 L 29. Proficiseeretur. On the expedition which, beginning with 
 the subjugation of the Parthians, was intended to extend over Hyrcania, 
 and the parts about the Caspian Sea and the Caucasus, and passing 
 through Scythia, to work its way back to Italy through Germany, 
 completing thus the circle of his conquest. Plut. Caes. 58. 
 
 Iussurum. Cp. § 79 1 iussus es,' the word being intentionally chosen 
 to mark the despotic nature of the act, as Cicero himself points out in 
 the words that follow. 
 
 1. 31. Sed. See on 1. 11, 27. 
 
 1. 33. Impedire, vel vitiare, ' could prevent their being held, or, if 
 they were, could make them null and void,' neither of which he had any 
 right to do as augur. The several steps in the ceremony of taking the 
 auspices were as follows : — First the Consul or other presiding magistrate 
 ordered the inspection to be made. This order the augurs carried out, 
 and made their report (' nuntiatio'), which the Consul then considered ; 
 and if he thought the omens unfavourable, he declared the business to 
 be postponed obnuntiatio '). Hence the augurs' office was purely 
 ministerial, as they could neither initiate the proceedings, nor decide on 
 the result ; though doubtless there were many cases in which the 
 ' obnuntiatio ' necessarily followed on their report. It is not clear to 
 which part of the proceedings the term * spectio ' applies, though 
 probably to the estimation of the auspices by the Consul, previous to 
 his 1 obnuntiatio.' A wholly different rite is referred to in the words 
 ' de caelo servare,' the process there consisting in looking for omens in 
 the heavens. This was only in the power of the presiding magistrate, 
 and as the mere determination on his part 'to observe the sky' sufficed, 
 whether omens were observed or not, it was possible to know beforehand 
 
 64 
 
THE SECOND PHILIPPIC ORATION 
 
 that the business would be thus postponed. Probably it was the 
 immense power thus conveyed to one man in determining elections 
 that led to the prohibition of this means of stopping them. Cp. de 
 Dom. 15, 39 'Negant (augures) fas esse agi cum populo, cum de caelo 
 servatum sit.' 
 
 P. 52. 1. 4. Nos enim, * we augurs,' see on c. 2, 3. 
 
 L 9. Aut id, &c, or make them void, by breaking them off in the 
 middle. See c. 32, 82. 
 
 1. 11. Nisi qui, &c. It is true that, as Abrami urges, the man who 
 had determined 'de caelo servare' could not tell what bad omen he 
 would see, and so Cicero's argument is informally expressed ; but his 
 meaning is clear, that by that determination alone could a man resolve 
 beforehand that he would bring augury to bear in stopping the pro- 
 ceedings, since it was the only kind of divination in which, as we have 
 seen above, it made no practical difference what was the result of his 
 observations. 
 
 1. 12. Per leges. He apparently refers to a 'Lex Clodia,' passed by 
 P. Clodius in his tribuneship, 58 B.C., and repealing the 'Lex Aelia et 
 Fufia.' This latter law (or laws, for it is doubtful whether there was 
 one or two, see Orelli, Onomast. 3. p. 130,) secured to the magistrates 
 the right of stopping the ' comitia ' if the omens were unfavourable, and 
 also reserved to the tribunes their privilege of ' intercession Cicero 
 elsewhere denounces its repeal as removing one main bulwark of the 
 constitution. (In Vatin. 9, 23; pro Sest. 15, 33.) 
 
 1. 17. Apparitor, a public servant of one of the minor magistrates, 
 standing in the same relation to them as the lictors to the Consuls. 
 
 1. 18. In aversam lecticam, 'into the back of the litter.' He would 
 respectfully follow his colleague's litter, and from time to time reach 
 forward his head to the back of the litter as it was carried from him. 
 The reading ' adversam,' which is found in several MSS., would 
 represent him as bold enough to stop the litter when he met it in the 
 street. 
 
 e. 33. This monstrotis rdle he carried out. After the election was 
 concluded, he declared that it should not take place ; and then again, 
 when it so suited him, he acted as though it had been regular. On the 
 consequences of his conduct Cicero would not utter an opinion, lest he 
 should anticipate the formal judg??ient of the augurs, but at least it served 
 to show the fellow's impudence. 
 
 1. 19. Ecce Dolabellae, &c. The voting for the Consulship always 
 took place in the Comitia Centuriata, in which however the system of 
 voting was at this time complicated by a combination of the tribal 
 divisions with the centuries, as established by Servius Tullius. The 
 
 F 65 
 
NOTES 
 
 system of classes determined by property seems to have been retained, 
 but within th*e first class at any rate there was a subdivision according 
 to tribes, the first class in each tribe being represented by one century 
 of seniors and one of juniors. This appears, among other places, from 
 a passage in Cic. de Rep. (3. 22, 39), from which we learn that whereas 
 the whole number of centuries in the Comitia was 193, of these 89 were 
 made up of the centuries of knights and the ' sex suffragia ' (see on 
 1 . 8, 20), the first class, and the odd century of the * fabri ' and ' tignarii/ 
 who always voted with the first class. It will be seen that this account 
 gives 70 centuries to the first class itself, and leaves only 104 for the 
 other four classes. Of these it is probable, though there is no certain 
 evidence on the point, that 70 belonged also to the second class, leaving 
 only 34 for the remaining three classes, so that the poorer citizens, 
 though they had the privilege, had very little of the power of the 
 franchise. This account so far agrees with the present passage, as to 
 show how it was that the voting was practically over when the first and 
 second class had voted. First came the determination by lot which of the 
 70 centuries of the first class should vote first, sortitio praerogativae 
 sc. centuriae. This decided ? its vote was taken. Then the remaining 
 centuries of the first class, including the century of smiths, were summoned 
 to vote* Then in accordance with the usual custom, came the ' suffragia/ 
 the centuries of knights being perhaps so called in popular language, 
 or 'equitum' may have dropped out before the following ' turn/ This, 
 as we have seen, would give 89 votes ; so that if they were unanimous, 
 as they seem to have been on the present occasion, only 8 votes from 
 the second class were required to give an absolute majority, and the 
 election was practically over when Antony adjourned it. 
 
 L 24. O. Laelium : cp. Nat. Deor. 3. 2, 5 ' Habeo C. Laelium 
 augurem eundemque sapientem, quern potius audiam de religione in ilia 
 oratione nobili quam quemquam principem Stoicorum/ 
 
 Alio die. This was the regular formula for declaring the ' Comitia ' 
 to be adjourned; cp. de Legg. 2. 12, 31 * Quid gravius quam rem sus- 
 ceptam dirimi, si unus augur " alio die " dixerit/ 
 
 1. 26. Do caelo servasse. See on § 81. 
 
 1. 31. Obnuntiasti. See on § 80. 
 
 1. 32. Convellere, 6 to nullify;' cp. pro Caec. 18, 51 ' Quae iudicia 
 aut stipulationes aut pacti et conventi formula non infirmari ac convelli 
 potest, si ad verba rem deflectere velimus/ 
 
 1. 33. Deferantur, 4 the validity of which must at some future time 
 be referred to the college of augurs for their decision/ 
 
 P. 53. 1. 5. Ea quae sit, ' show us what meaning they can possibly 
 bear that shall be consistent with your present recognition of Dolabella 
 as consul/ 
 66 
 
THE SECOND PHILIPPIC ORATION 
 
 c. 34. The worst was at the Lupercalia, when Antony not only so far 
 forgot the dignity of the consulship as to run about the streets half naked, 
 but tried to make himself and the Roman people openly the slaves of 
 Caesar, by offering him a crown : and when Caesar had the grace to 
 reject it, instead of letting the matter drop, he openly proclai??ied, and 
 caused it to be recorded in the public annals, that he had tried to establish 
 at Rome such a tyranny as in olden times had caused the death or exile 
 of all who aimed at it. 
 
 1. 7. Unam pulcherrimam, 'the very fairest action cp. Virg. Aen. 
 2. 426 ' Cadit et Rhipeus, iustissimus unus Qui fiat.' 
 
 1. 8. Ad Lupercalia. On the 1 5th of February. Plutarch (Caes. 
 61) describes the licence that prevailed during this festival, twv evyevwv 
 veaviaKcov teal apxpvrojv ttoXKol biadeovoiv ava ttjv ttoXiv yvfivol aKvreai 
 Xaaiois tovs k^-nohibv km itaihici fcal ye\om iraiovres. In his life of Antony, 
 c. 12, he tells us that Antony took part in this; and in both places 
 he gives a full account of his offering the crown to Caesar. 
 
 1. 10. In porticu Minucia, in the region of the Circus Flaminius, 
 a little south-west of the circus itself, and adjoining the theatre of Balbus. 
 It was built by L. Minucius Rufus, in commemoration of his victories in 
 Thrace in no B.C. As assemblies of the people were often held there, 
 the misconduct of Antony here alluded to is probably the same that is 
 described in c. 25, 63. 
 
 1. 13. Ubi campus Leontinus appareat, * what we have to show 
 for the land at Leontini.' See c. 1 7, 43 note. 
 
 1. 14. Amictus toga purpurea, &c. km 5i<ppov xP vao ^ Opiaix^iKw 
 Koaixco K€KO(T/jLT]fjL€vos f Plut. Caes. 61. Suetonius tells us that the Senate 
 decreed to Caesar the right of wearing a crown of laurel, a privilege which 
 he especially valued, as a means of concealing his incipient baldness. 
 Suet. Caes. 45 ; cp. ib. 76. 
 
 1. 15. Ita . . . ut, 1 your being Lupercus was subject to the condition of 
 your remembering that you were Consul ; 9 ' you were bound, Lupercus 
 as you were, to remember the obligations of your consulship. 9 Cp. Off. 
 I. 25, 88 ' Ita probanda est mansuetudo atque dementia, ut adhibeatur 
 reipublicae causa severitas.' 
 
 1. 19. Diadema. biddrjfxa oretyava) dcupvrjs irepnreTrXtyfAtvov, Plut. 
 Caes. 61. The crime was intensified by the fact that it sprung from no 
 momentary impulse, but had been carefully planned and rehearsed 
 (' meditatum ') at home, as was proved by his bringing the crown 
 with him. 
 
 Imponebas, &c, ' again and again you tried to place it on his brow, 
 amid the hooting of the people, and so often he refused it amid their 
 applause.' Cp. 3. 5, I2< 
 
 1. 21. Auctor regni. See c. 22, 53 note. 
 
 F 2 67 
 
NOTES 
 
 1. 25, Peteres. Abrami takes this as equivalent to • petere debebas 
 but granting that the imperfect and pluperfect subjunctive may some- 
 times express what ought to have been done (see Madv. § 351 b. Obs. 4), 
 it seems better here to take it, with Halm, 1 you might ask, if you would, 
 for yourself.' Cp. Verr. Act. 2. 5. 66, 168 c Etiamne id magnum fuit, 
 Panormum litteras mittere ? Adservasses hominem, . . . aliquid de 
 summo supplicio remitteres.' 
 
 1. 28. Nudus, cp. 3. 5, 12. The customary dress of the Luperci at 
 their festival being only an apron of goatskin (cp. Ov. Fast. 5. 101 
 c Semicaper coleris cinctutis, Faune, Lupercis/ ib. 2. 283 foil.), the 
 reproach to Antony consists not in his being thus half naked, but in his 
 coming forward in such a guise to harangue the people as Consul. 
 
 1. 30. Stimulis fodiamus. An ox-goad was commonly used to 
 punish offending slaves: cp. Plaut. Cure. 1. 2, 43 1 Etiam mihi quoque 
 stimulo fodere lubet re.' 
 
 1. 31. Haec oratio, 'this speech of mine.' . 
 
 1- 33- Quid iridignius quam. Cicero himself says, Att. 16. 11, 2, 
 that he thinks this would be better changed : ' IUud etiam malo, " in- 
 dignissimum est hunc vivere/' quam, " quid indignius." ' The original 
 reading is however found in the Vatican MS. 
 
 P. 54. 1. 2. In fastis. In the ' fasti annales,' the public records of 
 the chief events in the year. Cp. Hor. Od. 4. 13, 14 
 
 ' Nec clari lapides (referunt) tempora, quae semel 
 Notis condita fastis 
 Inclusit volucris dies.' 
 
 Ad Lupercalia, 'under the heading of the Lupercalia/ { at its date.' 
 
 1. 7. De die evidently means ' extravagantly/ and perhaps is to be 
 explained by Hor. Od. 1. 1, 20 1 Nec partem solido demere de die 
 Spernit : 9 the extravagance consisting in abstracting from business hours 
 some extra time for feasting. Cp. Id. Epp. 1. 14, 34 ' Media de luce ; ' 
 Livy 23. 8 1 Coeperunt epulari de die.' So Catull. 47, 5 
 
 ' Vos convivia lauta sumptuose 
 De die facitis/ 
 
 Halm takes it of living on what the day brings forth. 
 
 In diem, ' only for the day,' without thought for the morrow : cp. 5. 
 9, 25 ' Qui in horam viverent; ' de Orat. 2. 40, 169 ' Si barbarorum est 
 in diem vivere.' 
 
 1. 10. Sp. Cassius, Sp. Maelius. See c. 11, 26 notes. From the 
 omission of the second 'Spurius' in the Vatican MS., some editors have 
 written here ' Spurii Cassius, Maelius/ as if the ' praenomen * could be 
 used once for the two names. Madvig (Opusc. I. p. 70) points out the 
 
 68 
 
THE SECOND PHILIPPIC ORATION 
 
 barbarism of this, and suggests the reading in the text, from a com- 
 parison of c. 44, 114. 
 
 cc. 35, 36. The death of Caesar had prevented Antony from giving 
 an explanation about the auspices. It also caused him, under the in- 
 fluence of terror, to make more show of patriotic feeling than Cicero 
 could possibly believe would last. It was true that he stirred up the riot 
 which took place at Caesar's f uneral ; but then he passed those excellent 
 decrees, forbidding the recall of exiles, or the granting of immunities, and 
 abolishing for ever the office of dictator. Yet, even at the time, he was 
 violating these decrees ; and not content with squandering the public funds , 
 he was selling pardons and immtinities by wholesale at his home. 
 
 1. 13. Fuit acturus. As Caesar was intending to start on his Parthian 
 expedition on the 19th of March, it was necessary that the validity of 
 Dolabella's election, as Consul in his place, should be determined before 
 his departure ; and it seems that on the very day of his death he was 
 going to bring the matter before the senate. 
 
 1. 15. Ementitis auspiciis. Cp. c. 33, 83; 3. 4, 9. Fictitious 
 however though they were, yet being formally declared, these auspices 
 could not be ignored till they had been as formally annulled ; hence 
 * parere necesse erat.' 
 
 1. 16. Putares. For this use of the subjunctive see c. 4, 7 note. 
 
 1. 17. Sustulit, 'rendered unavailable for public business.' Cp. de 
 Dom. 17. 45 4 Si qua res ilium diem aut auspiciis aut excusatione sustulit, 
 tota causa iudiciumque sublatum sit.' 
 
 1. 18. Tuum de auspiciis iudicium. Since nothing more was 
 heard of any objections to the validity of Dolabella's election. 
 
 1. 19. Quod . . . praevertendum est, ' which claims precedence of the 
 other matters.' ' Praevertor ' (rarely ' praeverto,' as in Tac. Ann. 4. 32) 
 is commonly used in the sense of 1 turning first to,' though seldom, as 
 here, with an accusative case after it. Cp., however, Livy8. 13 1 Coacti 
 novi consules omnibus earn rem praeverti.' 
 
 1. 20. Quae tua fuga! We learn from Plutarch (Ant. 14) that Antony, 
 on hearing of Caesar's assassination, hid himself in the disguise of a slave. 
 
 1. 22. Si sanus esses, 'if you would but entertain sound views about 
 the state:' cp. c. 21, 51 ' Ipsi C. Caesari, si sana mente esset, con- 
 sulere velletis.' 
 
 1. 29. Irent redirent. See c. 31, 78 note. 
 
 1. 32. Post diem tertium, 'two days after,' on the 17th of March, 
 according to the Roman inclusive mode of reckoning : cp. de Div. 1. 25, 
 52 ' Est apud Platonem Socrates . . . dicens Critoni sibi post tertium 
 diem esse moriendum : ' and Tac. Ann. 1. 62 1 Post sextum cladis annum.' 
 
 Veni in aedem Telluris. See 1.1,1 note. 
 
 69 
 
NOTES 
 
 1. 33. Qui tibi dies ille ! 'what a day of glory was that for you ! ' 
 as being marked by his zeal for the real interests of the state. See 1. 1, 
 
 2. For the expression cp. ' Qui tu vir ! ' just below. 
 
 P. 55. 1. 2. Invideris, 'you have grudged yourself the fame you had 
 achieved,' 1 have interfered with your own interests.' 
 1. 4. Per puerum. See 1. 1, 2 note. 
 
 1. 5. M. Bambalionis. That Bambalio was the nickname of M. Ful- 
 vius, the father of Fulvia, not of the father of Fadia, Antony's first wife, 
 as some have thought, is proved both by the praenomen, Fadius' name 
 being Quintus, c. 2, 3 ; and by 3. 6, 16, where he explains the meaning 
 of the name. 
 
 1. 6. Diuturnus. Cp. Off. 2, 7, 23 'Malus est custos diutnrnitatis 
 metus.' His meaning is, that where fear is the only monitor to duty, 
 the removal of the fear will cause the immediate neglect of the duty. 
 
 1. 9. Si illud funus fuit. Cp. 1. 2, 5 ' Illam insepultam sepul- 
 turam ; ' and note. 
 
 1. 12. Semustilatus, ' scorched.' The taunt is not only unworthy of 
 Cicero, but also untrue, as Caesar's body was consumed to ashes : cp. 
 Att. 14. 10, 1 ' Ille etiam in foro combustus.' Ferrarius compares pro 
 Mil. 13, 33 'Tu P. Clodii cruentum cadaver . . . infelicissimis lignis 
 semustilatum, nocturnis canibus dilaniandum reliquisti.' 
 
 Ij. Bellieni. Perhaps the same man whom Caelius mentions (Cic. 
 Fam. 8. 1 5, 2) as ' verna Demetrii,' Demetrius being a favourite freed man 
 of Antony's. The burning of his house, and the murder, by mistake, of 
 Helvius Cinna, appear to have been the only serious deeds of mischief 
 done by the mob after Caesar's funeral. 
 
 1. 15. Idem tamen, &c. For the following acts of Antony, see 1. 
 1, 3 notes. 
 
 1. 22. Omne nomen. So Halm, with Muretus, from the Vatican 
 reading 4 omen nomen,' instead of the common reading ' omnem propter 
 proximum dictatorem tolleres metum.' It seems however probable that 
 in the Vatican reading ■ omen ' is superfluous, brought in from 1 nomen ' 
 following, as in the next line in the same MS. 'res' is written twice. 
 Madvig points out that ' omne nomen tollere ' would not be good Latin 
 for ' funditus nomen tollere.' 
 
 1. 27. Populis universis. In c. 38, 97 he specifies Crete. Cp. also 
 
 3. 12, 30 ' Vendiderit immunitates? civitates liberaverit? provincias 
 universas ex imperii populi Romani iure snstulerit?' and 1. 10, 24 note. 
 
 1. 32. Domesticis nundinis. See on c. 14, 35. 
 
 c. 37. The most absurd thing was a decree in favour of Deiotarus, 
 professedly proceeding from Caesar, who was to the last his bitterest 
 enemy ; really a piece of jobbery on the part of Antony, who hoped to get 
 
 70 
 
THE SECOND PHILIPPIC ORATION 
 
 ten million sesterces for granting to Deiotarus the territory of which he 
 had already taken possession , without waiting for his aid. 
 
 1. 33. Septiens miliens, sc. * sestertium.' See introduction to the 
 first oration; c. 14, 35 note; and 1. 7, 17 note. Two MSS. supply 
 ' sestertium.' ' As in such expressions 4 sestertium ' is always treated as 
 a singular noun (whence the singular relative ' quod'), so that here it 
 would be the nominative case, c funestae pecuniae ' is not in apposition 
 with it, but rather depends on ' tabulis : ' cp. 5. 6, 15 4 Direptio eius 
 pecuniae, cuius ratio in aede Opis confecta est.' See also on § 95. 
 
 P. 56. 1. 2. A tributis. The * tributum,' or war tax, levied on all real 
 property, had been discontinued since the time of the Macedonian war, 
 in 147 B. c, in consequence of the influx of revenue from the provinces. 
 It became necessary to reimpose it in the year following this speech. 
 
 1. 3. Quadringentiens sestertium. Forty millions of sesterces, or 
 nearly 360,000/. The enormous scale of the incomes and debts of the 
 leading Romans of this period is well illustrated by M. Boissier, in his 
 work Sur la Vie privie des domains. 
 
 Idibus . . . Kalendas. The usual times for settling accounts be- 
 tween debtor and creditor. Cp. Hor. S. 1. 3, 87 * Tristes Kalendae:' 
 id. Epod. 2, 69 
 
 * Omnem redegit Idibus pecuniam, 
 Quaerit Kalendis ponere.' 
 
 1. 6. Deiotaro. Deiotarus, tetrarch of Galatia, was invested by the 
 Romans, with the title of king in gratitude for his services in the war 
 with Mithridates. Having aided Pompey in the civil war, he was de- 
 prived of his dominions by Caesar, but resumed them on hearing of the 
 dictator's death, and induced Antony to confirm his title by a bribe of 
 ten millions of sesterces, or nearly 90,000/. 
 
 1. 10. Massiliensibus. Cp. pro Font. I, 3 ' Urbs Massilia fortissi- 
 morum fidelissimorumque sociorum, qui Gallicorum bellorum pericula 
 a populo Romano copiis armisque propulsarunt.' Hence when Caesar 
 reduced it, in 48 B. c, in consequence of its adherence to Pompey, Cicero 
 tells us that the Roman citizens mourned over its humiliation as their 
 own. See 8. 6, 17. 
 
 1. 12. Igitur. In consequence of the rare use by Cicero of 'igitur ' 
 at the beginning of a clause, various emendations, such as ' is igitur,' ' sed 
 igitur,' 'figitur,' &c, have been suggested. Madvig (Opusc. I. p. 206) 
 defends the simple ' igitur,' comparing c. 16, 41, and urging that Cicero's 
 meaning is obvious enough, that having shown that Caesar was Deiotarus' 
 bitterest foe, he concludes ironically, from Antony's decree, that they must 
 have been reconciled after Caesar's death. See also Zumpt, § 357. 
 
 1. 13. Aequi boni. See on 1. I, 1. 
 
 7i 
 
NOTES 
 
 1. 14. Compellarat hospitem praesens, ' Caesar had sent for him 
 when staying in his house ; ' cp. in Senatu 13, 32 ' Nominatim alii com- 
 pellabantur, alii citabantur, alii relegabantur.' Caesar passed through 
 Galatia in 47 B.C., returning from his campaign in Pontus against 
 Pharnaces. 
 
 1. 15. Impetrarat. So Halm, from the Vatican MS. ; Orelli, from 
 another MS., ' imperarat.' 
 
 Unum . . collocarat. Mithridates of Pergamus, a natural son of 
 Mithridates the Great, on whom at the same time Caesar conferred the 
 title of king of the Bosporus. 
 
 1. 16. Armeniam. The little Armenia, which Caesar probably gave 
 to Ariobarzanes III, king of Cappadocia. 
 
 1. 18. Mira verborum complexio, 'a strange combination of words ; ' 
 viz. the indiscriminate use of ' aequum ' and 1 non iniquum ' in the same 
 decree. Cicero again finds fault with Antony's Latinity, 3. 9, 22 ; and 
 
 13- !9> 43- 
 
 1. 20. Adfui. The last cause that Cicero pleaded was that of 
 Deiotarus, when he was accused by his grandson Castor of designs on 
 Caesar's life. The case was heard before Caesar, 45 B.C., on which 
 occasion Cicero delivered his extant speech, pro Rege Deiotaro, but the 
 dictator postponed the decision of the case till he should have made 
 personal inquiries on the spot. 
 
 1. 21. Syngrapha was the special term for a contract which did not 
 necessarily involve the receipt of a valuable consideration by the person 
 who paid the money. Hence it would be appropriate to the present 
 case, when the benefit which Antony ^proposed to confer on Deiotarus 
 was at once illegal and beyond his power. See Asconius on Verr. Act. 
 2. 1. 36, 91. For the story cp. Att. 14. 12, 1 i Quid? Deiotari nostri 
 causa non similis ? Dignus ille quidem omni regno, sed non per Fulviam ; ' 
 and see c 44, 113 ; 36, 92 notes. 
 
 Sestertii centiens. In such expressions it would seem that the 
 contracted genitive plural of ' sestertius ' is treated as a singular neuter 
 noun = 1000 sesterces (see on 5. 3, 8), and that its case is determined by 
 the construction required for the expression of the whole sum. Hence 
 in § 93 ' quadringentiens sestertium' is 'a sestertium reckoned 400 times,' 
 or, as this mode of reckoning always implied an addition of a hundred- 
 fold, 40,000,000 sesterces. So here ' sestertii' depends, not on ' centiens,' 
 but on 'syngrapha,' a 'contract for 10,000,000 sesterces.' So in the 
 ablative, pro Font. 3, 4 'Testis non invenitur in ducentiens et triciens 
 sestertio ; ' Pliny N. H. 8. 48, 74 ' Quae Neroni principi quadragiens 
 sestertio nuper stetere.' 
 
 1. 25. Meditere censeo, ' I recommend you to consider very carefully : ' 
 cp. Verr. Act. 2. 5. 68, 174 ' Magno opere censeo desistas.' 
 
 72 
 
THE SECOND PHILIPPIC ORATION 
 
 1. 26. Sua sponte. So that Antony's contract, even if otherwise not 
 fraudulent, fell to the ground, as being based upon a promise to give 
 Deiotarus what was already in his actual possession. 
 
 1. 30. lure consultus. So Halm, from the Vatican reading 1 iureis/ 
 which he conceives to be a confusion of the right and wrong readings. 
 In 9. 5, 10 Cicero uses the form ' iuris consultus/ but there, as in pro 
 Mur. 13, 28, and de Orat. I. 55, 235 the participial force of the word, 
 ' experienced in jurisprudence/ is strongly dwelt on ; and where the term 
 is simply used for 1 a lawyer/ 1 iure consultus ' seems to be the ordinary 
 form. Yet Horace, A. P. 369, has ' consultus iuris/ evidently meaning 
 no more than 'a lawyer.' 
 
 Iste. Supposed by Manutius to be Sext. Clodius, the tool of P. Clodius, 
 whose recall from exile Antony procured. See 1. I, 3 note. 
 
 1. 33. Suum sibi venderes. The subjunctive mood and the reflexive 
 pronoun are used for the same reason, because the clause expresses the 
 state of Deiotarus' mind. ' He entered on possession of his rights, with- 
 out waiting to know that you had sold him what was his already.' 
 
 P. 57. 1. 1. Auctorem odimus. Halm compares 13. 1, 2 ' Quid ego 
 de proximo (sc. Caesare) dicam, cuius acta defendimus, auctorem ipsum 
 iure caesum fatemur?' 
 
 ec. 38, 39. To tell of all the forgeries of Antony would take too long. 
 Decrees were issued under Caesar s na?ne without waiting for the meeting 
 of the committee which the senate had appointed to examine the dictator s 
 papers ; Caesar was represented as foreseeing all the changes which his 
 death would cause in his arrangements for the provmces ; Crete was 
 henceforth to be lost to Rome ; enough exiles were restored to render it 
 injustice not to bring back all ; his uncle, L. Antonius, was 7ieglected, 
 insulted, and betrayed ; and to crown all, he brought a false and cowardly 
 charge of faithlessness against his wife, that uncle's daughter, that he 
 might make room for her successor. 
 
 1. 4. Institores. So Halm, from Pantagathus, and Madvig from his 
 own independent conjecture. He urges (Opusc. 1. p. 173) that the MS. 
 reading ' imitatores ' is obviously false, not only because no one would 
 have dared to forge the documents except Antony, but even if they had, 
 and further had found purchasers for their forgeries, that would have 
 brought no gain to Antony, whereas Cicero directly states that the 
 circumstance which he relates was the source of enormous profit to him. 
 4 Institores' are 'hawkers/ as in Ov. A. Am. 1. 421 
 
 'Institor ad dominam veniet discinctus emacem, 
 Expediet merces teque sedente suas.' 
 
 Libellos, 1 programmes : ' cp. Tac. Dial, de Or. 9 ' Subsellia conducit 
 et libellos dispergit/ 
 
 73 
 
NOTES 
 
 1. 6. Expendantur, c are weighed,' as is customary with large sums 
 of money, which would take too long a time to count. 
 
 1. 9. Post M. Brutum pro consule, ' after the proconsulship of 
 M. Brutus.' Cicero argues that Antony here betrays the falseness of the 
 decrees attributed to Caesar, by making one of them refer to Brutus 1 
 proconsulship in Crete, though his only connexion with that province 
 arose out of Antony's alteration of Caesar's arrangements, after Caesar's 
 death. 
 
 1. 10. Constringendus, ' put in confinement : ' cp. in Pis. 20, 48 ' Si 
 familiam tuam dimisisses, amici te constringendum putarent.' 
 
 1. 14. Nemo ullius, &c, there has been nothing which Antony would 
 not sell, if he could only find a purchaser. 
 
 1. 16. Fixisti, as being one of Caesar's laws. 
 
 1. 1 7. Eorum reditus incjuinatos, the slur thrown upon the more 
 respectable exiles, by being coupled in their restoration with such 
 reprobates. 
 
 1. 22. Patrui. See c. 23, 56 note. 
 
 1. 24. Risus et querellas. Men laughed at the idea of a man who 
 had been exiled for extortion in his province being a candidate for such 
 a magistracy as the censorship : they grieved at the unnatural conduct 
 of Antony, in exposing his uncle to such contempt. That C. Antonius 
 had been recalled from exile is clear from § 99. The real reason for not 
 carrying through the election of censors probably was the people's obvious 
 disapproval of the candidate whom Antony proposed. 
 
 1. 25. Sinistrum fulmen. It was at the Comitia only that this was 
 an unfavourable sign : see de Div. 2. 18, 43 1 Comitiorum solum vitium 
 est fulmen, quod idem omnibus rebus optumum auspicium habemus, si 
 sinistrum fuit.' 
 
 1. 26. Tua . . . tuorum. Cp. Fam. 2.4, 1 1 Si quid esset, quod eos 
 scire aut nostra aut ipsorum interesset;' and for different views as to the 
 case of 'tua,' see Zumpt § 449 note, Madvi^ § 295, Donaldson § 152 c. 
 
 1. 27. In septemviratu. The commission for dividing lands in 
 Campania and the Leontine territory among the veterans. The acts of 
 this commission were afterwards annulled on the ground that its appoint- 
 ment had been procured by intimidation. 
 
 1. 28. Cui metuisti. So Madvig (Opusc. 1, p. 171) from the Vatican 
 reading ' cu.' The other MSS. read 4 quern/ but the direct object of 
 Antony's fear was not Nucula or Lento, but the danger of disobliging 
 whichever of these worthies Cicero here refers to. 
 
 1. 31. Debebas. See Madv. § 348 e. 
 
 Sororem. His first cousin, Antonia, whom he divorced on the 
 pretext of an intrigue with Dolabella, in order to marry Fulvia, the 
 other < match ' (' conditio ') referred to here. 
 
 74 
 
THE SECOND PHILIPPIC ORATION 
 
 P. 58. 1. 5. In Polabellam. This, at least, is a mere rhetorical licence. 
 Dolabella was notoriously one of the most profligate men of his time. 
 
 1. 7. Tarn spurce, tarn impie, ' with such want of decency and good 
 feeling.' 
 
 1. 8. Quae . . . cognitio ? ' what was the nature of your investigation ? ' 
 The senate liad appointed a committee (• consilium ') to investigate 
 Caesar's papers with the two Consuls on the 1st of June; but Antony 
 submitted the papers to the cognizance of no one but himself ; and when 
 the appointed day arrived, he had surrounded himself with such a force 
 as to bear down all cavil or opposition. 
 
 1. 15. Quas Kalendas, 'what was the aspect of the Kalends you 
 awaited ? ' 
 
 cc. 39, 40. In the spring he made a progress through Campania, 
 which he tried to divide among a party of actors and actresses : just as he 
 had given Leontini to his doctor and his tutor, who alike had failed in 
 doing any good with him : he founded a new colony at Casilinum, in 
 spite of Cicero's remonstrances, on the site of one which then existed ; 
 and then, to crown his sacrilege with robbery, he seized on M. Varrds 
 villa at Casinum, under the pretence that he had purchased it from 
 Caesar, who had really even ordered him to give it up. 
 
 1. 18. Etiam Capuam. Capua had been made a Roman colony by 
 Caesar, who in 59 B.C. settled 20,000 Roman citizens in the 'ager 
 Campanus.' It was therefore illegal (see c. 40, 102) to found a new 
 colony there, and Antony's proceedings would nominally be limited to 
 the reassignment of lots which had reverted to the state by the death or 
 relinquishment of their original holders. He would doubtless in some 
 cases oust existing occupiers, so as to give some ground for the sweeping 
 charge which Cicero brings against him. (See Merivale, 3. p. 61.) 
 
 1. 19. Paene non abieris. The Capuans seem to have ejected the 
 colonists whom Antony tried to force upon them both by force of law 
 and by force of arms. 
 
 1. 20. TJtinam conere, ' I wish you would try to carry out your threats.' 
 
 1. 23. Ilia nostra, ' ours are yet to be told.' 
 
 1. 24. De vectigalibus eximebatur, 1 was struck out of the list of 
 " agri vectigales." ' This was the natural result of the land being taken 
 out of the hands of the subject population, who paid ' decumae ' to the 
 Roman treasury, and divided among colonists, who held it in absolute 
 ownership, subject to no payment of any sort. 
 
 1. 25. Tamen, ' notwithstanding the goodness of the object.' 
 
 1. 26. Hunc. For this redundant use of the demonstrative pronoun, 
 after a long relative clause, see Madv. § 489 a. 
 
 1. 29. Quoniam introduces the reason why he brings in the subject 
 
 75 
 
NOTES 
 
 of Leontini in this connexion. ' And yet the association is natural, 
 since, &c.' 
 
 Arationes. This word is especially applied to the Roman state 
 lands, farmed on the principle of paying tithes to the treasury : cp. Verr. 
 Act. 2. 3. 50, 1 19 ' Arationes et agros vectigales vastasse atque exinanisse.' 
 Among them the lands of Campania and Leontini were pre-eminent in 
 fertility : cp. 8. 8, 26 ' Campanus ager et Leontinus, quae duo maiores 
 nostri annonae perfugia ducebant.' 
 
 1. 30. Grandiferae. Orelli, following one MS. reads 1 grandi fenore,' 
 to avoid a word which seems not to occur again in classical Latin ; but 
 'grandiferae* is not only the reading of the Vatican and other MSS., 
 but is stated by the satirist Marcianus Capella (5. § 511) to have been 
 used by Cicero, while it certainly suits better in combination with 
 * fructuosae. 
 
 1. 31. Quid, si. So the Vatican MS. The others read ' quasi,* but 
 there is more force in the reading of the text, ' He got 3,000 iugera for 
 failing ; what would have been his fee, had he succeeded ? ' 
 
 1. 33. Casilinum, where Caesar had planted another colony of 
 veterans, was on the Volturnus, only three miles west of Capua, and on 
 the site of the modern town of that name. 
 
 P. 59. 1. 2. Tu quidem, 4 your question, it is true, referred to Capua/ 
 
 1. 8. Ut vexillum tolleres, 1 going so far as to display your standard,' 
 using all the formalities customary in taking possession of a military 
 colony. 
 
 1. 11. M. Varronis. This was M. Terentius Varro, 1 vir Romanorum 
 eruditissimus/ as Quintilian (10. 1, 95) terms him. He himself describes 
 the aviary in this villa at Casinum, de Re Rust. 3. 5, 9. He belonged 
 to the Pompeian party. 
 
 1. 13. L. Rubrii . . . L. Turselii. See c. 16, 40 and 41. Cicero 
 appears originally to have written here, * Eodem iure quo Scipionis 
 praedia/ and to have altered it on the suggestion of Atticus, perhaps on 
 the ground that Antony had not acquired Scipio's villa in this way. See 
 Att. 16. 11, 2 and Mr. Watson's note. 
 
 1. 16. Quibus debuisti, sc. for the property of Pompey, which he 
 had bought when it was sold by auction. See c. 26, 64. 
 
 Quibus tu te liberavisti. This, by a play on the word < tabulae,' 
 refers to the forged ' acta Caesaris,' through which Antony had re- 
 plenished his ruined fortunes. 
 
 1. 20. Ipsum enim exspectare. Caesar did not return to Rome till 
 September, and then unexpectedly, in consequence of the disturbances 
 resulting from the quarrels of the tribunes, P. Dolabella and L. Trebellius, 
 so that Cicero's accusation of unnecessary haste is hardly fair. It is 
 however only a rhetorical introduction to the real burden of the charge, 
 
 76 
 
THE SECOND PHILIPPIC ORATION 
 
 consisting in the fact that, so far from sanctioning the sale of Varro's 
 property, Caesar had actually commanded restitution to be made. 
 
 1. 21. Nullius autem salus, &c. And therefore the negative evidence, 
 that no one had heard of it, went far to prove that no such spoliation 
 had taken place. 
 
 1. 24. Remove gladios. See on c. 18, 46. 
 
 1. 25. Aliam eausam esse, &c, i. e. in consenting to ratify the acts 
 of Caesar, we do not sanction every act of your rapacity. 
 
 1. 27. Procurator, an agent, with full powers to act for his absent 
 employer: cp. pro Caec. 20, 31 ' Is qui legitime procurator dicitur, 
 omnium rerum eius, qui in Italia non sit absitve rei publicae causa, 
 quasi quidam paene dominus, hoc est, alieni iuris vicarius.' 
 
 c. 41. In that villa, for?nerly the seat of learned study, he indulged 
 his usual pi'ofligacy , neglecting all the ordinary courtesies expected from 
 a Roman Consul towards his neighbours in the country ; and on his 
 journey back to Rome he treated those who came to greet him with the 
 same disdain. Some, who had adopted Cassius and the Bruti as their 
 patrons, he took upon himself to chide in the most abusive language. 
 
 1. 29. Ab hora tertia. From about 8.30 a.m. ; the usual time for 
 feasts to begin being the ninth hour (cp. Fam. 9. 26, 1 ' Accubueram 
 hora nona; ' and Mart. 4. 8, 6 ' Imperat exstructos frangere nona toros'), 
 or in winter the tenth, to balance the variation of the time. (See Becker's 
 Gallus, p. 456, Eng, Trans.) 
 
 1. 30. Quam dispari domino. A quotation from some tragedy, 
 given more fully in Off. 1. 139 'O domus antiqua, heu quam dispari 
 dominare domino/ The ablative here is probably merely retained from 
 the familiar quotation, without any consideration of its possible de- 
 pendence on ' misera/ 
 
 P. 60. 1. 1. Iura populi Romani, &c. Distinct reference is here 
 made, as Halm points out, to the treatises of Varro de lure Civili, in 
 fifteen books ; de Vita Pop. Rom. in four books ; Annales, in three 
 books ; Antiquitates, in forty-one books ; de Forma Philosophiae ; and 
 his nine books Disciplinarum, 
 
 1. 2. Ratio, &c, * the theory or method of all philosophy and 
 learning. , 
 
 1. 3. Inquilino, * tenant.' So Catiline says, 1 sibi patricio homini 
 perdita republica opus esse, cum earn servaret M. Tullius inquilinus 
 civis urbis Romae ' (Sail. Cat. 31, 7), with reference to Cicero being 
 a native of Arpinum. 
 
 1. 7. lure id quidem, ' so far you did well, not to let provincials see 
 the tarnished glory of the Roman magistracy.' 
 
 1. 12. Sed tamen, * yet they had the excuse of living on his road.' 
 
 77 
 
NOTES 
 
 The Via Latina passed through Aquinum, seven miles from Casinum, 
 whereas it left Anagnia on an eminence slightly to the right. 
 
 I.13. Tamquam si esset, ' as though he had not forfeited the 
 dignity/ 
 
 1. 14. Sed turn nimis, ' all testimony at the time was too unanimous 
 to be discredited.' So Halm in his large edition, following two MSS., 
 for the unintelligible reading of the Vatican MS. * sed cum uinus.' 
 
 1. 15. Praesertim cum, 1 even though.' See on c. 24, 60. 
 
 Duos Anagninos. Cp. Att. 16. 11, 3. 'Anagnini sunt Mustela 
 Tagidpxrjs et Laco, qui plurimum bibit.' It would seem that Cicero had 
 originally omitted the names of these two men, and inserted them in 
 consequence of a criticism from Atticus. 
 
 1. 20. Patronos adoptassent. This was not an uncommon compli- 
 ment for the provincial towns to pay to their benefactors among the 
 Roman citizens. Cp. in Pis. 11, 25 ' Me inaurata statua donarant ; me 
 patronum unum adsciverant.' 
 
 1. 22. Won modOj 1 to say nothin. of being their client.' See Madv. 
 § 461 b, Obs. 3. 
 
 c. 42. Once more in Rome, he made his colleague lay aside his patriotic 
 zeal. And for himself, he outdid all the tyranny of former tyrants ; he 
 took possession of the city by force ; he prevented the senate from assembling 
 by his violence ; and treated laws and wills alike with contempt, destroy- 
 ing the safeguards of the constitution, and robbing the people of the 
 legacies which Caesar had bequeathed to thetnt 
 
 1. 24. Bustum. See 1. 2, 5 note. 
 
 1. 26. Concidisti, 'you collapsed:' cp. 5. 9, 23 'Quo ille nuntio 
 audito, . . repente concidit.' 
 
 Metum. So in 1. 12, 29 he repudiates the notion of Dolabella being 
 actuated by corrupt motives. See note. 
 
 1. 27. De caelo detraxisti. Cp. Att. 14* 18, 1 'Saepius me iam 
 agitas, quod rem gestam Dolabellae nimis in caelum videar efferre ; ' ib. 
 6. 2, 9 1 Salaminii nos in caelum decretis suis sustulerunt.' 
 
 1. 31. Me miner amus . . . videramus. Cicero was about 20 years 
 old when Cinna was in power (87-84 B.C.), but it was during the 
 dictatorship of Sulla (82-79 B « c 0 that he first came forward into public 
 life : cp. 5.- 6, 17 1 Cinnam memini, vidi Sullam, modo Caesarem.' 
 
 1. 33. Wee ita multi, ' and not so very many :' not by way of direct 
 comparison with those of Antony, but absolutely, to show that Caesar 
 had a certain moderation in his lawlessness. 
 
 P. 61. 1. 1. Barbaria, f Asiatic despotism ' (Halm). 
 
 1. 2. Lecticas. Cp. 5. 6, 18 'Lecticae collocabantuf, non quo ille 
 scuta occulta esse vellet, sed ne familiares, si scuta ipsi ferrent, laborarent.' 
 
 78 
 
THE SECOND PHILIPPIC ORATION 
 
 \, 5. At iste, &c. The connexion of the clauses is not very clear ; 
 
 * qui . . . egeret ' is explanatory ; ' statimque . . . effecit 9 answers to 
 
 * neque desideravit quemquam cp. Cat. 2. 13, 28 ' Perficiam . . . ut 
 neque bonus quisquam intereat paucorumque poena vos omnes salvi esse 
 possitis and 1 et . . laetatus est' is parenthetical. ' Yet Antony, stand- 
 ing in no need of a senate, showed no dismay at anybody's absence, 
 being indeed rather rejoiced at our departure, and immediately carried 
 out his marvellous atrocities/ Halm reads 1 sed . . . laetatus est/ but on 
 no authority, and the intervening c et ' perhaps accounts for the unusual 
 combination of * neque . . * que/ See Madv. § 458 c. 
 
 L 10. Numerum annorum. See 1. 8, 19 note, and 5. 3, 7. 
 
 1. 14. Sine promulgatione sustulit, ' he abolished without ever 
 publishing the " abrogatio." ' Cicero complains of the same irregularity 
 in the opposite direction, 1. 10, 25 * illae enim (leges) sine ulla pro- 
 mulgatione latae sunt ante quam scriptae/ 
 
 Alias . . promulgavit. This seems to mean, * to abolish other laws, 
 he published bills to a contrary effect ; 9 as in the case of the 1 indicium/ 
 when Caesar had reduced the * decuriae ' to two, and Antony proposed 
 a law reconstituting a third. The required sense however is hard to 
 extract from the text, unless we suppose some such words as 1 novas 
 leges ' to have dropped out. 
 
 L 16. Obtentum est, 'has always been maintained, even in the interests 
 of the lowest citizens/ Cp. Tusc. 5. 41, 118 ' lex, quae in Graecorum 
 conviviis obtinetur/ 1 Civibus ' is a ' dativus commodi. , 
 
 1. 17. Cum hortis. These were on the Etruscan side of the Tiber 
 (cp. Hor. S. 1. 9, 18 'Trans Tiberim longe cubat is, prope Caesaris 
 .hortos'), below the city, about a mile distant from the Porta Por- 
 tuensis. 
 
 c. 43. And even ih his love for Caesar he was not consistent. He was 
 Caesar s flamen, the minister of the divine honours lately voted to him. 
 Now was the lime for the celebration of his festival, yet Antony was not 
 preparing for the task. To account for this neglect far clearer eloquence 
 was needed than his grandfather s , who however never clothed his 
 thoughts in so thin a disguise as Antony had worn at the Lupercalia. 
 
 1. 21. Pulvinar, &c, * a couch to support his image at the " lectister- 
 nium," an image to adorn his temple, a temple with a pediment, 
 a special priest to do him service/ Cp. Flor. 4. 2 ' Non ingratis civibus, 
 omnes unum in principem congesti honores ; circa templa imagines ; in 
 theatro distincta radiis corona ; suggestus in curia ; fastigium in domo ; 
 mensis in caelo/ 
 
 Simulacrum is generally, like 'signum/ the statue of a god, but not 
 universally: see Verr. Act. 2. 2. 65, 159 1 Forsitan vix convenire 
 
 79 
 
NOTES 
 
 videretur, qnem ipsum hominem cuperent (Rhodii) evertere, eius fsc. 
 Mithridatis) effigiem simulacrnmque servare.' 
 
 1. 22. Ut Iovi, &c. The Flamines of these three gods were always 
 patricians, and were called £ flamines maiores.' Hence the bathos of the 
 descent, from Jupiter to Caesar, from the flamen Dialis to Antony. 
 Antony had sought and obtained this office of flamen during Caesar's 
 life, but had not been consecrated, and after Caesar's death had shrunk 
 from it. 
 
 1. 26. Mortui. See on 1. 6, 13. 
 
 1. 27. In Cireo. The 'Ludi Romani in Circo ' appear to have been 
 a continuation, after two days' interval, of the ' Ludi Magni : ' these 
 latter lasting from the 4th to the 12th of September, the former generally 
 from the 15th to the 18th, but this year, in honour of Caesar, was added 
 the 19th, on which day Cicero represents himself as speaking. 
 
 I.31. Supplicationes, &c, 'were you so inconsistent, that, while 
 permitting the profanation of the supplications, by allowing one in honour 
 of a dead man, you respected the " lectisternium " too much to allow 
 a mortal to encroach upon it ? ' The clause ' supplicationes . . . passus 
 es,' though grammatically parallel to ' pulvinaria . . , noluisti,' is really 
 subordinate. This arrangement, called by the grammarians ' parataxis,' 
 is common in Greek. See Dissen on Dem. Cor. p. 281, 7 cli<xxp° v cvtiv, 
 qj dvdp€s 'AOrjvaioi, el €70; pXv ra epya virijj,€iva 9 vjjLCis de firjde tovs \6yovs 
 avigeoOe ; and cp. Cic. Tusc. 5. 32, 90 ' An Scythes Anacharsis potuit pro 
 nihilo pecuniam ducere, nostrates philosophi facere non potuerunt ? ' 
 
 P. 62. 1. 6. Apertiorem in dicendo, c you showed less reserve.' 
 Cicero plays on the double meaning of ' apertus,' referring to Antony's 
 naked harangue at the Lupercalia (see c. 34, 86), and to his openness of 
 speech. Cp. pro Mur. 25, 51 ' Ille, ut semper fuit, apertissimus, non se 
 purgavit, sed indicavit atque induit.' 
 
 1. 8. Hiscere, 4 to open your mouth at all/ Cp. Liv. 6. 16 'Nec 
 adversus dictatoriam vim aut tribuni plebis aut ipsa plebs adtollere 
 oculos aut hiscere audebant.' 
 
 c. 44. Even while Cicero was speaking, Antony was acting uncon- 
 stitutionally in blockading the senate with a mercenary force. At the 
 best, it was mistaken policy, since love, not terror, was the best pro- 
 tection for a Roman magistrate ; and if he tised a tyranfs arms, Romans 
 ivould never forget, and never shrink jrom following the glorious examples 
 of those who, in the spirit of their ancestors, asserted with the sword the 
 sacred cause of liberty. 
 
 L 13. Cur armatorum, &c. See on c. 18, 46. 
 
 1. 16. Ityraeos. See on c. 8, 19. 
 
 1. 19. Sed nullum, &c. Cp. 1. 14, 33; and Off. 2. 7, 25 'Nec vero 
 80 
 
THE SECOND PHILIPPIC ORATION 
 
 ulla vis imperii tanta est, quae premente metu possit esse diuturna ; ' 
 Pliny Pan. 49, 3 ' Frustra se terrore succinxerit, qui septus caritate non 
 fuerit : armis enim arma irritantur/ 
 
 1. 21. Salvis nobis, ' before we are utterly destroyed/ 
 1. 24. Minime avara coniunx, 'most liberal of wives/ She had 
 sacrificed two husbands to the Roman people already — P. Clodius and 
 C. Curio ; — the third and last instalment of her debt was overdue. 
 * Pensio ' is the technical word for instalments to be paid at regular 
 intervals, and is especially applied to the restitution of the dowry of 
 a divorced wife by her husband, which he was required to make in three 
 annual payments. 
 
 Sine eontumelia. See on c. 12, 30. 
 
 1. 26. Ad quos, sc. Brutus and Cassius, and the other conspirators. 
 
 1. 28. Ipsa respublica. Cp. Thuc. 7. 77, 7 ^vhpes yap ttoXls koX ov 
 T€txv ovd^ vrjes avhpwv Ktvai. 
 
 1. 29. Wondum recuperavit, having merely exchanged the yoke of 
 Caesar for that of Antony. 
 
 1. 30. Adolescentes. Brutus and Cassius were both upwards of 
 40 years old, Brutus having been born in 85 B.C., and Cassius having 
 been quaestor, and therefore at least 32, in 53 B. c. See on c. 21, 52. 
 
 1. 31. Quam volent illi cedant, ' let them retire as far as they will,' 
 'however far they shall retire/ Cp. de Div. 1. 26, 56 * Quam vellet 
 cunctaretur, tamen eodem sibi leto, quo ipse interisset, esse pereundum/ 
 This transitional usage, in which the verb, though still conjugated, has 
 yet nearly the same force as the conjunction ' quamvis/ illustrates both 
 the original meaning of that conjunction, 1 in whatever degree/ 'however 
 much/ and also the reason of its ordinary construction with the sub- 
 junctive. Similarly we find 1 licebit ' with nearly the force of ' licet * in 
 its conjunctional use, in Hor. Epod. 15, 19 ' Sis pecore et multa dives 
 tellure licebit/ ' you may be rich, for aught I care ; ' and Ov. Trist. 5. 
 14, 3 ' Detrahat auctori multum fortuna licebit/ 
 
 1. 33. Inter pacem, &c. Cp. Livy 10. 17 * Petisse pacem (Samnites) 
 a populo Romano, cum bellum tolerare non possent : rebellasse, quod 
 pax servientibus gravior, quam liberis bellum, esset/ 
 
 P. 63. 1. 7. Sp. Cassius, Sp. Maelius. See on c. it, 26. 
 
 M. Manlius. See on 1. 13, 32. 
 
 1. 8. Primum. So Halm, following the Vatican MS., for 'primi/ 
 He compares 9. 6, 13 1 Statua . . . qualis L. Sullae primum statuta est ;' 
 and Cat. 3. 6, 15 ' Quod mihi primum . . . togato contigit/ 
 
 1. 13. Etsi enim satis, &c. Cp. pro Mil. 35, 97 ' Addit haec . . . 
 fortes et sapientes viros non tarn praemia sequi solere recte factorum, 
 quam ipsa recte facta . . . scd tamen ex omnibus praemiis virtutis, si 
 esset habenda ratio praemiorum, amplissimum esse praemium gloriam/ 
 
 G 81 
 
 > 
 
NOTES 
 
 co. 45, 46. Finally, Cicero adjures him to return to better counsels, 
 as the safest policy. Caesar was in every way a nobler man than Antony, 
 his friends were personally devoted to him ; yet he fell by the hands of 
 those very friends, because he placed himself before the laws. Antony 
 should take warning by his fate ; his armed adherents would not long be 
 faithful to him ; the example of tyrannicide was fresh among the citizens ; 
 and Cicero himself would rather die to free the state from slavery than 
 live when life had lost the sweetness which is only found in liberty. 
 
 1. 16. Igitur, as with your present counsels you cannot long be safe. 
 
 Dictaturam sustulisti. See 1. 2, 4 note. 
 
 1. 18. Cum hac immani nundinatione. So Halm from the unin- 
 telligible reading of the Vatican MS., ' cum hac immanum latione.' 
 Cp. c. 14, 35. Kayser adopts a conjecture of Jeep's : ' Cum hac immani 
 mutatione.' The other MSS. have f Cum numatione.' 
 
 1. 31. Quosdam. Notably C. Trebonius and L. Tillius Cimber ; see 
 c. 11, 27. M. Brutus and C. Cassius were bound to Caesar by the same 
 obligation as Cicero to Antony, that he had spared their lives. 
 
 1. 33. Ingenium, ratio, * genius and method.' 
 
 Memoria. Abrarai compares pro Deiot. 15, 42 ' Memoriam tuam 
 implorat, qua vales plurimum.' 
 
 Litterae. Besides his histories, Caesar was famous as an orator. 
 See Cic. Brut. 72, 252 ; Quint. 10. 1, 114 'C. Caesar si foro tantum 
 vacasset, non alius ex nostris contra Ciceronem nominaretur ; ' Tac. Ann. 
 I 3- 3 ' Caesar summis oratoribus aemulus ; 5 and he also wrote works on 
 the Latin language (de Analogia), on the movements of the stars, and 
 on the auspices. 
 
 P. 64. 1. 4. Muneribus, sc. gladiatoriis. Especially a very 
 splendid show on the occasion of his daughter's death ; Suet. Jul. 26 ; 
 cp. ib. 39. 
 
 Monumentis. The chief public buildings of Caesar were the Forum 
 lulium, to the north of the Forum Romanum, enclosing a temple of 
 Venus Genitrix (Pliny N. H. 35. 12, 45) ; the Basilica Iulia (completed 
 by Augustus), whose area, paved with precious marbles, has of late 
 years been uncovered, on the south side of the Forum Romanum ; and 
 the Circus Maximus, which he extended to the dimensions of three stadia 
 in length, and one in breadth, and completed with great magnificence 
 (ib. 36. 15, 102). 
 
 Congiariis. The * congius ' being a liquid measure (holding about 
 three quarts), 1 congiaria ' were strictly largesses of wine or oil, but the 
 word was afterwards applied to presents of money : cp. Suet. Tib. 20 
 ' Populo congiarium trecenos nummos viritim dedit.' Though generally 
 used of presents to the people (id. Ner. 7 ' Populo congiarium, militi 
 donativum proposnit '), yet Cicero applies it to a largess offered by 
 
 82 
 
THE SECOND PHILIPPIC ORATION 
 
 Antony to the legions from Macedonia (Att. 16. 8, 2 'Congiarium ab 
 Antonio accipere noluerunt '). 
 
 1. 10. Inusta, ' whose brand he has indelibly impressed upon the 
 state.' The term appears to combine the two notions of compulsory 
 infliction, and indelible impression. So Cat. 1.6, 13 'Quae nota domes- 
 ticae turpitudinis non inusta vitae tuae est ? ' 
 
 1. 12. A quibus caveret, 'against whom it should be on its 
 guard.' 
 
 1. 18. Respice, &c. The Vatican reading is ' Respice quaeso ali 
 quibus/ &c, with a small lacuna after 'ali,' too small, apparently, 
 to leave room for the words in brackets, which are found in the other 
 MSS. 
 
 I.19. Mecum, uti voles, sc. 'be reconciled to me ('in gratiam 
 redibis ') or not as you will.' Abrami compares Livy 8. 35 ' Mecum, 
 ut voles, reverteris in gratiam.' The use of the future, where we less 
 accurately use the present, is to be noticed, cp. c. 44, 113' quam volent 
 illi cedant.' 
 
 1. 24. Repraesentari, 'be presently secured.' Cp. Fam. 5. 16, 6 
 1 Neque exspectare temporis medicinam, quam repraesentare ration e 
 possimus.' 
 
 1. 26. Abhine annos viginti. ' Abhinc ' is used both with the 
 accusative and ablative, according to Hand (Tuisell. 1. 64), with no 
 difference of meaning; but the double use in Cic. pro Rose. Com. 13, 37 
 'abhinc annis xv.,' in the oratio obliqua, and in the next line 'repromittis 
 abhinc triennium Roscio,' in the oratio recta, seems to favour the 
 distinction drawn by Mr. Mayor, that with the accusative it means 
 ' before this time,' with the ablative ' before that time.' Cp. Verr. Act. 
 2. 2. 52, 130 ' Herodotus ... offendit eum mensem qui consequitur 
 mensem comitialem, comitiis iam abhinc diebus triginta factis.' 
 
 1. 30. Quas adeptus sum, &c, ' after the honours which I have 
 attained, and the exploits which I have achieved/ The words in 
 italics Halm thinks of very doubtful genuineness, both from their being 
 added in the Vatican MS. by a later hand, and from the internal evidence 
 of the singular expression ' res adeptus sum,' and the unclassical ring of 
 'duo modo haec opto/ 
 
 1. 33. Cuique . . . quisque. Cp., for the double 'quisque,' 3. 10, 24 
 'Ut, quae cuique apta esset, ea cuique obveniret.' 
 
 83 
 
NOTES 
 
 THE THIRD PHILIPPIC ORATION 
 
 c. 1. Cicero urges on the senate that they should take instant action, 
 instead of needlessly waiting for the ist of January ; a dangerous delay, 
 when so unswupulous an enemy was already actively engaged against 
 the state. 
 
 P. 68. 1. i. Serius omnino, &c. In 5. II, 30 Cicero says that he 
 began to press for the meeting of the senate ' ut primum post discessum 
 latronis vel potius desperatam fugam libere haberi potuit.' Antony, 
 however, had left the city on the 28th of November, and Cicero did not 
 return to it till the 9th of December. The senate was summoned by the 
 tribunes of the commons, who entered on office on the ioth,for the 20th 
 of the same month, on which day Cicero delivered this oration. 
 
 1. 7. In provinciam D. Bruti, sc. Cisalpine Gaul. See Introduc- 
 tion. 
 
 1. 13. Si nihil. So Halm, from the Vatican reading, 'nihil.' Vulg. 
 ' nisi.' The sentiment seems to be borrowed from Dem. Phil. 1. p. 50, 
 24 tqv yap rod irparTeu/ ypovov els to irapaa Ktva^eadai dvaKia/cofiev, ol 
 5e Tcbv it pay par ojv ov p.kvova Katpoi rty rjjxerepav (3pabvT7jra fcal etpajve'iav. 
 
 1. 14. Sacrificiis is Halm's emendation for the Vatican reading, 
 ' sacrificii sic consiliis.' The other MSS. have ' sacrificii sic consilii.' 
 
 1. 17. Fugit. Cp. 5. II, 30, quoted above on § 1. 
 
 1. 20. Consules designatos. Aulus Hirtius and C. Vibius Pansa, 
 who were to enter office on the ist of January 43 B.C. 
 
 cc. 2, 3. C. Caesar, on his own responsibility, and at his own 
 expense, had saved the state, by gaining over the legions at Brundisium, 
 which Antony had hoped to have as instruments of his cruelty, that he 
 might overwhehn the citizens of Rome, as he had murdered the centurions 
 at Brundisium. To C. Caesar therefore, and the soldiers who had shown 
 their patriotism by deserting Antony, thanks, honours, and the confirma- 
 tion of their deeds were due from the senate. 
 
 P. 69. 1. 5. Quo enim usque. For the division of the adverb, cp- 
 Mart. 2. 64, 9 4 Eia age, rumpe moras, quo te sperabimus usque ?' 
 
 1. 6. Privatis consiliis, by the irregular proceedings of Octavianus, 
 which he goes on to describe, and the unauthorized resistance of Dec. 
 Brutus (see c. 4, 8) ; for both of which thanks are proposed by Cicero 
 in the formal vote which closes this oration. 
 
 1. 7. Adolescens. Octavianus was at this time eighteen years 
 of age. 
 
 1. 11. !N"e optantibus quidem. The Vatican MS. reads ' nec optan- 
 tibus quidem;' but Madvig (on Cic. Fin. Excursus 3. p. 822 foil.) shows 
 
 84 
 
THE THIRD PHILIPPIC ORATION 
 
 that the expression ' ne . . . quidem ' in writers of this age never absorbs 
 into itself the copulative conjunction. 
 
 L 13. Patrimonium . . . effudit. Octavianus expended, or rather 
 invested, ' collocavit,' his private means in giving the veterans 500 
 denarii apiece. Cp. Att. 16. 8, 1 ' Veteranos, quiqui Casilini et Cala- 
 tiae sunt, perduxit ad suam sententiam. Nec mirum : quingenos 
 denarios dat.' 
 
 1. 19. Si M. Antonius, &c. Cp. Fam. 10. 28, 3 f Certnm habeto, 
 nisi ille ' (sc. puer Caesar) * veteranos celeriter conscripsisset legionesque 
 duae de exercitu Antonii ad eius se auctoritatem contulissent, atque is 
 oppositus esset terror Antonio, nihil Antonium sceleris nihil crudelitatis 
 praeteriturum fuisse.' 
 
 1. 23. Fortissimos viros. 'Martiae legionis centuriones' 13. 8, 18. 
 The massacre however was not confined to the centurions, unless 
 Cicero in c. 4, 10 of this oration exaggerates the number (' Brundisii ad 
 trecentos fortissimos viros civesque optimos trucidavit'), as there were 
 only 60 centurions to a legion. Cp. also 5. 8, 22. 
 
 1. 25. Bonis omnibus. So the Vatican MS. Halm, following an 
 early conjecture, reads f nobis,' as agreeing better with the context. The 
 other MSS. have ' bonis hominibus.' 
 
 1. 28. Privato consilio, ' on his own responsibility.' 
 
 1. 29. Caesar. So henceforward Cicero designates Octavianus. 
 
 P. 70. 1. 3. Vt rem publicam, &c, ' that he may assume the 
 defence of the state, not merely as an office voluntarily taken on himself, 
 but as a charge entrusted to him by the senate.' 
 
 1. 12. Consedit Albae, at Alba Longa, on the east shore of the 
 Alban Lake, and only fourteen miles from Rome. It was the news of 
 this occupation of Alba that had induced Antony hurriedly to leave the 
 city (see on c. 1, 1). When he found that he could not shake the 
 resolution of the Martian legion, he retired to Tibur, and thence pro- 
 ceeded towards Cisalpine Gaul. 
 
 1. 14. Fortium . . . amicorum. This is the reading of the Vatican 
 MS., defended (though not adopted) by Wernsdorf, who shows that 
 Cicero's meaning probably is 1 what city that contains either brave men 
 or friendly citizens could have been found either more convenient or 
 more to be depended on?' Bravery and good feeling towards Rome 
 were necessary conditions in the citizens of the place which they should 
 occupy ; — of the cities which exhibited these the veterans might choose 
 the most convenient. Halm adopts the reading of the Junta edition 
 (15 15), which is slightly altered from the other MSS., 'aut fortiorum 
 virorum aut amiciorum.' This however has evidently arisen from not 
 distinguishing the independence of the two pairs of 1 aut . . . aut.' 
 
 1. 16. Civi. So the Vatican MS. here, and 5. 19, 52, and the other 
 
 85 
 
NOTES 
 
 MSS. in c. 15, 39. Priscian, 7. 13, 68, brings several passages (e.g. pro 
 Sest. 12, 12 * quod ausus esset pro civi, pro bene merito civi ') to prove 
 that this form of the ablative is used by Cicero. 
 
 1. 17. Persecuta est, ' attached itself to the army under C. Caesar's 
 command.' 
 
 1. 18. Ea . . . haec. For this redundant use of 'haec,' to recall 
 emphatically to mind the subject which had been separated from its verb 
 by an intervening relative clause, cp. 7. 5, 15 ' cogitatis eum, qui Mutinam, 
 coloniam populi Romani firmissimam, oppugnarit . . . hunc in eum 
 ordinem recipi ;' and contrariwise de Orat. 2, 28, 125 1 haec ipsa, quae 
 nunc ad me delegare vis, ea semper in te eximia fuerunt.' See Madv. 9 a. 
 
 c. 4. More recently Decimus Brutus, following the exa?nple of his 
 ancestor, who drove out a king for merely being proud, had published an 
 edict, maintaining the liberty and authority of the state, menaced now 
 by Antony, who in wickedness, arbitrary self assumption, and contempt 
 of all religion, in meanness, cruelty, and disloyalty, went beyond the 
 worst that any man had ventured to assert of Tarquin. 
 
 1. 32. Edictum D. Bruti. Cicero tells Decimus Brutus himself 
 (Fam. 11. 6, 2) that the sight of this edict was what induced him to 
 come into the senate on the day when this oration was delivered : ' Nefas 
 esse duxi aut ita haberi senatum, ut de tuis divinis in rempublicam 
 meritis sileretur — quod factum esset, nisi ego venissem — aut, etiam si 
 quid de te honorifice diceretur, me non adesse.' 
 
 P. 71. 1. 1. In potestate. So Halm, following the Vatican MS. 
 Orelli, from the other MSS., reads ' in potestatem, 5 a construction which 
 is found after 'esse' and ' habere' in a few legal and political expressions : 
 cp. Div. in Q. Caec. 20, 66 ' quae in amicitiam populi Romani dicionem- 
 que essent.' See Madv., § 230, Obs. 2. 
 
 1. 3. Imitatorem maiorum. See 1. 6, 13 note. 
 
 Neque enim Tarquinio, &c, 'nor indeed was the desire of our 
 ancestors to gain liberty on the expulsion of Tarquinius so great as 
 should be our desire to retain it by throwing off the yoke of Antony.' 
 
 1. 8. Won crudelis. Yet cp. Livy 1. 49 ' Metu regnum tutandum 
 esset : quern ut pluribus incuteret . . . occidere, in exsilium agere, bonis 
 multare poterat non suspectos modo aut invisos, sed unde nihil aliud 
 quam praedam sperare posset.' 
 
 1. 12. Sceleratum atque impium regnare, 'to play the part of a 
 king both impious and wicked.' 
 
 1. 15. Barbari armati. See 2. 8, 19 note. 
 
 1. 18. Collega una ferente, 'proposing them in conjunction with 
 Dolabella, whose election he had nullified.' See on 2. 33, 82. 
 
 1. 19. Tarn insignite impudens, 'so egregiously devoid of shame.' 
 
 86 
 
THE THIRD PHILIPPIC ORATION 
 
 1. 21. Immunitatem. See on I. I, 3. 
 
 1. 23. Nihil humile, &c. Of the value of such commendation from 
 the mouth of Cicero we may judge from a comparison of 1. 13, 33, 
 where he uses exactly the same expressions of Antony : ' nihil umquam 
 in te sordidum, nihil humile cognovit 
 
 1. 24. Inter quasilla. 'Domesticis nundinis,' 2. 36, 92 ; 'in gynaecio,' 
 37> 95« 'Quasillum' (whence the contracted form ' qualum ') is 
 especially used of women's spinning baskets ; cp. Prop. 5. 7, 41 ' Et 
 graviora rependit iniquis pensa quasillis.' 
 
 1. 28. Suessae. Cp. 4. 2,4; 13.8, 18. This massacre seems to 
 have taken place when Antony was on his way to Brundisium. 
 
 1. 29. Ad trecentos. See on c. 2, 4. 
 
 1. 30. Pro populo Romano. Against the Rutulians of Ardea. 
 Livy 1. 57. 
 
 P. 72. 1. 1. Vota nuncupavit, 'uttered solemn vows.' 'Vota 
 nuncupata' were those which Consuls and praetors made in solemn 
 form, on their departure for their provinces ; and they were generally 
 registered in the presence of many witnesses. Cp. Livy 41. 10 ' Cum 
 consul more maiorum, secundum vota in Capitolio nuncupata, paludatus 
 profectus ab Urbe esset.' 
 
 1. 2. Quae numquam solveret, 'which he was never doomed to 
 pay;' i.e. Cicero expresses his belief that Antony's prayers would not 
 be granted, and that so he would not be obliged to pay his vows ; as in 
 the case of Pallas, ' nil iam caelestibus ullis debentem ' Virg. Aen. 11. 51. 
 
 In provinciam . . . invadere, 'to usurp by force.' Cp. 11. 2, 4 
 ' In Galliam invasit Antonius, in Asiam Dolabella, in alienam uterque 
 provinciam/ 
 
 c. 5. It zvas true that he was no?ninally Consul, but on this score he 
 had forfeited all right, by offering to become the slave of Caesar, in the 
 hope that he might one day emulate his despotism. Therefore the senate 
 ought to honour Brutus for resisting him, and with Brutus all Cisalpine 
 Gaul, which had come forward with the utmost unanimity to defend the 
 authority of that senate, which had now met to take measures for its own 
 protection. 
 
 1. 7. Intolerabilis. So Halm, from almost all the MSS. 'Servitus' 
 is easily supplied from the preceding clause. Vulg. ' intolerabile.' 
 1. 9. Privato consilio. Cp. c. 1, 3 note. 
 1. 13. Lupercalia. See 2. 34, 84 note. 
 
 1. 15. Id egit ut imponeret, ' used every effort to crown his colleague.' 
 So 2. 34, 85 1 imponebas,' 'again and again you tried to crown him.' 
 
 1. 23. Ille rlos Italiae. For this attraction of the demonstrative 
 out of the gender of the noun which it represents into that of the predicate 
 
 87 
 
NOTES 
 
 cp. Virg. Aen. 7, 4 1 si qua est ea gloria ib. 10. 828 1 si qua est ea cura/ 
 A similar usage is also found in Greek, as Aesch. Prom. 754 clvtt) yap 
 (sc. to davuv) r\v av tttj/xcltcuv anaWayr]. See Madv. § 313 ; and Riddell 
 on Plat. Apol. p. 195. 
 
 1. 25. Municipiorum coloniarumque. By the 'Lex Iulia,' passed 
 in the consulship of L. Iulius Caesar, 90 B.C., all the allied towns in 
 Italy and Gallia Cispadana received the Roman i ci vitas,' and became 
 ' municipia.' In 49 B.C. the dictator Caesar extended this privilege to 
 the ' transpadani/ so that it is not easy to see what distinction is here 
 implied between ' municipia' and 'coloniae.' Most probably by 'coloniae' 
 he means to distinguish those cities which were ' coloniae ' before they 
 became ' municipia,' and which perhaps retained a larger share of local 
 self-government than the older 'municipia' possessed, as in the oration 
 pro Sest. 14, 32, he preserves the old distinctions : ' nullum erat Italiae 
 municipium, nulla colonia, nulla praefectura, . . . quod non turn honori- 
 hcentissime de mea salute decrevisset.' Cp. Phil. 4. 3, 7 ' municipia, 
 colonias, praefecturas,' and 2. 24, 58. So a ' Lex Municipalis ' found 
 near Heraclea, probably of the year 45 B. C., contains provisions for the 
 constitutions of the various ' municipia, coloniae, praefecturae, fora, con- 
 ciliabula civium Romanorum.' In Phil. 13. 8, 18 he clearly marks the 
 change which the Lex Iulia had made in the status of ' coloniae.' For 
 the whole subject see Mr. Watson's 'Letters of Cicero,' Append, xii. 
 
 1. 30. Rettulistis, ' brought forward a motion.' See on 1. 1, 2. 
 
 cc. 6, 7. The honours paid to Brutus and to Gaul would render it 
 imperative to treat Antony as a ptiblic enemy , since otherwise they must 
 be 7'ebels against the highest lawfully constituted authority. But he had 
 further shown himself unworthy of his office, by the insulting language 
 of his edicts, in which he found fault with C. Caesar for profligacy 
 peculiar to himself ; and reproached him with an origin which many 
 noble senators were proud to claim, and which at least was not inferior 
 to his oivn. He had even gone out of his way to accuse Cicero s nephew 
 of having meditated parricide, not seeing that his abuse is really praise, 
 just as in his attacks on Cicero himself he never knezv whether he was 
 eulogizing or injuring him. 
 
 P. 73. 1. 8. Fustuarium, 'cudgelling to death,' a military punish- 
 ment described by Polybius, 6. 35. It was the punishment for deserters, 
 cp. Livy 5.6' Fustuarium meretur, qui signa relinquit, aut praesidio 
 recedit.' It must be distinguished both from the 'flagellatio servorum,' 
 and the lighter ' fustium animadversio ' to which free civilians were 
 liable. 
 
 1. 13. Persequantur. So Halm, from the Vatican MS. for the 
 ordinary reading ' persequuntur.' The subjunctive seems to be required, 
 88 
 
THE THIRD PHILIPPIC ORATION 
 
 as conveying the description of the men who were considered patriots. 
 i When, if any men pursue him under arms, they are thought to be the 
 saviours of their country.' 
 
 1. 20. Qui male dicit. So Halm, from the original reading of the 
 Vatican MS., ' qui maledict.' A corrected reading, followed by the 
 other MS., is ' maledico.' 
 
 1. 21. Natura pater. Cp. Verr. Act. 2. 3. 69, 162 'Si est tuus 
 natura films/ C. Octavius, the father of Octavianus, died when he was 
 only four years old, 58 B. c. He was praetor 61 B. C, which itself secured 
 Octavianus from the reproach of ' ignobilitas,' even if he could not 
 claim to inherit the honours of his adoptive father, all being 'nobiles,' 
 by any of whose ancestors any curule magistracy had been held. C. 
 Octavius had just returned to Rome before his death, to be a candidate 
 for the consulship. 
 
 1. 22. Aricina mater, of Aricia, a Latin town, only 16 miles from 
 Rome (cp. Hor. S. 1. 5, 1 ; Juv. 4. 117), which had gained the full 
 Roman franchise so early as 340 B.C., at the close of the great Latin 
 war ; and was therefore not deserving of such contemptuous mention, as 
 though it had been a barbarous Asiatic town, like Ephesus or Tralles. 
 
 1. 23. Omnes qui sumus : Cicero himself being but a ' municipalis' 
 of Arpinum. 
 
 1. 24. Quotus quisque, 'one in every how many?' and so 'how few 
 among the whole of us can boast a different origin?' 
 
 1. 26. lure foederatum, ' whose privileges are secured by treaty, 
 not merely granted as favours.' 
 
 1. 28. Hiuc Voconiae nine Atiniae leges. These laws are men- 
 tioned together also in Verr. Act. 1. 42, 109. The ' Lex Voconia de 
 Hereditatibus ' was proposed by Q. Voconius Saxa, 169 B.C. Its 
 principal provision was 'ne quis heredem mulierem institueret : ' Livv 
 Epit. 41. There were two 'Leges Atiniae,' one ' de rebus furtivis,' 
 passed in 197 B.C., the other probably about 130 B.C., giving senatorial 
 rank to the tribunes of the commons. It is only from this passage 
 that we know that the proposers of any of these laws were natives 
 of Aricia. 
 
 1. 31. Tusculanam. M. Fulvius Bambalio (see on 2. 36, 90) being 
 apparently a Tusculan. 
 
 1. 33. Praetorius. He was praetor in 62 B.C., and obtained the 
 province of Sardinia. 
 
 P. 74. 1. 2. Homo nullo numero. See on 2. 29, 71. 
 
 1. 4. Tuditanus. Of Tuditanus we know only what is mentioned in 
 the text. He is quoted by Val. Max. (7. 8, 1) as a notorious madman, 
 but he grounds the fact of his madness on the same story. 
 
 1. 5. Cum palla et cothurnis, ' in full tragic costume.' 
 
 89 
 
NOTES 
 
 1. 8. Iulia natus. So the Vatican MS., though 'natus' nowhere 
 else seems to be used in the sense of 'prognatus.' Hence we have 
 various conjectures : ' Iuliae filia natus/ * Iuliae nepos/ ' Iuliae nata,' &c. 
 The other MSS. have * Aricina/ which is inappropriate, as the point of 
 Cicero's argument is that Octavianus only shared with Antony the 
 honour of being sprung from a Julia. 
 
 1. 1 1 . Numitoria was the first wife of M. Antonius Creticus. Her 
 father, Q. Numitorius Pullus, betrayed his native town to the Romans 
 under L. Opimius, 125 B.C. 
 
 1. 12. Ex libertini filia, Fadia. See 2. 2, 3 note. 
 
 1. 13. L. Philippus married Atia herself, after the death of 
 C. Octavius. 
 
 1. 14. C. Mareellus married her daughter Octavia, afterwards the 
 wife of Antony himself. 
 
 1. 16. Compellat, Abuses;' cp. Att. 2. 2, 3 'Nigidium minari in 
 contione se iudicem compellaturum esse.' 
 
 1. 21. Hunc de patris, &c. By betraying to Caesar their intention 
 of leaving Italy, 49 B.C. Cicero himself laments over the same story 
 of his nephew in a letter to Atticus (10. 4, 6), and though he afterwards 
 had reason to believe the story false {ib. 7, 4), yet even then he charges 
 his nephew with excessive avarice, and a little later with arrogance and 
 insolence ; while two years afterwards (47 B. c.) he tells Atticus that he 
 has heard that the young man had been expressing himself in madly 
 hostile terms against him (Att. 11. 10, 1). 
 
 1. 27. Laedat an laudet, 1 whether he is tending to my hurt or to 
 my praise.' The antithesis, as explained in the concluding sentence 
 of the chapter, is less direct than the similarity of sound would lead 
 one to expect, especially as ' laedo ' is sometimes used as the contrary 
 of 'laudo,' in the sense of 'to upbraid;' cp. pro Font. 15, 35 'cum 
 laedat nemo bonus, laudent omnes vestri cives atque socii.' 
 
 1. 30. Refricat, ' excites afresh ; ' the metaphor being taken from 
 chafing an old wound; cp. de Leg. Agr. 3. 2, 4 'Refricare obductam 
 reipublicae cicatricem.' The allusion is to the suppression of Catiline's 
 conspiracy. 
 
 c. 8. With similar inconsistency he issued a proclamation, aimed 
 especially at Cicero, requiring all senators, under pain of being held 
 guilty of treason, to attend a meeting on the 24M of November, and 
 when the day came, he was himself absent at a disorderly feast. And 
 on the 28th, when he once more convened the senate, expressly to impea 
 C. Caesar, he dared not carry out his shameful project, even though by 
 dropping it he convicted himself. 
 
 1. 32. Posuisset. I have restored the reading of all the MSS. here, 
 
 90 
 
THE THIRD PHILIPPIC ORATION 
 
 because although ' proponere 1 would be more in accordance with usage, 
 yet there is sufficient authority for this use of 'ponere' in such expressions 
 as 'tabulas in publico ponere' (pro Flacc. 9, 21). 
 
 P. 75. 1. 5. Quae pertineant, 1 such as relate to the recovery of our 
 liberty.' So Halm, from the corrupt Vatican reading ' pertitnenat.' 
 Vulg. 'pertinent'; but it is not individual counsels, but the kind of 
 counsel, that Cicero is specifying. 
 
 L 8. Currentem incitavi, 1 1 spurred the willing horse.' In Fam. 
 
 12. 23, 2 Cicero speaks of the alleged attempt on Antony's life as one 
 which ' prudentes viri et credunt factum et probant.' 
 
 1. 10. Eo. See on 2. 22, 53. 
 
 Optimi cuiusque. See on 1. 12, 29. 
 
 1. 14. Retentus. Sc. 'non admit.' Some MSS. unnecessarily add 
 ' est.' 
 
 1. 15. Diem obire. As we say, 'to meet his engagement.' Cp. Att. 
 
 13. 14, 1 'Obire auctionis diem facile potuerunt.' 
 
 In ante diem. The expression 'ante diem quartum Kalendas ' (itself 
 attracted from the proper construction ' die quarto ante Kalendas ') came 
 to be looked on so completely as a single term, as to be combined with 
 other prepositions. Cp. Att. 3. 17, 1 'Nec varii (nuntii) venerant ex 
 ante diem Non. Iun. usque ad prid. Kal. Sext. ;' Livy 43. 16 'In ante 
 dies octavum et septimum Kal. Oct.' The expression can even be used 
 as the predicate of a sentence, Cic. Cat. 1. 3, 7 'Qui dies futurus esset 
 ante diem sextum Kal. Nov.' See Hand's Tursellinus, 1. 378 foil. 
 
 1. 17. Gallorum cuniculum. Cp. pro Caec. 30, 88 'Non eos in 
 cuniculum, qua aggressi erant, sed in Capitolium restitui oporteret.' 
 The account given by Livy of the attempt upon the Capitol by the 
 Gauls not only makes no mention of any mine, but is incompatible with 
 the idea of one. See Livy 5. 47. 
 
 L 23. Scriptam. See on 1. 1, 3. 
 
 1. 24. Quid est aliud . . . iudicare. In most MSS. the words ' nisi 
 se ipsum hostem iudicare' immediately follow 'quid est aliud,' but the 
 order in the text is not only that of the Vatican MS., but also that most 
 in accordance with Cicero's usage. Cp. Cat. Ma. 2, 5 'Quid est enim 
 aliud Gigantum modo bellare cum dis nisi naturae repugnare?* 
 
 1. 28. Referat, 'why was he to make no proposal?' So the Vatican 
 MS. Halm 'referebat;' vulg. ' refert.' For the use of the subjunctive, 
 see Madv. § 353. 
 
 1. 29. A senatu. This rare construction with the gerundive, showing 
 that it had come to be looked upon as a passive form, seems mainly to 
 occur when there is already a dative depending on it in another relation. 
 Cp. de Imp. Cn. Pomp. 2, 6 1 Quibus est a vobis consulendum.' See, 
 however, ib. 12, 34 ' Haec a me in dicendo praetereunda non sunt.' 
 
 9i 
 
NOTES 
 
 1. 31. Spartacum. Spartacus, by birth a Thracian, was leader of 
 the gladiators in the Servile war, 73-71 B.C. In 4. 6, 14 Cicero calls 
 Antony himself a 1 Spartacus/ as the climax of all that was atrocious. 
 
 c. 9. His very language was barbarous and unintelligible, though this 
 was a trifle compared with his outrageous conduct towards most virtuous 
 and loyal citizens. His ultimate departure was mai'ked by a combination 
 of panic and disorder, equally unworthy of a Consul ; when on hearing 
 of the defection of his soldiers he took a hurried division on the popular 
 question of a 1 supplicatio^ for Lepidus, and fled in panic from the city. 
 
 P. 76. 1. 3. Quid est dignus ? Cicero's argument is that ' dignus ' 
 used absolutely is not Latin, and if it meant anything, would probably 
 mean ' a man of worth/ Consequently insult proceeding from ( dignus ' 
 would be the worst of all, as being probably well deserved. Antony 
 probably meant 'contumelia dignus,' a man himself deserving to be 
 insulted ; so that his fault in Latinity consists only in a rather obscure 
 ellipsis. 
 
 1. 6. Quis sic loquitur ? The expression, if not classical in Cicero's 
 time, was used before him by Plautus, Asin. 2. 4, 82 ' Tu contumeliam 
 alteri facias, tibi non dicatur?' and Terence, Eun. 5. 2, 26 ' Nam etsi 
 ego digna hac contumelia sum maxime, at tu indignus qui faceres 
 tamen;' and in later times by Seneca. It is curious that Quintilian, 
 remarking on the change of usage, whereby i facere contumeliam ' had 
 become classical in his day, seems to understand it as meaning ' to suffer 
 insult,' like 'iacturam facere; ' Inst. 9. 3, 13 'Ut nunc evaluit . . . con- 
 tumeliam fecit, quod a Cicerone reprehendi notum est : affici enim 
 contumelia dicebant ; ' so that some commentators have thought that 
 Cicero is objecting to Antony using the expression in so unusual a sense. 
 
 1. 7. Quern denuntiat inimicus, ' which arises from the threatening 
 of an enemy;' cp. Att. 2. 23, 3 * Non mediocres terrores iacere atque 
 denuntiare.' 
 
 1. 10. Magister. Sext. Clodius of Leontini. See 2. 17, 42 and 43; 
 ib. 39, 1 01 notes. 
 
 1. 11. Ex oratore arator, 'has left the platform for the plough.' 
 
 1. 15. L. Cassio . . . D. Carfulenum . . . Ti. Canutium. See on 
 1. 15, 36. L. Cassius was reconciled to Antony after the battle of 
 Philippi, but Carfulenus fell in the battle before Mutina, in which 
 Antony was defeated, April 15, 43 B.C., and Canutius was killed by 
 Octavianus, after the capture of Perusia, 40 B.C. 
 
 1. 21. Intercederent, ' oppose their tribunicial veto.' 
 
 1. 22. M. Lepidi, afterwards the triumvir. Antony had sent him to 
 Spain to effect a reconciliation with Sex. Pompeius, and for his success 
 in this mission the senate granted him a 'supplicatio.' See on 1. 6, 13. 
 
 92 
 
THE THIRD PHILIPPIC ORATION 
 
 The terms of the reconciliation were that Pompey should be allowed 
 to return to Rome, and receive compensation for the loss of his 
 father's property. 
 
 1. 28. Per discessionem. The usual mode of taking the votes in 
 the Roman senate consisted in the Consuls asking each man severally 
 how he wished to vote. On being asked his vote he had the right to 
 speak, and so we find most of Cicero's speeches in the senate ending 
 with a formal declaration of his vote. Where the opinion of the house, 
 however, was very decided, so that there was nothing to be gained by 
 listening to the speeches of all the senators, it was not unusual for the 
 majority, with the permission of the Consuls, to group themselves round 
 one of the speakers on their side during his speech, and so to show in 
 favour of which side the decision was. This was called 'discessio,' and 
 the senators were said 'discedere,' or 1 pedibus ire in sententiam illorum 
 quorum sententiae assentirentur.' In the case of the decree for a 
 * supplicatio,' the strangeness of a ' discessio ' is obvious, since it took 
 away all opportunity of panegyric. 
 
 cc. 10, 11. From that day forth all had gone well in Rome. The 
 
 magistrates were showing energy befitting the occasio?i ; even Antony's 
 friends had given up the provinces which fortune had assigned them so 
 
 marvellously in accordance with their wishes; by the loyalty and 
 judgment of C. Caesar the wolf had been driven from the gate of the 
 fold, and the Roman people, well rid of so profligate a tyrant, could once 
 
 more take measui'es to secure the freedom which Cicero had ever laboured 
 
 to maintain. 
 
 1. 29. Paludati, 'wearing the general's cloak,' the symbol of military 
 command, formally assumed by the Consul on setting out for a campaign, 
 and as formally laid aside before he could re-enter the city. Cp. 5, 9, 24. 
 
 1. 31. Praeclara senatus consulta, &c, The irony is to be noticed 
 throughout. The decrees were not only not marvellous, but actually 
 illegal, being passed after sunset (see Sen. Dial. 9. 17, 7 ' Maiores nostri 
 novam relationem post horam decimam in senatu fieri yetabant ') ; the 
 allotment of the provinces was managed in defiance of all the sanctions 
 of religion ; and the interference of heaven had never before shown so 
 happy a disposition of the lots as that each person should gain exactly 
 what he wished. 
 
 1. 33. Cuique . . . cuique. See 2. 46, 119 note. 
 
 P. 77. 1. 3. Et agere et habere, 'both to express and feel gratitude.' 
 
 1. 4. Periculo carere. So the Vatican MS. The rest have 1 carere 
 metu et periculo,' perhaps borrowed from 7. 9, 27. Cp. c. 8, 20 ' ut 
 turpe senatori esset nihil timere.' 
 
 I.5. Afflictus, 'overwhelmed with wickedness.' This use of the 
 
 93 
 
NOTES 
 
 word is seemingly without a parallel, though in almost every other 
 sense of 1 perditus ' it is common to find * afflictus ' combined with it by 
 Cicero. 
 
 1. 7. L. Lentulus had been the accuser of A. Gabinius, on the charge 
 of ' maiestas,' in 54 B. c, when he was suspected of * praevaricatio.' 
 See on 2. 1 r, 25. Of Naso nothing further is known. 
 
 10. L. Philippus, probably the son of Octavianus' stepfather, who 
 was Consul in 56 B.C., and grandson of the famous orator, distinguished 
 by Horace, Epp. 1. 7, 46, as 'Strenuus et fortis causisque Philippus 
 agendis Clarus.' 
 
 1. T2. C. Turranius. Of Turranius and the following three nothing 
 else is known. 
 
 1. 16. L. Cinna was praetor at the time of Caesar's death, and so far 
 identified himself with the conspirators, as to incur the enmity of the 
 mob exasperated by Antony, so that they murdered Helvius Cinna in 
 mistake for him. 
 
 1. 18. Minus admirabilem, &c, 'makes us wonder less at it.' 
 
 1. 20. Qui sunt igitur reliqui, &c, ' whom have we then remaining, 
 to testify by their delight the interference of heaven in the lots?' 
 
 1. 21. L. Annius. Perhaps L. Annius Bellienus, whose house was 
 burnt after Caesar's death. The name however is doubtful. Some 
 MSS. have T. Antonius, which Orelli thinks is a mistake for L. Antonius, 
 but he was tribune of the commons at the time. 
 
 1. 22. M. Antonius. It seems strange that his name should occur in 
 the allotment, as Gaul had been assigned to him by a law, passed 
 indeed with violence (Livy Epit. 117)* and therefore ignored by Cicero 
 (see on c 4. 11), but still superseding the necessity of any share in the 
 ' sortitio.' Some commentators have supposed that there is an error in 
 his name also. 
 
 1. 23. C. Antonius, the second of the three brothers, fell into the 
 hands of M. Brutus, in trying to maintain his province, and by him 
 was put to death in 42 B. C. 
 
 Hunc quoque felicem. For the accusative in an exclamation, 
 without an interjection, cp. pro Cael. 26, 63 * In balneis delituerunt : 
 testes egregios.' 
 
 1. 25. Africam. This was at present held by Q. Cornificius, a friend 
 of Cicero, who was commissioned, with the other governors of provinces, 
 by the decree passed in the senate on the day of this speech, to hold 
 his province against Calvisius Sabinus, or any successor not sanctioned 
 by the senate, ' quoad ex senatus consulto cuique eorum successum sit,' 
 c. 15, 38 ; cp. Fam. 12. 22, and 23 ; Att. 12. 14. 
 
 1. 27. M. Cusini Sicilia. So the Vatican MS. Orelli reads ' M. 
 Iccius Siciliam, Q. Cassius Hispaniam,' from very confused readings of 
 
 94 
 
THE THIRD PHILIPPIC ORATION 
 
 the inferior MSS. Some error probably underlies the name of ' Cusinus,' 
 as we nowhere hear of such a man. Cicero's argument is that here the 
 hand of heaven is less visible, since two of Antony's opponents had 
 obtained these provinces. Q. Cassius was probably son of the Q. Cassius 
 whom Cicero, Att. 5. 21, 2, calls ' frater' (probably cousin) of C. Cassius 
 the tyrannicide. 
 
 1. 30. Quam tu salutem. The tone of all this passage is much 
 more confident than that which Cicero adopts in a letter of this date 
 to Q. Cornificius. See Fam. 12, 22 ; and Mr. Watson's note. 
 
 I.31. Fecit. So the Vatican MS. The others have ' fecerit,' 
 expressing not only the fact, but the character of the man who could 
 have taken such measures in the midst of flight. The subjunctive, how- 
 ever, though expressive, is not necessary. 
 
 P. 78. 1. 1. Custodem ovium. The proverb is as old as Herodotus, 
 4. 149 ecpr) avTov KaraXeiipav oivkv XvKoiai. Cp. Plaut. Pseud. I. 2, 8 
 ' Hoc eorum opust : ut lupos mavelis 
 Apud oves linquere, quam hos custodes domi/ 
 
 1. 3. Introiturum exiturumque. When a general had once left 
 the city, he could not re-enter it without laying down his ' imperium.' 
 It was one of the charges against Verres, ' quod, cum paludatus exisset, 
 votaque . . . nuncupasset, noctu lectica in urbem introferri solitus est ' 
 Verr. Act. 2. 5. 13, 34. See on 1. 2, 6. 
 
 I.5. Victurum. Cp. 4. 5, 12 ' Agitur enim non qua condicione 
 victuri, sed victurine simus an cum supplicio ignominiaque perituri.' 
 The epigrammatic turning of the sentence, arising from the identity in 
 form of the participles of ' vivo ' and 1 vinco/ is untranslatable. 
 
 1. 6. In possessionem. The ablative would have been more in 
 accordance with Cicero's usage, cp. pro Caec. 11, 31 'Si in fundo 
 pedem posuisses ; 1 pro Lig. 8, 24 ' In provincia pedem ponere.' 
 Ferrarius quotes two passages in which the accusative is used after 
 ' vestigium ponere, facere ' (de Fin. 5. 2, 5; pro Caec. 14, 39), but in 
 both of these the best MSS. have the ablative. 
 
 1. 8. Conservator fui. Up to the time of Caesar's usurpation. 
 
 Cum non possem, ' on ceasing to be able,' the subjunctive marking 
 that his rest was both subsequent to, and consequent on, his loss of 
 power. 
 
 1. 11. Beluam. Cp. 8. 4, 13 4 Quid te facturum de belua putas?' 
 
 1. 14. Pudens, pudicum. For the distinction, see 2. 7, 15 note. 
 
 L 18. Propriam. Cp. 6. 7, 19 * Aliae nationes servitutem pati 
 possunt, populi Romani est propria libertas.' 
 
 1. 24. Quae tamen ipsa, &c, ' though even these we found at length 
 too much to bear.' Even Caesar's power fell at last before the Roman 
 passion for liberty. 
 
 95 
 
NOTES 
 
 co. 12-14. Recapitulating the crimes which Antony had committed 
 since the death of Caesar, and showing how, with his brother Lucius, 
 he was carrying on the same mad career of wanton cruelty in Gaul, 
 Cicero calls upon the senate not to lose the opportunity, but with the 
 Roman people eager to support them, himself ever ready with his 
 counsels, and C. Caesar and Brutus in the field, to choose the zvise and 
 energetic course of crushing Antony while he was entangled on every 
 side in Gaul. They should be prepared for death rather than slavery, 
 though with such new Consuls as Hirtius and Pansa, there could be 
 but little doubt of their soon securing the freedo?n which was a Roman's 
 birthright. 
 
 1. 30. Compilaverit, 'has stripped zvhole villas of their decorations ? ' 
 cp. Verr. Act. 2. 4. 24, 53 ' Qui uno imperio ostiatim totum oppidum 
 compilaverit.' 
 
 1. 31. Caedis, &c, ' has sought to find in the celebration of a funeral 
 a pretext for murder and incendiarism ? ' See on I. 2, 5. 
 1. 32. Senatus consultis. See 1. 1, 3 notes. 
 
 P. 79. 1. 1. Liberaverit, * has freed from paying tribute?' See 2. 
 36, 92 note; and for the use of the word cp. de Prov. Cons. 5, 10 
 i Vectigales multos ac stipendiaries libera vit.' 
 
 1. 3. Exsules. See 2. 23, 56. 
 
 1. 5. Domesticum mercatum. See on 2. 14, 35. 
 
 1. 8. Armatis. Madvig (in a letter to Halm) says that he thinks 
 this reading has crept in from its not being observed that ' armis et 
 praesidiis ' belongs to ' stiparit/ as well as to ' excluserit.' The word 
 suggests a false antithesis between ' armis et praesidiis,' and ' armatis,' 
 and might easily have been borrowed from the following 1 armatos.' 
 I have therefore followed Halm in placing it between brackets. 
 
 1. 9. Haberet, incluserit, ' has been in the habit of placing armed 
 men on the several occasions when he convened the senate ? ' 
 
 1. 11. Dispersionem, i the breaking up of our city.' So the Vatican 
 MS. If this word is right (other readings being ' disperditionem ' 
 and dispertitionem '), it may be compared with the Greek avaarauis, 
 the dispersion and removal of the citizens in either case implying the 
 ruin of the city. 
 
 L 13. Ne fortuna quidem, &c, ' showed no diminution of his 
 rashness even under fortune's frown.' 
 
 1. 16. Cum una legione. Yet see on c. 2, 4. 
 
 Vaccillante. I have restored this reading from the Vatican MS., on 
 the authority of Nonius, p. 34. Cp. Munro on Lucr. 3. 504, apparently 
 the only passage in poetry where the first syllable is long. He says 
 that this spelling would confirm its derivation from the waddling gait of 
 the ' vacca.' Halm reads ' vacillante.' 
 
 96 
 
THE THIRD PHILIPPIC ORATION 
 
 L 18. Myrmillone. Cp. 5. 7, 20; 7.6, 17. The ' myrmillo ' fought 
 in Gallic arms, with a fish (' mormyr ') for his crest. He usually was 
 the antagonist of a 1 Thrax,' or of a { retiarius.' 
 
 Effecit. The Vatican MS. has 'efTecerit,' whence Halm thinks it 
 probable that after ' vestigium ' some such clause as ' quis vestrum 
 ignorat ' has fallen out. This is the more likely from the fact that the 
 words 'fundit apothecas ' are also not to be found in any of the MSS., 
 being restored from a quotation by Servius, on Virg. E. 6. 55. 
 
 1. 19. Apothecas. See on 2. 27, 67. 
 
 1. 20. Armentorum, &c, ' of cattle, and any smaller beasts that he 
 could lay his hands upon/ 
 
 1. 27. Conspirante, 'joining together heart and soul.' 
 
 1. 32. Numen, ' the prestige/ Cp. Post Red. ad Quir. 10, 25 ' Cum 
 vobis. qui apud me deorum immortalium vim et numen tenetis ; ' pro 
 Mil. 30, 83 ' Qui nullam vim esse ducit numenve divinum.* 
 
 P. 80. 1. 4. Invehens. In the speech, delivered on the 19th of 
 September, which provoked the second Philippic. 
 
 1. 6. Caedis, &c. Cp. 5. 7, 20. 
 
 1. 7. Hanc vero, &c, 'now that this opportunity is given me, be 
 assured, senators, that I will not let a moment pass, by day or by 
 night, without making the liberty of the Roman people and your 
 honour the subject of my thoughts where thought is required ; while, 
 where deed and action are needed, so far from shrinking, I will strive, 
 even with importunity, to make that deed and action mine.' 
 
 1. 13. Dum licuit, ' as long as ever I could.' See Madv. § 336. 
 Obs. 2. 
 
 1. 18. Erat. So Halm from his own conjecture. Most MSS. omit 
 the verb. Orelli, following two MSS., reads ' esset.' 
 
 1. 25. Si indormierimus, ' if we let this time pass by in sleep.' 
 
 1. 26. Crudelem superbamque, 1 marked with cruelty and pride,' 
 the latter epithet probably referring to the reign of Tarquin (see above, 
 c. 4, 9), the former to the tyrannies of Cinna, Sulla, and Caesar, cp. 2. 
 42, to8. To submit to such rule as this was a sign of weakness, but it 
 did not involve disgrace and infamy. 
 
 L 33. Ut honeste decumbant. Cp. Tusc. 2. 17, 41 ' Quis mediocris 
 gladiator ingemuit? quis non modo stetit, verum etiam decubuit 
 turpiter ? ' 
 
 Faciamus ut, &c, 1 let us take care to fall with dignity rather than 
 submit to the disgrace of slavery.' For this periphrastic use of * facere 
 ut,' to add length and weight to an apodosis, see Zumpt, §§ 619, 816. 
 It seems to be especially used with an epexegetic clause, explaining 
 more particularly what has been generally expressed before as the 
 direct object of the verb. Cp. 6. 3, 5, and 4. 5, II. 
 
 H 97 
 
NOTES 
 
 P. 81. 1. 6. Quid sentiat, quid velit. So the Vatican MS., 
 ' quisque ' being apparently understood from the collective ' omnes.' 
 Halm follows the ordinary reading ' sentiant,' 1 velint.' 
 
 1. 7. Sed really opposes admodum pauci to sunt impii cives; 
 pro caritate reipublicae niraium multi being parenthetical. ' Dis- 
 loyal citizens exist, it is true, but, though more than in one's love for the 
 state one would desire, yet they are but few against the multitude of 
 well-affected/ 
 
 1. 16. Iucundiorem, &c. Muretus compares Eur. fragm. Andr. 144 
 7)8v rot ooiBkvia fxe/jLvrjaOat ttovojv. 
 
 c. 15. Cicero concludes the oration with his formal vote, that the 
 new Consuls should provide for the safe meeting of the senate on the 
 1st of January ; that thanks should be given to Decimus Brutus, 
 C. Caesar, and the forces under their co?nmand ; and that the existing 
 provincial governors should hold their appointments till successors were 
 duly chosen by the senate. 
 
 L 18. Verba feceruut, &c, 1 have opened this debate in order to 
 enable the senate to meet in safety.' There is an apparent difficulty in 
 the difference of mood between quod . . . verba fecerunt, and quod 
 . . . propositum sit : but the former clause is antecedent to the motion, 
 giving Cicero's reason for proposing it at all ; whereas the latter is an 
 integral part of the proposal, and probably depends, as Mr. Watson has 
 pointed out to me, directly on senatum existimare. A further dis- 
 tinction is to be noticed between the two constructions after censeo ; 
 uti . . . dent operam, of a measure to be practically carried into effect, 
 and senatum existimare of a mere expression of opinion in regard 
 to what had already taken place. 
 
 1. 20. Ita censeo. With these words begins his formal vote; see on 
 c. 9, 24; and cp. 1. 7, 16 note. 
 
 1. 24. Consulem designatum. D. Brutus and L. Plancus were 
 nominated by Caesar to the consulship for 42 B.C., in succession to 
 C. Pansa and Aul. Hirtius. 
 
 1. 30. Municipia, colonias. See on c. 5, 13. 
 
 1- 33- Q u i provincias obtinent. See c. 10, 26 note. 
 
 P. 82. 1. 3. Senati. So the Vatican MS. F. Ritschl (Rhein. Mus. 
 for 1853, p. 495) quotes in favour of this form Divin. in Caec. 5, J 9 
 ' Beneficio senati populique Romani ; ' where it rests on the authority of 
 Charisius ; Fam. 2. 7, 4 ' Ut et senati consultum et leges defendas ; ' ib. 
 8. 8, 6 ' Quominus de R. P. P. R. Q. referri senatique consultum fieri 
 possit.' This last passage is from a complete decree of the senate, 
 quoted in its integrity by M. Caelius, in a letter to Cicero. 
 
 1. 12. Duce, civi egregio. So Halm, following some of the MSS. 
 
 98 
 
THE FIFTH PHILIPPIC ORATION 
 
 The reading of the Vatican MS. is ' L. egnatuleio que opti egregio mo; ' 
 in which F. Biicheler (Rhein. Mus. for 1857, P- 4^7) contends that 
 ' egregio ' is a mere gloss, and that the right reading is • L. Egnatuleio, 
 quaestore optimo.' He inserts [' duce '] conjecturally before ' L. Egna- 
 tuleio.' His view is supported by J. Frey (ib. p. 631), except that the 
 latter thinks that ' cive ' (more prob*ably c civi ') is the word represented 
 by 4 que.' 
 
 1. 17. Inissent . . . referrent. The change in this last part of 
 the resolution to past tenses, as compared with dent operam &c. in 
 § 37, is remarkable. Cicero is perhaps here taking up the formal 
 resolution, as it would be recorded in the journals of the senate, which 
 would always be expressed in past form ; ' Senatui placuit uti,' &c. 
 
 THE FIFTH PHILIPPIC ORATION 
 
 cc. 1, 2. The speeches of the Consuls on assuming office had dojie 
 much to lessen the anxiety zvith which all loyal citizens zuere longing for 
 the meeting of the senate. But this anxiety was renewed by the pro- 
 posal of Q. Fufitis Calenus, which contrasted strongly with the general 
 firmness shown against Antony ', thirteen days before. To send ambassa- 
 dors to treat with him would be absurdly inconsistent with the recent 
 vote of thanks and honours to those in arms against him: it was what 
 none but Cotyla would have vefttured to suggest ten days ago : and it 
 almost made one credit the rumour that it would be proposed to give him 
 the government of Transalpine Gaul; in other words, to furnish him 
 with all the means of waging civil war against the state. And yet this 
 would be madness which no plea of friendship or kindred, to say nothing 
 of corrtiption, could for a moment jtistify. 
 
 P. 86. 1. I. Nihil umquam longius, 'nothing ever was more 
 impatiently longed for,' 'seemed longer in coming.' This is a favourite 
 expression with Cicero, cp. Fam. 11. 27, 1 ; Verr. Act. 2. 4. 18, 39 ; pro 
 Rab. Post. 12, 35 1 Nec mihi longius quidquam est, iudices, quam videre 
 hominum vultus.' 
 
 1. 4. Cum . . . oporteret. The subjunctive is used, because it is not 
 so much the exact moment, as the character of the crisis that is signified ; 
 ' at a time when/ rather than ' at the moment when our counsel was 
 required.' 
 
 1. 7. Ut magis, &c, * that it is rather the impatience of our anxiety 
 than the real urgency of the case that has made them seem so late in 
 coming.' 
 
 1. 11. Qui primus rogatus est. This is shown by 10. 1, 3 to have 
 
NOTES 
 
 been Q. Fufius Calenus, since it was the custom to give the precedence 
 of voting to the same man throughout the year. (Suet. Caes. 21.) 
 From the same passage we learn that this precedence was given at the 
 discretion of the Consul, and that Caesar, after the marriage of his 
 daughter, gave it to his son-in-law Pompey. Hence Manutius thinks it 
 probable that Calenus was called upon to vote first as being the father- 
 in-law of Pansa. (See 8. 6, 19.) It might also have been because he 
 was the junior 'consularis' present, having been Consul in 47 B.C., and 
 his colleague and successors being at this time all either absent from 
 Rome or dead. The usual practice was to begin with the 'consules 
 designati' (see c. 13, 35, and 6. 3, 8), but D. Brutus and L. Plancus 
 were also absent. 
 
 1. 16. Qui dies nudius tertius decimus, 'what was the character 
 of this day twelve days;' literally 'the day that now is the 13th day 
 since,' a.d. xiii Kal. Ian., the 20th of December, on which the third 
 and fourth orations were delivered. This chapter seems to be the 
 only place where ' nudius ' ( = e nunc dies ') is used in speaking of a day 
 so distant. 
 
 1. 20. Nihil sit integrum nisi, &c, 1 the only alternatives now open 
 to you are honourable peace or war from which you cannot shrink.' 
 
 P. 87. L 10. Suscepissent. It is not easy to see the reason for the 
 difference of mood of c suscepissent ' and ' anteposuerunt,' unless it be 
 changed to vary the sound of the termination of the two clauses. In 
 both certain definite individuals are referred to, so that the indicative 
 might have been employed ; and in both the subjunctive would appro- 
 priately have been used as introducing the reason of the special praise. 
 Perhaps the use of the subjunctive is referable to the presence of eos, 
 in the sense of ' such generals as.' 
 
 1. 11. In colonias. See 2. 39, 100 foil, notes. 
 
 1. 14. Si enim consulem, &c. Compare the dilemma used in can- 
 vassing the conduct of Antony, 3. 8, 21. 
 
 1. 16. Nondum haberetis. The city was deserted by both the 
 Consuls of the preceding year, Dolabella having, before the flight of 
 Antony, gone to Asia Minor on his way to Syria. 
 
 1. 18. Placet eodem tempore, &c. If ambassadors were sent to 
 Antony, he was not considered as an outlaw, and it was only if he were 
 an outlaw that Octavianus, D. Brutus, and the veterans, could be justified 
 in opposing him. 
 
 1. 25. Cotylam. L. Varius Cotyla was a most intimate friend of 
 Antony, chosen by him to convey his demands to the senate (8. 8, 24). 
 He had probably been aedile in the preceding year, as Cicero calls him 
 ' aedilicius,' 13. 12, 26. 
 
 Inventus sit, c has been found up to the present time.' 
 
 100 
 
THE FIFTH PHILIPPIC ORATION 
 
 1. 29. Est enim opinio, &c, ' there is an impression that some one 
 will propose,' &c. 
 
 1. 30. Ultimam Galliam. Gallia Comata, consisting of all Trans- 
 alpine Gaul, with the exception of Narbonensis and Belgica, had been 
 divided by Caesar in 44 B. c, between L. Munatius Plancus and A. Hir- 
 tius. The latter having come to Rome, the entire command of the 
 province devolved on Plancus. 
 
 1. 31. Quid est aliud. See 1. 9, 22 ; 2. 4, 7 notes. 
 
 P. 88. 1. 1. Gentes barbaras. The Romans had often had foreign 
 cavalry in their pay, especially in the campaigns of Caesar in Gaul ; and 
 the 'velites' had given place to a ' levis armatura' of barbarian skir- 
 mishers ; but ' gentes barbarae ' would include foreign legionaries, the 
 ' nationes ' of the empire, who had not yet been admitted into a Roman 
 army. 
 
 1. 5. Meus amicus. The prominent position of the pronoun in each 
 case seems to point to these pleas being such as would be urged by 
 different senators. It seems probable that no one ventured to make the 
 proposal which Cicero thus condemns. 
 
 1. 6. Cognatus. A blood relation by descent from a common 
 ancestor. Cicero argues that the i cognatio patriae ' must come before 
 any ordinary ' cognatio,' since the ground of relationship is to be traced 
 to the founder of the race, and so a man would be proved ' cognatus ' to 
 the very persons from whom he would in general trace his relationship 
 to his kindred. In other ' cognationes ' we trace up to ' parentes ; ' 
 when we take into consideration the 1 cognatio patriae,' ' parentes ' and 
 descendants are alike * cognati ' in relation to the supposed founder of 
 the nation. 
 
 1. 8. Tribuit, 'he has given me money.' So Halm from the Vatican 
 MS. The ordinary reading is 1 attribuit,' which would mean ' he has 
 entrusted me with public money on account * (cp. 9. 7, 16 { Uti consules 
 . . . pecuniam redemptori attribuendam solvendamque curent : ' 14. 14, 
 38 ' Quaestores urbanos ad earn rem pecuniam dare, attribuere, solvere 
 iubeant '), so that plea and retort would be alike pointless. 
 
 Quid autem agatur, &c. For the order of the clauses, see Madv. 
 § 47 6 C. 
 
 cc. 3, 4. If any one doubted the use which Antony would make of 
 such an opportunity, he need only look at his previous conduct, when 
 professing to follow in the path of Caesar. Caesar had wished to im- 
 prove the state domains, Antony, in contempt for all forms, and in despite 
 of the most unmistakable auspices, proposed to carry a law giving the 
 whole of Italy to his brother Lucius for distribution. And to prevent any 
 possible remonstrance, on the day when the law was to be voted on, he 
 
 101 
 
NOTES 
 
 occupied the forum with an overwhelming force of armed men. Cicero 
 therefore proposes that all his laws should be formally annulled: that 
 those which were beneficial should be re-enacted : but that all his ei7i- 
 bezzlement of public 7?ioney, all his forgeries, all his fraudulent dealings 
 in pardons, immunities , treaties and g7'ants should be conde?nned, and 
 reversed, so far as possible, by a sole?7in dec7-ee of the se7iate. 
 
 1. 12. Urbis dividundae. This is the emendation of Halm, in his 
 ' corrigenda,' derived from a comparison of § 7 ; 8. 3, 9 ; 13. 9, 19 ; ib. 
 19, 42 and 20, 47 ; in all which passages a division of the city is 
 spoken of as forming part of Antony's plans. The reading of the 
 Vatican MS. is ' urbis eruendorum,' crowded in by a later hand over an 
 erasure too small for it; that of the other MSS. ' bonorum eripiendorum, 
 urbis, agrorum suis condonandi.' The combination of gerundive con- 
 structions is remarkable. We have first the simple construction with 
 the gerund, ' populum . . . opprimendi ; ' secondly, the ordinary attracted 
 construction with the gerundive, ' opprimendae rei publicae ; ' and 
 thirdly, the intermediate construction, ' agrorum condonandi/ where the 
 object is attracted into the case of the gerund, but the gerund itself 
 remains unaltered. (See Mad v. § 413. Obs. 2.) Kritz (on Sallust, 
 Cat. 31, 5) explains this last construction by supposing that the leading 
 substantive and the gerund combine so as to form one notion, on which 
 the second genitive depends. This, however, seems too artificial. Cp. 
 de Invent. 2. 2, 5 ' Exemplorum eligendi potestas.' 
 
 1. 14. Dubitate, &c, * hesitate, if ye can, what course to take or, 
 perhaps, * consider carefully what you mean to do : ' cp. pro S. Rose. 
 Amer. 31, 88 ' Restat ut hoc dubitemus, uter potius Sex. Roscium 
 occiderit Virg. Aen. 9, 191 ' Percipe porro quid dubitem.' Some 
 editors, without authority, read ' dubitatis.' 
 
 1. 15. At non. The inferior MSS. have 'an non but the clause 
 comes in much better as an .objection from some friend of Antony, ' yet 
 all this does not apply to Antony,' than as a question from Cicero. 
 
 1. 16. Qui, cuius acta, &c, 'who while professing to maintain the 
 acts of Caesar, selects those laws of his for travesty which we might 
 best have praised.' 
 
 1. 18. Paludes. The drainage of the Pomptine marshes was com- 
 menced by Caesar, and some progress seems to have been made before 
 his death, as Dion Cassius tells us (49. 5) that Antony proposed to 
 divide the land reclaimed among the poorer Roman citizens. For this 
 commission to divide the lands, which Cicero here magnifies into 
 a division of all Italy, cp. 11. 6, 13 ; 2. 3, 6 note. The law appointing 
 the commissioners was annulled as being carried illegally. 
 
 1. 21. Augur verecundus, &c, ' but our bashful augur sets about 
 interpreting the auspices without his colleagues ; ' some such word as 
 
 102 
 
THE FIFTH PHILIPPIC ORATION 
 
 4 agit' being understood. Cp. io. 6, 13 * Homo verecundus in Mace- 
 donian! non accedit.' 
 
 1. 23. love tonante. Cp. de Div. 2. 18,42 £ In nostris commen- 
 tariis scriptum habemus, love tonante, fulgurante, comitia populi 
 haberi nefas ; ' and see 2. 38, 99 note. 
 
 1. 24. Plebi. So the Vatican MS. here and in c. 4, 9. The form is 
 defended and illustrated by Drakenborch on Livy 2. 43. 
 
 1. 25. Ille biennium, &c. It is doubtful who are meant by 1 ille ' 
 and 4 iste.' The latter would seem to refer to Antony, working through 
 his tools, the tribunes of the commons. 4 Ille ' then must be Caesar, and 
 the meaning is, 1 Caesar limited the tenure even of a consular province 
 to two years, Antony has extended it to six/ In 8. 9, 28 Antony is 
 represented as demanding that he should hold his province for Jive years, 
 perhaps by way of moderation. Otherwise 4 ille ' and 4 iste } might refer 
 to the two proposers of the change, the one advocating the tenure of 
 praetorian provinces for two years, the other that of consular provinces 
 for six. This seems less likely, partly because there would be no object 
 in thus dividing the measure, partly because it loses the contemptuous 
 force of * iste,' so appropriately used of Antony. Halm reads 4 hie,' 
 apparently adopting the latter interpretation ; Kayser 4 hi,' from A. W. 
 Zumpt. For the 4 Lex Iulia de provinces' cp. 1. 8, 19 ; 2. 42, 109. 
 
 1. 29. Lex Caecilia et Didia, passed by the Consuls Q. Caecilius 
 Metellus Nepos and T. Didius, 98 B.C., and requiring that every law 
 should be published on three successive 4 nundinae ' before it was pro- 
 posed. This law and the 4 Lex Iunia et Licinia ' were considered by 
 Cicero two of the 4 remedia rei publicae,' Att. 2. 9, 1. 
 
 Trinum nundinum. This passage, with de Dom. 16, 41 'Quod in 
 ceteris legibus trinum nundinum esse oportet, id in adoptione satis est 
 trium esse horarum,' seems to show that 4 trinum nundinum 1 was 
 originally a genitive plural (see on 2. 17, 43), though afterwards, like 
 4 sestertium ' (see on 2. 37, 95), it came to be treated as a neuter singular, 
 as in Livy 3. 35 4 Postquam comitia decemviris creandis in trinum 
 nundinum indicta sunt;' Quint. 2. 4, 35 4 Rogatio sive non trino forte 
 nundino promulgata, sive non idoneo die.' 
 
 1. 30. Lege Iunia et Licinia, passed by the Consuls D. Iunius 
 Silanus and L. Licinius Murena, 62 B.C., against introducing laws 
 without due notice, 4 ne clam aerario legem ferri liceret.' 
 
 1. 32. Insinuandi, ' of making their way into the forum.' 4 Insinuo ' 
 is more generally used with the reflexive pronoun, but cp. Fam. 4. 13. 6 
 ' In ipsius consuetudinem insinuabo.' 
 
 1. 33. Si auspicia, &c, 'if his religious feeling could not be aroused, 
 the storm was enough to break down any ordinary physical powers.' 
 
 P. 89. 1. 4. Clamore depends on prohibente ; 4 when Jupiter was 
 
 103 
 
NOTES 
 
 not only thundering, but absolutely stopping all action by his uproar in 
 the sky.' 
 
 L 5. Cum eo collega. Dolabella. See on 2. 33, 82 foil. 
 
 1. 7. Nos fortasse erimus interpretes. He no longer expresses 
 himself with the same confidence as in 2. 33, 83 ' Acta Dolabellae 
 necesse est aliquando ad nostrum collegium deferantur.' 
 
 1. 8. Num. ergo, &c. The meaning of the arms at any rate was plain 
 enough. 
 
 1. 16. Censeo, 'I give my formal vote.' See 3. 15, 37 note. 
 
 1. 17. Si quam legem, &c. The meaning of this seems to be that 
 Antony, by illegally passing measures to suit his own purposes, had 
 thrown such suspicion over all his acts, that even his beneficial measures, 
 for the more security, had better be formally re-enacted. The dictator- 
 ship had been abolished, and Caesar's acts confirmed, by a decree of the 
 senate, not by a law, but the argument would equally apply to both. 
 
 1. 21. Quamvis here qualifies bonas, and leges is the predicate of 
 the apodosis. i However good the measures may have been which he 
 passed irregularly and by force, yet they must not be considered laws.' 
 
 1. 25. Sestertium septiens miliens. Somewhat over 6,000,000/. of 
 our money. Cp. 2. 14, 35; 37, 93. 
 
 Falsis perseriptionibus, * by forged entries.' ' Perscriptio ' is 
 a memorandum of money spent, not yet formally entered in the account 
 book. Cp. pro Rose. Com. 2,5' Suum codicem (ledger) testis loco 
 recitare arrogantiae est ; suarum perscriptionum et litterarum adversaria 
 proferre non amentia est ? ' The entries referred to were forged in the 
 papers which Antony produced as Caesar's. 
 
 1. 26. Avertit, ' he has embezzled,' ' turned to his own use ; ' cp. Verr. 
 Act. 2. 3. 19, 49 4 Si doceo te non minus domum tuam avertisse quam 
 Romam misisse.' 
 
 1. 30. Immunitates, &c. See 2. 36, 92 notes. 
 
 1. 31. Commentariis. See 1.1,2 note. 
 
 Ipse auctor. Cp. 2. 14, 35 note. 
 
 1. 33. Quam viris. Two of whom, P. Clodius and C. Curio, she 
 had outlived. See 2. 44, 113 note. 
 P. 90. 1. 1. Exsules. Cp. 2. 23, 56. 
 
 1. 8. Referebat. Sc. ' in tabulas ; ' cp. Verr. Act. 2. 4, 65, 146 ' Cum 
 iam non solum discessio facta est, sed etiam perscriptum atque in tabulas 
 relatum.' 
 
 Syngraphae, ' contracts were signed and sealed.' Notably that with 
 Deiotarus; see 2. 37, 95 note. 
 
 1. 9. Ad aerarium. Laws and decrees of the senate, after being exposed 
 to public view for a sufficient time, were finally deposited, for safe 
 custody, with the ' quaestores aerarii ' in the treasury. Cp. Tac. Ann. 3. 
 
 104 
 
THE FIFTH PHILIPPIC ORATION 
 
 51 'Factum senatus consultum ne decreta patrum ante diem decimum 
 ad aerarium deferrentur ; ' Livy 39. 4 * Qui per infrequentiam furtim 
 factum senatus consultum ad aerarium detulerit.' Originally, from the 
 time of the abolition of the decemvirate, decrees of the senate had been 
 placed in the temple of Ceres, under the care of the aediles. See Livy 
 3- 55- 
 
 1. 12. Liberatae. sc. 1 vectigalibus.' Cp. 2. 38, 97. 
 
 1. 13. Toto Capitolio ngebantur. So elsewhere of Caesar's decrees, 
 genuine or forged, 2. 36, 91 ; 37, 93 ; 38, 97 ; 12. 5, 12. 
 
 L 14. Hoc genus pene, &c. This is the reading of the Vatican MS., 
 and no satisfactory emendation has been proposed. The other MSS. 
 omit * pene,' for which ' pecuniae ' and ' penu ' (itself a form only quoted 
 by grammarians from Afranius) have been suggested. The meaning is 
 clear, ' could all this treasure be realized : ' but the reading seems hope- 
 less. P. R. M tiller suggests ' si hoc genus populi in usum redigatur,' but 
 even with this violent alteration he leaves 'genus' unexplained. Halm 
 proposes ' si hoc ingens fenus.' The right reading may perhaps be, as 
 has been suggested by Professor Conington, ' si hoc genus omne in unum 
 redigatur,' ' if all these various kinds of treasure could be reduced to one, 
 viz. money.' 
 
 cc. 5, 6. Especially his law zvith respect to the i indicium ' must be 
 repealed. It was bad enough at first sight that centurions and even 
 private soldiers of a foreign legiofi should be indiscriminately admitted 
 to the judicial bench. But the reality was even tuorse : among the best 
 of the new t indices^ were aliens and gamblers , men either unknown in 
 Rome, or better known than liked, men over whom the praetor could 
 have no control, some of them eve7i ignorant of the Latin language. And 
 after these came all the dregs of Antony's revellers ; the sole olject of the 
 law being to secure impunity for crimes which could not possibly escape 
 before a decently respectable tribunal. Such a law was a deep disgrace to 
 the whole country, and even had it been legally passed, must needs have 
 been annulled. 
 
 1. 16. Legem iudiciariam. See on 1. 8, 19 foil. 
 
 1. 19. At ille legit, &c. What he acknowledged was bad enough, 
 that he appointed men who had no position to guarantee their integrity, 
 private soldiers, of foreign extraction. Yet these at least were Roman 
 citizens, and had not forfeited their reputation. ' Those whom he really 
 chose were even worse, gamesters, exiles, even Greeks. A noble bench 
 of jurymen, a court of truly wondrous dignity ! ' Cp. Att. 1. 16, 3 ' Non 
 enim umquam turpior in ludo talario consessus fuit.' 
 
 I. 22. Cydam. Sc. ' legit.' 'Cydas' was a common name in Cor- 
 tyna, but this man is otherwise unknown. 
 
 105 
 
NOTES 
 
 L 24. Ex iudicum genere et forma, 1 of the breed and stamp of 
 men of whom we make our jurymen.' 
 
 1. 27. Dilectus, &c, ' even among our own citizens we exercise some 
 choice and discrimination.' Cp. t. 8, 20 ' Census praefiniebatur.' 
 
 1. 29. Nam Lysiaden, &c. 'Nam' carries on the connexion rather 
 of Cicero's thoughts than of his words. ' Who could be expected to 
 know a juryman from Cortyna? this is worse than all, for men like 
 Lysiades at least we know.' 
 
 1. 30. Phaedrus was the president of the Epicurean school when Cicero 
 was at Athens, 80 B.C. Cp. de Nat. Deor. 1. 33, 93 ; de Fin. 1. 5, 16. 
 
 1. 31. Ut ei cum Curio, &c, ' so that he would have no difficulty in 
 agreeing with Curius, his partner on the bench and at the gaming 
 table.' ' 
 
 P. 91. 1. 1. Areopagites esse. A Greek construction, perhaps intro- 
 duced to suit the nationality of Lysiades. Cp. Catull. 4. 1 
 
 4 Phaselus ille quern videtis hospites 
 Ait fuisse navium celerrimus.' 
 1. 2. Is, qui quaestioni praeerit, &c, * will the presiding praetor 
 admit the excuse of the Greekling juryman, clad now in Greek, and now 
 in Roman garb ? ' 
 
 1. 6. Quern ad modum. So the Vatican MS. ' How shall a prisoner 
 get an advocate to plead before this man ? ' ' Allegare ' is used in private 
 matters as ' legare ' in public, ' to employ a representative.' Cp. Fam. 
 15. 4, 16 1 Extremum illud est, ut philosophiam ad te allegem.' In 
 post-Augustan Latin it obtains the meaning 'to allege.' The other 
 MSS. have ' quern ad hunc,' ' what advocate shall he employ ? ' 
 
 1. 7. Dura natio est. J. Meursius, in his account of Crete, gives 
 a long list of the vices of the Cretans, convicting them, on the testimony 
 of ancient authors, of cunning, avarice, treachery, disloyalty, and piracy ; 
 but their cruelty, except so far as it might be involved in the other 
 faults, does not seem to be elsewhere recorded. 
 
 At Athenienses. This at least cannot be said against them all. » 
 Lysiades is of a nation noted for its clemency. 
 
 1. 9. Lecti, ' chosen by Antony.' 
 
 1. 10. Legitimam excusationem. Absence from Rome on the 
 service of the state was a valid plea for escaping the burden of the 
 i iudicium,' and these men had been required by the state to go abroad. 
 Cp. pro Quinct. 28, 86 * Exsilii causa solum vertisse;' Juv. 11. 49 'Qui 
 vertere solum Baias et ad ostrea currunt.' 
 
 1. 13. Si ullam speciem, &c, ' had any idea (iSe'a, the faintest image) 
 of a commonwealth, been in his thoughts.' Cp. c. 4, 11 ' Imago nulla 
 liberae civitatis relinquetur.' 
 
 1. 16. In tertiam decuriam. See I. 8, 19 and 20 notes. 
 
 106 
 
THE FIFTH PHILIPPIC ORATION 
 
 L 18. Maximo imbri, &c. See above, c. 3, 8. 
 
 1. 20. Quos hospites. So the Vatican MS. The others have ' quos 
 socios ad epulas hospites/ the additional words bearing evident signs of 
 being a gloss to interpret * hospites.' 
 
 1. 22. Ratio confecta est, ' the tale of which was duly stored.' There 
 appears here to be a confusion of ideas between * rationem confrere/ 1 to 
 make up one's accounts ' (cp. Fam. 5. 20, 2 ' Rationes confectas collatas '), 
 and 4 pecuniam conficere,' ' to gather money together,' cp. pro Flacc. 9, 
 20 ' Duae rationes conficiendae pecuniae.' Ratiunculam nummorum 
 conficere is used by Terence (Phorm. i. 1, 2-4) of paying up money 
 in arrears. 
 
 1. 25. Fuisse. The later MSS. have ' fecissent,' but the exclamation 
 of indignant surprise suits better here. It was bad enough to work out 
 the idea of the third decuria ; but to think of the shamelessness, the foul 
 iniquity that dared to choose such jurymen as these to sit in it ! Cp. 
 Fam. 14. 1, 1 ' Me miserum ! te, ista virtute, fide, probitate, humanitate 
 in tantas aerumnas propter me incidisse.' 
 
 1. 26. Imprimeretur. The subjunctive is used, because the proposi- 
 tion sets forth, not the identity, but the character of the jurymen, who 
 were such that by choosing them a double disgrace was inflicted on the 
 state ; first, the corruption of the judicial bench ; and secondly, the 
 revelation that such reprobates were so numerous in Rome. 
 
 1. 31. Nunc vero, &c. His only reason for not proposing their 
 repeal was that this would be an acknowledgement that they had been 
 constitutionally passed. 
 
 cc. 6,7. Urging the enormity of Antony \r offence in bringing armed 
 men into the senate-house, Cicero strengthens his proposal to annul the 
 laws of Antony, by passing in review his conduct towards the senate. 
 On the 1st of September he threatened to pull down Cicero' s house for 
 being absent, though there was no pressing business to discuss ; and 
 having been absent himself ivhen Cicero delivered his first Philippic 
 oration, he spent seventee?i days in drinking and declaiming in Scipids 
 villa, by way of preparing a reply. On the occasion of its delivery, 
 nothing but absence could have saved Cicero from the violence of Antony 
 and his brother Lucius ; and all Antony's policy since that ti?ne had 
 consisted in plundering and distributing to his ruffians the property of 
 honest men. 
 
 1. 33. Gravissimis ignominiis, &c, ' is not this to be handed down 
 to posterity with the record of the deepest ignominy which this senate 
 can inflict ? ' 
 
 P. 92. 1. 3. Armatos. The tyrant's bodyguard. See 1. II, 27 note. 
 L 4. Cinnam, &c. Cp. 2. 42, 108. 
 
 107 
 
NOTES 
 
 1. 9. Cassius. Perhaps Barba Cassius, who is mentioned in con- 
 nexion with Mustela and Tiro 13. 2, 3. For these latter see on 
 2. 4, 8. 
 
 1. II. Certum agminis locum, 1 marched in regular column.' 
 Barbari. The Ityraeans. See on 2. 8, 19. 
 1. 13. Won quo . . . vellet. See on 1. 4, 9. 
 
 1. 15. Won modo adspectu, sed etiam auditu. This is Halm's 
 reading, from a conjecture of P. R. Muller, based on a comparison of 
 the Vatican reading ' non modo auditus sed etiam aspectu ' (which 
 involves an anticlimax, unless it might be, 'a disgrace which is not 
 merely a matter of report, but of ocular evidence,') with 2. 25, 63 
 ' O rem non modo visu foedam, sed etiam auditu.' The other MSS. 
 have ' auditu, non modo aspectu.' 
 
 1. 17. Opertis valvis. Cp. 2. 44, 112 ' Cur valvae Concordiae non 
 patent ? ' 
 
 1. 19. Kal. Sept., the day before the first Philippic was delivered. 
 Cp. 1. 5, 12. 
 
 1. 23. Minus libere. As he still wished to leave a door of recon- 
 ciliation open. See introd. to the first oration. 
 
 1. 25. Qui . . . excluderet, 'violent to the extent of barring this 
 habit of free speech.' 
 
 1. 26. Fecerat enim, &c. The parenthetic clause is apparently 
 introduced to explain and justify the word ' consuetudinem.' The 
 speech of L. Piso was on the 1st of August. Cp. 1. 4, 10. 
 
 1. 28. A. d. xiii Kal. Oct. On the 19th of September Antony 
 delivered the speech to which the second Philippic is supposed to 
 be an answer. See introd. to the second oration. 
 
 1. 29. In Tiburtino Scipionis. Cp. 2. 17, 42. 
 
 1. 30. Sitim quaerens, ' to stimulate his thirst.' Hence his use of 
 the exaggeration 4 declamitavit,' rather than * commentatus est,' which 
 he employs in his account of the same matter to Q. Cassius, Fam. 12. 
 2,1. Some MSS. insert the words ' ut digestio potius quam declamatio 
 videretur,' which seem to be a gloss. 
 
 P. 93. 1. 5. Myrmillo. See on 3. 12, 31. Of the circumstance to 
 which Cicero alludes we have no record except his own repeated taunts. 
 Cp. c. 11, 30; 7. 6, 17. Mylasa was the principal city of Caria. 
 
 1. 7. Multum profuderat, ' he had poured forth unsparingly.' 
 
 1. 9. Aviditate coniuncta. For the use of the ablative cp. 3. 14, 35 
 ' Ea summa miseria est summo dedecore coniuncta ; ' and see Madv. 
 § 268 a. Obs. 2. 
 
 1. 11. Nullus aditus privato, &c, 'no one who had been deprived 
 of his lands could obtain an audience, no arguments of equity could 
 prevail on him to spare/ From the similarity of expression de Imp. 
 
 108 
 
THE FIFTH PHILIPPIC ORATION 
 
 Cn. Pomp. c. 14, 41 4 Ita faciles aditus ad eum privatorum,' it has 
 been thought that here also 4 privato ' means 1 a private person ; ' but 
 the whole context, both here and in c. 19, 53, seems to point to the 
 interpretation given above. Cp. 7. 6, 18 ' Queretur expulsos,' where 
 4 expulsi ' seems to be the same as 4 privati.' 
 
 1. 13. Si leges irritas feceritis, &c. Cicero might have been 
 content to let the commission of the 4 septemviri ' and their acts fall 
 through in the general annulling of Antony's laws, but the special 
 iniquity of them seemed to call for individual notice, and to require 
 every care that they should not be allowed to stand for want of attention 
 being drawn to them. 
 
 cc. 8, 9. Antony had persistently endeavoured to bring about a reign 
 of terror. He had threatened his opponents with death, and all the 
 people with slavery ; he had g07ie to Brundisium to get forces adequate 
 for his purpose, and finding that the troops refused to be his tools, he took 
 a murderous revenge on their centurions. C. Caesar offered to oppose 
 him, and Anto7iy was prepared to move that he should be declared a 
 public enemy, had not the defection of his legions caused him to flee in 
 panic from the city. Even then he persevered in his evil designs, 
 marching on Cisalpine Gaul, and besieging D. Brutus in Mutina. He, 
 a Roman citizen, was waging against Borne a war more savage and 
 destructive than any foreign foe had ever done : and yet men hesitated 
 to declare hi7n an enemy, and were for sending envoys to him, thus 
 lowering the dignity of the se7iate, cooli7ig the general ardour for war, 
 and losing precious ti77ie, without a cha7ice of doi7ig good. 
 
 1. 19. Nisi victorem, &c. Cp. 3. II, 27. 
 
 1. 21. Quam facturum fuisse. For this attraction from the finite 
 verb after 4 quam ' see Madv. § 402 c. 
 
 1. 23. Quotienscumque vellet. Constitutionally a military com- 
 mander lost his 'imperium' by entering the city. See on 1. 2, 6 ; and 
 on c. 16, 45. 
 
 1. 25. Iter Brundisium. See 2. 30, 76 note. 
 
 1. 26. Nisi ad urbem. So the Vatican MS. Some MSS. have 4 nisi 
 ut ad urbem,' but not only would the construction 4 spes ut ' be a very 
 unusual one (cp. Lael. 19, 68 4 Spem adferunt ut fructus appareat'), 
 but the clause introduced by 4 nisi ' is evidently meant to give the 
 grounds, not the substance of his hope. 
 
 1. 27. Dilectus centurionum, 4 assembling of the centurions.' See 
 3. 2, 4 n6te. Some MSS. have 'delectus,' butt hough the verb 'diligo' 
 is never used of levying or assembling soldiers, the form ' dilectus ' is 
 often found in the best MSS. both as substantive and as past participle. 
 
 1. 28. Effrenatio, a-nag elprifilvov, 4 what unbridled fury of an ill- 
 
 109 
 
NOTES 
 
 regulated temper.' Cp. Hor. Od. 1.37, 10 ' Quidlibet impotens sperare/ 
 
 1. 29. Reelamassent, 'had shouted disapproval/ Cp. Fam. 1. 2, 2 
 ' Orationi reclamare.' 
 
 P. 94. 1. 4. Descripsit, e he portioned off.' Cp. pro Flacc. 14, 32 
 ' Descripsit pecuniam ad Pompeii rationem.' 
 
 1. 6. Divina. So Halm, for * divini/ from a conjecture of Madvig's, 
 supported by one MS. 
 
 1. 7. Quamquam sua sponte, &c, 'unprompted, it is true, save by 
 his own unrivalled virtue, yet with the full sanction of my authority.' 
 Cp. Att. 16. 8, 2 ' Consultabat, utrum Romam cum tribus milibus 
 veteranorum proficisceretur, an Capuam teneret ... an iret ad tres 
 legiones Macedonicas.' 
 
 1. 8. Patrias, ' which his father had founded.' 
 
 1. 11. Ducem praestantissimum. Of this he had at least hitherto 
 given no proof, having held no military command. 
 
 Nihil egit aliud, &c, 'it strove for nothing else except our freedom.' 
 
 1. 14. Consularem, &c. We know from 3. 8, 20 that the consular 
 in question had come into the senate with his vete ready written down. 
 ' Though he had procured a consular to pronounce Octavianus an 
 enemy by formal vote.' 
 
 L 15. Concidit, 'he collapsed:' cp. 2. 42, 107 ' concidisti.' 
 
 1. 16. Votis nuncupatis. See 3, 4, 11 note. He there represents 
 Antony as having pronounced the vows, but left the sacrifices un- 
 performed. 
 
 Won profectus est, sed profugit. Cp. c. II, 30 1 Post discessum 
 latronis vel potius desperatam fugam and 13. 9, 19 'Egressus est non 
 viis, sed tramitibus paludatus, ... ex eo non iter, sed cursus et fuga in 
 Galliam.' 
 
 I.18. Firmissimorum. Most editions add ' et fortissimorum,' which 
 is added by a later hand in the Vatican MS., but seems to be a gloss, 
 perhaps derived from 3. 15, 38. Kayser inserts the words in brackets. 
 
 1. 23. Mutinam, now Modena. A colony, with the full rights of 
 Roman citizens, was planted here in 183 B.C., to strengthen the Roman 
 frontier on the subjection of the Boii. 
 
 1. 27. Hostiliter, ' so as to prove himself an enemy.' 
 
 Quod hie non fecerit, &c, ' which does not find a parallel in what 
 Antony either has done, or is doing, or is at least contriving and 
 planning.' 
 
 2. 30. Quas. Some MSS. have ' quae,' as in de Nat. Deor. 3. 24, 61 
 ' Nemo fortunam ab inconstantia et temeritate seiunget, quae digna 
 certe non sunt deo : ' see Madv. § 315 a. 
 
 1. 31. At hi is adopted by Halm and most editors from the conjecture 
 of Naugerius (15 19), in place of the nngrammatical reading of the 
 
 110 
 
THE FIFTH PHILIPPIC ORATION 
 
 Vatican MS. ' haec.' The other MSS. have ' haec hi,' or 'haec ii,' 
 except one which has ' et hit.* The ' at ' might easily have dropped out 
 after ■ reservabat.' 
 
 Qui in horam viverent, ' who lived but for the passing hour/ Cp. 
 ' In diem vivere,' 2. 34, 87. The subjunctive is due to the causal force 
 of the relative. 
 
 Won modo is used thus for 'non modo non,' only when the predicate 
 is common to both clauses, so that the negation which lies in ' ne 
 quidem' may be referred to the whole. See Mad v., § 461 b. 
 
 P. 95. 1. 1. Isti homines, 'the men you favour/ He is addressing 
 Calenus, cp. c. 1, 1 ' Qui primus rogatus est ; ' and the note. 
 
 1. 6. Hunc, &c, 'will quench the ardour now apparent in the Roman 
 people, and crush the spirits of the burghers throughout Italy.' 
 
 c. 10. An embassy would be interpreted as indicating fear ; and it 
 was not like ope7iing negotiations with a foreign general, because there 
 was no further authority to which they could appeal, if Anto?iy refused 
 compliance. In dealing with a rebellious citizen, the dignified course 
 zvas to compel him to submit, instead of begging him to have compassion 
 on his country. 
 
 1. 13. Minimis momentis, &c, 'the smallest impulses bring about 
 the greatest changes in events.' 
 
 1. 21. Miserat olim, &c, in 218 B.C. Cp. Livy 21. 6 ' Legati missi, 
 P. Valerius Flaccus et Q. Baebius Tampilus, Saguntum ad Hannibalem, 
 atque inde Karthaginem, si non absisteretur bello, ad ducem ipsum in 
 poenam foederis rupti deposcendum.' The name of the latter envoy is 
 recovered from the passage in Livy, the MSS. of Cicero having ' vebium 
 pamphilum.' When Hannibal would not listen to terms, remonstrances 
 could be made to his government, to which he could not refuse obedience; 
 if Antony proved obstinate, there was no ulterior court of appeal. 
 
 1. 26. Itane vero ? ' is it then come to this? ' 
 
 1. 28. Propugnaculum, 'an outpost. ' Cp. de Leg. Agrar. 2. 27, 74 
 ' Est operae pretium diligentiam maiorum recordari, qui colonias sic 
 idoneis in locis contra suspicionem periculi collocarunt, ut esse non 
 oppida Italiae, sed propugnacula imperii viderentur.' See above on 
 c. 9, 24. 
 
 1. 31. Sagnnti oppugnatio. The siege of Saguntum, memorable 
 for the obstinate resistance of the inhabitants, was in violation of the 
 treaty between Rome and Carthage, the Saguntines being in alliance 
 with Rome. It was taken by Hannibal in 218 B.C. 
 
 1. 33. Quid simile tandem ? 4 Where is the analogy with the 
 present case ? ' 
 
 cc. 11, 12. After the decrees passed on the 20th of December. 
 
 in 
 
NOTES 
 
 Antony could only be dealt with as a public enemy. His presence in 
 Rome would be intolerable to honest men, and a mere nucleus of treason, 
 even if he should submit ; but neither his own disloyalty, nor the 
 passions of his follozvers, would ever suffer him to yield, and the only 
 result of the embassy would be a further waste of precious time. Instant 
 action was what was requisite ; a tumult should be declared, a universal 
 levy held, all civil business should be suspended, and the military garb 
 be generally assumed. Such promptitude might overwhelm hi?n, for 
 it would show that it was no longer a me7'e party question, when all 
 parties in the state were bent on crushing him. He had even gone 
 so far as to promise unlimited plunder to his followers, and therefore 
 it was surely time to place the matter in the hands of the Consuls, 
 only offering an amnesty to those who should at once return to their 
 allegiance. 
 
 P. 96. L 4. Age, si paruerit. Even if he now obeys, the time 
 is past. Punishment, not negotiation, is what is now required. If we 
 would we could not, and if we could we would not treat him as a citizen. 
 
 1. 5. Decretis vestris. See 3. 15. 
 
 1. 6. Concidistis, 'you gave the death-blow to his hopes:' cp. ad 
 Q. Fr. 2. 4, 1 ' Vatinium arbitratu nostro concidimus.' So the neuter 
 ' concidit,' above c. 9, 23. cp. 2. 42, 107. 
 
 1. 9. Qui fuit, ' of whom you rightly judged that C. Caesar was 
 the chief.' 
 
 1. 15. D. Bruti edicto. See 3. 4, 8. 
 
 1. 18. Quid aliud . . . nisi ut, &c, 'what other object had you in 
 view except to declare Antony a public enemy ? ' 
 
 1. 24. Num umquam. So Halm, following P. R. Miiller, from the 
 Vatican reading ' numquam.' The other MSS. have ' num quando.' 
 
 1. 26. Minus vereor. Because the contingency will never arise ; he 
 will never obey. 
 
 1. 29. Peregre depugnarit. As a myrmillo at Mylasa. See on 
 c. 7, 20. 
 
 1. 30. Familiam ducit, ' heads the band,' not as captain or officer, 
 but set in front as the prime specimen of the lot. The expression is 
 taken from the practice of putting the finest man in the front of a gang 
 of slaves exposed for sale, to recommend the lot. So Quintilian has 
 ' classem ducere,' of a schoolboy, 'to be the show- boy of the class,' 
 1. 2, 24. Here the expression has peculiar point from the application 
 of 'familia 5 to a school of gladiators. Cicero elsewhere uses the 
 expression metaphorically: Fin. 4. 16, 45 ' Gravissimam illam vestram 
 sententiam, quae familiam ducit,' (' stands in the forefront of your 
 philosophy.') Cp. Fam. 7. 5, 3. 
 
 1. 33. Tractum, 'prolonged,' equivalent to ' protractum ' ; cp. Att. 
 
 112 
 
THE FIFTH PHILIPPIC ORATION 
 
 10. 8, 2 ' Id quod maxime velim, pelli istum ab Hispania, aut trahi id 
 bellum.' 
 
 Ut primum, &c. See 3. I, I note. 
 
 P. 97. 1. 5. Serius omnino, &c. Cp. the beginning of the third 
 oration. 
 
 1. 9. Kalendae Ianuariae. When the new Consuls entered on -their 
 office. 
 
 1. 11. Hanc moram. After these words there is in the margin of the 
 Vatican MS., by a later hand, the word * afferemus,' which Kayser 
 inserts, but Halm thinks it an unnecessary interpolation, the verb 
 being frequently omitted, even in these orations, in similar rhetorical 
 exclamations. Cp. 2. 29, 74 ' Tarn bonus gladiator rudem tarn cito ? ' 
 and the note. 
 
 1. 12. Quorum exspectatio, 'waiting for whom throws a doubt 
 over the certainty of war, which stops all zeal in the levying of 
 troops.' 
 
 1. 15. Censeo. See on 3. 9, 24. 
 
 Bern administrandam, &c, 'we should without delay determine 
 on our line of policy, and proceed at once to carry it into effect.' 
 
 1. 16. Tumultum. In 8. 1, 3 Cicero gives a practical definition of 
 ' tumultus.' 1 Maiores nostri tumultum Italicum, quod erat domesticus, 
 tumultum Gallicum, quod erat Italiae finitimus, praeterea nullum 
 nominabant.' 
 
 1. 18. Sublatis vacationibus, 'with no allowance of exemptions.' 
 So in 326 B.C., on an alarm of an invasion of the Gauls, L. Aemilius 
 was ordered 'Exercitum scribere sine ulla vacationis venia' Livy 8. 20. 
 ? Vacatio,' ' exemption from further service,' on account of illness, civil 
 employment, completion of the term of service, or the like, is to be 
 carefully distinguished from 'commeatus,' 'furlough,' or leave of absence 
 for a time. 
 
 Praeter Galliam. In 8. 2, 6 and Fam. 11. 8, 2 he speaks of this 
 levy as being 1 tota Italia,' without excepting Gaul ; but here, in his 
 formal vote, he is naturally more precise in his language. From 7. 8, 21 
 we learn that Antony was raising levies in Gaul, which sufficiently 
 accounts for its exception. Cp. Fam. 12. 5, 2. 
 
 1. 23. Alteri, &c, 'those favouring Antony are conquered; those 
 opposing him are found in the very heart of C. Caesar's party.' Cicero's 
 argument is that the vote of Dec. 20 showed that Antony had no party 
 of his own in the senate, and that the very people whom he might have 
 expected to enlist upon his side, the partisans of the dictator, were 
 actively arrayed against him. Manutius and other commentators take 
 the former ' alteri ' to mean the Pompeian party, but then the second 
 4 alteri ' could only be ' the adherents of the dictator,' and it would be 
 
 I 113 
 
NOTES 
 
 wholly without point, and mere tautology, to say that they were to be 
 found in Caesar's party. 
 
 1. 25. A Pansa et Hirtio. They were both bound by ties of 
 gratitude and friendship to the dictator, and now held the consulship 
 on his nomination. 
 
 1. 28. Quibus, ' for whose benefit,' unless the dative may be looked 
 on as immediately depending on 'distributae,' ' among whom;' 'notatae 
 sunt et ' being, as regards the grammar, parenthetical. 
 
 1. 29. Ad cuiusque opinionem, 'to suit the views of each:' cp. 
 Verr. Act. 2. 1. 51, 135 ' Iste, qui iam spe atque opinione praedam illam 
 devorasset.' 
 
 1. 30. Septemvirum. See on 2. 38, 99. 
 
 Capitalem hominem, 'a gallows-bird.' The word in this sense is 
 generally used of crimes rather than of their perpetrators, but cp. Cat. 2. 
 2,3* Tarn capitalem hostem.' 
 
 P. 98. 1. 2. Integrum reliquerit, 'he has left nothing in which 
 he has not so far committed himself, as not to have promised it to 
 some one.' 
 
 1. 8. Ne quid detriments, &c. This was the formula by which 
 martial law was proclaimed, and irresponsible power given to the 
 Consuls. Cp. pro Mil. 26, 70 ' Pompeio senatus commisit ut videret, 
 ne quid res publica detrimenti caperet ; quo uno versiculo satis armati 
 semper consules fuerunt, etiam nullis armis datis.' 
 
 1. 9. Ut ne. See Madv. § 456. 
 
 1. 10. Praudi. So in the laws of the XII Tables : ' Se fraude esto,' 
 ' let him be blameless.' 
 
 1. 14. Quoad rettulistis, 'so far as your motion related to the state.' 
 Some editors read ' quod,' but ' quoad ' is the reading of the Vatican 
 MS., and ' quod ' would rather mean 'as to the point of your having 
 made a motion about the state' (see Madv. 398 b. Obs. 2), which 
 would be less appropriate here. 
 
 cc. 13-15. Turning to the question of rewarding those who had 
 done loyal service to the state, Cicero proposes that a vote of thanks 
 should be given to D. Brutus, who had saved his country by preserving 
 Cisalpine Gaul from the hands of Antony : and that a gilt equestrian 
 statue should be erected in honour of M. Lepidus, who had ahvays 
 shown himself to be a true lover of liberty, and who had lately quenched 
 the embers of a dangerous civil war, and done good service in restoring 
 Sext. Pompeius to his country* 
 
 1. 16. Deinceps, ' next in their due order,' 'deinceps ' always conveying 
 the idea of a series, the members of which come in regular succession, as 
 opposed to 1 deinde ' which only expresses succession as a matter of fact. 
 
 ,114 
 
THE FIFTH PHILIPPIC ORATION 
 
 1. 17. In sententiis rogandis. See on c. 1, 1. 
 
 1. 20. Superiora : his share in the assassination of Caesar, which all 
 men were not as yet prepared to praise. 
 
 I. 22. Hums ipsius temporis, &c, * the praise which he has won 
 for his conduct at this time : ' the praise being considered from different 
 points of view as bestowed on Brutus and on the time. A somewhat 
 similar combination of two different genitives is found in Caes. B. G. 3. 
 18 ' Superiorum dierum Sabini cunctatio.' 
 
 1. 24. Desiderat, ' feels to be needful for the perfection of its happi- 
 ness ; ' careat, 1 though it be deprived of this.' 
 
 1. 26. Laetetur. The subjunctive is not dependent on ' quamquam,' 
 which here signifies 'and yet;' but is due (like ' sit ') to the conditional 
 nature of the clause, cpaifipvvoiT av ; ' if permitted, it would rejoice 
 at finding a record in the hearts of its grateful fellow-citizens, as being 
 thus brought forth to view.' 
 
 P. 99. 1. 4. Existimare 1 express their opinion.' Cp. 2. 4, 9, 
 
 1. 11. Ultimam, Gallia Comata, at present held by L. Munatius 
 Plancus, the other Consul elect. See on c. 2, 5. 
 
 1. 13. Devius, 'never constant in his course.' Cp. Lael. 25, 93 
 ' Quid enim potest esse tam flexibile, tarn devium quam animus eius, 
 qui ad alterius vultum atque nutum convertitur ? ' and Lucr. 2. 82 
 1 Avius a vera longe ratione vagaris.' 
 
 1. 16. Mu.ro. The force and propriety of this expression is only 
 to be appreciated when the Alps are seen from the Italian side, 
 descending, as it seems from a little distance, precipitously into 
 the plain of Lombardy. The northern side is, ' generally speaking, 
 much less steep, and there is no extensive plain to give the force 
 of contrast. 
 
 1. 22. Praesidet atque praesedit, 'is now, and always has been, 
 the bulwark of our empire/ lying as an obstacle to the inroads of 
 the outer barbarians beyond the Alps. 
 
 1. 25. M. Lepido. Lepidus had been appointed by Caesar to the 
 government of Gallia Narbonensis and Hispania Citerior, and repaired 
 thither shortly after Caesar's death, at Antony's instigation, to try and 
 reconcile the younger Pompey to the senate, with the ulterior object 
 of weakening the power of the opposition, should the civil war again 
 break out. 
 
 1. 29. Diadema. See 2. 34, 85 notes. 
 
 1. 32. Quanta moderatione. He had followed the lead of Antony 
 throughout, but had withdrawn from Rome before the latter began 
 to abandon the moderation which at first he showed. 
 
 P. 100. 1. 4. Bellum civile, the war with Sext. Pompeius, as con- 
 tinued after Caesar's death. 
 
 I 2 
 
NOTES 
 
 1. 6. Sapientia. Some second virtue seems to be required here, 
 to balance ' armis et ferro.' The want has been variously supplied 
 by ' et dementia/ ' et mansuetudine,' or 4 et humanitate,' from the 
 following section. The missing word would seem to be represented 
 by ' etiam,' which is otiose. 
 
 1. 7. Adducere. We should rather have expected 'rem adduci,' 
 maintaining the form of the previous clause, but the civil war is repre- 
 sented as using its instruments of harness and sword to bring the 
 matter to a crisis. 
 
 1. 10. Pietas, 'sympathy with, and duty towards their father.' 
 
 1. 13. Restituit. See on 3. 9, 23. 
 
 1. 15. Quod . . . lumen fuit. Cp. 2. 22, 54 note. 
 
 1. 17. Filius. Cn. Pompeius, the elder brother of Sextus, was 
 wounded in the battle of Munda (March 1 7, B. c. 45), and shortly 
 afterwards captured and slain. 
 
 1. 23. Pontiflce maximo. He owed this dignity to Antony, who 
 caused him to be elected to the vacancy made by Caesar's death, in 
 return for the support that Lepidus had given him. 
 
 P. 101. I.5. Primum, &c. The natural sequence to this would have 
 been ' deinde quia novus est,' but Cicero, having interrupted his sentence 
 to give the reasons why his vote was just, resumes it in another form. 
 Similarly in Cat. 2. 10, 21 he begins, 'Qui homines primum si stare 
 non possunt corruant ; ' and then being led away to give the reason 
 for this wish, he never proceeds to the second consideration. 
 
 L 7. Redditur, ' it is awarded him in payment for his services.' 
 
 Nee cuiquam, &c. Manutius quotes a passage from Velleius (2. 10), 
 who says that similar statues were erected to L. Sulla, Cn. Pompeius, 
 and C. Caesar. That in honour of Pompey would be awarded ' iudicio 
 senatus libero et soluto,' and Cicero is careless enough of facts when 
 they interfere with rhetorical point to make his statement of little force 
 as invalidating that of Velleius. See on 2. 1, 1. 
 
 ec. 16, 17. C. Caesar had proved himself the almost superhuman 
 saviour of his country. In the midst of a general panic, though a mere 
 boy, with no experience, no prestige to commend him to the soldiery, he 
 had gathered for himself an ar?ny capable of resisting Antony. It was 
 but fair to legalize such energetic patriotism, and therefore Cicero 
 proposes to give him a regular military command, with the title of 
 propraetor ; and at the same time to admit him to the senate, with 
 extraordinary privileges , both in his position there, and his capacity 
 for seeking offices of state. In other cases it was well to wait for 
 the maturity of age, but C. Caesar had shown pozvers far beyond 
 his years, and challenged comparison with Africanus, Alexander and 
 
 116 
 
THE FIFTH PHILIPPIC ORATION 
 
 other youthful heroes, whose early powers clai??ied for them exemption 
 from the ordinary rules whereby mankind is judged. 
 1. II. A Brundisio. Cp. 3. 2, 4. 
 
 1. 12. Impotentissimus, &c. The order of the words in this clause 
 is noticeable, the description of Antony beginning with his private 
 intemperance, and proceeding through his malignity, and disloyal 
 temper, to his overt act of treason, his name coming at the end as 
 at once the climax and the explanation of his faults. ' A man of most 
 unbridled passions, burning with malignant feeling, a foe in temper 
 to all honest men, in arms against his country, in a word, Antonius.' 
 
 1. 15. Nullum consilium publicum, 1 no council representing the 
 republic ; ' the senate being still unable to deliberate freely. 
 
 1. 17. Exitum non habebat, < presented no outlet;' no safe place 
 for flight being to be found. Cp. de Or. 2. 77, 312 * Causae quae 
 plurimos exitus dant.' 
 
 1. 19. Deus is thrown to the end of the clause apparently to give 
 point to ' divinus.' So godlike a young man could only have received 
 his inspiration from a god. 
 
 1. 23. Cum esset adolescens, ' young man as he was.' Pompey 
 was not quite twenty-three when he raised an army in Picenum, de- 
 feated M. Brutus, and joined Sulla, 83 B.C. Octavianus was little more 
 than three years younger at the time of Antony's advance on Rome. 
 
 1. 25. Paratior. Halm reads ' paratiore,' a conjecture of his own, 
 in order that the clauses may more exactly balance the expressions 
 in the account of Caesar. The final ' e ' might easily have dropped 
 out before * et/ but 1 studio paratiore 1 could only depend upon 
 * robustior/ which would thus be strangely used with one ablative 
 of physical quality, existing in Pompey, and another of the mental 
 affections of his soldiers. 1 He was of a much more vigorous age, and 
 had much more to support him, in the zeal of the soldiers who were 
 seeking for a general/ and so far his difficulties were less ; and further, 
 his services were of more doubtful merit, for 1 the war in which he en- 
 gaged was different, the cause of Sulla being less universally popular.' 
 
 1. 27. Municipiorum. Notably Praeneste, Norba, Nola, and 
 Volaterrae. 
 
 P. 102. 1. 4. Regnavit, 'made himself despot.' See on 2. 12, 29. 
 1. 5. Dominatus. See on 1. 14, 34. 
 
 Imperium. This is a 1 locus classicus ' for the meaning of 1 imperium.' 
 See on 1. 7, 18. The same honour was given to Pompey by Sulla, 
 who addressed him when their forces joined as 1 Imperator,' though 
 he had held no regular commission from the state. 
 
 1. 7. Sit pro praetore, ' let him have the rank of propraetor, as 
 fully as though regularly appointed; ' 1 eo iure quo pro praetore est 
 
 117 
 
NOTES 
 
 qui optimo hire est/ that is, with as full privileges as if he had been - 
 legally appointed in the ordinary way. 
 
 1. 8. Ad necessitatem. If Octavius was to hold the command 
 of an army, he must have the 'imperium;' and Cicero implies that 
 he would ask for further honours, were it not that he anticipated 
 opposition ; on which account he limited his demands to what he thought 
 he could obtain, though even here he foresaw difficulty: ' Let us therefore 
 seek for this, which to-day we shall have sufficient difficulty in gaining.' 
 So in the spurious Epistles to Brutus we find (2. 15, 7) : ' Cum omne 
 praesidium esset in puero, quis honos ei non fuit decernendus ? Quam- 
 quam ego illi turn verborum laudem tribui, eamque modicam. Decrevi 
 etiam imperium, quod quamquam videbatur illi aetati honorificum, 
 tamen erat exercitum habenti necessarium. Quid enim est sine imperio 
 exercitus ? ' 
 
 1. 11. Honorandi. So Halm, for the Vatican reading 'hortandi 
 honorandi,' the two words there probably arising from confusion, such 
 as is common in that MS. Many editors, following Ferrarius, read 
 * omandi honorandi/ referring the former to the panegyrics of the senate, 
 the latter to the offices of distinction conferred by the people. 
 
 1. 13. Gai. 1 Gaius/ 'Gnaeus' appear to be properly spelt with 
 a * G/ the ' C ' which usually stands for their initial being probably 
 retained from the time when that letter had the force of ' G.' 
 
 1. 21. Ecjuites, sagittarios, elephantos. These are joined together 
 as forming the foreign portion of his forces. At this period the cavalry 
 of the Roman army generally, and the light-armed universally, were 
 composed of mercenaries. See on c. 2, 5. The elephants were pro- 
 bably some that had been taken by Caesar from the Moors in the 
 African campaign, and had been attached to the legions of Antony ; 
 though elephants had been occasionally used in the Roman army since 
 the close of the second Punic war. (Livy 31. 36.) The last occasion 
 on which they took part in any important engagement was at the battle 
 of Thapsns, where they proved fatal to their own side. 
 
 1. 25. Loco praetorio. See on 1. 6, 15. 
 
 1. 26. Rationenx haberi, ' votes should be received for him ; ' he 
 should be taken into account in the election, should be eligible. Cp. 2. 
 10, 24 note. 
 
 1. 29. Legibus, by the ' Leges annales/ fixing the age at which 
 a citizen might become a candidate for the various offices of state. 
 That for quaestor was 31, for Consul 43. The first and principal ' Lex 
 annalis' was the ' Lex Villia/ passed in 180 B. c. 
 
 P. 103. 1. 1. Admodum antiqui, 'of primitive simplicity/ not 
 yet hampered by the complexity of more modern regulations : as in 
 1. 10, 25 he uses ' antiqua ' for old-fashioned customs, falling short 
 
 118 
 
THE FIFTH PHILIPPIC ORATION 
 
 of the requirements of more advanced civilization. Cp. pro Quihct. 2 2, 
 72 * Hominem antiqui officii.' 
 
 Won habebant. Cp. Tac. Ann. 11. 22 'Apud maiores virtutis id 
 praemium fuerat, cunctisque civium, si bonis artibus fiderent, licitum 
 petere magistratus ; ac ne aetas quidem distinguebatur, quin prima 
 iuventa consulatum et dictaturas inirent.' 
 
 1. 2. Ambitio, ' rivalry for office ;' not the 'struggle for court favour/ 
 which is a later meaning of the word, illustrative of the change in 
 Roman public life under the emperors, when the avenues of laudable 
 ambition were gradually closed. ' Which rivalry for office introduced 
 long after, that the struggles for the several steps might take place 
 among men of the same age.' Horace uses 'ambitio' in an intermediate 
 sense, similarly suitable to the circumstances of his time, signifying 
 'a desire to be popular in society:' Sat. 1. 6, 51 'Prava Ambitione 
 procul :' cp. ib. 1. 10, 84. 
 
 1. 4. Rulli. Q. Fabius Maximus Rullus was Consul 322 B.C., 
 having already distinguished himself when ' magister equitum ' in 325 
 B.C., by a victory over the Samnites, gained in a battle which he fought 
 against the orders of his dictator, L. Papirius Cursor. (Livy 8. 29 sqq.) 
 He is the only Rullus of that period known to history. 
 
 1. 5. Decii. Probably the youthful Consul of the name was the 
 second P. Decius Mus, who was Consul first in 312 B.C. He was after- 
 wards thrice Consul with Fabius Maximus Rullus, and on the last 
 occasion, in 295 B.C., he is described by Livy as being still 'ferocior et 
 aetate et vigore animi ' (10. 28). 
 
 Corvini. M. Valerius Corvus, whose son took the name of 
 Corvinus, here loosely given to the father, was elected Consul in 
 348 B.C., as a mark of gratitude for his victory over the gigantic 
 Gaul in the previous year. He was at the time only twenty-three 
 years old. (Livy 7. 26.) 
 
 1. 6. Africanus. The elder Africanus was twenty-nine when he was 
 made Consul in 205 B.C. ; and he had then already achieved the conquest 
 of Spain, where he was appointed to the command of the army as 
 proconsul in 210 B.C. 
 
 T. Flaminirms was elected Consul in 198 B.C., at the age of 
 thirty-one, having previously only held the office of quaestor. See 
 Livy 32. 7 ; from which passage we learn that at that time not only was 
 there no 'Lex annalis,' but the practice of requiring men to pass through 
 the several minor grades of office to qualify for the consulship rested only 
 upon custom, not on law. Plutarch says (Flam. c. 2) that he was not yet 
 thirty, but Livy, two years later, makes him thirty-three (33. 33). 
 
 1. 8. Auxerint, ornarint. Perfects, instead of imperfects, because the 
 results of their exploits continued to the time when Cicero is speaking. 
 
 119 
 
NOTES 
 
 1. 9. Ab ineunte aetate. Alexander's first military distinction was 
 gained in the Battle of Chaeroneia, 338 B.C., before he was eighteen. 
 (Pint. Alex. c. 9.) 
 
 1. 12. Q,uam aetatis. The insertion of the second member of the 
 comparison before the comparative, to increase the force of contrast, 
 is noticeable; cp. Tusc. 3. 22, 52 * Maris subita tempestas quam ante 
 pro visa terret navigantes vehementius and see Madv. § 303 a. Obs. 2. 
 
 c. 18. There was ito fear of C. Caesar forgetting what was due 
 to moderation, no fear of his following in his father s footstep's, through 
 elation at his early honours. He had learned to prize true glory, the 
 glory which consists in the love and respect of all his fellow-citizens ; 
 he had even sacrificed his private enmities to the welfare of the state ; 
 and in going to the aid of D. Brutus he had given a pledge which Cicero 
 undertakes he should redeem, that he would ahvays unswervingly 
 maintain his present loyalty. 
 
 1. 13. Quod ii, &c, 'what those who envy Caesar feign to dread 
 is no subject even for our apprehension.' For this distinctive meaning 
 of 'vereor' cp. 12. 12, 29 *Quid? veteranos non veremur, nam timeri 
 se ne ipsi quidem volunt, quonam modo accipiant severitatem ? ' Cat. 
 Ma. 11. 37 ' Metuebant servi, verebantur liberi/ 
 
 1. 17. Quique se, &c. Cicero means this clause to be explanatory 
 of the former : ' the love of one's fellow-citizens is the truest glory.' 
 
 1. 19. Carum is a conjecture of Ferrarius, adopted by most editors, 
 for the MSS. reading ' clarum.' Cp. 1. 14, 33 'Carum esse civem, 
 bene de re publica mereri, laudari, coli, diligi gloriosum est/ 
 
 1. 22. Optimo cuique, 'best beloved by those who are most virtuous 
 themselves.' See on 1. 12, 29. 
 
 1. 33. Verae, gravi, solidae, 'genuine, influential, substantial,' 
 opposed severally to inutilis, invidiosa, lubrica, ' profitless, obnoxious, 
 precarious/ 
 
 P. 104. 1. 4. Condonavit, ' has sacrificed all his private enmities/ 
 
 1. 5. Consiliorum is a conjecture of Faernus to supply an obvious 
 want, the reading of the Vatican MS. being i omnium atque factorum/ 
 Consilia atque facta' are similarly joined in 10. 10, 20; 11, 23; and 
 in the speech de Pro v. Cons. 9, 20. 
 
 L 6. It a ad rem publicam accessit. ' His entrance on public life 
 is a guarantee that he will establish, not destroy, the commonwealth.' 
 
 1. 7. Habeo cognitos. This periphrasis for the perfect active, like 
 the Greek construction with the active aorist participle (tov jiev Trporioas, 
 tov 8' cLTLfidaas «x**, Soph. Ant. 22), is a step towards the modern usage 
 of auxiliary verbs. It always marks the fullest force of the definite 
 perfect, that the action of the verb continues, in itself or in its con- 
 
 120 
 
THE FIFTH PHILIPPIC ORATION 
 
 sequences, to the present time. Cp. Fam. 13. 17, 2 'Si eum nondum 
 satis habes cognitum, tibi eum commendo ; ' and see Madv. § 427. 
 
 1. 13. Domestici doloris : the assassination of Caesar. 
 
 Quae plus possit, ' so as to weigh more.' 
 
 1. 16. Quod . . . temeritatis, 'which otherwise I should not dare 
 to do,' &c. Ernesti supposes an alternative clause to have dropped out 
 after ' temeritatis,' such as ' nisi eum plane perspectum haberem,' but 
 this may easily be supplied from the context. 
 
 1. 18. Promitto, recipio, spondeo, 'I promise, undertake, pledge 
 myself,' the three words forming a climax, from a mere promise to 
 a solemn bond. 'Recipio,' in the sense of taking a risk upon oneself, 
 is distinguished from ' polliceor,' Att. 13. 1, 2 'De aestate polliceris, 
 vel potius recipis ; ' and joined with ' spondeo/ Fam. 13. 17, 3 ' Spondeo 
 in meque recipio.' 
 
 c. 19. Having moved a vote of thanks and special privileges to 
 L. Egnatuleius, the quaestor of the fourth legion ; and proposed that 
 rewards in lands, money, and exemptio?ts from service should be given 
 to the soldiers who had left or should leave the standard of Antony, 
 Cicero concludes by once more deprecating delay, and urging the 
 necessity for i??imediate and energetic action. 
 
 1. 22. Dictum habebo, * I shall hold that enough has been said.' 
 
 1. 24. Civi. See on 3. 3, 7. 
 
 1. 29. Magistratus. Halm reads 'magistratum,' on his own authority, 
 but as Egnatuleius was at present only quaestor, there seems no reason 
 why we should not accept the reading of the Italian MS. (the Vatican has 
 * magna,' which is obviously wrong, and the others are deficient in this 
 portion of the oration), supposing that he was allowed to anticipate each 
 of the higher magistracies by three years. This privilege, Cicero says, 
 was insignificant in itself, but it was a high honour to have gained in 
 it the public thanks of the senate. 
 
 P. 105. 1. 1. Auctoritatem' secuti, &c. The words in italics are 
 added by Halm, after a suggestion of Garatonius, to supply an obvious 
 omission, probably arising from the repetition of the word ' auctori- 
 tatem.' The words supplied are modelled on the decree in 3. 1 5, 37. 
 Cp. 3. 4, 8. 
 
 1. 3. Vacationem, See on c. 12, 31. Probably the exemption pro- 
 posed would be with the same limitation as below, ' extra tumultum 
 Gallicum Italicumque.' 
 
 1. 6. Contra legem Iuliam. The main provisions of the agrarian law, 
 carried by Caesar in his consulship in 59 B. C, for the division of state 
 lands in Campania, were that existing rights of property should be 
 observed, that individual allotments should be small, and incapable 
 
 121 
 
NOTES 
 
 of alienation till they had been held for twenty years, and that the 
 receivers of land were to be poor citizens, fathers of at least three 
 children. See Mommsen, Hist, of Rome, 4. pp. 200, 528 (Eng. Trans.). 
 Antony had divided this territory ' compransoribus suis et collusoribus.' 
 2. 39, 101. 
 
 1. 9. Legioni Martiae, &c. See on 3. 2, 4. 
 
 1. 12. Edidissent. So the Vatican MS. Cp. Livy 2. 24 ' Nominis 
 edendi apud consules potestas.' 
 
 1. 14. Tumultum. See on c. 12, 31. 
 
 1. 15. Missas fieri, 'should be at once discharged from further service/ 
 1. 20. Privatorum. See on c. 7, 20. 
 
 1. 21. Ut quibus militibus. Sc. ' ut iis militibus dati essent quibus 
 amplissime dati essent.' Cp. 'Eo iure quo qui optimo' c. 16, 45. 
 
 THE SEVENTH PHILIPPIC ORATION 
 
 ce. 1, 2. The topics for discussion were unimportant, co?npared with 
 the consideration of the danger overhanging the state. It was asserted 
 that Antony was willing to make ivhat he called moderate terms with 
 the people, giving up at least Cisalpine, if not both the Gauls, as though 
 it were his part to dictate terms, instead of submitting unconditionally to 
 the senate. Such language proved those who employed it to be no good 
 citizens, much less worthy of the name of consular ; contrasting as it did 
 zvith the conduct of C. Pansa, who had availed himself of the opportunity 
 which the crisis gave him, to show hi?7iself the noblest Consul that had 
 been kitown within the memory of man. 
 
 P. 107. 1. 2. De Moneta. The temple of Juno Moneta, afterwards 
 the Roman Mint, occupied the S.W. summit of the Capitoline Hill. 
 It was built by L. Camillus, on the site of the house of Cn. Manlius 
 Capitolinus, in pursuance of a vow made in a battle with the Aurunci. 
 (Livy 7. 28 ; 6. 20.) 
 
 Lupercis. See on 2. 34, 84. 
 
 1. 4. Suspensus curis maioribus, 'amid the suspense which greater 
 cares inflict on us.' 
 
 1. 7. Legatorum missionem. See introduction to the fifth oration. 
 
 1. 11. Revirescere, 'is regaining strength enough to hope for the 
 renewal of its ancient power.' Some MSS. have ' reviviscere,' a more 
 favourite word with Cicero. For the construction cp. de Prov. Cons. 
 14, 34 e Ad renovandum bellum revirescent.' 
 
 1. 17. Reserare, &c, remove the forces which bar Italy against her 
 foreign foes. 
 
 122 
 
THE SEVENTH PHILIPPIC ORATION 
 
 1. 1 8. Se praesertim incolumi, ' and that though he is safe.' See 
 on 2. 24, 60. 
 
 1. 20. Illam ultimam, 1 quam Plancus obtinet '5.2,5: see note. 
 
 P. 108. 1. 3. Suam vocat. On the ground that the decree of the 
 senate which recalled his brother left matters as they were before the 
 provinces had been allotted ; and that though the province originally 
 belonged to M. Brutus, he had been superseded in favour of Antony by 
 a previous decree of the senate, passed on the 1st of June. 
 
 Gaius frater. He was praetor in 44 B.C., and obtained the province 
 of Macedonia. (Cp. 3. 10, 26.) On his recall, in consequence of the 
 decree passed on the occasion of that oration, he did not return to Rome, 
 but maintained himself in arms against M. Brutus till the autumn of this 
 year. He was eventually put to death by Brutus, probably in retaliation 
 for the murder of Cicero. 
 
 1. 5. Fax. Cp. 2. 19,48 ' Omnium incendiorum fax;' and de Harusp. 
 Resp. 2.4* Cum his furiis et facibus bellum mihi dico esse susceptum.' 
 
 1. 7. Pacis. This is the conjecture of Ursinus, for the readings of 
 the MSS. ' patris,' or 'partis'; cp. 12. 2, 6 ' Ex pacis patrocinio, quod 
 subito suscepit.' 
 
 1. 8. Irritatum. So Halm, from a correction in the Vatican MS., 
 the word having been omitted by the original writer. The other MSS. 
 have ' irritari,' which is simpler. 
 
 1. 12. Ulciscendi. The later MSS. have ' ulciscendis ' . . . ' per- 
 timescendis,' apparently to avoid the peculiar construction 'ulciscendi 
 cautio.' Cp. however pro Flacc. 13, 31 ' Defendendi facilis est cautio.' 
 ' In dealing with traitors, should we take more care to show our fears of 
 them, or to punish them, when there is a chance?' 
 
 L 13. Propter levitatem, &c, 1 whose frivolity made them seem, in 
 former days, to be hunting after popularity.' See on 2. 31, 77; and for 
 'populares' on 1. 15, 37. 
 
 1. 15. Non voluntate, &c, 'that their seeking for popularity 
 arose from no love for the people, but from disloyalty to the state.' 
 They were on the democratic side, only when the democratic side 
 was wrong. 
 
 1. 16. In rebus improbis, sc. when the popular desire was set on 
 what was wrong, they were all for furthering what the people wished ; 
 but when the people's wishes happened to be right, they saciificed their 
 popularity to their love of wickedness. 
 
 L 19. Adversarium. The later MSS. have ' adversatum ; ' but cp. 
 pro Cluent. 34, 94 ' seditiosis adversarius.' 
 
 1. 23. Faveas tu hosti. This may be addressed to Q. Fufius 
 Calenus (see on 5. 1, 1), but more probably generally to any senator to 
 whom the charges would apply. 
 
 123 
 
NOTES 
 
 1. 25. Describendas, 'to copy;' cp. Fam. 12. 17, 2 'Dicam tuis, ut 
 librum, si velint, describant ad teque mittant.' 
 
 1. 27. Accipiet, &c, C. Pansa will not be offended at my using his 
 name in order to illustrate my argument from an extreme case. 
 
 P. 109. 1. 6. Praestantissimum, &c, ' stands forth most promin- 
 ently as the most patriotic Consul that I can remember.' 
 
 1. 7, Non quin. Equivalent to ' non quia non;' cp. de Orat. 2. 72, 
 295 ' Non quin enitendum sit in utroque.' 
 
 1. 10. Tempestas, &c, 'an opening has been given to Pansa's high- 
 mindedness, solidity of character, and wisdom, in a moment of extra- 
 ordinary danger.' 'Tempestas temporis,' ' the opportunity which is 
 presented by the time.' 
 
 cc. 3-5. Cicero therefore, the persistent eager advocate of peace, so far 
 deviated from his principles as to shrink from peace with Antony ; but 
 only because it was shameful, dangerous, and fallacious. It was shameful, 
 because inconsistent with the decree zvhich they had passed so recently. 
 By voting honours to C. Caesar, Decimus Brutus, and the soldiers under 
 their command, — by determining to send both Consuls, one at the risk 
 of his life, to the seat of war, — and by ordering a general levy, they had 
 practically declared that Antony was a public enemy : and this view was 
 confirmed by the eager attention paid to warlike preparations by all 
 classes in the city. Nor did the message to Antony, impolitic, even dis- 
 graceful as it was, bind them to treat upon his terms, since it was not so 
 much an embassy, as a notice to yield, under penalty of destruction if he 
 disobeyed. The Roman senators shotdd die rather than submit to one 
 who outdid kings and tyrants alike, both in extortion and wickedness at 
 home 1 and in actual deeds of treasonable warfare in the provinces. 
 
 1. 15. Pacis auctor. Cp. 2. 15,37. The elaboration of this sentence 
 and the frequent dependent clauses and parentheses make the thread of it 
 difficult to follow, even with the aid of the thrice repeated subject, ' Ego 
 ille, . . . ego igitur pacis . . . alumnus, . . . ego ille pacis . . . laudator 
 . . . pacem esse nolo.' 
 
 1. 16. In primis, ' above all other men.' All good men desired peace, 
 but none so much as Cicero. 
 
 1. 18. In periculis propulsandis. Cicero only twice in his life 
 undertook a prosecution, and in both cases he might be said to be 
 pleading the cause of his friends against their oppressors. The first was 
 that of Verres, 70 B.C., in behalf of the Sicilians; the second that of 
 T. Munatius Plancus Bursa, who as tribune of the commons had taken 
 a leading part in bringing Milo to trial, 52 B.C. 
 
 1. 21. Quantuscumque sum, ' whatever small position maybe mine 
 ' quantuscumque' being used, by a fieicoais common with Cicero, for 
 
 124 
 
THE SEVENTH PHILIPPIC ORATION 
 
 1 quantuluscumque' ; cp. 5. 8, 22 i Bona, quantacumque erant;' and de 
 Orat. 2. 28, 123 ' Quantuscumque sum ad iudicandum.' 
 
 1. 23. Periculose dico, ' I speak at the peril of my reputation for 
 consistency.' Muretus notices this as a remarkable instance of npoSiop- 
 dojais, answering an objection before the cause of it has arisen. 
 
 1. 27. Incredibile, &c, 'however difficult to believe that it has come 
 from Cicero's mouth.' 
 
 1. 32. Silentio, 'without your interrupting me.' 
 
 P. 110. 1. 4. Levitate, * caprice/ See on 2. 31, 77. 
 
 1. 6. !N"on verbo, sed re. Cp. 4. 1, 1 4 Est hostis a senatu nondum 
 verbo appellatus, sed re iam iudicatus Antonius.' 
 
 1. 8. Meritos. So most editors for the Vatican reading ' merito.' 
 The passive meaning of ' meritus,' common in poetry, is found again in 
 connexion with ' debitam,' in de Orat. 2. 50, 203 4 Iracundiam neque 
 earn iniustam sed meritam ac debitam;' ib. 3. 4, 14 4 Meritam gratiam 
 debitamque.' ' Illi ' depends on 1 decrevistis,' not on ( meritos/ 
 
 1. 17. Omine. So Halm, from one MS., following the conjecture of 
 Ferrarius, who compares 10. 6, 14 ' Brutus . . . cum sua excellentissima 
 virtute rei publicae natus, turn fato quodam paterni maternique generis 
 et nominis/ The other MSS. have 'homine/ For the omen see 2. 11, 
 26 note. 
 
 L 25. Meus collega: in the augurship. At the end of the first 
 oration Cicero mentions the general anxiety for the safety of Hirtius, 
 who was then in bad health. To this he apparently refers in saying 
 that the people's prayers had saved his life. The date of his departure 
 from Rome is uncertain, but it was probably soon after the despatch of 
 the envoys (Merivale 3. 128). From this speech (c. 2, 5 ; 9, 27) we 
 learn that Pansa still remained in Rome. Hirtius was not only the 
 friend, but the pupil of Cicero (Fam. 7. 33, 1). 
 
 P. 111. 1. 6. Meam sententiam flagitari, * do you not hear them 
 calling loudly for the measures I proposed ? ' viz. that Antony should at 
 once be formally declared an enemy. 
 
 1. 7. Pridie . . . postridie are here correlative, ' on one day,' * on 
 the next/ Till the 3rd of January the feeling of the senate had been on 
 Cicero's side, but on the morning of the 4th the tide turned, and the 
 meeting acquiesced in the veto which Salvius placed upon his motion. 
 
 L 8. Devoluti, ' ye sank down,' with the implied notion of deteri- 
 oration. Cp. Livy 5. 11 * Eo devolvi rem (matters had come to such 
 a pass), ut aut patricii aut patriciorum asseclae habendi tribuni plebis 
 sint/ 
 
 1. 9. Legiones, those of Antony. Of these ambassadors we know 
 nothing. 
 
 L 11. Quid refer t? &c. So Halm, restoring the common punctua- 
 
 125 
 
NOTES 
 
 tion, instead of placing the note of interrogation after ' tamen,' according 
 to the suggestion of Faernus. ' In spite of this distinction, the really 
 important point is what people generally think of the measure; and 
 they at least look on it as an embassy.' 
 
 1. 14. Constantia, gravitas, perseverantia, as opposed to the 
 ' inconstantia, levitas, mobilitas ' of Antony, c. 3, 9. 
 
 1. 16. Desiderat, 'regrets;' caruit, 'has been without/ under the 
 tyranny of Caesar. 
 
 1. 20. Depulimus, &c, 'we drove them indeed from our walls, but 
 that is not enough, we must wrench them from the hands of him who 
 has usurped them.' The words 'extorquenda sunt' stand baldly, so that 
 some editors have inserted 'sed,' but without authority. The reading of 
 the later MSS. is e nunc quidem extorquenda sunt,' but ' quidem ' is 
 wanted in the former clause, and weak in the latter. 
 
 1. 21. Quod si, &c. Mr. Forsyth says of this sentence that it 'is 
 as fine as anything in Demosthenes — perhaps finer — if we except the 
 adjuration in the speech on the Crown' (Life of Cicero, 2. 221, edit. 1). 
 
 1. 26. Urbani consulatus. His campaigns were carried on at 
 home, against the liberty, the laws, the property of the state and people. 
 The charges here brought against Antony have all been discussed 
 already, in the notes to the second oration. 
 
 1. 28. Divendidit, 'has sold piecemeal ;' cp. de Leg. Agr. 1. 3, 7 
 ' Bona populi Romani divendere.' 
 
 1. 29. Addixit, 'has given over to the highest bidder ; ' see 2. 21, 52 
 note. 
 
 1. 33. Consulem designatum : see on 3. 15, 37. 
 P. 112. 1. 1. Hunc. For this redundant use of 'hie,' after a long 
 relative clause, see 2. 39, 101 note. 
 
 cc. 6, 7. Secondly, with Antony {or rather with the Antonii, for 
 Lztcius, the patron of the people, the knights, and the bankers, the doughty 
 gladiator, was no less formidable than his brother) , any peace must needs 
 be full of danger, for there could be no security against his falling into 
 his ancient evil practices. And if danger should arise, the senate must 
 accept the blame of it, since they had Cicero to warn them, and all orders 
 of the people were eager to assist them in averting it. 
 
 1. 10. Dominabitur, ' will play the part of tyrant ; ' so pro Rab. 
 Post. 14, 39 ' Dominatus est enim, inquit, Alexandreae.' 
 
 Patronus. The allusion is to an impudent inscription which 
 L. Antonius caused to be placed on an equestrian statue of himself : 
 Quinque et triginta tribus patrono. Cicero ridicules the assumption 
 at length in 6. 5, 12. 
 
 1. 11. Sua lege, the law passed by L. Antonius, as tribune of the 
 
 J26 
 
THE SEVENTH PHILIPPIC ORATION 
 
 commons, in the preceding year, giving to Caesar the right of nomina- 
 ting the Consuls for the next two years, together with half the 
 other magistrates who were usually elected by the people. (Suet- 
 Caes. 41.) 
 
 Magistratum. This is the reading of the Vatican MS., which 
 Halm supposes to be a corruption for ' magistratuum comitia ' or 
 ' nominationem.' ' By virtue of which law he divided the election of 
 the magistrates between Caesar and the people/ The use of 
 ' magistrates ' in the singular for the whole body of magistrates is hardly 
 defensible. The other MSS. and most editors have ' magistrates.' 
 Nipperdey (Philologus 3. 144) thinks that * magistratum partitus est ' 
 may mean, ' shared the nomination of magistrates,' as in Tac. Ann. 
 1. 44 ' Centurionatum egit ' means * he proceeded to the appointment of 
 centurions.' For the general sense he compares Suet. Caes. 41 * Comitia 
 cum populo partitus est.' 
 
 1. 15. Praesertim cum, &c, 'especially when he shall have given 
 these same clients allotments of the public lands.' 
 
 1. 17. Tribunos militares. One of the later MSS. reads 'habuit,' 
 but it is easily supplied from the earlier part of the argument. 
 
 1. 21. Plane et Latine, 'plain Latin;' cp. Verr. Act. 2. 4. 1, 2 
 * Latine me scitote, non accusatorie loqui.' 
 
 1. 22. Myrmillo. See 3. 12, 31 note. 
 
 Thraecidicis, ' with the arms of a Thrax,' the usual antagonist of 
 the myrmillo. So in 6. 5, 13 'Myiasis myrmillo Thracem iugulavit.' 
 
 1. 24. Luculentam, ' a serious blow.' The expression is probably 
 taken from the slang of the arena : cp. ad Q. Fr. 3. 2, I ' Gabinium 
 luculente calefecerat Memmius.' 
 
 1. 25. Familiarem, 'his comrade ;' cp. 6. 1. c. 
 
 1. 26. Animi causa, ' to amuse himself ; ' cp. Fam. 7.2,3' Hie 
 simiolus animi causa me, in quern inveheretur, delegerat.' 
 
 1. 28. Decuriabit, ' place on the judicial bench.' See 1. 8, 19 note. 
 
 Sollicitabit agrarios, ' try to rouse those who are desirous of land ; ' 
 cp. Cat. 4. 2, 4 ' C. Gracchus, quod agrarios concitare conatus est ' 
 
 Queretur expulsos, ' bemoan the lot of those who lose their lands,' 
 to make way for the new settlers ; so as to gain over desperadoes of all 
 classes. Muretus suggests ' quaeret urbe expulsos ' as the explanation 
 of the Vatican reading ' quae retur,' but the t expulsi ' are obviously 
 those who are deprived of their property. See on 5. 7, 20. The new 
 settlers would be those introduced by the decree passed in consequence 
 of the fifth oration. 
 
 1. 33. Ad nutum, ' to obey Antony without demur.' 
 
 P. 113. 1. 3. Involutum. So Halm from the later MSS., and 
 a comparison of this passage with a fragment of a letter to Octavian, ad 
 
 127 
 
NOTES 
 
 Caes. Iun. Epist. I. fr. 9 ' Sed quod videret nomine pacis bellum 
 involutum fore.' The Vatican MS. has ' nouolutum ' whence Muretus 
 suggested the common reading ' obvolutum, , as in 2. 31, 77. 
 
 1. 5. Est vestri consilii, * your character for prudence calls upon 
 you.' 
 
 1. 7. In hac custodia, &c, 4 in this post of guardianship, this watch- 
 tower, as it were.' To ' custodia ' answers 4 vigilia ; 1 to * specula ' 
 4 prospicientia.' 
 
 1. 9. Summo consilio. Cp. 4. 6, 14 4 Senatum, id est orbis terrae 
 consilium.' 
 
 1. 16. In principe civi, 'in one who claims to be the leader of his 
 party.' For the form ' civi ' see 3. 3, 7 note. 
 
 c. 8. And lastly peace with Antony could not be. Mutual hatred ', 
 the peoplis eagerness for liberty, the siege of Mutina, and the loyalty and 
 readiness for service which had thereby been excited, together with the 
 influence of C. Caesar and D. Brutus, all made peace impossible. 
 
 1. 18. Coagmentari. The Vatican MS. has 4 coamentari,' a reading 
 which Muretus defends, deriving the word from ' amenta, ea quibus ad 
 ligandum utimur.' This meaning of 4 amentum 1 however does not 
 occur before the writings of the elder Pliny, and if 4 coamentari ' be the 
 right reading, it seems more likely that it is taken from a form 
 4 coamentum,' derived directly from 4 cogo,' as ' amentum ' (the impelling 
 thong) is from * ago/ Though several times used by Cicero (apolo- 
 getically, with ' quasi ' or 4 quodammodo ') of the combination of words, 
 in his rhetorical treatises, the word ' coagmentari ' appears to be 
 nowhere else employed in so distinctly metaphorical a sense as here. 
 ' I will show that peace cannot even be patched up with Antony.' 
 
 1. 23. Age, vos, &c, 'is this mutual hatred confined to you and 
 him? , 
 
 1. 24. In Gallia. See 5. 12, 31 note. 
 
 1. 26. Occulta, &c. Ironical. * They made no display, of course, 
 of their feelings and opinions about Antony.' 
 
 1. 33. Bis. On the occasions of the fourth and sixth orations. 
 
 P. 114. 1. 2. Quod here is nearly equivalent to 'whereas,' the 
 principal clause not containing a direct antecedent to it, but only an 
 observation referring to the antecedent. See Mad v. § 398 b. Obs. 2. 
 
 1. 8. Ut in singulis, &c, 'that in reviewing the conduct of the 
 several towns you nowhere feel the absence of the Roman senate : ' they 
 are all as zealous as if they were acting under the immediate influence 
 of the senate. 
 
 1. 10. Firmani. From the time of the Roman conquest of Picenum, 
 268 b. c, Firmum (now Fermo) always proved a staunch ally of Rome, 
 
 128 
 
THE SEVENTH PHILIPPIC ORATION 
 
 remaining faithful even during the Social War, when it was the head- 
 quarters of Cn. Pompeius Strabo. The Marrucini, from their admission 
 to the Roman alliance, in 304 B.C. were also conspicuous for their 
 general fidelity to Rome, but they joined the Marsi and Peligni in the 
 Social War, at the close of which, with the Picenians, they were admitted 
 to the Roman franchise. 
 
 1. 12. Subterfugissent, 4 evaded military service.' Gp. Off. 3. 26, 
 97 'Ulixen insimulant tragoediae simulatione insaniae militiam subter- 
 fugisse.' 
 
 1. 16. L. Visidio. Orelli and other editors, apparently without MS. 
 authority, have 1 Nasidio,' identifying this otherwise unknown knight 
 with L. Nasidius, who commanded a fleet under Pompey in 49 B.C. 
 To this it is objected that Nasidius would not have been appointed to 
 such an office unless he had held some magistracy, and it is unusual to 
 apply the term ' eques ' to any one who had even been quaestor. 
 
 1. 24. Leniet, sc. 'se provinciae leniet,' an apparently unparalleled 
 construction of *lenio,' due to the influence of its combination with 
 ' placo,' which, with so closely cognate a meaning, is not unusual with this 
 construction ; cp. Fam. 13. 1,3 * Uti te sibi placarem.' * Will he now 
 bring himself to look with kindly and gentle feelings on the province 
 of Gaul?' 
 
 c. 9. What remained was therefore to be firm and ready. If Atitony 
 gave way to all the orders of the senate, then deliberation might be possible 
 and safe, but if he failed in any one particular, the only course in that 
 case was to crush hitti, and thus free the Roman people fi-om all danger 
 and all fear for ever. 
 
 P. 115. 1. 1. Omnia fecerit, &c, 1 he must have submitted to us in 
 all that we have forbidden or commanded him to do r before he can claim 
 a hearing for his requests.' 
 
 1. 5. Exercitum, &c. In 6. 3, 5 Cicero tells- the people that 1 paulo 
 ante decretum est ut (Antonius) exercitum citra flumen Rubiconem, qui 
 finis est Galliae, educeret, dum ne propius urbem Romam CC milia 
 admoveret.' This would confine him within limits of about 20 miles, 
 the Rubicon being about 220 miles from Rome. 
 
 1. 8. Erit integra, ' the question will be open for deliberation.' 
 
 1. 11. Agitur, 'is at stake.' 
 
 1. 17. Non eges, &c, although, that is, you are rather fitted for 
 administering than receiving such advice. 
 
 1. 19. Apparatum, not merely the forces which he had collected 
 from the levy, as Manutius thinks, but all his other resources, in the 
 firmness of the senate, the zeal of the knights, and the eagerness of 
 the people. 
 
 K X29 
 
NOTES 
 
 L 24. Quibus de rebus : the Appian way, and the Mint, the subjects 
 of the Consul's motion ; see c. 1, 1. 
 
 P. Servilio : probably P. Servilius Vatia Isauricus the younger, who 
 was one of the chief supporters of the aristocratical party, and afterwards 
 chosen as one of the envoys for the proposed second embassy to Antony. 
 The words with which Cicero concludes this oration are probably the 
 usual formula for giving a vote without embodying in it a motion, and 
 so come in appropriately at the close of a speech which is absolutely 
 irrelevant to the matter before the Senate. 
 
 130 
 
INDEX 
 
 (The first figure refers to the Oration, the second to the smaller 
 
 subdivision into sections.) 
 
 Abhinc, 2. 119. 
 
 Accedere, to bid at an auction, 
 2. 64. 
 
 Accusative, in exclamations, 3, 
 26 ; limiting intransitive verb, 
 2. 21. 
 
 Addicere, 2. 52 ; 7. 15. 
 
 Additi quaestores, 2. 31. 
 
 Adolescens, 2. 52, 113. 
 
 Adspectus, 2. 73. 
 
 Advocatus, 1. 16. 
 
 Aerarium, the depository of laws, 
 
 5. 12. 
 Afflictus, 3. 25. 
 Agere, to negotiate, 2. 52. 
 Agmen quadratum, 2. 108. 
 Agrarius, desirous of land, 7. 18. 
 Ahala, C. Servilius, 2. 26, 27. 
 Alba Longa, occupation of, 3. 6. 
 Albus aterne, 2. 41. 
 Alea, 2. 56. 
 Alexander, 5. 48. 
 Alexandrea, 2. 48, 64. 
 Alio die, 2. 83. 
 Allegare, 5. 14. 
 aWo ti Tj, 1. 22. 
 Alpes, 5. 37. 
 
 Amatius, the pseudo-Marius, 1. 5. 
 Ambitio, 5. 47. 
 
 K 
 
 dfjivrjarla, I. I. 
 Anagnia, 2. 106. 
 Animi causa, 7. 18. 
 Annius, L., 3. 26. 
 Antiquus, 1. 25 ; 5. 47. 
 Antonia, 2. 99. 
 
 Antonius, C, brother of the trium- 
 vir, 3. 26; 7. 3. 
 
 Antonius, L., cruelty in Gaul, 3. 
 30; 'myrmillo,' 3. 31; 5. 20, 
 30 ; 7. 1 7 ; ' patronus ' of all 
 Rome, 7. 16 foil. 
 
 Antonius, M., the orator, 1.27; 2. 
 42, 70. 
 
 Antonius, M., the triumvir, acts 
 of, annulled, 5. 10 ; at Alexan- 
 drea, 2. 48 ; answers the first 
 Philippic, 5. 19; * augur vere- 
 cundus,' 5. 7 ; augur through 
 Curio's influence, 2. 4; body- 
 guard of, 1. 27 ; Caesar's fate 
 a warning to, 2. 116; Caesar's 
 memory neglected by, 2. 110; 
 Caesar's murder attempted by, 
 2. 34, 74 ; Caesar's nominee in 
 the consulship, 2. 10; Caesar's 
 treason caused by, 2. 53 ; Cam- 
 pania, his progress through, 
 2. 100 ; Capua, his proceed- 
 
 2 131 
 
INDEX 
 
 ings at, 2. 92 ; Cicero's bene- 
 factor, 1. 11; 2. 59; Cicero's 
 enemy, 2. 2 ; Cicero's friend, 2. 
 3 ; Cisalpine Gaul appropriated 
 by, 1. 8; Cisalpine Gaul oc- 
 cupied by, 5 24; Clodius' tool, 
 2. 48 ; constitutional conduct of, 
 after Caesar's death, 1.2; con- 
 sulship obtained by, 2. 79 ; 
 1 consulatus urbanus,' 7. 15; 
 crew of, described, 5. 12 foil.; 
 cruelty of, 2. 61 ; dictatorship 
 abolished by, 1. 4; 2. 115; 
 discourtesy of, 2. 7, 105 foil.; 
 Dolabella's election stopped by, 
 1. 31 ; 2. 82 ; drinks in Scipio's 
 villa, 5. 19; falsifies the aus- 
 pices, 2. 82 ; finds fault with 
 Cicero's consulship, 2. 11 ; flight 
 before Octavianus, 3. 1, 24 ; 5. 
 24, 30 ; flight to Gaul, 3. 6 ; 
 flight on Caesar's death, 2. 88 ; 
 forges ' acta Caesaris,' 2. 97 ; 
 forges laws, 1. 25 ; 2.8; friend 
 of traitors, 2.2; gambler, 2. 56 ; 
 gluttonous, 2. 63 ; grandfathers 
 of, 1. 27; ' heres secundus' to 
 Caesar, 2. 71 ; 'hostis Populi 
 Romani, 3. 15 ; 4. 55 5. 28 
 foil. ; insolent, 2. 58 ; jobbery 
 of, 2. 35,62,92, 115; 3.10,30; 
 joins Caesar in Gaul, 2. 48; 
 joins Caesar at Ravenna, 2. 51 ; 
 Italy entrusted to, by Caesar, 
 2 -57> 58 ; ' iudicium ' bestowed 
 on foreigners by, 5. 12 ; Latinity 
 of, 2. 95; 3. 22; laws of, in- 
 valid, 5. 10; legislation of, 2, 
 72 ; life of, reviewed 2. 44 foil. ; 
 Lupercalia, conduct at the, 2. 
 84; 3. 12; Macedonia claimed 
 by, 7. 3 ; 'magister equitum,' 2. 
 62 ; massacres of, 3. 4 ; Mutina 
 besieged by, 5. 24; Narbo, ex- 
 pedition to, 2. 75 ; Narbo, re- 
 turn from, 2. 76 ; ' non sordidus/ 
 1. 33; occupied the forum with 
 soldiery, 2.19, 96; 5.9; peace 
 with, impossible, 7 7; Pompey's 
 
 132 
 
 goods bought by, 2. 64, 100, 
 103; profligate, 2. 57, 104; 
 quaestor, 2. 49; senate block- 
 aded by, 2. 19, 112; senate 
 insulted by, 3. 20 ; sons of, 1. 
 2 ; 2. 90 ; suppliant to Cicero, 2. 
 7 ; temperate when necessary, 3. 
 12; threatens Cicero, 1. 11; 
 tribune, 2. 51 ; tries to kill 
 P. Ciodius, 2. 21,49; tyrant of 
 the w T orst kind, 2. 108; 7. 15; 
 uncle of, 1. 27 ; unconstitutional 
 conduct of, after 1st of June, 1. 
 6 ; unnatural conduct of, 2. 55 ; 
 unsupported in the senate, 5. 32; 
 venal, 2. 97 ; villa of, at Mise- 
 num, 2. 48, 73 ; wishes to crown 
 Caesar, 2. 85 ; 5. 38 ; wishes 
 to declare Octavianus a public 
 enemy, 5. 23; wishes to divide 
 Italy among his followers, 5. 7. 
 
 Antonius Hybrida, C, uncle of the 
 triumvir, 2. 56, 70, 98. 
 
 Apertus in dicendo, 2. 111. 
 
 Apollinares ludi, 1. 36 ; 2. 31. 
 
 Apothecae, 2. 67 ; 3. 31. 
 
 Apparatus, *]. 2 7. 
 
 Appellare, to summon for debt, 
 
 2. 71. 
 Appellari, 1. 6. 
 Appia via, 7- I* 
 Aquinum, 2. 106. 
 Arationes, 2. 101. 
 Argentum, plate, 2. 66. 
 Aricia, 3. 15. 
 Armenia Minor, 2. 94. 
 Armenta, 3. 31. 
 Asyndeton, 1. 1 ; 2. 75, 89, 94. 
 Atia, 3. 15. 
 
 Atius, M., 3. 16. 
 Attius quoted, 1. 34, 36. 
 Attraction from finite verb after 
 quam,' 5. 21 ; of demonstrative, 
 
 3. 13; of relative, 2. 54; 5. 
 
 39- 
 
 Attribuere, to give money on 
 
 account, 5. 6. 
 Aversa lectica, 2. 82. 
 Avertere, 5. 11. 
 
INDEX 
 
 Augurs, College of, 2. 4, 81. 
 Auspices invented, 2. 83, 88 ; 3. 9. 
 
 Bambalio, M. Fulvius, 2. 90; 3. 
 16. 
 
 Barbaria, 2. 108. 
 
 Basilus, 2. 107. 
 
 Bellienus, L., 2. 91. 
 
 Belua, 3. 28. 
 
 Bibulus, M., 2. 23. 
 
 Bodyguard of tyrants, 1. 27 ; 5. 17. 
 
 Brundisium, massacres at, 3. 4. 
 
 Brutus, D. Iunius, ' consul desig- 
 natus,' 3. 37 ; decree in honour 
 °f> 5« 35 5 edict of, 3. 8 ; praetor 
 in Cisalpine Gaul, 1. 8. 
 
 Brutus, L. Iunius, 1. 13 ; 2. 26. 
 
 Brutus, M. Iunius, Crete given to, 
 instead of Macedonia, 2. 31 ; ex- 
 empted from penalties, 2. 31 ; 
 farewell edict of, 1. 8 ; not de- 
 scended from L. Brutus, 1. 13 ; 2. 
 29; proconsul in Crete, 2. 31. 
 
 Bustum Caesaris, 1.5; 2. 107. 
 
 Cadere in aliquem, 5. 6. 
 
 Caelo, detrahere de, 2. 107. 
 
 Caesar, C. Iulius, acts of, ratified, 
 1. 17 ; called Antony to account 
 for his debts, 2. 71 ; careless 
 about loyalty when young, 5. 49 ; 
 Cicero's benefactor, 2. 1 ; civil 
 wars of, 2. 75 ; civil war, pre- 
 text for, 2. 53 ; column in his 
 honour, 1. 5 ; ' commentarii,' 1. 
 2 ; Consul, 2. 24; decorated by 
 the senate, 2. 85 ; Deiotarus 
 defended by, 2. 94 ; diadem 
 rejected by, 2. 87 ; flamen of, 2. 
 110; funeral of, 2. 90; gardens 
 of, 2. 109; goes to Spain, 2. 
 74; laws of, see under 'Lex'; 
 life attempted by Antony, 2. 
 74; literary powers of, 2. 116; 
 magnificence of, 2. 116; miser- 
 able, 1.35; opposed by the con- 
 sulars, 2. 54 ; Parthian cam- 
 paign, 2. 80 ; Pompey alienated 
 
 from Cicero by, 2.23; Pompey' s 
 goods sold by, 2. 64; Pompey's 
 negotiations with, 2. 37 ; Pom- 
 pey reconciled to, 2. 33 ; pro- 
 vince of Gaul retained by, 2. 24 ; 
 provinces allotted by, 2. 31 ; 
 public works of, 2. 116; re- 
 fuge of the abandoned, 2. 50, 
 78 ; returns to Rome from 
 Egypt, 2. 64 ; temple of, 2. 110 ; 
 tyranny premeditated, 2. 116. 
 
 Caesar, L. Iulius, 1. 27; 2. 14; 
 3. 22. 
 
 Calcei, 2. 76. 
 
 Calenus, Q. Fufius, 5. 1. 
 
 Calvinus Sabinus, 3. 26. 
 
 Canutius, Ti., 3. 23. 
 
 Capital punishment abolished, 1 . 2 1 . 
 
 Capitalis homo, 5. 33. 
 
 Capua, 2. 100. 
 
 Carfulenus, D., 3. 23. 
 
 Cascae, Servilii, 2. 27. 
 
 Casilinum, 2. 102. 
 
 Cassianum, 2. 35. 
 
 Cassius, Q., 3. 26. 
 
 Cassius, Sp., 1. 1 ; 2. 26, 87, 114. 
 
 Cassius Barba, 5. 18. 
 
 Cassius Longinus, C, attempts 
 Caesar's life, 2. 26 ; farewell 
 edict of, 1. 8. 
 
 Cassius Longinus, L., 3. 23. 
 
 Catiline, 2. 12. 
 
 Cato, M. Porcius, 2. 12. 
 
 Cavere ab aliquo, 2. 117. 
 
 Cautio, genitive with, 7. 3. 
 
 Celare, 2. 32. 
 
 Cellae servorum, 2. 67. 
 
 Cellae vinariae, 2. 67. 
 
 Censeo, 1. 11 ; 3. 24, 37 ; 5. 10. 
 
 Charybdis, 2. 67. 
 
 Cicero, M. Tullius, Antony's 
 interests opposed by, 2. 3 ; 
 Arpinas, 3. 15 ; augur, 2. 4 ; 
 Brundisium avoided by, 1. 7; 
 Caesar estranged from Pompey 
 by, 2. 23; Caesar's death con- 
 trived by, 2. 25, 28 ; Clodius' 
 death contrived by, 2. 22 ; 
 Deiotarus defended by, 2. 95 ; 
 
 133 
 
INDEX 
 
 departs from Rome after Caesar's 
 death, I. I ; enemy to all traitors, 
 2. i ; house rebuilt by senate, I. 
 12 ; leaves Italy, 1.6; legacies 
 to, 2. 40 ; letter to Antony, 2. 
 7 ; modesty in praising himself, 
 
 2. 10 : not bound to Antony, 2. 
 3 ; Octavianus acknowledged by, 
 
 3. 3 ; ' pacis auctor,' 2. 37 ; 7. 
 7; poetry of, 2. 20; Pompey 
 joined by, 2. 37 ; prompt action 
 urged by, 3. 1 ; prosecutor only 
 twice, 7. 7 ; ready to die, 1. 38 ; 
 2. 119 ; returns to Italy after 
 Pharsalus, 2. 59 ; returns to 
 Italy, Aug. 31, 44 B.C., 1. 7 ; 
 returns to Rome after Antony's 
 flight, 3. 1 ; saviour of the state, 
 2. 2, 51 ; Sicilian connexion of, 
 *• 7 J 7« 7 > ur g es a declaration 
 of war, 5,31; villa near Anagnia, 
 
 2. 106. 
 
 Cicero, Q. Tullius, the younger, 
 
 3. 18. 
 
 Cimber, L. Tullius, 2. 27, 116. 
 Cinna, L. Cornelius, i. 35 ; 2. 
 
 108 ; 3. 26; 5. 17. 
 Circumscribere, 2. 53. 
 Cisium, 2. 77. 
 Citius, 2. 25. 
 
 Civi (ablative), 3. 7, 39; 5. 52; 
 
 7. 20. 
 Clementia, 1. 27. 
 Climax, 2. 44. 
 
 Clivus Capitolinus, 2. 16, 19. 
 
 Clodius, P., 2. 21. 
 
 Clodius, Sex., client of P. Clodius, 
 1. 3 ; 2. 9, 96. 
 
 Clodius, Sex., the Sicilian rhetori- 
 cian, 2. 9, 42, 101. 
 
 Coagmentor, 7. 21. 
 
 Coena, time of, 2. 104. 
 
 Cognatus, 5. 6. 
 
 Cognitio, 2. 100. 
 
 Coloniae, 2. 100; 3. 13, 
 
 Comitia centuriata, 2. 82. 
 
 Commendatus, 2. 32. 
 
 Commentarii, 1. 2. 
 
 Compellare, 2. 94; 3. 17. 
 
 134 
 
 Compilare, 3. 30. 
 
 Concidere, 2. 107 ; 5. 23. 
 
 Concidere, 5. 28. 
 
 Conclave, 2. 69. 
 
 Concord, Temple of, 2. 15. 
 
 Congiaria, 2. 116. 
 
 Coniungere, with ablative, 5. 20. 
 
 Conscendere, 1. 7. 
 
 Consentire, 2. 17. 
 
 Constringere, 2. 97. 
 
 Constructio kcltcl gvveaiv, 2. 58. 
 
 Consuls invested with absolute 
 
 power, 2. 52. 
 Contra dicere, 2. 18. 
 Contumeliam facere, 3. 22. 
 Convellere, 2. 83. 
 Conventuram rem, 1. 8. 
 Cornificius, Q., 3. 26. 
 Corvinus, 5. 48. 
 Cotta, L. Aurelius, 2. 13. 
 Cotyla, L. Varius, 5. 5. 
 Crassus, M. Licinius, 2. 7, 12. 
 Cretans a cruel nation, 5. 14. 
 Cui bono, 2. 35. 
 Cuniculum Gallorum, 3. 20. 
 Curio, C, 2. 3, 44, 50. 
 Curius, M.', 5. 13. 
 Cusinus, M., 3. 26. 
 Cydas, 5. 12. 
 Cydnus, 2. 26. 
 Cytheris, 2. 20, 56, 58, 59. 
 
 Debere, 2. 99. 
 
 Decius Mus, P., 5. 18. 
 
 Decoquere, 2. 44. 
 
 Decuriae iudicum, 1. 19, 20 ; 5. 15. 
 
 Decuriare, 7. 18. 
 
 De die in diem, 2.87. 
 
 Deductio, 2. 62. 
 
 Deferre, 2. 83. 
 
 Deferre res ad senatum, 1.2. 
 Deinceps, 5. 35. 
 Deiotarus, 2. 93, 95 ; 3. 31, 33. 
 Deiotarus the younger, 3. 31, 33. 
 Denticula, Licinius, 2. 56. 
 Descendere in senatum, 2. 15. 
 Describere, to copy, 7. 5. 
 Describere, to divide, 5. 22. 
 Desiderare, 5. 35 ; 7. 14. 
 
INDEX 
 
 Devius, 5. 37. 
 Devoluti, 7. 14. 
 Diadema, 2. 85 ; 5. 38. 
 Dicta, 2. 42. 
 
 Dictatorship, tenure of, 1. 4 ; 2. 91. 
 
 Dignus, absolutely, 3. 22. 
 
 Diiunctio, 2. 18, 32. 
 
 Discessio, 3. 24. 
 
 Disciplinam, tradere in, 2. 3. 
 
 Dispersio, 3. 30. 
 
 Displiceo mihi, 1. 12. 
 
 Distribuere, 5. 32. 
 
 Divendere, 7. 15. 
 
 Divorce, ceremonies of, 2. 69. 
 
 Dolabella, P. Cornelius, adopted 
 by Cn. Lentulus, 1 . 30 ; Antony's 
 colleague, 1. 5, 29 ; 3. 9 ; consul- 
 ship declared invalid, 2. 82, 83 ; 
 5. 8 ; profligacy of, 2. 99 ; purifies 
 the forum, 1 . 30 ; ' tribunus 
 plebis,' 1. 30; upright, 1. 29. 
 
 Dominatus, 1. 34; 2. 26; 7. 16. 
 
 Domitius Ahenobarbus, Cn., 2. 
 27 ; 10. 13. 
 
 Domitius Ahenobarbus, L., 2. 71. 
 
 Domu, 2. 45. 
 
 Domus or 1 domi,' 2. II. 
 
 Edere nomina, 5. 53. 
 
 Effrenatio, 5. 22. 
 
 Egnatuleius, L., 3. 7, 39 ; 5. 52. 
 
 Elephants, 5. 46. 
 
 Ellipse of verbs, 2. 74; 5. 31. 
 
 Emancipatus, 2. 51. 
 
 Emendator et corrector, 2. 43. 
 
 Eniti, 2. 23. 
 
 Equi vectigales, 2. 62. 
 
 Equites join the senate against 
 
 Catiline, 2. 19. 
 Equitum centuriae, 2. 82. 
 Equo mereri, 1. 20. 
 Essedum, 2. 58. 
 Exalare, 2. 30. 
 Excusatio, 5. 14. 
 Excutere, 2. 73. 
 
 Existimare, to express opinion, 2. 
 
 9 J 5- 36. 
 
 Expendere pecuniam, 2. 98. 
 Exsilium, 2. 33. 
 
 Faces admovendae sunt, 2. 30. 
 Facilitas, 1. 27. 
 
 Fadia, Antony's first wife, 2. 3; 
 
 3-. 17. 
 Fadius, Q., 2. 3. 
 
 Familiam ducere, 5. 30. 
 
 Familiaris, 7. 17. 
 
 Fasti, 2. 87. 
 
 Fastigium, 2. no. 
 
 Fatum, power of, 1. 10. 
 
 Faveo, 2. 10. 
 
 Fax, 2. 48 ; 7. 3. 
 
 Firmum, 7. 23. 
 
 Flamines, 2. no. 
 
 Flamininus, T. Quinctius, 5. 48. 
 
 Foris, 2. 26. 
 
 Forum Iulium, 2. 116. 
 
 Fraus, 5. 34. 
 
 Fufius, Q., 2. 41. 
 
 Fulmen sinistrum, 2. 99. 
 
 Fulvia, Antony's third wife, 1. 2 ; 
 avaricious, I. 33 ; 2. 113 ; 5. 11 ; 
 fatal to her husbands, 2. 11, 
 113; 5. 11. 
 
 Fustuarium, 3. 14. 
 
 Future, equivalent to English pre- 
 sent, 2. 113, 118. 
 
 Gabinius, A., proposed Cicero's 
 
 exile, 2. 48. 
 Gallia ultima, 5. 5 ; 7. 3. 
 Gallicae, 2. 76. 
 Gambling illegal, 2. 56. 
 Gauls, capture of Rome by, 3. 
 
 20. 
 
 Gauls, votes of, 2. 76. 
 Genitive, double, 5. 35 ; plur. in 
 Mum,' 2. 28; plur. in * urn,' 
 
 . 2 ' 43; 
 
 Gerundive, construction with 1 ab ' 
 and ablative, 3. 21 ; various con- 
 structions of, 2. 4; 5. 6. 
 
 Gladiatoribus, 1. 36. 
 
 Gladiators, pride of, 3. 34. 
 
 Grandiferae, 2. 101. 
 
 Gravitas, 2. 24. 
 
 Greek construction, 5. 14. 
 
 Gynaecium, 2. 95. 
 
 J 35 
 
INDEX 
 
 Habebat hoc Caesar, 2. 78. 
 Habere cognitum, 5. 50, 52. 
 Habere with abstract nouns, 1. 7. 
 Haerere, 2. 36. 
 Hannibal, 5. 37. 
 
 Hasta, the sign of an auction, 
 2. 64. 
 
 Hereditates adire, 2. 42. 
 Hereditates, a mark of respect, 
 
 2. 40. 
 Herophilus, 1. 5. 
 
 Hie redundant, 2. 101 ; 3. 7; 
 
 Hippias, 2. 02, 63. 
 
 Hirtius, A., augur, 7. 12; bad 
 health of, 1. 37 ; 7. 12 ; Cicero's 
 pupil, 7. 12 ; 1 consul designatus,' 
 1. 6 ; 3. 2 ; distrusted by Cicero, 
 5. introd. ; killed before Mutina, 
 
 1. 9 ; sent to Gaul, 7. 12. 
 Hiscere, 2. Hi* 
 
 Honoris causa nominare, 2. 30, 1 13. 
 Hortensius, Q., 2. 4, 12. 
 Horti, 2. 67. 
 Humanitas, 1. 10. 
 
 Idem, followed by personal pro- 
 noun, 2. 32. 
 
 Igitur beginning clause, 2. 94. 
 
 lllim, 2. 77. 
 
 Immunes agri, 2. 43. 
 
 Immunitates, 1. 3 ; 2. 92 ; 5. II. 
 
 Imperfect subjunctive expressing 
 duty, 2. 86. 
 
 Imperium, I. 18 ; 3. 27; 5. 45. 
 
 Impluvium, 2. 45. 
 
 Impulsus, 2. 79. 
 
 In, expressing final cause, 2. 50. 
 
 In ante diem, 3. 20. 
 
 In diem vivere, 2. 87 ; 5. 25. 
 
 Incidere, 2. 47. 
 
 Incolumis, 2. 4. 
 
 Index, 1. 20. 
 
 Indicative for English subjunctive, 
 
 2. 27. 
 Indormire, 3. 34. 
 
 Infinitive in exclamation, 5. 16. 
 Ingurgitare,_2. 65. 
 
 136 
 
 Inquilinus, 2. 105. 
 Insinuare, 5. 8. 
 Institor, 2. 97. 
 Integer, 5. 2, 33; 7. 26. 
 Intern pesta nox, 1. 8. 
 Interamna, 2. 105. 
 Intercedere, to become security, 
 2. 45. 
 
 Interest, construction of, 2. 99. 
 
 Invadere in pecunias, 2. 41. 
 
 Invadere in provinciam, 3. 11. 
 
 Involutus, 7. 19. 
 
 Inurere, 2. 117. 
 
 Is, redundant, 2. 30. 
 
 Ita restrictive, 2. 85. 
 
 Ita, 'nec ita multi,' 2. 108. 
 
 Ityraei, 2. 19, 96, 112 ; 5. 18. 
 
 Iubere consulem, 2. 79, 80. 
 
 Iudicia, 1. 19, 20. 
 
 Iuppiter Stator, 2. 64. 
 
 lure consultus, 2. 96. 
 
 Ius postulare, 2. 72. 
 
 Kalendae, 2. 13 ; 5. 31. 
 
 Lacerna, 2. 76. 
 Laco, 2. 106. 
 Laedat an laudet, 3. 18. 
 Laelius, C, 2. 83. 
 Languere e via, 1. 12. 
 Latine loqui, 7. 17. 
 Laudium, 2. 28. 
 
 Lecticae scutorum, 2. 108 ; 5. 18. 
 Legatio libera, 1. 6. 
 Legibus solutus, 2. 31. 
 Legio Alauda, 1. 20. 
 Legio Martia, 3. 6 ; 5. 53. 
 Lenire se with dative, 7. 25. 
 Lentulus, L. Cornelius, 3. 25. 
 Lentulus Crus, L., Cornelius, 2.51. 
 Lentulus Sura, P. Cornelius, 2. 
 
 14, 18. 
 Leontini, 2. 43, 84, 101. 
 Lepidus, M. Aemilius, conduct on 
 
 Caesars death, 1. 2 ; left in 
 
 charge of Rome by Caesar, 2. 
 
 57 ; loyal, 5. 38 ; ' supplicatio ' 
 
 to, 3. 23. 
 
INDEX 
 
 Le vitas, 2.77; 7. 4, 9. 
 Lex Aebutia, 2. 6 ; Aelia et Fufia, 
 2. 81 ; 'agraria' of M. Antonius, 
 
 2. 6; 'agraria' of C. Iulius 
 Caesar, 2. 53 ; 'annalis,' 5. 47 ; 
 'Antonia de iudiciis,' 5. 12; 
 ' Antonia (of L. Antonius) de 
 magistratibus,' 7. 16 ; ' Atinia/ 
 
 3. 16; * Aurelia de iudiciis,' 1. 
 92; 'Caecilia et Didia,' 5. 8; 
 'Clodia de auspiciis,' 2. 81; 
 ' Domitia de sacerdotiis,' 2. 4; 
 'Iulia de iudiciis,' 1. 19; ' Iulia 
 de provinciis,' 1. 19 ; 2. 109 ; 3. 
 12; 5.7; ' Iunia et Licinia,' 5. 
 8 ; 1 Licinia' 2. 6; 1 municipalis,' 
 3. 13 ; * Pompeia de iudiciis,' 1. 
 20; 4 Pompeia de vi/ 1. 19 ; 2. 
 22 ; * Roscia,' 2. 44 ; ' Vatinia,' 
 2. 24 ; 1 Voconia,' 3. 16. 
 
 Libelli, 2. 97. 
 Liberare, 3. 30; 5. 12. 
 Libertinus and ' libertus,' 2. 3. 
 Liberty the birthright of Romans, 
 
 Loco consulari (praetorio) dicere, 
 
 1. 15 ; 5. 46. 
 Locuntur, 1, 28. 
 Longum, 5. 1. 
 Longum est, 2. 27. 
 Lubrica, 2. 59. 
 Luculentus, 7. 17. 
 Lucullus, L. Licinius, 2. 12. 
 Ludi Apollinares, 1. 36 ; 2. 31. 
 Ludi Romani, 2. no. 
 Lupercalia, 2. 84 ; 3. 12 ; 7. 1. 
 Lupus custos ovium, 3. 27. 
 
 Maelius, Sp., 2. 26, 87, 114. 
 Maiestas, 1. 21. 
 
 Malum used interjectionally, 1. 15. 
 Mancipatus, 2. 51. 
 Mancipia, 2. 73. 
 Manere alicui, 2. 1 1. 
 Manere, to be permanent, 1. 22. 
 Manlius Capitolinus, M., 1. 32 ; 2. 
 114. 
 
 Marcellus, C. Claudius, 3. 17. 
 Marius, the pseudo, 1. 5. 
 
 Marrucini, 7. 23. 
 Martial law, 5. 34. 
 Massilia, 2. 94. 
 Medius Fidius, 2. 67. 
 fj.('iQjcris, 7. 8. 
 Mercenarius, 5. 5, 46. 
 Meritus passive, 7. 10. 
 Metuere with dative, 2. 99. 
 Milo, T. Annius, 2. 21. 
 Minucia porticus, 2. 84. 
 Mithridates of Pergamus, 2. 94. 
 Moneta, 7. 1. 
 Munda, 2. 37. 
 Municipia, 3. 13. 
 Murena, L. Licinius, 2. 12. 
 Mustela Tamisius, 2. 8, 106; 5. 18. 
 Mutina, 5. 24 ; 7. 15. 
 Myrmillo, 5. 20, 30; 7. 17. 
 
 Naevius quoted, 2. 65. 
 
 Narbo, 2. 75. 
 
 Natalicia, 2. 15. 
 
 Natura pater, 3. 15. 
 
 Newith personal pronouns, 2. 3, 76. 
 
 Ne quid detrimenti capiat res- 
 
 publica, 5. 34. 
 Ne (not 'nec') . . . quidem, 3. 3. 
 Necesse est with subjunctive, 4. 5. 
 Neque . . . que, 2. 109. 
 Nisi si, 2. 70. 
 Nobilis, 1. 29 ; 2. 16. 
 Nomina dare, 2. 16. 
 Non modo for 1 non modo non,' 
 
 5- 2 5- 
 
 Non quia, non quo, &c, 1.9; 5. 18. 
 Notarii, 1. 8. 
 Nudius tertius, 5. 2. 
 Numantia, 4. 13. 
 Numen, 3. 32. 
 Numero esse, 2. 71 ; 3. 16. 
 Numeius vini, 2. 66. 
 Numitoria Fregellana, 3. 17. 
 Nuncupare vota, 3. n ; 5. 24. 
 Nundinae domesticae, 2. 35, 92, 
 
 Nuntiatio, 2. 80. 
 
 O, construction with, 2. 16, 54. 
 Obire diem, 3. 20. 
 
 137 
 
INDEX 
 
 Obnuntiatio, 2. 80. 
 Obrogare legi, 1. 23. 
 Observatus, 2. 49. 
 Obtineri, 2. 109. 
 
 Octavianus, C. Iulius Caesar, 
 Antony driven from Rome by, 
 3. 27 ; called Caesar, 3. 5 ; 
 consulted Cicero, 5. 23; 'dux 
 praestantissimus,' 5. 23 ; ex- 
 traordinary honours to, 5. 47 ; 
 extraordinary promise in, 5. 48 
 foil. ; ' imperium ' given to, 5. 
 45 ; propraetor, 5. 46 ; saved 
 the state, 3. 3 ; wins the veterans, 
 3-3- 
 
 Octavius, C, 3. 15. 
 Oderint dum metuant, t. 34. 
 Omnes : qui omnes, 2. 13. 
 Omnino, 2. 42. 
 Onerare laudibus, 2. 25. 
 Opinio, 5. 32. 
 
 Ops, temple of, I. 17; 2. 35, 93 ; 
 5. 11. 
 
 Paludatus, 3. 24. 
 
 Paludes Pomptinae, 5. 7. 
 
 Pansa, C. Vibius, ' consul design- 
 atus,' 1. 6; 3. 1; 'consul prae- 
 stantissimus,' 7. 6 ; distrusted, 
 5. introd. ; killed before Mutina, 
 1. 8. 
 
 Paphus, 2. 39. 
 
 Par, 1. 34. 
 
 Parataxis, 2. no. 
 
 Parens = ' mater/ masculine, 2. 49. 
 
 Parentalia, 1. 13. 
 
 Parricidium, 2. 17, 31. 
 
 Patres conscripti, 1. 1. 
 
 Patronus, 2. 107. 
 
 Pecus, 2. 30. 
 
 Pedem ponere in possessionem, 
 
 3- 28. 
 Pensio, 2. 113. 
 
 Perfect subjunctive, concessive use 
 of, 1. 13, 17; 2. 75; distinguished 
 from imperfect, 1. 36; 3. 30; 
 for pluperfect, 1.8. 
 
 Perscriptio, 5. n. 
 
 Phaedrus, 5. 13. 
 
 138 
 
 Pharsalus, 2. 27, 37, 59. 
 Philippic orations, origin of the 
 
 name, 2. introd. 
 Philippus, L. Marcius 3. 17. 
 Philippus, L. Marcius the younger 
 
 son, 3. 25. 
 Piceni, 7. 23. 
 Pietas, 5. 31. 
 Pignoris capio, I. II, 
 Piso Caesoninus, L. Calpurnius, 
 
 1. 10, 14; 5. 19. 
 
 Piso, M. Calpurnius, 3. 25. 
 
 Piso, M. Pupius, 2. 62. 
 
 Plancus, L. Munatius, 1.8; 2. 78 ; 
 
 3- 3 8 ; 5- 5- 
 Plebi, 5. 7. 
 
 Plus quam, 2. 31. 
 
 Pompeius Magnus, Cn., Caesar's 
 
 friendship for, 2. 23 ; camp of, 
 
 2. 37 ; Cicero's consulship ap- 
 proved by, 2. 12 ; Cicero nom- 
 inated augur by, 2. 4; con- 
 duct after Catiline's conspiracy, 
 2. 12; consulship of, 1. 18; 
 flight from Rome, 2. 54; flight 
 to Egypt, 2. 39; house of, 1. 1 ; 
 2. 6, 64, 103 ; last campaign in 
 Epirus, 2. 37; laws of, 1. 18; 
 2. 22 ; praises of, 2. 69 ; property 
 of, sold, 2. 64; Sulla's main 
 support, 5. 43. 
 
 Pompeius Magnus, Cn., the young- 
 er, 5- 39- 
 Pompeius Magnus, Sex., 2. 75 ; 
 
 5- 38, 39- 
 Ponere edictum, 3. 19. 
 
 Popularis, 1. 21, 37; 7. 4. 
 
 Porcia, 2. 27. 
 
 Post diem tertium, 2. 89. 
 
 Postulare, 1. 27; 2. 72. 
 
 Potuisset with pres. inf., 2. 67. 
 
 Praedes, 2. 78. 
 
 Praenomen, use of, 2. 77. 
 
 Praerogativa, 2. 82. 
 
 Praesertim cum, 2. 60, 64, 106; 
 
 7. 2, 17. 
 
 Praesidere, 5. 37. 
 
 Praetextatus, 2. 44. 
 
 Praevaricator, 2. 25. 
 
INDEX 
 
 Praeverti, 2. 88. 
 
 Preposition omitted, 2. 26. 
 
 Pridie and 'postridie' correlative, 
 7. 14. 
 
 Primum, 2. 114. 
 
 Privatus, 5. 10. 
 
 Procurator, 2. 104. 
 
 irpodiopOaHTis, 7. 8. 
 
 Pronoun, demonstrative for re- 
 lative, 1. 24. 
 
 Pronoun, use of reflexive, 1. 16. 
 
 Pronuntiare, 1« 24. 
 
 Propugnaculum, 5. 27. 
 
 Providere, 2. 24. 
 
 Provinces, assignment of, 1.8; 
 
 2. 31 ; 3. 26 ; introd. to Or. 1. 
 Provinces, tenure of, limited, 1. 19. 
 Provocatio, 1. 21. 
 Pudet, 2. 61. 
 Pudor, 2.15; 3. 28. 
 Pulvinar, 2. no. 
 Puteoli, 2. 107. 
 Pyrrhus, 1. n. 
 
 Quaestiones perpetuae, 1. 21. 
 Quaestorships, allotment of, 2. 31, 
 50. 
 
 Quam volent, 2. 113. 
 Quantuscumque = 'quantuluscum- 
 
 que,' 7. 8. 
 Quasillum, 3. 10. 
 Qui and 4 quis ' distinguished, 1 . 1 3. 
 Qui duo, 2. 13. 
 Quia with subjunctive, 2. 19. 
 Quid es? 2. 75. 
 
 Quid est aliud ? 1.22; 2.7; 3.21. 
 Quidem, 2. 6, 39. 
 Quin = *quia non,' 7. 6. 
 Quisquam in affirmative sentences, 
 1. 22. 
 
 Quisque, 2. 119; 3. 10, 24. 
 Quisque with superlatives, 1. 29; 
 
 3- X 9J 5- 49- 
 Quod, whereas, 7. 22. 
 
 Quotus quisque, 3. 15. 
 
 Quousque in two words, 3. 3. 
 
 Rationem conficere, 5. 15. 
 
 Rationem habere alicuius, 5. 46. 
 Recipere,to undertake, 2. 79; 5. 51. 
 Recitare, 1. 24. 
 
 Reckoning, Roman mode of, 2. 89. 
 Reclamare, reclamatio, 5. 22. 
 Reda, 2. 58. 
 
 Referre acceptum, 2. 12, 40, 55. 
 Referre ad senatum, 1.2. 
 Referre in tabulas, 5. 12. 
 Refricare, 3. 18. 
 
 Regnare, 2. 29, 34; 3. 8 ; 5. 44. 
 Relative agreeing with predicate, 
 2. 54. 
 
 Relative, neuter with masc. and 
 
 fern, antecedents, 2. 75. 
 Relegatio, 2. 33. 
 Repraesentare, 2. 118. 
 Reserare, 7. 2. 
 Restituere, 2. 56. 
 Retexere, 2. 32. 
 Reversio, 1. 1. 
 Revirescere, 7. 1. 
 Rogare consulatum, 2. 76. 
 Romanorum propria libertas, 3. 29. 
 Rome, 'the eternal city,' 2. 51. 
 Roscia lex, 2. 44. 
 Rubrius, L., 2. 40, 62, 74, 103. 
 Rudis, 2. 74. 
 
 Rullus, Q. Fabius Maximus, 5. 48. 
 
 Saga, 5. 32. 
 Saguntum, 5. 27. 
 Salvius, 5. introd., 7. 14. 
 Salutare, 2. 41. 
 Sanus, 2. 51, 88. 
 Sapere nihil, 2. 8, 43, 
 Saxa rubra, 2. 77. 
 Scalae, 2. 21. 
 
 Scipio, Q. Caecilius Metellus Pius, 
 
 2. 37> 42 ; S }9- 
 
 Scipio Aemilianus (Africanus 
 Minor), P. Cornelius, 5. 48. 
 
 Scipio Africanus (Maior), P. Cor- 
 nelius, 5. 48. 
 
 Sector, 2. 39, 64. 
 
 Sed, resuming the sentence, 1. 27 ; 
 
 2. 5, 8, 80. 
 Semen, 2. 25. 
 Semustilatus, 2. 91. 
 
 139 
 
INDEX 
 
 Senate, crushed under Antony's 
 policy, 1.6; diminution of power 
 of, i. 9; order of voting in, 
 3. 24 ; 5.1,35; written speeches 
 unusual in, I. 3 ; 3. 20. 
 
 Senati, genitive, 3. 38. 
 
 Senators obliged to attend, 1. 11. 
 
 Septemviri agris dividundis, 2. 99 ; 
 
 5- 7> 21 > 33- 
 Servare de caelo, 2. 80, 83. 
 
 Servi armati, 2. 16. 
 
 Servilius Vatia Isauricus, P., 2. 12. 
 
 Servilius Vatia Isauricus, P., the 
 
 younger, 7. 27. 
 
 Sestertium, 2. 93, 95. 
 
 Sicarios, inter, 2. 8. 
 
 Sicca, 2. 3. 
 
 Sicilians attached to Cicero, I. 7.5 
 
 received immunities, 1. 23. 
 Sidicini, 2. 107. 
 Significare, 1. 36. 
 Simulacrum, 2. no. 
 Sisapo, 2. 48. 
 Sitim quaerens, 5. 19. 
 Solutus legibus, 2. 31. 
 Solvendo esse, 2. 4. 
 Spartacus, 3. 21. 
 Species, a phantom, 2. 68. 
 Spectio, 2. 80. 
 Statua equestris, 5. 40. 
 Stilus, 2. 34. 
 Stimuli, 2. 86. 
 Strenuus, 2. 78. 
 
 Subjunctive mood, attracted, causal, 
 3. 14; concessive, 1. 13, 17; 
 2. 75 ; expressing duty, 2. 86 ; 
 introducing oratio obliqua, 2. 7, 
 60; marking character, 5. 16; 
 of a class, 2.7; subjective, 2. 96, 
 
 Subsecivae operae, 2. 20. 
 
 Substantives of motion govern 
 cases, 2. 48, 76. 
 
 Subterfugere, 7. 23. 
 
 Suessa, massacre at, 3. 10. 
 
 SufTragia, sex, 2. 82. 
 
 Sulla Felix, L. Cornelius, aided 
 by Pompey, 5. 44; perpetual 
 dictator, 1. 4; tyranny of, 5. 17. 
 
 Sulpicius Galba, Serv., ambassador 
 
 140 
 
 to Antony, 5. introd. ; conduct 
 after Caesar's death, 1.3. 
 
 Supplicatio, 1. 13 ; 2. no. 
 
 Suspicio, construction with, I. 1 5. 
 
 Syngrapha, 2. 95 ; 5. 12. 
 
 Tabula auctionaria, 2. 73. 
 Tabulam figere, 1. 3. 
 Tamen, force of, 1. 7, 10, 34; 
 2.75. 
 
 Tarquinius Superbus, 3. 8. 
 Tegulas, demitti per, 2. 45. 
 Tellus, temple of, 1. 1 ; 2. 89. 
 Tempestas, 7. 22. 
 Thapsus, 2. 37. 
 Thrax, 3. 31 ; 7. 17. 
 Thunder, 5. 7. 
 Tiro, 2. 8 ; 5. 18. 
 Toga, as full dress, 2. 76. 
 Togatae meretrices, 2. 44. 
 Togatus hostis, 2. 51. 
 Tollere diem, 2. 88. 
 Trahere, = ' protrahere,' 5 . 30. 
 Trebonius, C., the younger, 2. 27, 
 
 34, 116. 
 Tribunes, veto of, 2. 3. 
 Tribunicium ius, 2. 53. 
 Tribuo, 5. 6. 
 Tributum, 2. 93. 
 Trinum nundinum, 5. 8. 
 Trojan horse, 2. 32. 
 Tuditanus, Sempronius, 3. 16. 
 Tumultus, 5. 31, 53. 
 Turranius, C, 3. 25. 
 Tuto esse, 1. 9. 
 
 Unctus, 1. 35. 
 
 Uncus, 1. 5. 
 
 Unus, above all, 2. 84. 
 
 Unus for * aliquis,' 2. 7. 
 
 Ut, after a verb of saying, 2. 25. 
 
 Ut, at the price of, 1. 34. 
 
 Ut ne, 2. 32 ; 5. 34. 
 
 Uu, 1. 28. 
 
 Vacatio, 5. 31, 53. 
 Vaccillo, 3. 31. 
 
 Varro, M. Terentius, 2. 103, 105. 
 Vectigales agri, 2. 101. 
 
INDEX 
 
 Vectigales equi, 2. 62. 
 Velia, 1. 9. 
 
 Verb omitted, 2. 48 ; 5. 31. 
 Verecundus, 5. 7. 
 Vereri, 5. 48. 
 Versus populi, I. 36. 
 Vesperus, 2. 77. 
 Vestibulum, 2. 68. 
 
 Veterans, lands assigned to, 
 6; 2. 59; wished for peace, 
 
 Veto of tribunes, 2. 3. 
 Vexillum tollere, 2. 102. 
 Visidius, L., 7. 24. 
 Vitiosus, 3. 9. 
 Volumnia, 2. 20, 58. 
 
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