■ • v i. : '»•*! • 
 
 tii ; 
 
 
ANECDOTES 
 
 O F 
 
 HENRY IV. OF FRANCE, 
 
 SHEWING THE 
 
 GREAT ENCOURAGEMENT 
 
 HE GAVE TO 
 
 LITERATURE* 
 
 WITH 
 
 SEVERAL OF HIS LETTERS, 
 
 NEVER BEFORE PUBLISHED. 
 
 \ 
 
 TRANSLATED FROM THE FRENCH, 
 
 LONDON: 
 
 PRINTED FOR T. CADELL, IN THE STRAND, 
 
 M DCC LXXXVII, 
 
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anecdotes 
 
 OF 
 
 HENRY THE FOURTH 
 
 O F 
 
 F RANGE. 
 
 H enry the Fourth, like all other 
 Princes who are truly great, pro- 
 ceded and encouraged the learned, by 
 heaping favours on them. I know not 
 how a contrary opinion was able to eftab- 
 lifh itfelf. * He has been accufed of not 
 being fond of Literature. We have this 
 odious imputation too much at heart, not 
 to vindicate him entirely from it. And 
 why (hould he not be fond of learning r 
 He had great fenfe, was a good man, and 
 had performed the moft noble adions. 
 
 B All 
 
 • D’Aubigne, Fauchet, &c. 
 
t 2 ] 
 
 All men of letters fpoke highly of him. 
 It is only bad princes, who tan fear the 
 voice of the learned, becaufe they fee in 
 them the difpenfers of their charafters, 
 and that fooner or later their united 
 voices will fix even the reputation of 
 kings. But whoever feels himfelf born 
 for glory, will admire the fine verfes 
 which immortalize their noble deeds. 
 This is a maxim, which has never yet 
 been difputed : Carmen amat quifquis car- 
 mine digna fadt. We read in ancient hif- 
 tory, that thofe fevere republicans the 
 Spartans, always facrificed to the mufes 
 before they went to battle, in order, as 
 they faid,. that thefe goddefles being al- 
 ways prefent to their minds, fhould in- 
 duce them to perform aftions worthy to 
 be remembered ; an equally jufi: and in- 
 genious emblem of the noble fentiment 
 which animates thofe who are ambitious 
 of the approbation of pofterity. If we 
 can make it appear that Henry the 
 Fourth, (inftead of (hewing that con- 
 tempt for letters, which fome peevifh, or 
 prejudiced authors have dared to fuppofe) 
 that he alfo did not difdain to facrifice to 
 the mufes, we may perhaps flatter our- 
 
 felves 
 
t 3 3 
 
 lelves with having a new trait in his 
 praife ; it is one more flower which we 
 wi(h to fix on the immortal garlands 
 which furround the ftatue of this great 
 man. Doiibtlefs Henry was not deftined 
 to enlarge the lift of authors, already too 
 numerous. Francis the Firft, the re- 
 ftorer of letters ; Louis the Fourteenth, 
 who fo greatly extended their empire, 
 both protefted men of learning, but were 
 not fuch themfclves. Henry 4th, as 
 brilliant as the firft, and much more in- 
 ftrudled than the laft, wrote infinitely 
 better than either of thefe two princes. 
 He was a man in his own times, who 
 perhaps poflfefled the moft lively, deli- 
 cate, and ingenious underftanding, but 
 bred up in camps, from the age of four- 
 teen, he had no opportunity to cultivate 
 this happy gift of nature. Fie could give 
 but few minutes to ftudy. The conti- 
 nual agitation, the tumult of arms, the 
 torrent of bufinefs in which his younger 
 days were pafled, carried him far away 
 from his commerce with the mufes: but 
 the feeds which were fown in his duftile 
 and gentle mind, by the wife La Gati- 
 cherki and the learned Fkrent Chretien^ 
 B 2 were 
 
C 4 ] 
 
 were never loft. He preferved his tafte 
 for letters, he always loved thofe who 
 cultivated them, and when he found him- 
 felf feated peaceably on his throne, where, 
 during forty years he had met with 
 nothing but civil difcords, he did all in 
 his power to rekindle the flambeaus of 
 fcience. We fliall not repeat here what 
 has been faid elfewhere of his education 
 (i). In general, that of Proteftants i$ 
 more attended to than Catholics. Jane 
 d’Albret, who inherited all the wifdom 
 of the famous Queen of Navarre, her mo- 
 ther, was the moft learned, and mofi: fen- 
 flble woman of the age. (2.) She frequent- 
 ly faid, (he would not have her fon an 
 illuftrious ignorant: * thus they gave 
 him fome fmattering of Greek, (3) and 
 he underftood Latin tolerably well; when 
 he was very young he tranflated Cffifar’s 
 Commentaries, and Cajaiibon affirms, he 
 had feen with admiration the manufcript 
 entire, w'ritten by the hand of the Prince. 
 (4) He had adorned his memory with 
 the fineft palTages taken from the antients, 
 which he fometimes repeated, and always 
 with propriety ; he had frequently in his 
 mouth that beautiful verfe of Virgil ; 
 Pancre JuhjeSlis et dehellars Juperbos. It was 
 itill more deeply engraved in his heart, 
 
 he 
 
 * Memoires de Nevers, in fol. tom. II, p. 586. 
 
[ 5 ] 
 
 fie made it the rule of all his condufl far 
 above every thing elfe ; it was fentiment, 
 morality, and thoughts, that elevate the^ 
 foul, which he fought for among the 
 poets. To Horace he gave the preference j 
 He was fond of reading him, and explain- 
 ing the moft flriking parts. We read in 
 Bajfompere, that Henry repeated to him 
 in a manner very apropos the Linquenda 
 Delius of this philofophical poet^j nor 
 did he lefs happily recoliedl in one of his 
 letters the Vent, Vidi, Vici of Ctefar. He 
 fometimes, fays Perejixe, made fuch apt 
 quotations from the antients, that even 
 his mafters were aftonilhed at them. 
 Having from his youth taken an Her-- 
 cules for his device, afymbol of his pain- 
 ful and glorious labours f» he joined this 
 motto to it, which he fo well juftified : 
 Invta virtuti nulla eft via. From thefe ex- 
 amples, and many others we could repeat, 
 (5) we fhall not be furprized to hear what 
 the famous faid of Henry 4th, that 
 
 he mud not fpeak bad Latin before the 
 king, as he would very eafily find it out. 
 But what will perhaps furprize is, that 
 Henry was not ignorant of the Spanilh 
 B 3 tongue, 
 
 • Efprit de Henry 4th, page 201. 
 
 t Perefixe, page 4^, 
 
[ 6 ] 
 
 tongue, and that he underftood Italian 
 very well, though he refrained talking it 
 with Italians. In the firft: conference 
 he had with the Cardinal Legate, Forget 
 de Frefne interpreted what the king faid to 
 the cardinal : the king had no interpreter, 
 but anfwered to every thing the Italian 
 faid, and fupported the converfation in 
 this manner for more than an hour*. It 
 was Henry’s mother who taught him Spa- 
 nifh, and as for Italian, it was the only 
 thing he learned at the Court of Medicis, 
 Henry had a diftinguifhed tafle for hif- 
 tory, which is of all ftudies the moft pro- 
 per to form men who are appointed to. 
 govern their fellow-creatures, and which 
 for thisreafon is called byantient authors 
 the counfellor of kings. What the mi- 
 nions of a court, fays Plutarch, dare not 
 fay to their princes, is found in thefe 
 books. I do not mention the Bible, 
 Proteftants knew that by heart ; but he 
 was neither ignorant of the Greek nor Ro- 
 man hiftory, from both which he oftea 
 made very judicious applications. He 
 had fo high an efteem for Titus Livius, 
 that he faid one day, as Sainte Marthe re- 
 lates, 
 
 * Hiftoire de Paris, in fol., tome III. des preuves, 
 page 475, fous I’annee i c9;6.. 
 
[ 7 I 
 
 relates, he wovild willingly give one of 
 his belt Provinces to recover tha! part 
 which was loft of the works of that im- 
 mortal writer. This defire, even extra- 
 vagant as it may appear, points out the 
 enthiifiafm with which great men fpeak of. 
 line talents. 
 
 Henry had particularly ftudied the hif- 
 tory of his predecefTors, among whom he 
 diftinguifhed Lewis the Twelfth, and 
 Francis the Firft ; in one he admired 
 his clemency, his candour, his inex- 
 hauftible goodnefs j in the other, hra 
 fhining valour, his loyalty, and all thofe 
 qualities which form a brave officer. 
 From his earlieft infancy, his imagination 
 was heated by the recital of the virtues 
 and exploits of Bayardy whom with rea- 
 fon he regarded as the glory and model 
 of all French chevaliers. The hiftories 
 of great men in general, had for him par- 
 ticular attra(flions, they offered to him 
 examples, and even rivals, which he fre- 
 quently furpaffed. Thus Plutarch was 
 of all authors the one he preferred the 
 moft. In this refpecl he thought like 
 Montaigne^ who faid, if he had only been 
 able to preferve one of the works of the 
 antients, he (hould have given the pre- 
 ference to Plutarch j and in effeft it is 
 B. 4 perhaps 
 
t 8 ] 
 
 perhaps the moft ufeful book to form the 
 mind of an excellent citizen, and a great 
 king. Henry had taken leflbns from it, 
 in early infancy, it being the firft book 
 put into his hands (6). He had, if we 
 may fo fay, drawn his morality from it. 
 He declared afterwards when on the 
 throne, he had the greateft obligations 
 to this book, and that he had taken from 
 it excellent maxims for his own conduct, 
 as well as for the government of his king- 
 dom *. In a word, Plutarch was to him, 
 what Homer was to Alexander. Perhaps 
 it is fufficient to remark, that Charles the 
 9th felefted Machiavel as his favourite 
 author; Guife, the works of Tacitus; 
 Henry 4th, of Plutarch ; by which we 
 may judge, that one might be treacherous 
 and cruel ; the fecond deep and ambi- 
 tious ; the third a man of honour, and a 
 good king. A bad prince would never 
 receive pleafure from Plutarch ; every 
 commendation would become a faitre* 
 and every maxim, prove his condemna- 
 tion. Henry had not only ftudied the 
 military art in camps, but he learned it 
 from books alfo ; for it is a melancholy 
 truth, that it requires great art to learn 
 to deftroy our fellow creatures. Caefar’s 
 
 Com- 
 
 ■“^Erprit de Henry 4th, p. 1 4,& fon Hilloire par Bury . 
 
C 9 3 
 
 Commentaries were familiar to him; he 
 attentively read thofe of Montlue., and 
 although he could not like the perfecutor 
 of his mother, nor the author of fo many 
 rigorous executions, he did juftice to his 
 military talents, and called his book the 
 Soldier's Bible. So long as Henry was 
 engaged to fight, what could be done for 
 the advancement of learning, by a prince 
 who led fuch a wandering and trouble- 
 fome life, who was in want of every thing, 
 and, as he ufed pleafantly to fay himfelf, 
 whofe doublet was full of holes, and whoje 
 kettle was fo often thrown down ?* All that 
 was in his power he did: He enlarged 
 the library of his anceftors at Vendome, 
 and gave charge of it to Florent Chretien, 
 his old preceptor, one of the beft modern 
 poets in the Latin tongue (7). Mornay, 
 a very learned proteftant, was employed 
 by him to colleft the few good workswhich 
 appeared in our own language. Sire, re- 
 plied Mornay, according to your com- 
 mands, I can purchafe many fine books 
 worthy a place in your library f. The 
 monarch, on his part, was inrerefted for 
 the literary glory of his friend. M. du 
 B 5 PlelTis, 
 
 Lettrc a Suily» 
 
 t Memolresde Mornay, page annec 1534^ 
 
f lo 3 
 
 Pleflls, faid he to him, your book * has 
 been well received, aad greatly efteemed 
 and praifed by the moft fenfible people, 
 which I am very glad of, not only from 
 the good which will be derived from it, 
 but as the work of an author whom I love, 
 and defire to Ibew my friendfhip to, the 
 efFe(5bs of which I defire you to depend on 
 for ever. At the fame time he gave 
 proofs of his regard and liberality to a 
 man at that time very famous, to that 
 Ronfard (8), too much extolled in his 
 own age, when he was proclaizned the 
 prince of French poetry, but fince that, 
 as unjuftly debafed, for at leaft he had 
 fome of the great qualities which confti- 
 tute a poet, and liow many of them are 
 there who are cried up in our days, who 
 have neither the fancy or imagination of 
 Ronfard ? When peace had at length 
 crov/ned the wifhes of Henry 4th, it was 
 then that he endeavoured to bring letters 
 back to their former honours. During 
 the horrors of the league, and fince the 
 murder of the noble Ramus, they had 
 fied far from a place ftained with the 
 blood of thofe who were their greateft 
 cncouragers. The College Royal, de- 
 
 ierted 
 
 • De la Yerite. dc la Religione Chretjenne, en 
 1 58 1.. 
 
E ti j 
 
 ferted for more than twenty years, had 
 been given up to the vileft ufes by the 
 tyrant of Paris (9.). One of Henry’s firft 
 cares was to bring back the fugitive 
 fciences. A few days after his entry into> 
 the capital, Paflerat, one of the fineft 
 wits of the age,,opened the public fchools 
 by an eloquent difcourfe, mixed with* 
 complaints of the pad misfortunes, and 
 jud eulogiums of this fecond redorer of 
 letters (10). The profeflbrs were all re- 
 called, the monarch admitted them to 
 an audience, and received them with that 
 amiable freedom, that charming popula- 
 rity, which gained him the hearts of every 
 ©ne ; a method fo eafy and certain in its 
 edefts, that it appears mod adonilbing,, 
 that kings are not more frequently tempt- 
 ed to make ufe of it. Henry gave im- 
 mediate orders that they fhould be paid 
 exaftly what was due to them, and tokl 
 them he Ihould increafe their falaries one 
 half more than they had been accudomed 
 tot then turning himfelf to his courtiers,, 
 he faid, “ I had rather have my expences 
 leflened, and have my table diminilhed, 
 than not have my proftlTors * paid i I 
 ■will have them contented. M. de Rofny 
 . B6- . ^ -ihall 
 
 • Hilloire du College Royal, in 4to, page 62. 
 aud63, ‘ 
 
[ ** ] 
 
 fhall pay them.” Gentlemen, faid Rofny, 
 others have given you paper, parchment, 
 and wax; the king gives you his word, 
 and I will pay you the money*. He 
 forgot nothing to excite emulation, and 
 revive the almoft extinguilihed tafte for 
 learning ; he welcomed all men of letters, 
 even fought after them, and encouraged 
 them by his gifts. It was he who drew 
 the famous Cafaubon into France, and 
 invited him by a flattering letter written 
 •with his own hand, to come and fettle 
 there with his family (ii). He wanted 
 alfo to fix there the young Grotius, whofe 
 growing fame began to make the Low 
 Countries illuftrious, on his account. It 
 was he who boafted in his writings, that 
 he had kifled the hand of the vidlorious 
 hero of France (12). He alfo received 
 Bertius, the Fleming, one of the greateft 
 fcholars of his time, and appointed him 
 to read le(5iures on mathematics (13). 
 Jufie Lipje was aftoniflied to receive, in 
 Holland, a letter of invitation from 
 Henry 4th, who 6ffcred him an honour- 
 able apj: ointment, and fix hundred golden 
 crowns penfion ( 14). Vignier, and fome 
 other Frenchmen, who by the badnefsof 
 the limes, had been driven from their 
 
 country, 
 
 • Hifloitc <Jfi Ftanj^ols ift, tome 6, page 305. 
 
C <3 ] 
 
 country, were re-cftablifhed in their em- 
 ployments, and brought back to their 
 fire fides (i 5 ).Thefe names, I am fenfible, 
 have long fince been eclLpfed by more 
 celebrated ones : but we ought to re- 
 member, it was the former who over- 
 came the barriers of ignorance, and laid 
 open the courfe, which their fucccflbrs 
 have fince run with fo much applaufe. 
 It was thus that Henry judged of their 
 labours. The Varrons of France ought 
 to excel Virgil and Horace. The moft 
 feducing offers were made to Francis de- 
 Sales, the Fenelon of his age, to fix him 
 in his kingdom ; he even went fo far as 
 to offer him a cardinal’s hat. What ptyy 
 fays he, that a man of Juch merit JhopJd be 
 confined to the mountains *. Sponcle, and 
 his family, for a long time, fubfilfed on 
 his bounty. Fie drew the celebrated 
 Calignon from the court of Savoy ; and 
 he, that we fhould not have defired to 
 employ even as a lawyer, was afterwards 
 a minifter of ftate, and a legiflator (i6). 
 Fenouillet, born a fubjecl of the fame 
 Duke, and the firft of French orators,, 
 who was heard to fpeak from the pulpit 
 withfuch gentle and perfuafive eloquence, 
 was raifed to a bifhoprick, without any 
 
 other 
 
 * Voy. Marfolier, Vie de St. Franjois de Sales. 
 
C H J 
 
 other recommendation than his meric 
 
 (17) . CoffcteaUj who began in his profe 
 writings to give to the french language 
 numbers, purity and politenefs, made his 
 way from the ckoifter, and opened his 
 road to the fame honours, and received 
 afterwards the fame reward for his talents ; 
 
 (18) for the epilcopal mitre was not at 
 that time referved only for men of high 
 birth. A cotemporary of Henry’s faid of 
 him, that he never was acquainted witli 
 a man famous for learning, or recom- 
 mcndable for love of letters, throughout 
 his kingdom, that he did not reward with 
 a genteel penfion. Perefixe adds, that 
 he even gave penfions to many learned- 
 men both in Italy and Germany, and 
 he himfelf took care they fhould have 
 them pundually paid: fo that Lewis the 
 14th was not the firft who To nobly re- 
 warded the genius of foi eignf rs. Henry 
 4th fet him the example. He collrfted 
 round him all the men diffingudhed for 
 literature which France afforded. He 
 was continuiiily fui rounded by men of 
 merit, whole military employments did 
 not prevent their commcice with the 
 mufts. In what other age have we ften 
 fomany illuftriousfoldiers,who at the fame 
 
 time 
 
 ♦ Bertaud, Difeours, &c. 
 
[ *5 ] 
 
 time cultivated letters ? New opinions 
 have brightened their underftandings. 
 Coligny difcovered his republican fpirit 
 in his writings, which the humour of the 
 times caufed to be burnt, but which only 
 ferved to encreafe his fame (19). La 
 Noue wrote his Difcours Politique (ao) j. 
 Mornay his Memoires (21)} d’Aubigne 
 his Hiilory f22). Thefe are the men 
 with whom he pafTed his youth, and who 
 were his fird and moft ufeful inftrudors,, 
 exclufive of his misfortunes; fince the 
 profperity of the king of France, did not 
 corrupt the tafte of the king of Navarre^ 
 Armand de Eiron { 2 <), Turenne (24), 
 Les Diguyeres ( 25), Sully (26;, Briffac 
 (27 !, Givry (28), i es D’Angennes (29), 
 Vivonne, (30), Salignac (31), his com- 
 panions and friends, were the braved foi- 
 ditrs, and the mod didinguidied fcholars 
 of their times. On the other fide, the 
 immortal De Thou, the model and envy 
 of all hidorians; Du Perron, as famous 
 for his great wit as his profound leai ning, 
 and who from his padionate fondnefs for 
 letters, was called the Mascenas of his 
 age, was raifed to honours by Heniy; 
 Bertaud, Bifhop of Seez, whofe danzas. 
 replete with fentiment and fweetnels, will 
 never be forgot; (32) ; Regnier, whofe 
 
 faiires 
 
[ } 
 
 fatires ftilly anfwered his intentions, by 
 producing to him both enemies and re- 
 wards (33)} Defportes, whofacrificed the 
 highefl: dignities to his love of indepen- 
 dence, and his love of letters (34); the 
 amiable and fenfible Des Yveteaux, who 
 was chofen by Henry to be his fon’s pre- 
 ceptor (35); alfo Malherbe, whom we 
 ought to have mentioned firft, and whom 
 he frequently honoured with private con- 
 verfations, fuch as Lewis 14th has fince 
 held with Racine and Defpreaux 
 Such were the perfonages by whom he 
 was furrounded, and from this clafs of 
 men did be generally chufe his AmbalTa- 
 dors } D’Offat, whom he raifed to the 
 purple (37), Bongars (38), La Boderie 
 {39), Bartas (40), Frefne Canaye 
 (41), &c. He feared not trufting them 
 with the affairs of the nation j he made 
 ufeof their talents in public matters, and 
 would not have been without them for 
 his kingdom. A place amongft our fe- 
 nators, fo much the more valuable as it 
 was not to be purchafed, was the reward- 
 given to the virtuous De Belloy (42), for 
 his patriotic and noble writings. He, 
 with the modert and learned Pithou, who 
 without any other qualities than know- 
 ledge and virtue, feemcd to have the Idle 
 
 direftion 
 
[ 17 3 
 
 dire(5bion in the republic of letters, v/as 
 often employed by Henry in the mod ho- 
 nourable offices of magiftracy, and going 
 from the top of the lift,wenr modeftly and 
 retook his feat at the bar (43). The king, 
 in confideration of this celebrated man, 
 granted very advantageous conditions to 
 his beloved country, Troyes, as he after- 
 wards did to the city of Poitiers, in fa- 
 vour of Sainte Marthe ( 44 ). It was De 
 Thou, Jeannin, Calignon, that is to fay, 
 the mod learned, as well as the mod vir- 
 tuous men of the age, who v/ere alfo 
 among the legiflators, it was to them 
 that he confided the digeding that wife 
 Jaw of tolerance, the revocation of which 
 had given wounds to France, which were 
 dill bleeding, and which reafon, judke, 
 and humanity, with fo much energy plead 
 the re edabliffiment of, that they will 
 doubtlefs obtain it from the JucceJfor of 
 Henry 4 th *, worthy by his own virtues 
 to unite his name to that of his immortal 
 mcejlor. Thefe employments, this con- 
 fidence, theft honours, were gifts arifing 
 from a more glorious fpring, in the hands 
 of a great king, than mere literary dif- 
 tinflions, or even penfions, which being 
 
 at 
 
 • It was In 1685 that the edidl of Nantes was 
 revoked. 
 
[ i8 I 
 
 at the expence of the nation, may fome- 
 times humble the noble and haughty 
 foul, who is conftrained to receive it, if 
 he has not already been fo, in foliciting 
 for it. The efteem and regard of the 
 public, is the true recompenfe of fuch 
 rare and fublime talents, for genius is 
 nourifhed by applaufe. Among the 
 learned, Henry leledled for his own par- 
 ticular fociety, thofe who had the art of 
 rendering fcience agreeable, and whofe 
 genius and converfation were fuited to^ 
 each other, and was lively, fenfible, and 
 chearful. He converfed freely with thefe 
 during the hours of repaft and exercifcs, 
 and took care to turn the difcourfe on 
 thofe topics which would enlighten the 
 fubjedt, mixing the ferious with the plea- 
 fant. Hiftorians are too negligent in 
 thefe truly interefting details (45). A 
 manufcript journal, whofe author is un- 
 known, expreffes itfelf thus, under the 
 date of May 1600 : “ The king no longer 
 “ convcrfes in public, on any lubjefls but 
 “ ferious ones, and fays, he has a true 
 ** and juft right to the title of reftorer 
 and father of letters in his kingdom, 
 ** and that he hopes, by God’s affiftance,, 
 ** to make his fubjedsreap the fruit and 
 “ harveft of this good feed j above all, 
 
 “ extolling 
 
C *9 J 
 
 extolling thofe who applied themfelves 
 “ to the fciences One of the perfons 
 who was firft in Henry’s good graces, and 
 who contributed the moft to improve his 
 tafte for letters, was the famous DuPerron, 
 of whom we have already made mention. 
 Plenty was not yet a Catholic, and Du 
 Perron was no more than a plain Abbe, 
 when the beautiful Gabrielle prefented 
 him to the king, the beauties of his 
 mind ferved as a paflTport to his wonder- 
 ful learning. D’Aubigny fays, Du Per- 
 ron convcrfed familiarly with the king> 
 by his bedfide, fometimes in French 
 poetry, in which he yielded to none of 
 his time, and fometimes repeated, or read 
 tales to him, which he made very enter- 
 taining. It frequently happened that he 
 read to the king, when he was going to 
 fleep. One evening Henry defired him 
 to read a celebrated romance, which had 
 lately been tranflated into French. After 
 two hours reading. Sire, faid the Bifhop 
 D’Evreux, interrupting himfelf, I think 
 they would be much furprizcd at Rome, 
 if they knew 1 read Amadis to you. 
 
 Henry exhorting him to confute a 
 work of Mornay’s, which made a great 
 
 noifc, 
 
 t Journ. mfl' confervc dans an Grand Biblio- 
 theq^uej Melanges, voJ. 505, fol. ico. 
 
C 20 3 
 
 noife, the prelate always eluded it, antf 
 every time the king mentioned it, told 
 him he expefled manufcripts from Rome. 
 Some time after, being with the King 
 viewing his buildings, Henry prelTed the 
 builder to finifh the work, but he, under 
 different pretexts, made excufes, upon 
 which Henry faid, “ Oh, 1 fee how it is, 
 you wait for manufcripts from Rome" (46), 
 Struck with the growing merit of Bignon, 
 who was very young, but whofe early 
 erudition, even aftonifhed the learned, he 
 placed him about the Dauphin, with the 
 hope it might infpire him with erhula- 
 tion (47). To prefide at this inlfitution, 
 he fought for the modeft and learned Le 
 Fevre, even from the depth of his retreat. 
 (48) Notwtthftanding the negligence 
 which Cayet afFefted in his drefs, and his 
 more than modefty, his bafhfulnefs, 
 Henry continued to admit him to his 
 court, and even wifhed him to remain 
 there, therefore gave him a fmall eftate, 
 which afforded a retreat fufficient to fa- 
 tisfy the ambition of a fcholar (49). 
 Even his courtiers were not difpenfed 
 with, merely for having merit, but thofe 
 who had the greateft wit, and made them- 
 felves moft agreeable, were the befl: 
 treated, and the moft in favour. When 
 
 the 
 
[ ai ] 
 
 tlie king was attacked with the gout, he 
 made Bellegarde, Grammont, and Baf- 
 fompiere, alternately watch by him, and 
 during the night, fays the latter, we read 
 to him the book of Aftree (50). The 
 ignorance of thofe, whofe fituation re- 
 quired them to be otherwife, fliocked him 
 greatly ; he rallied them with keennefs, 
 and no lefs fpared thofe who affefted ill 
 placed knowledge. He did not approve 
 that the Cardinal de Bourbon, whofe 
 knowledge he thought but little of, 
 fhoLild afTift at the alfembly of the 
 Bilhops, appointed to inftruft: Coufin, 
 faid he to him, if this bufinefs was to be 
 detcrinined between us two, although I 
 am no great divine, and you are a Cardi- 
 nal, 1 Ihould not be afraid to enter the 
 lifts with you, and perhaps the vi< 5 lory 
 would at leaft remain doubtful. But let 
 us leave it to thefe gentlemen, who know 
 more of the matter than either you or 
 me *. It was from the fame motive he 
 would not fufFer the cardinal to take 
 any books from the Valois library, which 
 he pretended ought to be his. Henry 
 told him “ he was rich enough to buy 
 books, if he had any defire to read, but 
 that the libraries of kings were jewels be- 
 longing 
 
 • Yoy. De Thou, in fol. tpm. V, page 293. 
 
[ 22 ] 
 
 Jonguig to the crown.” Another prelate 
 once fpeaking on war, and as it may be 
 imagined, very little to the purpofe, 
 Henry fuddenly interrupted him, “ to afk 
 him what faint’s day that was in his bre- 
 viary?” a ftroke which pointed out his bad 
 rhetoric, and loaded him with ridicule, for 
 having talked of war before Hannibal. 
 It was faid, that a taylor was all on a 
 fudden turned lawyer*, and being ad- 
 vifed to prefent the king with a book 
 filled with regulations and fchemes, which 
 he pretended were neceffary for the good 
 of the nation, Henry took it, and having 
 read a few pages, which fully difclofed 
 the folly of its author: “ Friend, fays he, to 
 one of his valets, go and bring hither my 
 chancellor, to take meafure of me for a 
 fuit of cloaths, fince here is my taylor 
 wanting to make laws.” But he difguifed 
 his reproaches with a kind indulgence, 
 and even corrected by a delicate method 
 of praifing, with regard to thofe who had 
 in ocher refpefts good fenfe and ufeful ta- 
 lents. He would, laughing, fay fometimes, 
 with my conflable, who knows not how 
 to write, and my chancellor, who does 
 not underftand Latin, there is nothing 
 that I am not able to undertake. To 
 
 poffefs 
 
 • Perefixe, page 483, & Journ. de Henry IV. 
 
[ 23 J 
 
 poffefs knowledge was a great recom- 
 mendation with Henry 4th, and the way 
 to make court to him, was to fpeak to 
 him with that freedom and liberty, which 
 is mod worthy employ, and the greatefl: 
 dependance of a man of letters. He re- 
 ceived very kindly, fays Perefixe*, the 
 advice which was given him, he thanked 
 and encouraged thofe who had taken fuch 
 liberties with him, to continue it when 
 ever they found occafion. He had a certain 
 number of perfons well affedVed to him, 
 who informed him of every thing that 
 pafled Such men as thefe Xenophon 
 calls the eyes and ears of a king. D’El- 
 benne (52), and fome others who had 
 even joined in the league, had no other 
 title to be admitted to his familiarity: 
 he wanted them to tell him faithfully, all 
 that was faid of him in the world f, for 
 he was mod anxious for the good opinion 
 of the public. Is it not in effedl the word 
 thing a prince can do, to defpife it ? 
 What can be hoped for from thofe who re- 
 gardwithequal indifference the tedimonies 
 of edeem or contempt ; who liden with- 
 out didinction, to the complaints or ac- 
 clamations of their fubjedts ? Henry read 
 
 with 
 
 * Perefixe, page 468. 
 
 f Bury, tom. IV, page 245.’ 
 
[ 24 ] 
 
 wlthpleafure'every thing that was publifii- 
 ed concerning his operations, for under 
 his reign every one enjoyed free liberty of 
 fpeaking, writing, and printing (53) ; 
 and truth, which he fought after every 
 where, came in her turn, even to the 
 throne to feek him ( 54 ) : The greatefi: 
 
 compliment which can be made to kings, 
 is to believe them worthy to attend to 
 her voice. It is a long time ago that it 
 has been faid, unhappy mull: that reign 
 be, where the hillory of it is obliged to 
 conceal its author. L’Etoile relates, that 
 Henry having read the book called the 
 Anti-Soldiery alked his Secretary of State, 
 Villeroy, if he had feen this work, and 
 upon his replying in the negative : is 
 
 right you Jhould fee it” faid he, “/or it is a 
 hook which takes me finely to tafk, but is fiill 
 more Jevere on you.” He was defired to 
 
 punilh an author, who had written fome 
 free fatires on the court : It would be 
 againft my conjciencey faid this good prince, 
 to trouble an honeji man for having told the 
 truth ( 55 ). Henry 4th engaged the Pre- 
 fident Jeannin to write his hiftory, and 
 far from imitating the weaknefs of Cicero, 
 who privately defired his friend to enlarge 
 a little on the glory of his confuHhip : I 
 intend, fays he, to leave truth to fpeak 
 
£ 25 ] 
 
 for itfelf, and the liberty of doing fo 
 ■without difguire or artifice. Are there 
 many kings who can ufe fuch language ? 
 And how many are there to whom we 
 fhould have been tempted to anfwer as 
 MorvilHers faid to Charles IX. “ Sire, I 
 “ am too much your fervant, to write 
 your hiftory.” Henry took fo much 
 pleafure in reading the letters, wiiich 
 Jeannin wrote to him during his em- 
 bafly, that he defired him to lengthen 
 his difpatches, and faid, that the longefi: 
 of them were thofe that pleafed him beft. 
 He honoured thefe memoirs by a very 
 flattering token ; he called them a bre- 
 viary for kings (56). It was under the 
 reign of Henry IV. that the moft faith- 
 ful of all our hiftorians has written, as ic 
 was under that of Trajan that Tacitus 
 drew his Annals. “ If I deviated from 
 “ the truth,” faid our Tacitus to the 
 Trajan of France, “ I fhould do rnuch 
 “ injury to the extraordinary good for- 
 tune of your reign, which has per- 
 mitted every one the liberty of think- 
 “ ing what he pleafes, and of faying 
 “ what he thinks,” Henry alfo prefled 
 De Thou to publifli his Hiftory j he 
 cook this beautiful work under his own 
 proteflion, and filenced the cabals 
 C and 
 
C ] 
 
 and clamours of the courtiers and priefts 
 formed againft it. ** It is laid this 
 prince, in a letter he wrote on the fubjedt 
 to his ambaffador at Rome, “rV is I that 
 “ have given orders for its publication and 
 fale." He regarded this work as a 
 monument of Genius, raifed on the altar 
 of Truth. Henry adted with regard to 
 this Hiftory of De Thou’s exadlly as 
 Lewis XIV. did afterwards with Molierc 
 and the Tartuffe (57). This did not pre- 
 vent Rome from joining in profcribing 
 this book of the French Tacitus, and 
 putting it into the Index, where it was 
 inlcribed the next after Erafmus, and 
 immediately before Galilee. At the 
 time this Hillory was publilhed, Henry 
 IV. had caufed the preface to be tran- 
 liated, in order that the generality of 
 readers might be induced to read this 
 rnallerpiece of fenfe and eloquence. It 
 was addrelTed to the king, and in that 
 did the greateft and moft faithful of hif- 
 torians tell him, in the face of all Eu- 
 rope, “ You have engaged all the world 
 “ to cultivate the fine arts, (which is 
 “ one of the happy effedls of peace) by 
 the favours and rewards which you 
 ** have attached to them. This is fully 
 teftified by the noble and lafting edi- 
 
 “ fices 
 
[ 27 3 
 
 fices which we have feen raife them- 
 felves on all fides, in fo fhort a time* 
 Thefe ftatues of admirable workman- 
 fhip, thefe excellent pi£l:ures> which 
 will equally ferve as monuments to 
 ** (hew pofterity the extent of your love 
 for peace j but what is much more 
 ** confiderable, and what we ought to 
 ** felicitate you upon, is the re*efta- 
 “ blifhment of the Belles Lcttres in 
 thole places from whence war had 
 banifhed them.” The author exhorts 
 the monarch to purfue the execution of 
 his glorious projedis. “ A great genius, 
 fuch as God has given to you,” fays he, 
 cannot, nor ought not to be contented 
 “ with doing any thing in a moderate 
 “ way.” And after many eulogiums, 
 mixed with advice on his adminiftration, 
 “ My defign,” adds he, “ has not been 
 to make your panegyric j befides, I 
 know that your Majefty takes more 
 pleafure in deferving praife, than hear- 
 ing it.” Pierre Mathieu, whom he 
 made choice of to write his own private 
 hiftory, though he had talents greatly in- 
 ferior, yet had the fame regard to truth. 
 The king gave him the title of Hiflorio- 
 graphery which is a fynonimous term for 
 a good hiftorian. As he defigned this 
 C 2 work. 
 
C 1 
 
 tVis work of Mathieu’s to ferve for the 
 inftruftion of the dauphin, he had often 
 familiar converfations with him, and 
 condefcended to acquaint him with many 
 particular incidents of his life. One day 
 the author read to him fome pages of 
 this hiftory where he mentioned Henry’s 
 penchant for women. “ And what good 
 can it anjwery' faid he at firft, “ to re~ 
 “ veal Juch weahtejfes?” The hiftorian 
 convinced him that this leflbn would be 
 equally ufeful to his fon, as the relating 
 to him his great aflions. The king con- 
 fidered a little, and, after a moment’s 
 paufe, “ Tes” faid he, “ it is necejjary to 
 “ reveal the whole truth. If my faults are 
 ** concealed, no one will believe the reft. 
 “ Well, well, write them down then, in 
 ** order that he may avoid them (58).” 
 This delightful franknefs infpired confi- 
 dence} he did not try to conceal himfelf 
 under an appearance of proud affefted 
 gravity, which frequently hides incapa- 
 city, deviates from truth, or repulfes the 
 modefl: talent. An air free and open, a 
 chearfulnefs which never abandoned him 
 even in his greateft dangers, were in him 
 united with majefty. L’Etoile relates, 
 that foon after the king’s converfion, Du 
 Haiilan (59) coming to St. Dennis to 
 
 falute 
 
[ 29 } 
 
 falure Henry IV, his Majefly, with a 
 fmiling countenance, atkeci him if he 
 went on with his hilloiy of France j and 
 on his anfwering in the affirmative; “ I 
 “ am very glad cf it " faid the king; but 
 “ do not forget to give a full account of the 
 “ 'pilferin^s of rny treafurerSy and the rob- 
 “ bevies of my minifters 'Fhe peace w'as 
 not then concluded, nor was Sully yet at 
 the head of the finances. No prince 
 was ever more eafy of accefs, or poflefled 
 niore engaging qualities, I'he lawyer 
 Peleus boafled, that -when he went to 
 converfe with Henry IV. on the Iketch 
 which he had made of the hiffiory of his 
 reign, he embraced him before all his 
 nobility, and told him he had not a fub- 
 jedl in his kingdom who could have 
 done him a more agreeable fervice ; and 
 that he fiiould acknowledge, as a Sove- 
 reign, fuchan undertaking (6o). Greatefb 
 part of the works which came out, after 
 he was feated quietly on the throne, were 
 dedicated to him(6i). There are ftill 
 many proofs remaining of the gratitude 
 of the authors, and the affability of the 
 monarch. He had always fomething 
 pleafing to fay to thofe whofe writings- 
 C 3 he 
 
 * Journ.. de Hen, IV. Tom, II. p. i^i. annee; 
 1593 - 
 
[ JO ] 
 
 he wiflied to encourage 5 they ffioke to 
 the king, and he anfwered. During the 
 treaty of Vervins, Pafquier, fo celebrated 
 for his writings as well as his pleadings, 
 wrote a Hymn to Peace, which he pre- 
 fented to the king before all his courtiers. 
 Henry did not only receive the poem, 
 but read a whole page of it aloud in the 
 author’s prefence, and very obligingly 
 added, that he would either read the 
 whole of it, or caufe it to be read before 
 him. This reception was a kind of 
 public homage which Henry paid to 
 letters, as well as to thofe who cultivated 
 them} and this not merely by way of 
 acknowledgment. Doubtlefs kings ought 
 to encourage and protect letters, which 
 are the ornament of their ftates, and the 
 glory of their reign. When Pompey, the 
 conqueror of Afia, laid afide his confular 
 dignity at the door of Poflidonius, it was 
 more to do honour to philofophy, than 
 to the philofopher, that the Roman paid 
 this public mark of deference. 
 
 Henry IV. was even under obligations 
 to men of letters; for it was they who firft 
 deflroyed the calumny of the Leaguers, 
 and the firft who made his virtues known. 
 They recorded his vidories, and his cle- 
 mency i they opened the eyes of the na- 
 
[ 3 * 1 
 
 tion by that ingenious fatire, of whicli 
 the French armalift t has not been afraid 
 to fay, that it v/as not lefs uferul to 
 Henry IV. than the battle of Ivry(63), 
 In fhort, many of them defended bis 
 rights, or revenged his injuries, at the 
 peril of their lives. To acquit himfelf 
 of the obligation he had to letters, it was 
 but juft that Henry fhould protecft thofe 
 who cultivated them. And flnce then, 
 by a fortunate chance, genius has fully 
 paid him all he did for men of letters, 
 by chufing him for the hero of the only 
 epic poem acknowledged by the French 
 nation ■, a poem that will never ceafe 
 to be read, or cenfure^j- the plan or order 
 of w^hich is blamed, yet every body 
 knows it by heart •, whofe critics even 
 fuccecd no other way than by the beau- 
 tiful verfes they quote from it, in order 
 to enrich their fatires ; in ftiort, whofe 
 deftiny has been fo ftngular in the eyes of 
 impartial judges, that it has never yet 
 been decided, whether the poem has 
 moft contributed to propagate the vir- 
 tues, if I may venture to fay fo, and 
 make the memory of Henry IV. adored,, 
 or whether the loved name of Henry has 
 moft contributed to the intereft and pro- 
 C 4 digious 
 
 f Lc Prelident Henault fous I’annec J59J> 
 
t 32 ] 
 
 digious fucccfs of the poem. Whatever 
 others may have done in favour of let- 
 ters, either from vanity or policy, Henry 
 adted from tafte, and from having a lively 
 fentiment of every thing praife-worthy 
 and glorious. In confequence of this, 
 he omitted nothing that might tend to 
 enlighten the age. He was the firft who 
 thought of bringing the library of the 
 kings, his predeceffors, to the capital, till 
 that time fnut up in the palace of Fon- 
 tainbleau. He enriched it with the va- 
 luable colledlion of Greek manufcripts 
 of Medicis J j and, to augment it, he 
 fent men of learning into Spain, and 
 even to Morocco, to fearch for the beft 
 books in the Arabic language written on 
 the fciences, and particularly phyfic ; a 
 valuable acquifition, which Lewis XIV. 
 purfued from the example of his grand- 
 father. He caufed the library to be 
 made public, and by this means gave 
 the men of learning an opportunity of 
 profiting by this literary treafure. He 
 confided the care and difpofition of it to 
 two of the mod illuftrious of them, the 
 prefident De Thou, and Cafaubon (64) : 
 the lad, as we have already mentioned, 
 only came to France on the invitation of 
 
 Henry* 
 
 J Manuferit In 4 cite Efprit de Hen. IV. p. 104. 
 
[ 33 J 
 
 Henry, who gave him a penfion ; but 
 Sully, who was rather blunt, laid one 
 day to him with ill humour, and cer- 
 tainly w'ith too much feverity, “ You 
 “ coft the king too much money, Sir ; 
 “ you have more than would pay two 
 “ good captains, and are of no ufe at 
 “ all.” Cafaubon, who was very mild, 
 made him no anfwer, bur went and 
 complained to the king. “ Monjieur Ca- 
 “ Jaubon” faid this good prince to him, 
 “ do not let this give you any trouble, M, 
 “ de Sully and I divide our affairs ; he 
 “ has all the bad ones., and I have rejerved 
 “ to myfelf the good : when it is neceffary to 
 “ go to him for your appointments, come firft 
 “ tome, 1 will give you a watch-word, by 
 “ which you will eaf.ly get paid." What 
 is there which a prince like Henry, with 
 fuch noble fentiments, joined to fuch 
 delicate attentions, would not have done, 
 had he been born in happier times? He 
 has not been fufficiently fupported on 
 this part of his eulogium. His combats 
 and his warlike virtues only have been 
 extolled, the others have been neglefted. 
 For example ; would it not be new to 
 moft of my readers, to fay, that it was to 
 the conqueror of Ivry that Francis de 
 Sales was indebted fer the work which 
 C 5 acquired 
 
[ 34 ] 
 
 acquired him fuch reputation * ? Tired 
 with books on controverfy, Henry wanted 
 one which had a gentle and confoling 
 moral, which might reconcile and re- 
 unite the minds of his fubjefts, foftcn 
 the fevere rigour of the Proteftants, and 
 the too fharp zeal of the Catholics ; ca- 
 pable of pleafmg both men of the world, 
 and thofe who were devoted to religion j 
 the people in general, as well as the 
 great. He was fenfible of this true po- 
 licy, that the more the minds of the 
 people were enlightened, the more they 
 were difgufted with theological difputesj 
 and that if they once liftened to reafon,. 
 they would no longer cut each, others 
 thioats for the fake of argument. He 
 communicated his idea to the bilhop of 
 Geneva,, a man of an amiable charader,, 
 and perfuafive eloquence,, entreating him 
 to unfold his meaning, and fet about 
 fuch a book. The prelate did fo,. and 
 wrote his Introduftion to a Religious 
 Life ; this book had very great fuccefs,. 
 becaufe it fpoke to the heart,, as well as 
 to the underftanding. The author would 
 have declared in his preface, that it was 
 the auguft Maecenas who had fuggefted 
 to him the plan of his work ; but Henry 
 
 oppofcd 
 
 * VoyfZ fa Vie, par MarfoHer, 
 
oppofed it, and infifted he fhould hav» 
 all the merit of it. Among the projefts 
 which Henry IV. gave birth to for the 
 progrefs of learning, and foftening of 
 manners, objefls which ought never to 
 be feparated, there were none more ufe- 
 fo! than the eftablilhments he propofed 
 to form for public inftruftion j for edu- 
 cation, well direded, forms a kind of 
 empire which we xnfenfibly exercife over 
 the mind,^ but is not lela efficacious than 
 law or authority. He had from the firfb 
 refolved to reform the univerfity of Paris, 
 and again make learning flourifh there. 
 This ancient fchool had equally, fuffered 
 with others,, from the misfortunes of the 
 times. The various claffes were all de- 
 ferred. In order to awaken them from 
 this lethargy, Henry had already formed 
 a celebrated fociety, by way of emula- 
 tion, whofe ufeful rivalry might tend to 
 the profit of their feveral fcholars ; hut 
 Carthage is dejlroyed, and I am looking for the 
 advantages refultingfrom it to Rome. Be that 
 as it may, the monarch purfued his plan, 
 and profcribed the remains of barbarifm- 
 which had exifted in the fchools. He 
 direfted their ftudies on a better plan, 
 and by this means delivered the eldeft' 
 daughter of Royalty from the fetters 
 C 6 which 
 
[ 36 ] 
 
 •which had been impofed on her by fome 
 of his predeceflbrs, and formed a code of 
 laws, on the bafis of which the univerfity 
 is governed at this time *. Henry ftill 
 wanted to raife four or five colleges,, 
 where education might be taught with- 
 out expence, and where the young 
 citizens of all clafles might equally re- 
 ceive inftruflion, and learn good man- 
 ners. In one of thefe colleges was to 
 be brought up, at the king’s expence, 
 three hundred gentlemen,, fons of poor 
 officers, whom he adopted as the ciiildren 
 of his country j and the fuperb houfe of 
 La Fleche, a palace belonging to his 
 anceftors, which was deftined to this 
 noble intlitution, remains as a monu^ 
 ment to prove bis magnificence, his 
 great views, and his rove of letters (66)., 
 He could never believe that ignorance 
 could lead to any good purpofe, parti- 
 cularly when it was the companion of 
 bravery, or privilege of birth. He every 
 day fought to diffipate thefe gothic pre- 
 judices, fo dear to our forefathers. He 
 thought people might be learned, as well 
 as courageous j of high birth, yet able to 
 read i and that it might be permitted', 
 
 without 
 
 * Statutes de I’Univerfity de Paris, de I’anuee 
 j6oo. 
 
[ 37 3 
 
 without any degradation of their cha- 
 raders, that they might underftand Xe- 
 nophon, or comment upon Ctefar. We 
 have not mentioned the two focieties of 
 theology which- he founded in the Sor- 
 bonne; the Cardinal du Perron informs- 
 us, that he is not to have the merit of 
 them,, but fays it was a penance which, 
 was impofed on him by the Pope *. 
 How'ever, a ftill more honourable defign 
 engaged him in favour of the fciences,. 
 which was to credl a new templ'e to them, 
 under the tide of the College B.oyal of 
 France, The conqueror of Marignan had 
 really given this name to the learned 
 fodiety deftined for the reftoration of 
 letters; but the members of it were dif- 
 perfed ; they went from college to col- 
 lege : Henry wanted to re-unite them; and 
 -to colledt, as into a focus, every talent, 
 which from thence might Ihed its influ- 
 ence with greater facility over the whole 
 kingdom ; bethought fvich a monument as 
 that would do honour to his reign, and 
 nalize the time of peace (6/)f. He werrt 
 himfelf, with his literary mini (lets, Du Per- 
 ron and DeThou, to mark out the ground 
 deflined for this purpofc. A vail: edifice was 
 to be raifcd,to contain halls forpublic lec- 
 tures, 
 
 * Perroniana, p. 252. f Cetoit en 1609, 
 
E J8 J 
 
 tures, and convenient apartnnents for the 
 profeffbrs. He wanted to build an aca- 
 demy which fhould be in every refpedb 
 completely adapted to all the fciences ; 
 for at that time no other idea of an aca- 
 demy exifted, but as a fchool to teach 
 languages* In the centre of this Lyceum- 
 was to have been placed the royal li- 
 brary, and a gallery to be ornamented' 
 with the portraits of all the learned men,, 
 poets, and philofophers, of all times, and 
 of all ages,, round which were to be open 
 porticos, placed fo as to form an eafy 
 Gommunication amongft the different 
 ftudents,. and alfo to recall to mind the 
 idea of the porticos of Athens. The 
 king had determined to endow this fane, 
 tuary of the Mufes with a falary of thirty 
 thoufand livres, which at this time would- 
 be nearly equal to a hundred thoufand*.. 
 He even laid the firft done of this build- 
 ing} but death, which came upon hina; 
 unexpedledly, prevented the executiont 
 of this noble fcheme, which the magnifi^ 
 cence of his fucceffors have never been- 
 able to accomplifh in its original defign 
 or extent. We fhall fay nothing in this 
 place of what Henry did for the glory 
 
 and 
 
 • Memoires fur le College Royal, premiere 
 part, p. 67, &c. 
 
[ 39 1 
 
 and advancement of the arts; this will 
 be the fubjedl of another Book f. It is 
 true, that this prince, who, in every fenfe 
 of the word, excelled all his cotem- 
 poraries, defpifed thofe moderate writers, 
 who were unable to cftablilh a lading 
 name J, and alfo thofe venal ones who 
 difgraced themfelves ; that he fometimes 
 took the liberty of laughing at pedants; 
 that he hated cold and prolix preach- 
 ers (68); and that he did not love triflers. 
 He was not prodigal of his efteem, or 
 his rewards. One day, feeing a bad poet 
 pafs by in a coach and fix, on his return 
 from Savoy, where he had made a for- 
 tune, “ Never y' faid he, fmiling, would 
 “ this man kave got' Juch a jins equipage in 
 “ Fra7tce, as, that which draws him 
 Fauchet never forgave the little regard 
 he paid to his writings; not but that the 
 monarch did juftice to his learning, but 
 was with reafon difgufted with the rude- 
 nefs and rufticity of his ftyle, which he 
 thought ought to be rendered as pleafing 
 as inftrufting ; and that before he at- 
 tempted to improve or correct Majefty, 
 it would be neceflary to make himfelf 
 
 underftood, 
 
 •}• Cet ankle eft encore manufcrlt, 
 j Journal de Hen. III. Tom. IV. 
 
 J Philolbfhie de la Mothe le Yayer, p. ajjS. 
 
r 40 ] 
 
 underftood, and afllire himfelf his work 
 would be read. The Prefident Fauchet 
 had totally negleiled this precaution ; 
 his almoft unintelligible language, joined 
 to an afFefted negligence with regard to 
 his perfon, had gained him the appella- 
 tion of Gaulois. Henry IV. once made 
 ufe of a Ibarp, though a pleafant reproof 
 to him : Fauchet, in his anger, made 
 fome verfes againft the monarch, in 
 which modeftly comparing himfelf to 
 Salluft or Tacitus, he endeavoured to 
 draw down on Henry the reproach of ini- 
 gratitude, and indifference for learning. 
 Thefe verfes were prefented to the king,, 
 who fent for the author, and, to revenge 
 himfelf for this little fatire, he gave him 
 the tide of his Mifioriograpber y with fix 
 hundred crowns penfion (69). One day 
 a poet prefented himfelf to the king,, 
 with a confidence which exceeded his 
 poetical talents; but the king not know- 
 ing either his perfon or his v>iritings, 
 alked him, “ what was the nature of his 
 “ occupations?” “Sire, 1 make anagrams, 
 “ but I am very poor.” — I believe Jo 
 “ indeedy” faid Henry, “/or you have 
 “ made choice of a bad trade (70).” The 
 makers of anagrams had better luck 
 under his fon’s reign. A Member of the 
 
 Parliament 
 
r 41 ] 
 
 Parliament of Aix * having prefented to 
 Lewis XIII. on his entry into that city 
 five hundred anagrams, which with great 
 labour he had compofed on his name; 
 this prince was fo enchanted with this 
 fine work, that he gave the author a 
 confiderable penfion, which was after- 
 wards continued to his children. It is 
 true, he did not give any thing to the 
 great Corneille ! The diftance which 
 Henry knew how to put between a man 
 of real merit and an infignificant v/riter, 
 and the different reception he gave 
 them, was equally flattering to true 
 genius, as praifes and rewards heaped on 
 the undeferving mortify them almofl: as 
 much as fatire (71). It was not that the 
 monarch defpifed every thing which was 
 chearful and agreeable ; on the contrary, 
 as he himfelf liked to be thought a man 
 of lively repartee, a pleafant joke or an 
 agreeable badinage was fure to meet with 
 his approbation. It was for this reafon 
 that a poet one day, in order to free 
 himfelf from taxes, prefented to him this 
 Laconic petition : 
 
 “ Ce pocte n’a pas la maille j 
 “ Plaife Sire, a ta Majefte, 
 
 A a 
 
 * Nomme Billoa Voyez Bouche, Hift. de Pri>*. 
 vence in fol. edit. 1736, Tom. II. p. 867. 
 
[ 42 1 
 
 Au lieu de le mettre a la taille 
 De le mettre a la charite.”^ 
 
 The king’s protedtion faved this bnr- 
 lefque poem, and guarded the author 
 from both the flings he complained of. 
 It is faid, that he gave a confiderable 
 penfion to a pupil of Malherbe, for hav- 
 ing made a fonnet on the eyes of the 
 beautiful Gabrielle j but as the poet did 
 not inherit the talents of his mafler in 
 the art of v/riting, there is great reafort 
 to believe that the king, when he re- 
 warded him, thought more of the fubje6t 
 of the verfes than the merit of them (72). 
 Henry’s death was the foie eaufe of de^ 
 priving a young man of his countenance 
 and rewards, who had (hewn uncommon 
 talents. Theophilus was fcarcely twenty 
 years old when he came to court, where 
 he was moft gracioufly received. Being 
 at the Louvre at the time Henry’s equef- 
 trian flatue in miniature was brought to 
 him, the poet immediately made this 
 impromptu : 
 
 “ Petit cheval,,joli cheval, 
 
 “ Doux au mcntoir, doux au defcendrCj, 
 Bien plus petit qui Bucephal,. 
 
 Tu portes plus grand qu’ Alexandre.” 
 
 Every thing which was ingenious and 
 lively was fure to pleafe him, as it was 
 
 his. 
 
[ 43 ] 
 
 his own natural difpofitinn. Nobody at 
 that time wrote with more eafe, vivacity, 
 and grace, than he did himfelf: there 
 might be a hundred- charming quotations 
 taken from his letters ; we cannot refufe 
 ourfelves the pleafure of repeating fome 
 of them. In writing to Mornay, who 
 had received a moft grofs affront from a 
 rafh young man how properly does he 
 exprefs himfelf ! 
 
 “ I am extremely difpleafed at the 
 outrage you have received j and I feel 
 “ it, both as a king, and as your friend. 
 “ With regard to the firft, I wifi do 
 “ both you and myfelf juftice. If 1 
 ** was only the fecond, there is no one’s 
 fword would be m.ore readily drawn 
 ** for you than mine, nor whofe life 
 would be more chearfully offered.— 
 “ Take this for certain, that 1 will effec- 
 ** tually render you fcrvice, as your 
 king, your mafter, and your friend.’* 
 The wife Mornay was fometimes out of 
 humour. “ My friend,” fays the king 
 to him in one of his letters, “ you do 
 “ not write like a man who wifhes to 
 “ return ; you ought to be more eager 
 ‘‘ to fee me, knowing how much I love 
 “ you} I cannot do without you: come. 
 
 “ 1 intreat 
 
 • St. PhaJ. 
 
[ 44 3 
 
 ** I intreat you, as free from anger, as 
 you are replete with virtue.” 
 
 Givry, a young hero, and one of the 
 braveft as well as moft amiable officers 
 in the whole army, had juft taken two 
 towns j Henry wrote this billet to him t 
 Thy viiTt Dries prevent me from fieep- 
 ing, as heretofore thofe of Miltiades 
 “ did Themiftocies. Adieu, Givry; thy 
 “ pride muft be now fully fatisfied.”' 
 Every body knows by heart his letter to 
 Crillon : “ Hang thyfelf, brave Crillorr, 
 for we have conquered at Arques, and 
 “ you were not there. Adieu, brave 
 ** Crillon ; I love you always.” And 
 another, in which he writes, “ Brave 
 “ Crillon, it would be too much not to 
 “ have been at t!ie fiege of Amiens, and 
 “ to have failed at Mantes. — If you 
 ** fail in the fecond, you lofe all your 
 “ friends.” In another place, he laid', 
 I have at this time one of the fined 
 armies that can be imagined ; it wants 
 nothing but the brave Crillon.” Be- 
 fore the battle of Fontaine-Francoife, he 
 wrote thus to one of his officers : “ To 
 “ horfe, Fervaques j the enemy ap» 
 proaches ; 1 want your affiftance. I 
 “ am, Henry.” There are many other 
 letters which have never been made 
 
 known> 
 
[ 4 ? 1 
 
 known, and on which we congratulate 
 ourfelves for bringing to public view. 
 Among thefe are billets which he wrote 
 in camp, in great hafte, and, as he him- 
 felf exprefled it to Sully, “ with his foot 
 
 confrantly in the ftirrup.” Some are 
 addrefled to Manaud de Batz, one of his 
 braveft captains, and who, on a very dan- 
 gerous occafion, had preferved his life. 
 “ Mon Faucheur,” laid he, for that 
 was a name he had given him, put 
 “ wings to your beft horfe; 1 have or- 
 “ dered Montefpan almoft to kill his: 
 “ and wherefore, do you fay ? You lliall 
 “ know it from me at Nerac. Haften, 
 “ come, run, fly! it is the order of thy 
 “ mailer, and the requeft of thy friend.” 
 Another time he wrote to the fame, 
 “ This diligence of you and your men 
 “ is wonderful ; what a pity you have 
 “ not been able to make an eflay on the 
 ** people withinfide of Florance*! the 
 “ bed place would be too dearly pur- 
 “ chafed by the blood of one of my 
 “ friends. This very night 1 v/ill join 
 “ you, and there will then be the beft of 
 “ my brave men.” In another place he 
 faid, “ Whilft you remember the miracle 
 
 “ of 
 
 • Or Fleurance, a little town in Galcony, that 
 they wanted to furprize. 
 
C 46 ] 
 
 " of my prefervation, you cannot forget 
 ** your duty ; and I can give you no 
 better model than the brave example 
 you yourfelf afford.” One of the moft 
 eftimable of his letters, from the fenti- 
 ments contained in it, is that which he 
 wrote at the age of twenty-four, to the 
 fame officer ; “ Monfieur de Batz, al- 
 though you are a Roman Catholic, I 
 have not the lefs confidence in you : 
 “ thofe who a£t right from confcience, 
 “ are of my religion; and mine is that 
 “ of all thofe who are good and valiant. 
 
 Your trueft friend, Henry (73).” What 
 a letter ! it ferves to make known the 
 noble foul of Henry IV. This good 
 prince had that fpirit of tolerance in his 
 heart, which in the generality of people is 
 only the effc(S of experience and philofo- 
 phy, and which did not even begin to 
 bud, till after the numerous writings of 
 the laft age, and ftili more after thofe of 
 our own. What a comment on this 
 letter was the edidl of Nantes ! The 
 fame mind didated both one and the 
 other. The monarch a6ted as the private 
 man thought ; and the king and the 
 friend never were on oppofite fides. 
 There is one letter which he wrote to 
 Henry III. from the field of battle at 
 
 Coutras, 
 
t 47 ] 
 
 Coutras, the fame evening that he gained!' 
 the vidlory over Joyeufe, the favourite 
 of that prince. This letter is fo admi- 
 rable in every refpedt, that we cannot 
 help reproaching the French nation for 
 having fufFered it to lie hid, even to this 
 time ; for which reafon we fliall give the 
 whole of it, notwithftanding its length. 
 
 Siret my Lordy and Brother ^ 
 
 “ I THANK God, I have beat your 
 enemies, and your army. You will 
 learn from La Burthe, whether, not- 
 “ withftanding I took up arms in the 
 “ midft of your kingdom, I am your 
 “ enemy, as you have been informed. ' 
 “ Open then your eyes. Sire, and know 
 who are fuch. Is it me, your brother, 
 who can be an enemy to your perfon? 
 
 *' Me, a prince of your blood, of your 
 “ crown ? Me, a Frenchman, of your 
 own nation ? No, Sire ; thofe are your 
 enemies, who, by wafting our blood 
 and that of the nobility, aim at your 
 “ life, and, above all, at your kingdom. 
 
 “ This, had not God aflifted us, would 
 have been done for you in this place 
 “ at Coutras, and they had murdered 
 “ you. Sire, by killing us, as they have 
 already in your heart : for afterwards, 
 
 ‘‘ had 
 
[ 48 ] 
 
 ** had you remained the laft of fo many 
 kings and princes, how could you 
 “ have flept among fwords ftained with 
 “ your own blood, or even amongft frill 
 worfe weapons than fwords ? Confider 
 inftantly of this bufinefs, if there is 
 “ time for it, for it all lies hid in the 
 will of Heaven, before whom I declare 
 the juflice of my arms, and of all that 
 blood which one day you mufl: render 
 an account of. Bind up, Sire, this 
 “ wound of your people; give peace to 
 “ your country, to God, to your king- 
 “ dom, to your brother, to your con- 
 fcience. Conqueror as I am, it is I 
 who demand it of you. Or if war 
 mufl; be continued, leave it to me to 
 “ carry it on with thofe who have caufed 
 “ it between us; and allow me to lead 
 “ them to that moment, when they fhall 
 ** learn who 1 am. La Burthe, one of 
 the befl; men throughout all Chriften- 
 “ dom, and whom I fend to you with a 
 “ Ample letter of credit, becaufe 1 am 
 ** perfc£lly convinced of his fidelity, and 
 “ becaufe no other means could be 
 *• taken, will prove to you, that 1 have 
 “ no other wilh than to give peace to 
 «« every one, and to preferve my own. 
 “ — And as for what your Pope has 
 
 “ meddled 
 
[ 49 ] 
 
 meddled in, in order to take away from 
 me that which I hold from God *, 
 why, for this God has, and will al- 
 ways oppofe him in fuch a wicked 
 bijfinefs. — To the which living God I 
 mofl: earneftly pray. Sire, that he will 
 enlighten that underllanding which he 
 “ has given you, and which, for the 
 ** great fins of the nation, he has per- 
 mitted to be obfeured, as alfo thofe of 
 “ the greatefl part of your brave nobi- 
 lity, who have been blinded to fuch a 
 " degree by the Lorrains. Then fhall 
 “ we plainly fee, Sire, that in all this 
 “ poor kingdom there is not a fingle 
 Frenchman who is an enemy to his 
 king. The grand fource of this poi- 
 “ foil muft be examined into thoroughly, 
 and you. Sire, will find that here are 
 “ your true fervants, and the faviours of 
 “ your crown (74).” 
 
 We do not believe there exifts at this 
 time any letter in our language which 
 comes nearer the point, or is written 
 with more eloquence and energy. This 
 letter ought to be one of Montaigne’s, 
 in order to its being ftill admired. The 
 vivacity of Henry IV. his exquifite fenfi- 
 D bility, 
 
 * Ball of 1585, which declared Henry IV. in- 
 capable of fucceeding to the throne. 
 
t 50 3 
 
 bility, animated every thing which came 
 from his pen, and difcovered all the 
 graces of his mind. In the midft of 
 perils and dangers, he never loft that 
 freedom of thinking, that gaiety of heart, 
 which made his valour fo much ad' 
 mired, and which gave lb many charms 
 to his aftions, and fuch poignancy to his 
 difcourfe. After the redudtion of Sedan, 
 he wrote to the Princefs of Orange thefe 
 words : Coufin, I lhall fay as Casfar 
 
 did. Verity vidi, vid , or, as the fong 
 fays, 
 
 “ Trois jours durerent mes amours, 
 
 “ Et fe finirent en trois jours ; 
 
 “ Tan-t j’etois amoureux de Sedan !” &c. 
 
 Oiving an account to his fifter of the 
 battle of Fontaine-Francoife, where he 
 had expofed his life fo much, he adds, 
 Thofe who were abfent from thence 
 “ ought to regret it much, for 1 had oc- 
 '' cafion for all my good friends ; and I 
 “ faw you was very near being my 
 heirels.” The evening before the 
 battle of Ivry, he wrote to the fair Ga- 
 brielle, “ If 1 am conquered, you know 
 “ me well enough to believe 1 fhall not 
 “ fly; but my laft thought fliall be of 
 ** Heaven, and the laft but one fhall be 
 “ of you.” In times of greater tran- 
 quillity, 
 
C 5T ] 
 
 quillity, he wrote her this charming 
 billet: “ I write to you, my beft love, 
 “ from the foot of your pifture, which I 
 “ adore merely becaufe it was drawn for 
 you : not that it refembles you ; of 
 this I mufl: be a competent judge, 
 “ having painted you in all perfedlion in 
 “ my foul, in my mind, in my eyes, and 
 “ in my heart.” Permit us to quote 
 another letter written to his miftrefs : 
 “ My beauteous love, two hours after 
 “ the arrival of this courier, you will fee 
 “ a cavalier who loves you much ; they 
 “ call him King of France and Navarre, 
 “ which are certainly honourable, though 
 “ very painful titles } that of being your 
 “ fubjedt is infinitely more delightful : 
 “ all three together are good ; and let 
 “ what will happen, 1 have refolved never 
 “ to yield them to any one.” 
 
 What a tender melancholy breathes 
 through the letter he wrote, exprefiing 
 his concern for the lofs of this miftrefs, 
 fo dear to him! “ My dear fifter, I re- 
 “ ceived as much confolation from your 
 “ vifit as I had great need of it, for my 
 “ afflidtion is as incomparable as was 
 the objedt who has caufed it. Tears 
 “ and regret will accompany me to my 
 “ laft: moment. The root from which 
 D 2 “my 
 
[ 52 1 
 
 “•* my afFeflion fprung is dead, never 
 more to fhoot out again ; but that of 
 “ my friendfhip will always incrcafe for 
 “ you, my dear filler, whom 1 embrace a 
 “ thoufand times/’ 
 
 H is familiar correfpondence might 
 furnifh us with a thoufand pafiages ca- 
 pable of adorning this book, which has 
 no other merit or worth, than what it 
 receives from Henry’s name and words ; 
 but to repeat every thing which brings 
 to remembrance his lively imagination, 
 his frank and loyal mind, or to paint his 
 delicacy, and the effufions of his friend- 
 fliip, would too much multiply the num- 
 ber of quotations. We mull not, how- 
 ever, conclude this fubjedl without men- 
 tioning Sully, and thofe letters from 
 friend to friend, which remain as a fin- 
 gular monument in the hiftory of kings, 
 and to fcledl fome few at lead of thofe 
 traits, in which are fo delightfully blended 
 their intimate union of mind and fenti- 
 ment. 
 
 “ My friend, I have juft learned that 
 your fon is wounded : as 1 know from 
 “ the feelings of a father, what grief 
 “ mull be felt on fuch an occafion, and 
 “ as I participate with you as a good 
 ** mailer, 1 difpatch this courier pur- 
 
 " pol'd y 
 
[ 53 J 
 
 pofdy to defire you will fend me word 
 “ by him how he does; not loving you fo 
 “ little, but that if my prefence is necef- 
 “ fary, I would come myfelf, to prove 
 “ to you this teflimony of my affedlion.”' 
 Sully having expofed himl'clf too much 
 at the fiegc of Montmelian, Henry al- 
 tered his ftyle, and wrote to him rather 
 angrily. My friend, greatly as 1 ap- 
 “ plaud yo'ur zeal in my fervice, I 
 “ equally condemn your inconfiderate 
 “ manner of throwing yourfelf into un- 
 “ neceflary dangers; therefore advife you 
 “ for the future to eonduft yourfelf 
 better : for if you are ufeful to me in 
 ** commanding my Artillery 1 have 
 “ ftill greater need of you to manage my 
 “ Finances, which if by your vanity you 
 make yourfelf infufficient to, you will 
 “ give me caufe to leave you only the 
 “ charge of the former. Adieu, my be- 
 “ loved friend j continue to ferve me 
 “ well, but do not adt like a madman,. 
 “ or a common foldier.” In fhort, whe- 
 ther he blamed, or whether he confoled 
 him, the fame fentiments always animated 
 him: “My friend,, you are too hafty;. 
 “ moderate your anger, and think lefs 
 D 3 “ of 
 
 • Sully was Commander, of the Artillery of 
 France. 
 
[ 54 ] 
 
 of what you have been told, by whicli 
 “ means you will enrage thofe who envy 
 “ you the good-will I bear you. I have 
 not taken a pen in my hand till now 
 “ fince I had the goutj the refentment I 
 “ feel againft thefe tattlers have got the 
 “ better of my pain. — It is neceffary you 
 fhould come here, for never was fervant 
 “ more beloved by his mailer, than you 
 are by Henry.” How much reafon had 
 the author of the Henriade to cry our, 
 
 “ Henri de I’amitiefentit les nobles flammes; 
 “ Amitie don du ciel, plaifir des grandcs 
 “ ames ! 
 
 “ Amitie que les rois, ces illufties ingrats, 
 
 “ Sont afl'ez malheureux pour ne connoitte 
 “ pas.” 
 
 Henry made a noble diftindlion from the 
 ufual hiftory of kings. The honefleft 
 man in the kingdom was his bell friend: 
 but the feverity of Sully gained him 
 many enemies, for a good minifter will 
 always be oppofed by b^ad men; they were 
 continually forming plots againft him ; 
 Sully fometimes complained of it to the 
 king: “ friend” faid the prince in an- 
 fwer, this is a matter which I will not Jay 
 ‘ ‘ often happens i but always the cafe, that thofe 
 who condudl great affairs mujt be Jubjedl 
 “ to envy, Tou yourjelf know that I am 
 
 “ not 
 
C SJ J 
 
 ** net eyemft from it, neither from the Prd^ 
 *' tefant or Catholic religion. Tou have 
 onh: to do as I do, who afply to you for 
 " advice when any thing troubles me, let it 
 ** be ever fo trifling-, and do you always 
 *' confult my opinion on whatever happens to 
 " you, regarding me as the mofl faithful 
 ** friend you have, and the kindefl mafler 
 that can be.” Henry on his part had 
 many domeftic vexations. He once 
 wrote to Solly, “ My friend, come and 
 “ fee me, for fomething has happened 
 “ this morning in my family, therefore 
 “ 1 have occafion for your prefence.” — 
 Another time he wrote, “ My friend, f 
 “ would give a great deal for your com- 
 ** pany, for you are the only one to 
 “ whom 1 can open my heart. — It is 
 not affected by love, or by jealoufy ; 
 “ it is a ftate affitir. — Haften ; come 
 quickly. — My wife, my children, my 
 “ houfehold, are all well j they love 
 ** you as much as I da, or I would dif- 
 “ inherit them.” His benevolent heart 
 difcovered itfelf in every word and ac- 
 tion : the pleafure of retracing fuch efti- 
 mable qualities, has doubtlefs carried us 
 a great length} but who will venture to 
 efface them ? There remains a great 
 number of his letters, and many of the 
 D 4 nobility 
 
c 56 J 
 
 nobility have preferved them in thefr 
 cabinets, and only fhew them as their 
 befi' title to nobility, Whilfl he was 
 only king of Navarre, he feldom em- 
 ployed a fecretary. Did he want fol- 
 dieis? he wrote to them, and he had an 
 army. It was flill more neceffary for 
 him to pour out his heart in the bofom 
 of friendfhip. From his letters difperfed 
 among his friends we may collect, if I 
 may thus cal! it, the rays of his mind,, 
 and fee at one view the undifguifed Man, 
 the King, the Lover, the Father, and the 
 Friend. In them, wit is only made 
 life of to add to the delicacy and 
 worth of the fentiment. — In all of them, 
 we find that livelinefs, that ftriking trait 
 of vivacity, which we may fay ftamped 
 the writings of Henry IV. Even his 
 common expreflions have paffed from, 
 mouth to mouth; every body knows 
 them by heart, and are never tired of 
 repeating them. His converfation was 
 brief, but full of energy j his repartees 
 quick and lively. He had a natural elo- 
 quence ; his fpeeches feemed the effed: 
 of infpiration, yet were never fludied. 
 'I hat which he made to the principal 
 men of Rouen*, is, perhaps, the fined 
 
 that 
 
 * In 1596. 
 
C 57 3 
 
 rhac ever came out of the mouth of a 
 king. Thofe who do not recollefl it, will 
 give us leave to repeat it and thofe who 
 know it, will recall it with pleafure to 
 their minds. 
 
 “ If I had any defiref faid he, “ to fafi 
 for an excellent orator^, I fljould have 
 brought hither a finer Jet of words than of 
 “ good will But my ambition leads me to 
 ** fame thing more brilliant ■, than that of 
 /peaking well: I afpire to the glorious 
 “ titles c/Deliverer and Reftorer of France. 
 
 I have already, by the favour of Heaven, 
 “ the councils of my faithful Jervants, and 
 “ the fwords of my brave and generous no- 
 hility, ( between whom and my princes 1 
 make no diftinSiion, the quality Gentle - 
 “ man being the beji title we pojjefs) drawn 
 “ it from Jlavery and ruin. My prefeni 
 “ defire is to reft ore tt to its former ftrength, 
 “ and to its ancient fplendor. Unite with 
 me, my fubjeSts, to effettthisfecondpur- 
 “ pofe, as you have done already by the firft. 
 “ 1 do not call you hither, as my predecejfors 
 “ have done'\, to oblige you blinaly to ap- 
 “ prove my intentions. ' I have 'called you 
 ‘‘‘ together in order to receive your counjels, to 
 attend to them, to follow them j ' in a word, 
 D 5 “ /tf 
 
 * An indirect crlticifm on Henry JIT. 
 
 I Charles IX, at Rouen, in 1563, &c. 
 
[ 58 ] 
 
 ** to put myjelf under your tutelage. It is 
 “ not a ujual part for kings, for gr^'-beardsy 
 “ or for the vibiorious like me, to take advice, 
 ** but the love J bear my fubjebls, and the 
 ** extreme deftre I have to preferve my king- 
 “ dom, makes it perfeblly eafy and honour- 
 able to (75)*.” 
 
 Thefe military fpeeehes are written in 
 a chara< 5 berj and, if I may call it fo,. bear 
 features which diftinguifh Henry, IV. 
 from all other heroes, both ancient and 
 modern. It is with regret that I limit 
 myfelf with only repeating what he faid 
 to the army, before the battle of Ivry. 
 ** Tou are Frenchmen — / am your king— 
 there is the enemy.” Then taking off 
 his helmet, which was ornamented with 
 a plume of white feathers, “ My children,” 
 faid he, keep your ranks properly. If the 
 jiandard fhould be lofi, here is the Jignal 
 ** for rallying ; follow my panache, you Jhall 
 ** always perceive it in the road to honour, 
 and vibiory.” Wliat muft be thofe 
 fqldiers, who would not be led on by 
 fuch expreffions ? 
 
 There is in all his converfations fo 
 much regularity and propriety, as well as 
 vivacity, that makes him eafily known : 
 
 in 
 
 * Ferefixe, p, 109. 
 
t 59 ] 
 
 in fhort, neither in his court, or even in 
 his time, was there a mind endowed 
 with more lively, penetrating, eafy, flow- 
 ing wit, than his. It is only from parti- 
 cular perfons, I do not mean crowned 
 heads, but from men remarkable for 
 the pleafures they afford fociety, that we 
 may collect a great number of thefe 
 happy traits, which do fo much honour 
 to his wit, as well as his difpofition. If 
 we undertook to repeat them all, we 
 fhould have enough to fill another vo- 
 lume. What could be finer than the 
 eulogium he made on Armand de Biron 
 to his ambalfadors ? “ Gentlemen y ibis is 
 the Marechal de Biron, whom I •prejent 
 equally to my friends and enemies." Or 
 can any thing be more flattering than 
 what he faid to Aumont, when he or- 
 dered him to be feated by him at table, 
 the evening after the battle of Ivry ? 
 “ It is very fit you come to the feaft, 
 “ after having ferved me fo well on my 
 “ weddtng-day" What could do greater 
 honour to all his brave foldiers, than the 
 reply he made to the Spanifh ambafia- 
 dor ? Being furrounded and prelfed upon 
 by his officers at court, the proud Spa- 
 niard was fhocked with fo much fami- 
 liarity, Tou fee nothing here," faid the_ 
 D 6 king ; 
 
[ 6o ] 
 
 kingj “ they pre/s upon me much more in 
 ** the day of battle.” No one, like him, 
 poffefl' d the art of faying agreeable 
 things j and by making this ufe of his 
 judgment, he gained many partizans, 
 who were almoft equally delighted with 
 hi'j words and manner, as with his other 
 great qualities. The defire of pleafing 
 infpired him with a thoufand delicate 
 and flattering attentions to the fair fex,. 
 whom he idolized. That mixture of 
 ancient French gallantry, and knight- 
 errantry, which at this time exift only in 
 our old romances, and in the memories 
 of our anceftors j that kind of cnthu- 
 fiafm, which, if I may venture to fay fo,, 
 concealed the foibles of love under the 
 eclat of heroifm j that irrefiftible irn- 
 pulfe which drew him towards women,, 
 joined to that fliining valour which at all 
 times has power to intereft the fair, and, 
 above all, the homage he received from 
 his noble and valiant fubjedls, have oc- 
 cafioned him to be called the model of 
 chivalry and one of the laft heroes of 
 that profeflion. It was in this ftyle that 
 he v/rote to the princefs of Tufcrny f, 
 
 whom 
 
 • See lyTemoirs on ancient Chivalry, M, de St, 
 Palaye, Vol. I. p. 163. 
 
 t Mary of Medicis. 
 
[ 6i J 
 
 whom he had not yet feen , ** My heart 
 “ has made a vow to love you through- 
 ** out my life, as the lady of my wifhes, 
 “ and the miftrefs of my affedions,” 
 To pleafe Mademoifelle de Guife, he 
 appeared before her with the colours he 
 had gained at the battles of Coutras and 
 Ivry : and the queen, Elizabeth, congra- 
 tulating him on his vidtories, faid to 
 him, “ Above all, 1 admire your valour 
 “ in arms, and your courtcfy to the 
 “ ladies.” It is well known, that this 
 queen always gave him the appellation 
 of her and that (he made choice of 
 
 him for her chevalier (70). This noble 
 charadler, fo honeft and fo frank, and fo 
 much like the heroes of the earliefb 
 ages, frequently triumphed over the art- 
 ful Italians. Catherine de Medicis, 
 thinking to pique his fdf-love, faid to 
 him one day, “ That all the Proteftants 
 “ v/ere republicans, and that he could 
 “ not do at Rochelle as he wilhed,”— 
 “ Pa' don me. Madam,” repli d the king, 
 “ for I only voijh to do as I ought.” The 
 Duke de Nevers, an Italian, who accom- 
 panied his countrywoman, faid to him, 
 “ You could not even lay a- tingle tax 
 “ on the place.” — “ Tou a: e right,” re- 
 plied Henry, “ for there 'ueere no Italians 
 ' “ amongji 
 
[ 62 ] 
 
 ** amongfl us." It is well known, that 
 almoft all the farmers-general were of that 
 nation. Among fo many inftances, I 
 prefer felefting thofe,. which at the fame 
 time difeover the great prince, as well as 
 the man of fenfe. That which Henry 
 has faid, as well as written, deferves to 
 become a code of laws for kings. After 
 the vidlory gained at Coutras, and the 
 death of Joyeufe, they prefented him 
 with the jewels, and other magnificent 
 baubles, belonging to this voluptuous 
 favourite. Henry would not even look 
 at them. It only belongs to actors" fays 
 he, “ to value themjelves on the rich habits 
 “ they wear j the true ornaments of a Ge- 
 “ neral art prejence of mind and courage 
 ** during a battlcy and clemency after gaining 
 “ it." Re-united to Henry III. the king 
 of Navarre uied every method to reftore 
 the fallen fpirits of the unfortunate Va- 
 lois. That which had moft frightened 
 him, was the excommunication which 
 had juft been thrown out againft him. 
 Sire," faid the Bourbon to him, fuc~ 
 cefs is the only remedy againjl the thunders 
 ** of Rome. Be viblorious, and you will be 
 abfolved ; hut if you are conquered, you 
 “ will remain excommunicated, and will fnd 
 “ ycurfelf threatened, and re - threatened 
 
 “ more 
 
C 63 3 
 
 “ more than ever *.” On Henry the 
 Fourth’s accefTion to the crown, the 
 brave Nereftang prefented himfelf to 
 him at the head of a regiment of picked 
 men, whom he conducted to this prince, 
 protefting to him, that he defired no 
 other reward than the honour of ferving 
 him. — “ Thus it is," faid Henry, “ that 
 good fubjeSls Jhould aSi ; they ought to for- 
 “ get their Jervices, but it is the duty of 
 “ their prince to remember them : and if he 
 “ means they Jhould continue to he faithful, 
 it is necejfary that he jhould be juji and 
 “ grateful." In a fhort time the whole 
 face of Paris was. changed ; the Spanifh 
 ambalTadors who came to confirm the 
 peace of Vcrvins, were aftonifhed to find 
 this capital fo different from what it was 
 fome years before. They could not help 
 exprefiing their furprize to the king : 
 “ To not wonder at it," faid he to them ; 
 
 when the mafter ceafes to live in his own 
 “ houje, every thing is in dijorder ■, but when 
 “ he rt turns to it, his prejence is the chief 
 “ ornament, and every thing profpers ac~ 
 cordingly." As a proof of this profpe- 
 lity, the Duke of Savoy one day afked 
 him, “ What the revenues of France 
 
 were 
 
 • Tablettes des Rois des France, Tom. IH, 
 p. 84, U journ. de Hen. 111., 
 
[ 64 ] 
 
 ** were worth ?” — are worth as much 
 ** as I pkafe'' faid Henry. The duke, 
 thinking this a vague anfwer, repeated 
 his queftion. — Tes, whatever I pleafe” 
 continued the kingj for having gained 
 “ the hearts of rny people, I can have all 
 “ that I wijh of them.” Though he had 
 long been perfecuted himfelf, nothing 
 could ever bring him to perfecute others. 
 He even honoured thole vidtims, who 
 fuffered by the family of Medicis, with 
 the mild title of fate martyrs as if he 
 willied to confecrate, by a kind of rever- 
 ence, the memory of thofe who died for 
 their country. Obliged from his youth 
 to live in the midft of his enemies, no 
 prince ever ftudied more the knowledge 
 of mankind. He was in that fituation 
 which made it neceffary to obferve them, 
 for he was in a ftate of adverlity. Ac- 
 cuftomed to converfe with them, he had 
 acquired fo quick a perception, that he 
 pretended, he could guefs by their eyes 
 “ what paffed in their hearts-,” in conle- 
 quence of which, he generally knew how 
 to make a good choice, for he even 
 gained the afftdions of -lome of thole of 
 the oppofite party, whom he employed. 
 
 A wife king,” faid he, “ is like a good 
 “ (hymijt, who from the mcjt dangerous poi- 
 
 fans 
 
[ 65 ] 
 
 fom can extras excellent medicines''’ He 
 made honefty and integrity the invariable 
 rule of his condufl. It is well known 
 what artful manoeuvres the duke of Sa- 
 voy made ufe of to retain the marquifate 
 of Saluces. When he came to France, 
 Henry was advifed to have him made 
 prifoner: God forbid” replied the mo- 
 
 narch ; “ the word of a king of France is 
 “ inviolable. I have learned from my ear~ 
 “ liejl infancy, from thoje who firft nou- 
 “ rifhed me, that to keep my faith is much 
 “ more beneficial than any thing which per- 
 “ fidy can promife. Fo prove this, I have 
 ** the example of king Francis I, who by 
 deceit thought to retain that dainty mor- 
 ** fel named Charles V. but he could not 
 “ Jucceed. If the duke of Savoy has violated 
 his word, my following his example would 
 “ not make me lejs guilty t and a king makes 
 “ a good ufe of his enemies treachery, when 
 “ he makes it Jerve as a contraji to his own 
 “ fieadinefs.” And upon this he recol- 
 lefted an inftance of Philip de Valois, 
 who having pledged himfelf not to make 
 war with the Emperor, put the troops 
 under his fon’s command, and ferved 
 himfelf under his orders, pretending by 
 this means that he had not broke through 
 his engagements : “ ‘This,” faid Henry, 
 
 “ was 
 
[ 66 ] 
 
 was very had policy , and cajis a (hade on 
 “ the memory of Philip. He was a great 
 prince, hut was guilty of little arts more 
 “ Juited to a parent who wants to deceive 
 his children, than a Jovereign whoje every 
 “ word and action Jhould he founded on 
 “ truth” The oppofite condufl of king 
 John appeared to him worthy every 
 one’s praife; he envied him this beau- 
 tiful expreflion : “ If truth and integrity 
 “ were banifhed from the earth, they yet 
 ** ought to be brought back again to 
 ** the hearts and mouths of kings t.” 
 Henry therefore ordered the duke of 
 Savoy to be told, though he was in his 
 power, he was no more in danger thaa 
 in the midft of his own territories j and 
 that he was equally free in his court, as 
 he was at Turin. “ I had rather forfeit my 
 “ lifef added he, “ than break my pro- 
 “ mife%d 
 
 This quotation is rather long; but 
 God grant, that thofe who write the 
 hiftory of kings may have frequent oc- 
 cafion to make fuch ! As the idea of in- 
 juring any one never came into his mind, 
 
 he 
 
 f D’AubJgne, fon Hiftojre Perefixe, p. 468. & 
 Tablettes des Rois de France, Tore. III. p. 22, &c. 
 
 t Journal Manufeript, already mentioned, Vol. 
 DIX. 
 
[ 67 ] 
 
 lie was never fufpicious. Fie liked to 
 Heal away from his court, to wander 
 about in the fields, and to afk queftions 
 of the honed good people, who were 
 aftonilhed to fee the king under their 
 thatched roofs. When his friends, who 
 were alarmed for him, remonHrated to 
 him, that, in the midlt of confpirators, 
 and whilft the leaven of the League ftill 
 continued to ferment, he ought to take 
 more care of his perfon, and not go out 
 fo frequently alone, or at leaf! fo ill at- 
 tended ; “ Fear^' faid he, “ ought never 
 “ to have entrance in a royal mind, ^hoje 
 “ -who fear death, will never attempt my 
 “ life ; and thofe who defpife life, will al~ 
 “ ways be mafers of mine, notwithjlandmg 
 “ a thoufand guards were to try to prevent 
 “ them. It is only tyrants who ought to 
 “ live in conftant fear*." The magnifi- 
 cence of a throne had few charms for 
 him. It was remarked, that he had 
 fome difficulty to aft with the pomp of 
 a king of France. Bred up like a Spar- 
 tan, he preferved througliout his life a 
 contempt of every thing fuperfluous, to- 
 gether with the frugality and vigilance 
 of his early years, which he continued as 
 well from habit as from policy. He fct 
 
 • Perefixe, p. 479, 
 
[ «8 ] 
 
 the example of drefllng plainly, and ufcd 
 
 to laugh at thofe frivolous noblemen, 
 who, inftead of living in their own pro- 
 vinces, and increafing their property, 
 
 came to court to difplay their ruinous 
 extravagance ; he lauehingly faid, “ they 
 “ carried their mills and their for efts on 
 “ their backs'' He would have no 
 
 courtiers that were not brave, nor any 
 other favourites than his people in ge- 
 neral. When he wrote to the governors 
 of different provinces, he generally con- 
 cluded with thefe words: 'itake care of 
 
 “ my people', they are my children, whom 
 “ God has committed to my care : I am re- ' 
 
 fponfible for them.'' During a very fe- 
 vere illnefs, in which his life was thought 
 to be in danger*, feeing, as we may fay, 
 all the noble fchemes which he had formecl 
 goingtobetaken outof his hands, he could 
 not help expreffing bis regret to Sully at 
 the thoughts of being to quit his people, 
 and letting fall a few tears. “ My friend," 
 faid he, it is not death which I am in fear 
 “ of, as you can tell better than any one elfe, 
 “ having feen me in the midft of dangers, 
 “ from which 1 have with difficulty efeaped: 
 “ but I cannot deny hut that I fhall have 
 
 “ much 
 
 * In 1598. Voy les vrais Meiaoires sle Sully, 
 Tom. I. p. 430. 
 
[ 69 ] 
 
 ** much concern in giving up my life^ before 
 I ha e raifed my kingdom to that degree of 
 fpiendor which / had promifed myfelf^ and 
 “ afo to have proved to my Jubje5is^ by fup- 
 “ porting them, and dif charging many of 
 “ their taxes as well as by governing them 
 by the mildeft P'eatment, that I regarded 
 “ them as my dear children." This ami- 
 able piince wifhed to hold his empire 
 from affedion, not force Firm, when 
 the public good required it, he never 
 was intoxicated with that abfolute power 
 which charms fo many weak princes, and 
 thofe who only are poffeiTed of moderate 
 genius. Some court -flatterers, on a par- 
 ticular occafion, once intreated him to 
 make ufe of his authority. He made them 
 this anfwer, worthy to be engraved on all 
 kings palaces : " 'ddhe firft duty of a Jove- 
 “ reign is to confider of every thing, and 
 “ to remember he has himfelf two Jovereigns, 
 ** God, and the Law.” A report was cir- 
 culated abroad, that it was his intention 
 to build fortrefles to confine people in : 
 Henry condefcended to affure them, 
 Lhat he Jhould never build citadels but in 
 “ the hearts of his Jubjedls." The ambaf- 
 fador from Conftantinople who came to 
 France in the time of peace, exprefled 
 much fiupriie that fo great a king, whofe 
 
 valour 
 
C 70 3 
 
 valour had been reported all throughout 
 the Eaftcrn world (77) *, Ihould not have 
 a more numerous army : “ Do not he aJlo~ 
 “ nijhed at that^’ faid Henry j “ where 
 “ jujiice reignsy force is not necejfary f.’* 
 Thus did he endeavour to rule over his 
 fubjeds without any refped to perfons. 
 A nobleman once having demanded the 
 abolition of fome abufe committed 
 againft the magiflrates of his jurifdic- 
 tion, “ 1 have only two eyes, and two legs,” 
 replied the king j “ in what therefore fhould 
 I be different from the reft of my fuhjehls, if 
 “ Jhad not the power of dijlributing juftice?” 
 In a fimilar circumftance, Lewis XII. ap- 
 peared in the court of juftice with one 
 arm bound in a fcarf, as if Juftiee herfelf 
 fliould be retlrained j a noble allegory, 
 and which proves that good kings think 
 alike. When the public fafety and good 
 order required examples to be made, and 
 which he could not pardon, he at leaft 
 endeavoured as much as polfible to foften 
 the rigour of his refufal. A courtier, 
 whofe nephew had been guilty of mur- 
 der, having intreated pardon for the cri- 
 minal, lam very Jorryf faid this prince, 
 
 “ not 
 
 • Favyn Perefixe, p. 306. 
 
 ^ t Lettres de Bourfalt, Ecol. citees Militaire, 
 Tom. II. p. 102. 
 
“ not to have it in my power to grant you 
 “ what you afk. It is very proper, as an 
 “ uncle, that you Jhould demand it, and 
 equally Jo as a king, that I Jhould rejuje it. 
 “ I readily excuje your demand j do you ex~ 
 “ cuje my rejujal.” He felt the truth of 
 what has been fince faid by a good mi- 
 nifter, “ that juflice is the benevolence 
 of kings.” But it was not thus that 
 he adled with regard to his perfonal in- 
 juries ; they could never gain his confent 
 to punifli thofe who had ufed him ill; 
 and the king of France never revenged 
 the injuries of the king of Navarre. He 
 heard with temper all the (hocking things 
 which had been faid againft him, except 
 thofe which were written by Orleans, the 
 wretched author of incendiary libels *. 
 But when he heard the calumnies he had 
 invented againft the queen his mother, 
 he Ihook his head, and only faid thefe 
 words : “ Oh the wicked, wicked wretch!-— 
 “ But he came to France under my pajjport, 
 “ and therejore no harm Jhall eome to 
 “ him t*” Soon after this, he ordered 
 him to be fet at liberty. Many years 
 
 after 
 
 * Le Banquet da Comte d’ArAes, le Catholique 
 Anglois, &c. 
 
 t Journ. de Hen. IV. nouv. edit. Tom. Ill, 
 
 p. 76. 
 
[ 7S ] 
 
 after the peace, he was told there were 
 fome fanatics, the rennainino; dregs of 
 the League, who continued to declaim 
 againft him, and that they even refufed 
 to pray for him in their public prayers, 
 “ ^hey muft be attended to^' faid he,' ^^for 
 they are fiill angry.” Born without gall, 
 hatred and vengeance were a load which 
 his heart could not fuftain. A maxim 
 he frequently had in his mouth was this, 
 'that the Jatisfa£Hon derived from revenge 
 “ was only momentary ^ hut that which is 
 “ to be gained from clemency lajis for ever.” 
 
 “ Des qu’il put fe venger, il en perdit 
 “ I’envie.” 
 
 Or rather, he never had this defire. They 
 mentioned to him a nobleman, one of 
 the principal Leaguers, whofe virtues 
 had not been able to difarm him of his 
 hatred towards him : “ / wifhf faid 
 Henry, “ to do him fo many fervices, as to 
 ** force him to love me.” He was fome- 
 times reproached for his too great readi- 
 nefs to pardon. Gabrielle d’Eftrees, 
 who, like women born to love, was 
 gentle and compafilonate, obtained for- 
 givenefs for more than one criminal. 
 Sully did not always approve of this 
 lenity. “ IVhat can I do?” faid the king, 
 
 “ / cannot 
 
s- 
 
 C 73 3 
 
 I cannot rejift thoje who humble them- 
 ** /elves, and my heart is too tender to refufe 
 “ a kindnejs to the prayers and tears of the 
 “ woman I love*.” Tendernefs in him 
 ■was not owing to weaknefs ; affable and 
 courteous to all, he could be proud and 
 fevere with haughty minds, like that of 
 Don Pedro theSpanidi ambaffador. This 
 arrogant man carried it fo far one day, as 
 almoft to mutter fome threats. Henry 
 told him, if the king his mafter con- 
 tinued his outrages, he would carry fire 
 to the Efcurial ; “ ’they Jhall joon jee me at 
 “ Madrid/ fays he. — “ Why not ?” re- 
 plied the ambaffador, coldly ; “Francis I. 
 was there.” — It is for that very rea- 
 Jon/ faid the king, '■' that I would go^ 
 “ to revenge his injuries, thoje of France, 
 “ and aljo my own I” One day in con- 
 verfation, he afked the Emperor Rodol- 
 phus’s envoy, “ IVhether that prince kept 
 “ any inijirejfes ?” The envoy, inftcad of 
 anfwering in a jocofe manner, chofe to 
 appear the ambaffador, and faid in a 
 formal ftiff way to the king, “ That if 
 the EiTiperor had miftreffes, at leaf! it 
 “ was kept fecret.” — “ It is very true/ 
 E faid 
 
 * Memoires de Sully, Tom. I. p. 388. 
 
t 74 ] 
 
 faid Henry, there are hut fem men wh^ 
 ** have great qualities Jufficient to excufe 
 ** them from concealing their foibles 
 
 Henry did not think it neceffary the 
 dignity of the crown (hould extinguifh 
 in him the fentiments of nature; he was 
 guided by her, and was never better 
 pleafed than when he could yield him- 
 felf up to her foft impreffions. At the 
 tables of his friends, whom he loved to 
 furprize (78), he ufed to give himfdf up 
 to all the natural gaiety of his temper j 
 he difrobed himfelf of majefty, and con- 
 defcended to become the agreeable com- 
 panion. A charming familiarity, a frank- 
 nefs, and pleafant way of joking, toge- 
 ther with his bon mots, laid Perefixe, 
 made up the belt part of their repafts. 
 In the midft, of his family, he was no 
 more King, but Father and Friend. He 
 would have his children call him Papa, 
 or Father, and not Sir, which was the 
 new fafhion introduced by Catherine de 
 Medicis f. He ufed frequently to join 
 in their amufements; and one day that 
 this Reftorer of France, and Peace- 
 maker 
 
 • Mathieu & Eflais fur Paris, Tom. I, p. 266. 
 f Dupleix, lorn. IV. p. 412. Anecd. des 
 Reines, Tom. V. p. 346. 
 
t 75 3 
 
 maker of all Europe, was going on all- 
 fours with the dauphin his fon on his 
 back, an ambaflador fuddenly entered 
 the apartment, and furprized him in this 
 attitude. The monarch, without moving 
 from it, faid to him, Monjieur V Ambaf~ 
 Jadeufi have ym any children Yes, 
 
 Sire,” replied he. — “ Very well then, I 
 Jhall finijh my race round the chamber*." It 
 is reported that Agefilaus was once caught 
 in a fimilar manner, by fome ftrangers 
 entering his apartment at a time he was 
 riding on a broom-flick with his fon : 
 “ My Lords,” faid he, 1 pray you to 
 “ fay nothing of this, till you have chil- 
 “ dren of your own.” The empire of 
 Nature is fo fweet, that there is no heart 
 capable of fenfibility but muft, with re- 
 gard to thefe two kings, infinitely prefer 
 the Father to the Hero. Henry was 
 conqueror in fpite of his opinion. Forced 
 to fight for thirty years, he never loved 
 the fcience of war. How frequently has 
 he fprinkled his laurels with his tears ! 
 He was much more gay the evening be- 
 fore a battle, than the day after a vidory. 
 He faid to thofe who remarked it with 
 E a aftonifh- 
 
 * Aim. Utter, de 1782 , p. izi. 
 
[ 76 ] 
 
 anronlfhment, How can I rejoice at an 
 advantage which can only be obtained by 
 “ the lojs of my fubjebls, and the blood of 
 my countrymen I What gain can recom- 
 fenfe me for fuch loJfes'\H A conftant 
 fnaxim of his was, that valiant men were 
 always the laft to counfel war, but the 
 firft to engage in it. He replied to 
 thofc who prelTed him to break the ne- 
 gociation of Vervins, “ ‘that it being a 
 “ barbarous thing, againji law, and againji 
 nature, to make war for the fake of war, 
 “ a prince ought never to refufe to make 
 peace, unlejs it was on very difadvanta- 
 “ geous terms ” It was well known ano- 
 ther prince of the name of Henry, and 
 who, like him, was the greateft Ge- 
 neral of his age, faid, “ That if kings 
 were to vifit their hofpitals the day 
 “ after a battle, they would never en- 
 “ gage in war (79).” Such fentiments 
 as thefe are worth more than a viiflory, 
 which, after all, is only a brilliant cala- 
 mity. What can be more praife-worthy 
 than the noble refentment of Henry IV. 
 when he heard that his troops had pil- 
 laged fome of the peafants houfes in the 
 
 country? 
 
 f Perefixe, p. 459. 
 
C 77 1 
 
 eon n try ? ^‘Gentlemen,'* faid he to the 
 ofhrers who were with him, “ defart with 
 “ all jpeedy and put order to this bufmejs ; 
 
 you mujl anjwer for if. What I if they 
 “ ruin my pecfley who w ll futport me, or 
 “ who will Jupply the charges of my king- 
 “ dom? kk ho will pay rour petiftcns ? For 
 “ heaven's fake. Gentlemen, take care cf my 
 people-, for, by fo doing, you take care of 
 “ me.”' 
 
 That which makes the hiftory of 
 Henry iV, fo pleafmg, which gives him 
 fo ftriking an appearance, is that- mixture 
 of goodnefs and greatnefs, of bravery 
 and clemency,, herolfin and popularity, 
 fpirit and compalTion, thofe fublime vir- 
 tues, and amiable weaknefies, which dif- 
 cover the Man of Senfibility and Good- 
 nefs, ftill more than the great King. An 
 uncommon aflemblage of eftimable qua- 
 lities ! Nature had been laviih to him, 
 in endowing him with two gifts, which 
 (he very fcldom unites in the fame per- 
 fon ; the moft extenfive genius, joined 
 to the rnofl tender fenfibility. It is for 
 this reafon that his hiftory, above all 
 other kings, is moft admired} and of 
 which we know more particulars, more 
 traits, more anecdotes } which we are 
 more pleafed to hear related, and which 
 E 3 never 
 
[ 78 ] 
 
 never can tire the relater. Had he been 
 nothing more than a hero, he would have 
 been admired, but not beloved. It was 
 his inexhauftible goodnefs, his paternal 
 attentions, thefe beautiful traits, much 
 more than his viflories, which have made 
 his remembrance fo dear to every body, 
 and which ftill occafions his name to be 
 founded, even in the moft obfcure cot- 
 tages, where they invoke him as a bene- 
 volent deity, the Tingle idea of whom has 
 power to alleviate their wretchednefs. 
 It was this which infpired a young poet 
 with that fublime verfe, which ought to 
 be written at the bottom of all Henry 
 the Fourth’s portraits : 
 
 “ Seul roi, ds qui le pauvre ait garde la- 
 * “ memoire.” 
 
 Doubtlefs, we have exceeded the 
 bounds which we had prefcribed our- 
 felves; but when Henry IV. is the fub- 
 je6l, an irrefiflible inclination leads us 
 on ; it feems like fpeaking of a dear 
 friend. — Befides, at a time when public 
 education is the univerfal topic } when 
 models and examples are fought for, as 
 alfo leflbns of morality, which naturally 
 fupply the place of religion, at this time 
 ib little attended to; we cannot do better 
 
 than 
 
C 79 1 
 
 than difplay the moral chafa(^er of 
 Henry IV. and this is what we wi(h to 
 do. — Fn a few pages, we have collefted 
 the fobftance j it is all taken from his 
 aiflions, and may be truly called lefTons 
 of morality and philofophy for kings. 
 
 After Ciefar’s example, Henry, during 
 the leifure which peace aflPorded him, 
 formed a defign of writing memoirs of 
 his lifej of a life fo agitated, fo fruitful 
 in great events, and which could not fail 
 of being uncommonly interefting, as 
 coming from the pen, not only of fuch 
 an hiftorian, but from the hero himfelf. 
 It was the ftill celebrated Cafaubon who 
 furniflied us with this valuable anecdote, 
 which was too long unknown. “ 1 remem- 
 “ ber,” faid be in his excellent preface of 
 Polybius, addrelTed to this prince a year 
 before his death, “ I remember to have 
 " heard your Majefty fay, thefe Memoirs 
 “ were begun with the defign to finifh 
 “ them, provided the affairs of ftate 
 would give you fufficient time.”— 
 What fecreis he would have been able 
 to have revealed to us ! What a misfor- 
 tune, that a cruel attempt fhould have 
 deprived France, and even all Europe of 
 a leflbn fo inftrudlive, and of which we 
 might have been able to draw a com- 
 E 4 parifon 
 
[ So ] 
 
 parifon between the Commentaries of the 
 Conqueror at Ivry, and thofe of the Con- 
 queror of Pharfalia (8o) ! 
 
 This prince did not even difdain to 
 amufe himfelf fometimes with compofing 
 verfes. This poetical genius he inherited 
 from his relations on his mother’s fide, as 
 not only his mother, but her filler and her 
 grandmother, w'ere all poets ( 8 1 ). The 
 verfes he made on the beautiful d’Efaees 
 are ftill fung : 
 
 “ Cliarmante Gabrlelle, 
 
 Perce de mille dards, 
 
 Quand la gioire i\i’appelle 
 Sous les drapeaux de Mars 
 ** Cruelle departie f ! 
 
 Malheureux jour, 
 
 Que ne fuis je fans vie 
 Ou fans amour I 
 Faut il que je vous quitte § 
 
 Ah cruel foirvenir, 
 
 Ma douleur s’en irrite 
 Vous revoir ou mourir. 
 
 ‘‘ Cruelle departie ! 
 
 Je 
 
 Ou lit dans un ancien manufcrit, 
 a la fuite de Mars.** 
 
 Departie, reparation.** 
 
 ^ Siiivant M. de la Bordc dans les Eflais fur la'Murique, 
 
 « Bel aftre que je quitte.’* 
 
[ 8i ] 
 
 Je veux que mes trompettes, 
 
 Les fibres, les echos 
 IncefTamment * repctent 
 ‘‘ Ces doux & trifle mots : 
 
 Cruelle departie! &c, 
 
 Partagez ma couronne, 
 
 Le prix de ma valeur, 
 
 ‘‘ Je la liens de Bellone, 
 
 Tenez la de mon cceur; 
 
 “ Cruelle departie I 
 ** Malheureux jour, 
 
 “ Que ne fuis je fans vie, 
 
 Ou fans amour!’’ ) i 
 
 Who is there that can ever forget that 
 charming impromptu which he made on 
 theCountefsof Cleves his aunfj-? Coming 
 one day into her apartment, he found her 
 tablets open, on which De Noailles, who 
 was in love with that princefs, had writ- 
 ten thefe words : 
 
 Nul heur nul bien ne me contente 
 Ablent de ma divinite.” ^ V 
 
 Henry added thefe lines to them: 
 
 N’appelez pas ainli ma tante 
 Elle aime trop I’humanite.” 
 
 He alfo made verfes on the Marchionefs 
 de Verneuil, whofe praifes he fung under 
 E 5 ' ^ the 
 
 * Suivant Monf. de la Borde^ 
 a tous momens.” 
 f Marguercte de Bourbon* 
 
[ 82 ] 
 
 the name of Life. At the top of the 
 poem he wrote thefc words, “ Verjes 
 “ made by the ferjon who fends them to you 
 which looks as if the great folks of that 
 age did not always write their own. 
 poetry. Even Henry himfelf had not 
 always leifure to record his miftreUcs ins 
 verfe. As a King, a Soldier,, and a 
 Lover, he had little time to lofe ; in that 
 cafe he had recourfe to the belt poets of 
 his time, who ferved him as interpreters- 
 of his fecret thoughts; and under the 
 concealed name of Alcander, more than 
 one of thofe famous poets celebrated the 
 beauties of feveral young ladies, who* 
 were not infenfible to the foft lan- 
 guage (8a). But one of the beft pieces 
 attributed to Henry, and the lead known 
 of them, is that which we are going to 
 tranferibe*, we have had a hope given us 
 of feeing it in the original hand-writing 
 of this prince, 
 
 Viens Aurore, 
 
 Je t’implore 
 
 . . Je fuis gai quand je it vms, 
 
 “ Et )a Bergere 
 Qui m’eft chere 
 ** Et vermeil comme toi. 
 
 Elle 
 
r 83 ] 
 
 Elle eft blonde, j * 
 
 ** Sans fcconde, 
 
 ** Ellc a la taiJle a la main ; 
 
 ‘‘ Sa prunelle I 
 
 ** Etincelle 
 
 Comme Taftre du matin* 
 
 ** De rofee, 
 
 ** Ariofce, 
 
 La rofe a moins de fraicheiar; 
 
 ** Une hermine, , 
 
 •• Eft moins fine, 
 
 Le Jys a moins de blancheur. 
 
 D’ambroifie, 
 
 ** Bien chofce, 
 
 Hebe la nourrit a part; 
 
 ** Et fa bouche, 
 
 ** Quand j’y touche. 
 
 Me parfume de nedar (83)/^ 
 
 Such was this prince,- whom I will 
 venture to fay, was never thoroughly 
 known. If it is confidered, that he pre- 
 ferved his freedom of mind, his conftant 
 ehearfulnefs, his tafte for learning, and his 
 morality, in the midft of battles and ad ver- 
 fity, the horrors of the League, fanaticlfm, 
 and poignards, as we may fay, fufpended 
 over his head; we muft be obliged to 
 eonfefs, that no other man, and partU:u-- 
 iarly no other king, was ever ppflelFcd af 
 E 6 fo 
 
[ 84 '] 
 
 fo happy a difpofition : and that he only 
 wanted more reft, better times, and a 
 longer reign, in order to have robbed 
 his grandfon of the glory of having re- 
 vived the ages of Alexander, Auguftus, 
 and Medicis. But, accuflomed to re- 
 gard him only as a hero and a conqueror, 
 or rather led by that tender fentiment 
 which makes us venerate a good king, 
 which doubtlefs adds moft to his re- 
 nown, this friend to arts and learning 
 had efcaped us. Dazzled with the bril- 
 liant reign of Lewis XIV. we look with 
 an eye of pity on thofe which preceded 
 it; we fcarce even deign to remember 
 that of his grandfather. Doubtlefs, it is 
 but right to do juftice to the age of 
 genius; and we are the firft to proftrate 
 ourfelves before the ftatues of thofe great 
 men -who have paid her fuch immortal 
 honours: but let us not be unjuft in the 
 midft of our opulence. We ought, per- 
 haps, to regard with lefs indifference the 
 half age, which faw fo many different 
 talents flourifh ; it was the real epocha 
 of the reftoration of letters. They have 
 ■never fince that time met with any thing 
 to darken them, or prevent their fiourilh- 
 ;ing; and the reign of Henry IV. gave 
 bii th to the firft great man of the age of 
 
 Lewis 
 
[ 85 ] 
 
 Lewis XIV. What illuftrious names 
 were there at that time ! Montaigne, 
 whom no philoibpber ever yet furpafled 
 in the knowledge of the human heart, 
 has.ftamped his genius on his immortal 
 Eflays. Charron proved himfelf worthy 
 to be the interpreter of wifdom. De 
 Thou, who compofed that fine hiftory, 
 which perhaps is the only one calculated 
 to make the nation proud. The great 
 L’Hopital, of whom Henry knew but 
 little, promifed to be a legiflator to 
 France. Bodin ventured to examine 
 into the rights of fubjefts, and pointed 
 out a plan for that republic which Mon- 
 tefquieu firfi: formed the idea of. The 
 ingenious authors of the fatire Menippus 
 plentifully bellowed their ridicule on the 
 enemies of their country, by the poig- 
 nancy of their writings. Amyot pub- 
 lilhed his tranflations of Plutarch and 
 Longinus, which after , two centuries 
 have paired, Hill give us fo much plea- 
 fure, by that charming naivete they 
 pofiTefs, Pithou, Dupuy, and Sainte 
 Marthe, the Varrons of their time, ap- 
 pear to exhaull the mines of antiquity, 
 in order to enrich the moderns. Mor- 
 nay and D’Aubigny were equally fuc- 
 celsful with their pens as their fv/ords. 
 
 Bertaud, 
 
t 86 ] 
 
 'Bertaud, Des Fortes, Paflerat, compofcd 
 verfes, the beauty and fimplicity of which 
 have ftill charms for their readers. Reg- 
 nier, whom Boileau has nor difdained to 
 imitate, copied the ancients clofely. At 
 length Malherbe came, for it was in 
 Henry the Fourth’s reign that this com- 
 pofer of French harmony made the firft 
 beautiful verfes that were written in our 
 language. A happy revolution fucceeded. 
 As yet, France had only the charafter of 
 being learned. The dawn of fine tafte 
 began now to ftiine, but the generality 
 were not yet enlightened j for it was 
 from the theatres the rays of light were 
 collefted and tranfmitted to the different 
 elafles of fociety, and thefe were yet in 
 their infancy (84). It was in vain the 
 monarch had given countenance to the 
 eftablifhmenc of a fecond theatre in his 
 capital (85); and in vain the too florid 
 Hardi had tried to renew with us the 
 moll beautiful, as well as the inoft fub- 
 lime arts : too weak to fucceed to fuch 
 an height, this poet was funk back to 
 the fame point from which he fet out. 
 But the great Corneille was already born; 
 and if Henry IV. had lived twenty years 
 more, which according to the order of 
 nature might have been expelled, he 
 
 might 
 
[ «7 1 
 
 might have fcen the firft chef d'mvre 
 the French ftage open (86). R'ichdieu 
 would not have exifted for France, and 
 Henry IV. had never been jealous of 
 the Cid, He alone would have pre- 
 pared, and even more rapidly than the 
 defpotic minifter of Lewis XIII. the 
 noble reign of Lewis XIV. Let us^ 
 therefore, when we praife this truly great 
 man, remember, that he enjoyed peace 
 only for twelve years of his reign, and' 
 that his grandfon reigned more than> 
 feventy. — That we were ftill in a ftate of 
 barbarity, and that he drew us from it. 
 —That if he did not fooner rekindle the 
 torch of learning,, it was becaufe the 
 errors of fanaticifm had dill too much in- 
 fluence;., that he often uledtofay, '^hehoped 
 “ to difpoje of his lafi years in. acquiring 
 “ glory and that it was the poignard 
 of an execrable alTafTm who Ihortened 
 the thread of his life. — In fhort, v/hen 
 Henry IV. is the fubjeft of our diicourfe, 
 whether we fpeak of learning or artsj 
 whether we re-trace his admirable vir- 
 tues, or that we recall to our minds that 
 his great object was the public felicity; 
 it will always be neceffary to conclude 
 by lamenting the furprifing deftiny of 
 this friend to mankind, and to weep over 
 
 his 
 
his tomb, faying thefe words ; He lived 
 too fhort a time for the glory of 
 France, and for the happinefs of all 
 « mankind!” 
 
f 89 1 
 
 NOTE (I.) 
 
 0/ Education of Henry IV. Page 4 . 
 
 I T is from memoirs on the private life of 
 Henry IV. which is fill in manufcript^ 
 that we have colle6led thefe articles which 
 concern the youth and education of this 
 prince. Few people are ignorant that the 
 young Bourbon was bred up in the midft of 
 mountains, more like a Spartan, than the fon 
 of fo many kings 5 and that he fpent the ear- 
 lieft and the pleafanteft part of his life there. 
 When he was eight years old, he was fent to 
 Paris, to the College of Navarre, in order to 
 be inftrudied. He had two companions there, 
 the Duke of Anjou, who was his king, and 
 the Duke de Guife, who wanted to be fo. 
 Mathieu cite Hiftoire Latine du College de 
 Navarre, par Launoy, in 4to. Tom. I. p. 341. 
 
 He 
 
[ 90 1 
 
 He continued there only a twelvemonth ; 
 Jane d’Albret would not fufFer him to remain 
 any longer fo near Catherine de Medicis. 
 She brought her fon back to Bern, where he 
 renewed his former way of living, far from 
 all public diverfions, or the contagion of a 
 court. This princefs placed round him the 
 moft learned, as well as the moft virtuous, men 
 of the age ; Pons de la Caze, Beauvoir, La 
 Gaucherie, Florent Chretien, who were all 
 Proteftants, were his tutors. 'T'his occafioned 
 Jean Jacques to fay, ‘‘ that the beft of our 
 kings was that one who was not educated 
 by priefts.’^ Their leflbns were all practi- 
 cal, and it was by that means that he learned the 
 elements of the fciences, as well as the moft 
 beautiful pafTages of the Greek and I#atin 
 languages. The queen herfelf paid great at- 
 tention to his education, and in -particular 
 gave jftriCl orders that neither valets or flat- 
 terers fhould ever be fuffered to approach him» 
 Voyez Memoires de Nevers^ in fol. Tom, II. 
 P* 586, 587. 
 
 Before he was fifteen, Henry made his firft 
 campaign ; from thence he went to the fchools 
 of Coligny, Des Mornay, Des la None ; and 
 from that time to the peace of Vervins, which 
 was thirty years, he was almoft always armedy 
 and on horfeback. 
 
 Note (2). Jean Albret^ Mere de Hen, TV, 
 p. 4 ,~No one could be a better judge of the 
 progrefs Henry made in his education than 
 his mother. She not only loved and encou- 
 raged men of learning, and welcomed them to 
 
[ 9 * ] 
 
 her court, but was herfelf well inftruited ; 
 fhe fpoke with great fluency the Latin and 
 Spanifii languages, and had fome knowledge 
 of Greek, which fhe learned from Nicholas 
 Bourbon She alfo condefcended fometimes 
 to write poetry. Her letters are written with 
 ftrong fenfe and energy, 7'he laft fhe wrote 
 to him a fhort time before her death, is re- 
 markable for the defciiption file gives in it of 
 the court of Valois. She concludes it thus: 
 
 I approve your letter much ^ if I am able 
 I fhall fhew it to Madame*. As to her 
 picture, I fliall endeavour to procure it 
 from Paris. She is handfome, affable, and 
 circumfpe£t in her behaviour ; but has been 
 bred up in the moft fhocking corrupted fo- 
 ciety that ever was known. This is entre 
 nous. The bearer of this will tell you in 
 what manner the king endeavours to eman- 
 cipate himfelf : it is great pity! I would 
 not for all the world have you here for any 
 length of time. It is for this reafon I wifh 
 you married, and that you and your wife 
 might retire from this fcene of libertinifm ; 
 for though I always thought it bad, i find 
 it much more fo. It is not here that men 
 folicit the ladies ; it is the women who 
 make court to the gentlemen.’’ 
 
 This letter was written fome months before 
 the fatal day of St. Bartholomew. (Vide Ad- 
 ditions aux Memoires de Caftelnau, Tom. I. 
 p. 86i.) D’Aubigny fays^ this queen had 
 nothing feminine about her, but her appear- 
 ance and drefs. Her foul was entirely filled 
 
 with. 
 
 • Margaret of Valois, filler to the kirng. 
 
C 92 3 
 
 with mafculine ideas, her mind capable of 
 the greateft adllons, and her heart able to 
 fupport the moft cruel adverfity. We have 
 taken the abridgment of her life from the ac- 
 count (which is ftill in manufcript) of the 
 illuftrious perfons in the reign of Henry IV. 
 
 Note (3). Henry IV, had fome fmall kncw^ 
 ledge of Greek , p . 4. — W h e t i 1 e r t i e n r y u n ci e r flood 
 Greek or not, may perhaps appear to be of 
 very little confequence, by way of adding to 
 his renown ; but in fadl it was not fo, as from 
 that knowledge, he reaped great advantages. 
 Wefhall relate an incident on this fubjedl, 
 which is not known to hiflorians. When 
 Henry was ten years old, in the year 1563, he 
 went to the court of France^ attended by his 
 preceptor La Gaucherie \ and in one of thofe 
 public entertainments after the Italian fafhion, 
 which was brought thither by Medicis, and 
 where every one made choice of a device, the 
 little prince of Berne, whofe genteel addrefs 
 pleafed every body, took for his motto thefe 
 words: >3 Nmuv r, wcjo either conquer or 
 
 die.’^ Medicis aflced the child what was 
 the meaning of it r he could not be prevailed 
 on to tell her. She learned from others the 
 meaning was, “ to conquer or die.” The 
 queen was difpleafed, and forbid his being 
 taught fuch fentences, which fhe faid were 
 only calculated to make him obftinate. This 
 device, however, was one of thofe which 
 ftruck Henry mofl, and which all his future 
 condudl exemplified. Vide Hiftoire de Paris, 
 in fol. Tom. II, p. 1091.. 
 
 There 
 
[ 93 3 
 
 There remains but few traces of the me- 
 t'hod which La Gaucherie made ufe of for the 
 education of his pupil, but ihofe few are very 
 valuable. He firft kept him from books, 
 which is what Montaigne tells us, who had a 
 moft excellent education, was the method 
 pradlifed with him; and fince then, Roull’eau 
 has adopted the fame plan for his Emilias. It 
 was in the midft of his amufements that he 
 infpired the young Bourbon with the defire of 
 knowledge. He inftrudled him uiore Ly con- 
 verfations adapted to his comprehenfop than 
 by the ufual methods, w'hich are fo dtfedlive, 
 and fo full of difficulties. He very c \rly 
 taught him hiftory, not by overloading his 
 mind with fadls and dates, but in making 
 him extradl the moral from it. La fjaucheriq 
 found out, and which was fojnething extra- 
 ordinary in an age like that, where there was 
 more learning than tafte, that a fine fenti- 
 ment, an heroic adtion, or a iuhlime maxirr., 
 w^ere better calculated fo form the mind of his 
 pupil, than adefeription ot twenty battles, or 
 a lift of the names of a number of kings, al- 
 ready forgotten. He gave the preference to 
 ancient hiftory, where may be found more 
 noble examples wh^ch elevate the mfnd, and 
 more lives of illuftrious men, from whofe 
 hiftory a young prince might take a model of 
 every virtue. He dwelt much on the ex- 
 amples of heroifm and benevolence, and for 
 his pupiTs better inftrudLon, made an extratft 
 of the inoft approved o. xim‘= of the ancients, 
 and endeavoured to inculcate them in the 
 mind of Henry, from whence they were never 
 
 effaced. 
 
[ 94 } 
 
 effaced. Henry a long time afterwards 
 recolleiled them with pleafure, and always 
 quoted them with great propriety. 
 
 Note (4). Cafar^s Commentaries tranJJated 
 hy Henry IV. p, 4. — Never had a hero a more 
 honourable interpreter. The learned Ca- 
 faubon, in his epiftle dedicatory of the tran- 
 flation of Polybius, addreffed to Henry IV. in 
 1609, confirms this faft, already known, and 
 addsj that the manufeript of it, written by 
 this prince, ftill remained in the royal library, 
 which he could not be miftaken in, as he 
 himfelf depofited it there, Thefe are his 
 words : “ Have you not in your infancy 
 tranllated the Commentaries of Caefar into 
 French? I have myfelf feen it; yes, I have 
 feen it, and read with admiration the fheets 
 containing this work, fo finely written by 
 your own hand.*’ Voyez la belle preface 
 Latine a la fefe du Polybius du Cafaubon, 
 edit, in fol. de 1609, & Recueil de fes Lettres 
 aufii, in fol, p. 55. 
 
 We have fought, but in vain, for this pre* 
 cious manufeript in the king’s library, and 
 to our great concern find it does not remain 
 there. We read in the firft volume of the 
 Bibliotheque Hiftorique de la France, par M. 
 de Fontete, p. 239. No. 3880, that the two 
 firft books of Caefar’s Commentaries, written 
 by Henry IV. were taken from this library by 
 des Noyers, Secretary of State, and prefented 
 to Lewis XIII. Perhaps they remain as a 
 family book m the king’s cabinet. 
 
 Note 
 
C 95 ] 
 
 Note (5). He underjlood Latin^ p. 5. — To 
 the examples already quoted, we (hall add the 
 following : In his youth, having drawn an an- 
 tique vafe with his pen, he wrote under it. 
 Opus principis The fon of Florent 
 
 Chretien, after Henry IV. was become king 
 of France, was kind enough to ihew this 
 drawing to many of his friends. When he 
 was only king of Navarre, he wrote to Sully, 
 who had intreated him not to expofe himfelf 
 to fo much danger, My friend, it muft be 
 “ fo ; aiit Gee far ^ aut nihiL'^’ The Parlia- 
 ment having refufed to regifter one of his 
 edi£Is*, ‘‘Ah, gentlemen!’^ faid he to the 
 deputies, with that mildnefs and pleafantry 
 which was fo natural to him, “ let me at 
 “ leaft be treated as you treat the monks, and 
 do not refufe me vi6lum ^ vejlitum : You 
 “ you know I am a temperate man ; and as 
 to my drefs, look at me, Monfieur le Pre- 
 “ fident, and fee how I am accoutred.’^ No 
 perfon at court drefied fo plainly as himfelf. 
 Tablettes des E.ois de France, Tom. III. 
 p. 97. 
 
 If he fometimes made ufe of Latin quota- 
 tions, it was not that he wifhed to make a 
 parade of his learning in that way, but on the 
 contrary, he feemed to apologize for it. One 
 day exhorting the magiftrates to do their duty, 
 not like fo many flaves, afraid of being chaf- 
 tifed, but wholly for the fake of juftice ; “ I 
 “ formerly, ’’ faid he, “ learned two Latin 
 
 “ verfes \ 
 
 The Edi^ of Conligm^cnts. 
 
C 9^ ] 
 
 verfes ; I fcarce know whether I can rc- 
 member them : 
 
 Oderunt peccare mali^ formidine pcena^ 
 Oder'unt peccare boni^ virtutis amore. 
 
 It is now above twenty years fincc I have re- 
 peated them. For God’s fake. Gentlemen, 
 ‘‘ as I know fome of you hate injuftice, I 
 intreat you to a6l for the love of virtue,” 
 Harangue de Hen. IV. au Parlement en 1599, 
 dans un manufcrit in fol. appartenaut a I’au- 
 teur, piece cotee T. 
 
 The day that Sully went on his embafly to 
 the queen Elizabeth, Henry faid to him, at 
 the fame time putting a carte blanche into his 
 hand, I remember a Latin proverb, but I 
 do not know whether I can pronounce the 
 words properly : Mitte fapieniem & nihil 
 
 ‘‘ dicasd^ It was impolfible to make a com- 
 pliment at the fame time fo delicate and fo 
 flattering. Mem. de Sully, Tom. 11 p. 227* 
 Sully, who on his part never flattered his 
 friend, fays in his Memoirs, This was en- 
 tirely your own doings for being flill very 
 young, you oidered thefe three words to be 
 ‘‘ infcribed round your counters; Nihil fine 
 “ confilio.'^ Voy les vrais Memoire^ de Sully, 
 Tom. ill. p. 178. Henry admired thoTe de- 
 vices, which contained a great deal in few 
 words; and was always pleafed whenever he 
 Diet wiih fuch. In 1588, the duke of Savoy 
 taking advantage of the times, made himfelf 
 maft i ,of the marquiLte of Saluces, notwith- 
 flanding the peace was concluded, and, as if 
 he was defirous of perpetuating our difgrace, 
 
 and 
 
[ 97 ] 
 
 and bis own ufurpation, he caufed a medal to 
 be ftruck, with nothing more than the word 
 etportune round it, Henry IV. in full poflef- 
 iion of his kingdom, marched at the head of a 
 flourifhing army to retake the marquifate, and 
 ordered a fimilar medal to be ftruck, on which 
 he caufed the v/ord opportunius only to be en- 
 graved. Mercure Francois, annee i6oi. & 
 Mem. de Sully, Tom, II. p. lO. 
 
 Sully ufed every year to prefen t the king 
 with different fubjedls for medals, in order to 
 immortaiife the events of his reign ; but fome- 
 times the king gave the fubjedls to Sully, as 
 he did particularly in i6c6, which, although 
 a time of peace, was yet more a time of 
 trouble, by the fermentation the League had 
 occafioned. Henry chofe for a device, a 
 buckler refting on a bunch of laurels ^ and for 
 a motto, he fixed on t'hefe words : 
 
 Mihl plebis a??2or” 
 
 Could any thing be thought of more noble, 
 or more to the purpofe? 'Fo make it under- 
 Hood, that, notwithftanding the numerous 
 plots laid againft his life, the love of his fub- 
 jedts was the foie defence which he oppofed 
 to the defigns of the fanatics, My flaield,’^ 
 faid he, ‘^is the love of my people.^’ Voyez 
 ies vrais Mem. de Sully, fous les annees 1601 
 & i6o6, Tom. m. p. I. 
 
 Nqte (6). Plutarch was his favourite 
 ihory p. 8. — An incident which happened in 
 his youth, and which has hitherto remained 
 unknown, points out the fpirit with which he 
 F read 
 
t 9« ] 
 
 'lead Plutarch, and the efFe£ls he drew from 
 ‘this author, Henry was about eleven years 
 old ; the lives of Camillus and Coriolanu£ 
 had juft been read to him: La Gaucherie 
 
 afrced him, which of the two heroes he 
 wifhed moft to refemble?’’ The young 
 prince, charmed v/ith the virtues of Camillus, 
 who forgot his revenge to fave bis country, 
 not only gave him the preference without the 
 fmalleft hefitation, but blamed the wrath of 
 Coriolanus, who, deaf to their intreaties, car- 
 ried fire and fword into his country, to fatisfy 
 his vengeance ; and repeating the exploits of 
 L^oth the Romans, Henry extolled the gene- 
 rofity of Camillus, as much as he execrated 
 the crime of the other. La Gaucherie feeing 
 him thus inflamed, faid to him, “ And you 
 alfo have a Coriolanus in your family.’^ — 
 And then this wife inftru6lor related to him 
 the hiftory of the Conftable of Bourbon, and 
 told him, that this great and perfecuted man 
 tnade ufe of his talents and vengeance for 
 Charles V. the moft bitter enemy of his king: 
 that he returned to his own country at the 
 head of a formidable army, carrying every- 
 where terror and.defolation ; and in ftiort, his 
 implacable hatred, and his fatal fuccefs, was 
 within a fmall matter the deftruftion of 
 France. During this recital, the young 
 prince was much agitated ; got up, and fat 
 down ; walked about the chamber, ftamped 
 with his feet, and even feed tears of anger, 
 which he vainly endeavoured to conceal : at 
 length, not being able to contain himfelf any 
 longer, he took up a pen, and running to a 
 
 genealogical 
 
[ 99 1 
 
 genealogical table of the houfe of Bourbon, 
 which hung up in the room, he erafed tho 
 name of the Conftable, and wrote in its place 
 that of the Chevalier Bayard^. 
 
 Note (7). Florent Chretien his preceptor^ 
 p. 9. — Henry loft La Gaucherie when he 
 was thirteen. Florent Chretien continued 
 and brought to perfection the v/ork he had 
 begun. The prince kept him about his per- 
 fon many years, even after his marriage: and 
 it was then that he begged him to divide his 
 attention between him and the young Rofny, 
 whom he particularly defired might be taught 
 hiftory and mathematics. Voy. vrais Mem. 
 de Sully, Tom. III. Epitre Liminaire, p. 7, 
 Henry being obliged during the war to retire 
 to Orleans, his own country, and afterwards 
 being even under a neceffity to quit that 
 afylum alfo, Florent Chretien took refuge at 
 Vendome, under the ftielter of his fcholar. 
 Henry ferving him to his tafte, appointed him 
 keeper of the fmall library which the ancient 
 Bourbons had in that city, and which was 
 one of the principal things they had left be- 
 longing to them; but this place being be- 
 fieged and taken by the Leaguers, Chretien 
 was taken prifoner. His noble and generous 
 pupil, fays De Thou, immediately procured 
 his liberty, and very generoully paid his ran- 
 dom. Annee 1596. Voy. aufli les addit. aux 
 F 2 Eloges 
 
 * This trait is taken from a treatife on education, 
 which will appear very foon. ChezMoutard, bookfeller 
 to the queen. 
 
X 100 3 
 
 Elogcs cle De Thou, par Teflier, Tom. TI* 
 p. 255, & 258. 
 
 Note (8). Rcnfardy p. 10. — ^Ronfard ad^ 
 drefl'ed many poems to Jane d’Albret, Henry 
 the Fourth’s mother. One of them was 
 written on the birth of that prince, called in 
 diis infancy duke de Beaumont. When he 
 became king of Navarre, he gave him proofs 
 of his liberality; and, to reward him for a 
 Fonnet, he gave him a confiderable part of the 
 foreft of Vendome, which city was the patri- 
 -mony of the Bourbons, and the country of 
 this poet. It is fomewhat fingular, that 
 Konfard, at a time when there were ftill three 
 princes of the race of Valois living, predidled 
 to Henry IV. that he would come to be king 
 of France. 
 
 Mon prince^ illujire fang de la race Baurbonney 
 “ A qui le del promet de porter la Couronne 
 ^tie ton grand Saint Louis porta defies le 
 front f JSiQm 
 
 Voy. oeuvres de Roufard, edit, de 1617^ 
 Tom, X. p. 173. Lettres de Pafquier. Ta- 
 blettes des Rois des France, Tom. III. p. 25* 
 
 Note (9). ^e College Royal def cried mort 
 than twenty years^ p. i i. — During the League, 
 it had been turned into ftables ; for the men 
 of dettcrs, friends to peace and quietnefs, had 
 abandoned the capital. Henry thought it 
 neceflary in 1588, to order an edidl, forbid- 
 ding any member of the univerfity to quit 
 Paris. But it is not edidls which make people 
 
 fond 
 
[ 10 r J 
 
 fond of learning:; and the reading Ifomer or 
 Virgil is not to be commanded, as you Vv^ould 
 lay on a tax. Henry IV. brought back their 
 confidence, together with the peace, and all 
 the profefibrs returned. The king gave them 
 an audience with which they were delighted; 
 he not only reinflated them in all their places, 
 but ordered they fhould be paid all that W’as 
 due to them during the reigns of Charles IX. 
 and Henry HI. even during the time that the- 
 fchools were fhut, and when he was himfelf 
 excluded from the capital, to the year 1594, 
 when Paris opened her gates to receive him. 
 And it is to be obferved, that many of thefe 
 profelTors, particularly the famous Scotcii 
 Creighton, as we!! as others, had been amO’ig 
 the Leaguers. Vov. Ics Memoires fur le 
 College Royal, p. 71. fecond part, p, 77 & 
 105. & third part, p. 80. 
 
 Note (10). Pajferat one of the finejl be^ux 
 efprits of the age^ p. ie.— H e was a happy imi- 
 tator of aircieiit poetry in the Latin tongue, 
 and has often fhewm himfelf worthy to be 
 called fo, in his French poetry. Every body 
 knows his pretty tale, entitled, Metamorphefe 
 fun Homme en Oifeaii on le Coticou^ as it is pre- 
 ferved in all colledlions. It is written in the 
 manner of Fontaine, and pofieffes his agree- 
 able negligence, grace, and naivete, except in 
 fome few expreflions, which feem rather more 
 laboured. This piece would not difgrace the 
 beft collection of tales : it may be truly faid, 
 that Pafferat came nearer to Fontaine than 
 any one has fmee done, though he W'as an age 
 F 3 before 
 
[ 102 ] 
 
 before him* He was profefTor of Latin ora- 
 tory at the College Roval ; but although the 
 unhappy times had made the fchools deferted, 
 and the College fliut up, yet the leifure hours 
 of Paflerat were not unufeful to Henry IV. 
 he wrote part of the fatire Mcnippusj and 
 moft of the verfes with which that ingenious 
 poem is fharpened, came from his peii. He 
 had always manifefted his zeal for the intcreft 
 of his country, and for his lawful prince. 
 After the converfion of Henry IV. and when 
 it was ftiil in doubt where he would be 
 crowned, as Rheiins was then in the poffeflioa 
 of the Leaguers, Pafferat addrefled thefe verfes 
 to him, which began and finifhed thus: 
 
 Prince viHorieux le meiUieur des huiriains^ 
 
 CC^ % % % * 
 
 ill commander ois fans feeptre & fans 
 coronne; 
 
 Pour cela toutefols molns Roi tu ne ferois 
 
 C*eji la verfu qui facre couronne les Roisd^ 
 
 Soon after the reduftion of Paris, Paflerat and 
 the other profeflbrs refumed their ledures, 
 which were no more interrupted ; and during 
 fixteen years Vv^bich followed, they bred up 
 many excellent fcholars. 
 
 Note ( i i ). He drew Cafauhon into France^ 
 p. 12. — One of Henry’s firft attentions after 
 the peace, was to write a letter to Cafaubon, 
 fimilar to that which afterwards did fo much 
 honour to Lewis XIV, It began as follows: 
 Monfieur de Cafaubon, having debated on 
 the beft means of reftoring the univerfity of 
 
 Paris 
 
Ct 103 1 ' 
 
 Paris to . Its former honours, and to draw 
 hither for this purpofe the nioft learned 
 men I can poflibly procure, being con- 
 ‘‘ vinced that you are at this time one of that 
 number, I have refolvcd to appoint you 
 profelTor of learning in the abovementroned 
 univerfity, and give you this place, to the 
 end that I may affure myfeif you will be 
 “ fatisfied with it,” &c. T his letter, writ^- 
 ten in Jan. 1599, was found entire in TApo- 
 logie de Cafaubon, in 8vo. 1621, p. I47. 
 Henry wrote to Sully in his favour, and 
 named him his librarian, not without much 
 oppofition on the part of thofe who afpired to 
 the fame places his religion was made the/ 
 pretext, but his merit the true motive. How- 
 ever, the king by his firmnefs put afide ail 
 obftacles* In 1&C9, he dedicated to this 
 prince his Latin tranflation of Polybius his 
 epiftle dedicatory is regarded by the learned as 
 a chef d'esuvre for ftyle, and the eulogiiim 
 which is there made on Henry IV. as the 
 fineft monument of his gratitude : in it he 
 pays a proper refpc6l to his virtues, to the 
 qualities of his mind, to his natural eloquence, 
 and to his lively and fuccefsful repartees;, 
 and above all, he praifes him for the protec- 
 tion he gave to the Mufes, by reftoring them 
 to their former fplendor. Vide la Preface 
 Latinc; a la tete du Polybe, edit, in fol, de 
 2609, & celie d’Athenee auffi dediee a Hen. IV. 
 in fol. 1600. But having loft his prote£loi, 
 he would not ftay longer in France, fo retired 
 to England, where he died in 1614, and was 
 buried in Weftminfter Abbey. On his tomb, 
 r 4 amongft 
 
[ 104 3 
 
 amongft other eulogiums are written tlvefc 
 words : 
 
 Henricus IV, Francorum Rex lnvi6fijjlmus^ 
 Liitetiafn Litter is fuis evccatum^ Biblioiheces 
 “ fuee pr a fecit ; Carumque deinc'eps clum vixit 
 habuit \ coque t err is erepto "Jacobus^ l^cV 
 
 This celebrated profeffor, being one day at 
 the Sprbonne, where he was (hewn every thing 
 that was remarkable. See here,’" faid the 
 perfon who fl^ewcd it, A hall, where there 
 has been difputing, for thefe four hundred 
 years, and how have they determined their 
 difputes at laft ?” faid he. T. Brown"s 
 Works, London 1760, Vol. I. p. 142. 
 
 Let us obferve for the honour of Letters, 
 that one of his fons, who remained in Eng- 
 land, and being made a prebend of Canter- 
 bury, refufed a penfion from Oliver Cromwell, 
 which that ufurper offered him, to engage 
 him to write his hiftory. Voy. les Mem. de 
 De Thou Niceron, Tom. 18 and 20^ and 
 Diilionaire de Chauffepie. 
 
 Note (12). He wanted to fix Gratius tbere^ 
 p. 12. — Grotius, fo celebrated from the age 
 of fixteen, was at the treaty of Vervins, in 
 the fuite of the great Dutch Penfioner, the 
 famous Barnevelt, who came to Henry to 
 fettle the terms concerning the liberty of his 
 country. The prince, informed of the great 
 merit of Grotius, diftinguifhed him in the 
 moft flattering manner, and made him a pre- 
 fent of a gold chain to which his pi6ture was 
 annexed. The young ftrangerwas fo cliarmed 
 
C 105 ] 
 
 with this kind reception, that he had his own 
 piiture drawn, with the chain, and the king’s 
 portrait, round his neck; and on this inci- 
 dent he made the verfes which begin thus ; 
 
 Contingimus dektram qua nulla potentlor' 
 armis^ 
 
 The king’s intention was to fix Grotius in 
 France, and to appoint him joint keeper of 
 his Library, w^ith Cafaubon. You will 
 there,” fays Henry, fee all my valuable 
 books, and you can then give me an ac- 
 count of what they contain,” added he, in 
 the moft gracious manner. But as the ncgo- 
 ciation, which was the caufe of his coming 
 to France, did not fucceed, Grotius did not 
 ' think it right to deprive his own country of 
 thofe talents which they claimed for themfelves. 
 Voy. fa vie en deux volumes, par M* de 
 Burigny. 
 
 Note (13). T'he Fleml ng Blrtl us, p . 2 2 — 
 Birtius a profeflbr at Leyden, being perfecutcd 
 in his own country, not only found an afylum 
 with Henry IV. but was appointed cofmogra- 
 phcr to the king, and profeffor of Mathema^ 
 tics. His Geographic de Ptolomee, is ftill 
 fought after by the learned. Vide Hiftoiredu* 
 College Royal in 4to. p. 66. 
 
 Note (14). Lipfe, p. 12. —This 
 
 writer’s chara6fer was fo great, that many 
 fovereigns difputed with each other which 
 fliould retain him in their kingdoms. I'hey 
 called Jufte Lipfe, Scaliger, and Cafaubon, 
 
 F 5 the 
 
[ io6 ] 
 
 the triumvirate in the republic of letters: 
 Voy, Addition de Teffier, aux eloges de de 
 Tl'hou, Tom. II. p. 384. 
 
 Note (15). Vignier^ and fo?ne other French 
 men^ p. 14. — The ftorm raifed in France, 
 againft the Proteftants, had particularly fallen 
 on men of Letters ; but this is not the place in 
 which we fhall give a lift of thofe, fo perfe- 
 cured, we fliall content ourfelves with men- 
 tioning Vignier, who after wandering all over 
 Germany, did not return to his own country 
 till after Henry had reached the throne. He 
 was then made phyfician to the king, with 
 the title of Hiftorigrapher of France, which 
 he merited by his learned enquiries into its 
 antiquities. Voy. dans F'ontette la liftedefes 
 ouvrages. 
 
 Note (16). Calignon^ p. 13. — Calignon 
 was fecretary to the embafly, which was fent 
 by the duke of Savoy, to Henry IV. then king 
 of Navarre, to demand his fifter in marriage, 
 and was then only known by his love of ftudy, 
 and fome verfes he had written. This nego- 
 ciation being unfuccefsful, young Calignon 
 was about to depart with the ambaflador ; but 
 Henry, whofe age v/as nearly the fame, and 
 who had not fuffered his merit to efcape his 
 notice, made him a propofal to continue with 
 him, and diredlly made him his fecretary, an 
 office he executed fo well, that Henrv had 
 great reafon to applaud himfelf for having 
 diftinguiflied him. He employed him in the 
 tnoft intricate affairs, and fent him ambaflador 
 
 to 
 
C 107 3 
 
 to Germany, Sweden, Denmark, and Eng- 
 land. This minifter continued, notwith- 
 ftanding his talents for bufinefs and negoci- 
 ations, to cultivate letters, and thus by 
 uniting them together, became more eftimable, 
 and more ufeful to Henry IV. when the 
 Pope’s unjuft BuM was publifhed, by which 
 this hero was pronounced incapable of inhe- 
 riting the crown. Calignon repulfed this in- 
 jury, by writing a pamphlet filled with fo 
 much knowledge and eloquence, and written 
 with fo much energy, that it was applauded 
 by the king, and all his good fubje£ls. He 
 was one of thofe, whom Henry appointed to 
 draw up the edidt of Nantes, and the only one 
 of the four commiffioners who was a Pro- 
 teftant. On his performing fome new fervice, 
 the monarch wrote to him as follows : “1 
 ‘‘ knew before nov/,- that you were one of the 
 “ moft able men in my kingdom, and that [. 
 had no fervant more attached to me than 
 yourfelf. But I have juft heard what you 
 “ have done in Languedoc, with which I am 
 extremely well pleafed, &c.” Henry did 
 not content himfelf with beftowing only 
 praifes, he appointed him fucceffively to be 
 prefident of the parliament at Grenoble, in- 
 tendant of his armies, intendant general of 
 the Houfe of Navarre, of his council of 
 finances; chancellor of Navarre, kc. All 
 thefe were appointments which he never foli- 
 cited. This prince often faid afterwards, had 
 Calignon been a Catholic, he would have 
 made him chancellor of France. Voy. de 
 Thou, in 4to. Tpm, 14. Addition eloges 
 
 ds 
 
de Thou, Tom. 2, p. 376 and 378, fa Vic 
 par Guy Allard, &c. 
 
 Note (17). Fenoutllei BiJ}jopof Montpellier^ 
 p. 14, — The moft eloquent preacher of his 
 time, or rather the firft, who did preach with 
 eloquence. Henry IV. had frequently heard 
 him with great pleafure. Thus did he derive 
 his fortune from his oratory. Fenouillet was 
 born irf the duke of Savoy’s dominions, but 
 to fix him in France the king appointed him 
 his preacher in ordinary, and in 1608 made 
 him bifliop of Montpellier, although he was 
 not thirty years old. And this he did en- 
 tirely of his own accord, for Sully having 
 afked him to appoint him Bifliop of Poitiers, 
 he gave that to another, and acquainted P'e- 
 nouillet, he had made him bifliop of Mont- 
 pellier, he fakl to him, I was determined, 
 that you ftiould be obliged to no one but my- 
 felf.’^ The clergy of Montpellier were fowell 
 pleafed with having this prelate at their head, 
 that they fent a deputation to the king, to 
 thank him for the prefent he had made them. 
 Thefe words are written on his tomb>ftone ; 
 
 Regibus nojl ns 
 
 ‘‘ Praferihn Henrico IV • unici Carus. 
 
 Voy. I’Hiftoire de Montpellier, par d’Aigre- 
 leuiile. 
 
 Note (18). Coeffeteau^ p. 14. — CoefFe- 
 teau was a Jacobin, introduced by du Perron, 
 to Henry IV. who, in fpite of the piejudices, 
 which at that time were fpread atainft his 
 
 order, 
 
[ 3 
 
 order, immediately made him one of his 
 preachers^ and afterwards titular Bifhop of 
 Da-rdania. The king made choice of him, 
 to anfwer James I. of England, who by a 
 deftiny, fince fo fatal to the race of Stuarts, 
 had began to interfere, and write on fubjedls' 
 of controverfy. In his difeuflions upon thefa 
 matters, the Dominican, who was naturally 
 moderate and gentle, did not give himfelf up 
 to that violence of warmth, which the con- 
 trover.fal writers in that age were accufed of. 
 He contented himfelf with oppofing reafon to 
 the royal author. The beft of his writings is 
 his Roman Hiftory, and is the only one worth 
 reading in French, before thofe of Vertot and 
 Rollin. Voy. fon eloge par Perrault in Foh 
 Tom. 2. Efiais fur les Honneurs Litteraires 
 de Titon du Tillet, p. 366, &c. 
 
 Note (i9)f CoUgny^ in his zvritings^ 
 p. 15. — Coligny was Henry the Fourth’s firil 
 rnaftcr in the art of war, he was eloquent and 
 even learned. Brantome fays, In his leifure 
 intervals, he read, and ftudied much, and 
 “ that he fpoke Latin very fluently, but what 
 was fliU more eftimable in him, was that 
 he poflefled all the fortitude of the Romans, 
 and, that at that time he was, perhaps the 
 only man who was capable of forming a 
 good conftitution, and eftablifhing it on 
 fure and folid foundations.’’ This is not 
 the proper place to explain his methods, and 
 to examine whether France was yet ready for 
 liberty. It is certain that his republican 
 principles were mifplaced in a monarchy, 
 
 and 
 
[ tio 1 
 
 and It was unavoidabl'e in the end, that he ftiouU 
 either be opprefled himfelf, or opprefs others. 
 He alfo wrote fome commentaries, the manu- 
 fcripts of which were burned by Gondi de 
 Retz, the Italian. After the murder of 
 “ Coligny,’’ fays Bramtome, there v/as 
 found a beautiful book which he had com- 
 pofed, containing the moft remarkable 
 events of his time, and during the civil 
 wars. This book was reported to king^ 
 “ Charles, as being well written and worth 
 publifliing, but the marfhal de Retz pre- 
 vented it by throwing it into the fire, and 
 burning it: being either envious of the 
 entertainment it afforded, or the advan- 
 tages to be drawn from it, o^ jealous of 
 the perfon who might acquire fuch glory 
 “ and renown by being tlie author. This 
 ‘‘ ought never to be the cafe, fince envy can 
 only take place in minds that are fimilar.*’ 
 Hommes illuftres de Brantome, Tom. 8. 
 p. 218. 
 
 Note (20). La Notie wrote his political Dtf-^ 
 courfes^^A ^, — After Coligny’s death, the learned 
 I^a Noue was the counfellor, the diredtor, and 
 the oracle, of the young king of Navarre, 
 who could not have made a better choice, for 
 he had given fuch proofs of his virtues, that 
 he was equally refpefted by both parties. 
 'I'hefe verfes feem, as if made for him : 
 
 “ "Jamais r Air de la Cour et fon foujffle infe 5 fe 
 N' altera de fon Caeur VaujUre purete.'' 
 
 Henriade. 
 
 This 
 
E ] 
 
 This hero fell Into the hands of the Spa*- 
 niards, and to pafs away his time during a 
 long imprifonment, he compofed his political 
 and military Difcourfes, which in 1587 
 were printed, and dedicated to his royal pupil., 
 Thefe memoirs are not fufficiently known^ 
 The wifdom, moderation and impartiality, 
 which they contain, makes them moft valua- 
 ble. He as freely cenfures the faults of his 
 own party, as he extolls with the greateft 
 candour every thing that was praife worthy on 
 the other fide, fo that it v/as difficult to per- 
 ceive, that it was written by a Proteftanr.. 
 An extraordinary, and almoft fingular proof 
 of his merit, in times, when the minds of 
 men were fo agitated by violent party rage, 
 that they fcarce ever permitted cool reafon to 
 be attended to. A fudden death fnatched him 
 away too foon for France, as well as for the 
 age in which he lived. Henry was fenfibly 
 concerned for his lofs. He was an excel- 
 lent foldier,” faid he, and what is ftill 
 better, he was a great, and a good man.’^ 
 Voy. fa Vie par Moyfe Amirauk. 
 
 Note (21 ). Mornay s Memoir es^ p. 15 — Mor- 
 nay fucceeded to La Noue’s place, under Henry 
 IV. This uninterrupted fucceffion of great 
 men, who gained his friendfhip and confidence, 
 is very proper to be remarked. Jane d’ Albret 
 his mother, and his firft inftruftors, gave 
 place to Coligny, Coligny to La Noue, La 
 Noue to Mornay, Mornay to Sully, 
 Every one of thefe were equally remarkable 
 for their virtues, as well as their talents, and 
 
 by 
 
E II2 ] 
 
 by there was he attended, as wS may fay from 
 his cradle to h is tomb. Mornav was at tiS 
 fame time fecretary of l?ate to Henry, fuper- 
 intendant of finances, lieutenant of his arnfies, 
 his ambaffador, his librarian, and his firft 
 ramifter, whilft he was king of Navarre. He 
 has had the advantage to be recorded by the 
 author of the Hennade who at firft intended 
 to have made Sully, the fecond hero of his 
 poem * 
 
 cc 
 
 
 *' Trap 
 
 tc * * 
 
 ^ayfon confident, jamais f on 
 
 veftu€ux J out ien du parti de V err eur * 
 
 ^ ^ ^ ^ ^ ^ ^ ^ 
 Cenfeur des Courtifans mats a la Cour aime • 
 
 *' Fier ennemi de Rome, ^ de Rosne eJHmer' 
 
 «< 'I Dupleffis Mornay,” fays Voltaire, « was 
 the beft, as well as the greateft man of the 
 f^roteftant party. He underftood Greek 
 perfeaiy well, and as much of 
 
 « He ferved 
 
 both his religion and his mafter equally 
 
 with his pen and his fword. His letters are 
 ,, Hid to be written with great fenfe and 
 i( called him the Huguenot 
 
 Pope, a title which greatly increafed the 
 value of his books on controverfy. His 
 “ memoirs, which alone remain at this time, 
 are full of fpeeches, manifeftos and inftruc- 
 tions, to ambalTadors, &c. which will af- 
 “ ford entertainment to thofe who wifh to 
 “ examine into the hiftory of thofe times.” 
 
 Not* 
 
[ ilj ] 
 
 Note (22). Auhigny* s Htftory^ p. 15.—*^ 
 
 Daubigny, groom of the bed-chamber to Henry 
 IV. is one of thofe perfons whodidthe greateffc 
 honour to the reign of this prince, as well by 
 his valour as his talents. Henry entreated 
 him to write the hiftory of thofe times, and 
 promifed him a confiderable fum of money to 
 pay the expences of his journies to diftant 
 places, which he ought to fee, in order to be 
 more exa£t in his accounts of the fieges they 
 had fuftained ; and to draw plans, &c- His 
 mafter’s death in part defeated his purpofe, he 
 was obliged to quit his country, and this hif- 
 tory was not publifhed till fix years after at 
 Geneva,, which was become the afylum of 
 liberty, as D’Aubigny himfelf tells us in his 
 preface. This preface is faid to be worthy of 
 Tacitus, if not in the ftyle, which is rather 
 high flown, at leaft for the boldnefs and gran- 
 deur of the ideas, we fhall here give a fpeci- 
 nien of it. I begin this work at the time 
 of Henry the Fourth’s birth, jufflyfurnamed 
 Henry the Great. I have dedicated it t6 
 ho one in particular, but to pollerity. My 
 delign fhall extend as long as 1 have life^ 
 ‘‘ and ability. I fhall make no excufes either 
 through hope or fear, more taken up with 
 reflraining the liberty of my pen, than to 
 guard it againft flattering, brought up at 
 the feet of my king, which ferved me for 
 “ a pillow in all the times of our troubles ; 
 fometimes received as his only friend and 
 companion^ and at others diflanccd from^ 
 him, and from court, by my native blunt- 
 nefs and fmeerity ; yet even then fo faith- 
 
 ‘‘ iuUy 
 
C ”4 3 
 
 fully attached to him, that at the very time 
 
 of my difgrace, he confided to me the moft 
 ^ important fecrets,’’ &c. 
 
 It is neceflary to diftinguifh in this ^^riter 
 the hiftorian from the fatireft, highly to 
 be praifed as the one, and equally blame- 
 able as the other His Confejjlon de Sancy 
 is an atrocious libel, and void of fenfe, 
 againft a man who was at leaft equal to Dau- 
 bigny, by the great fervices he had done to his 
 country. His Secret Me?noirs contain only a- 
 chain of boaftings, and of pretended and atro- 
 cious fadls, which cannot be read without^ 
 contempt and indignation. This is the opi- 
 nion of St. Foix^, whom it would be very 
 cafy to fupport by incontefiible proofs, but 
 the difeuflion would lead us too far, and there- 
 fore we fhall fpeak more of Daubigny in the 
 account of illuftrious men in the reign of 
 Henry IV. 
 
 Note (23.) Armand'^ firjl Marechal de Btron^- 
 p. 15. — He had been brought up as a page to the 
 queen of Navarre, grandmother to Henry IV. 
 who was a princefs of great merit, and who 
 took delight in giving young Biron an excel- 
 lent education. He became one of the greatefb 
 men of the age. He thoroughly, underftood. 
 hillory and geography. No one could be. 
 more expert than he was in drawing plans and- 
 fortifications, which he faid ought to be one. 
 of the firft parts of generalfhip. He was* 
 perfedl mafter of. Greek and Latin, and his> 
 
 mind. 
 
 • Hiftoire de POrdre du St. Efpiit, Toai. II. 
 tn 25 !'. 
 
f ”5 3 
 
 mind was well ftored, as he gave all his lef- 
 fure hours, which could be fpared from the 
 tumult of war and other affairs, to reading and 
 ftudy. ]t appears that we cenfure with rather 
 too much levity an age and an education 
 v»^hich could produce fuch men. From his 
 earliefl: age,” lays Brantome, he was 
 curious to enquire after, and learn every 
 thing ; fo much fo, that he commonly car- 
 ried tablets about him, and whatever he 
 ‘‘ faw or heard, which v/as worth notice, he 
 wrote in thefe tablets : fo that it became a, 
 kind of proverb at court, when any thing 
 remarkable was mentioned, Oh^you had that 
 from Birm^ s tablets!’^ Hommes Illuftres^ 
 Tom. IX p. 152. 
 
 Biron deferved the fame praife which was 
 afterwards bellowed on Catinat, that he was 
 as good a Chancellor as he was a General,— 
 He prefided at the council in the king’s ab- 
 fence ; he was even trufted with the feals for 
 near a twelvemonth. He received his death 
 from a cannon-ball at the fiege of Epernai, in 
 1592. The king exprejfed more concern for his 
 deaths than he had ever done for any one before^ 
 Buri, Tom. II. p. 176. This illuftrious man 
 alfo wrote his Commentaries, v/hich De Thou 
 laments were not preferved. 
 
 Note (24.) p. 15. 
 
 Turenne qui depuis de la jeune Bouillon.^ 
 Merita dans Sedan la puijjance fcr" le nom,** 
 
 Henriade. 
 
 Henry 
 
[ ] 
 
 ttenry, vifeount of Turenne, had naturally 
 S' very fine underfi-anding ; but Madame dc 
 Montmorency, fils' maternal grandmoihery who 
 was very devout and very ignorant, ordered 
 his preceptor to be fent away from him, be- 
 caiife he shewed too great an inclination for 
 ftudying the Belles Lettres. She appre- 
 hended, that whilft he was endeavouring to , 
 gain knowledge, he might become a Calvinift, 
 which at that time v/as called the religion of 
 the wife and learned. Her hufband the Con- 
 flable, who could not read himfelf, acquiefeed 
 in this matter with the fears and fcruples of 
 his wife. Voy. BHift. du Due de Bouillon,, 
 par MarfoHer, Tom. I. p. 7. Tuienne 
 cruelly difappointed their hopes ; he not only 
 eulcivated letters, but he became a Protefiant, 
 He very early attached himfelf to Henry IV^. 
 at that time king of Navarre. Companion in 
 his dangers, as well as fharer of his pleafures 
 and his glories, the conformity of their ages, . 
 their opinions, and their religion, very foon 
 tinited them in the ftridleft friendfliip. Henry 
 treated Turenne as if he had been his brother, 
 and gave him afterwards the ftrongefl: proofs- 
 ^f his alFeflion. In the year 1579, Turenne 
 was ftabbed in tv/enty-two places with a- 
 fword. Catherine de Medicis w^as fufpeiled’ 
 of having had a part in this fliocking attempt. 
 5 he went to Agen, on purpofe to vindicate 
 herfelf, Henry reproached her in the bittereft 
 terms. The queen, in order to calm him,, 
 offered herfelf to take care of the vifeount’s 
 v/ounds: No,. Madam,’/ faid Henry, I 
 
 will truft no one but myfelf with the care 
 
 ‘‘ of 
 
[ *1? 1 
 
 ^ of a perfon fo dear to me and the famie 
 day Henry conducted his wounded friend in 
 a litter to Nerac, where he continued with 
 him lUl he was nearly recovered, Voy. THift.. 
 du Due de Bouillon, par Marfolier, Tom. I, 
 p. ^^o. 
 
 This prince was no fooner become king of 
 France, than he made him eCpoufe the greateft 
 fortune in Europe, who was fought after bjr 
 many fovereign princes, the heirefs of Sedan 
 and Bouillon. The fame night of his nup- 
 tials, Turenne tore himfelf away from his 
 bride, and went to take the town of Stenay* 
 Ventre Saint Gris,"^ faid the king, I 
 fliould like to have fuch weddings often; 
 and I fhould very foon be completely mafter 
 of my kingdom, if all bridegrooms a6ted fo 
 ‘‘ nobly on the day of their marriage.” Vie 
 de Hen, IV. par Bury, Tom. II. p. 123, 124. 
 Two years after this, the king made him a 
 -duke, marechal, and peer of France; he had 
 fome difficulty in getting the Parliament to 
 receive him, on account of his religion. De 
 Thou gave it as his opinion, that it was not 
 an affair of religion ; that he was not to be 
 received as a doftor of divinity, but as a 
 marechal of France; and that' the duke de 
 Bouillon had given noble proofs of his valour, 
 Henry IV. added, “ That though the duke 
 did not go to mafs, he regarded him as the 
 very beft man in his kingdom.” Voy. de 
 Thou, fous I’annee 1 594. & Journ. de Hen. IV, 
 Tom. II. p. 1 16 
 
 Bouillon, in his new principality, fhewed 
 himfelf an enlightened protestor of the learned. 
 
 He 
 
C ] 
 
 He eftabllflied a kind of academy at Sedan, 
 with the view of drawing thither the young 
 Proteftant nobility from the Low Countries, 
 Germany and France, where they might learn 
 languages, and all arts and fciences necelTary 
 to form a military man. This fchool foon 
 became celebrated; and the duke collefled a 
 very fine library there, as well for the ufe of 
 the mafters, as the inftruftion of the fcholars. 
 In 1609 he wrote memoirs of his life, which 
 are curious, and in a ftyle chafte enough, con- 
 fidering the age in which it was written^ 
 Only the firft part of it has been publifiied, 
 which terminates the year 1586, and which, 
 by the interefting detail it affords, makes us 
 regret not having the refl:^ Voy, Hift. du 
 Due de Bouillon, Tom. III. p. 281 — 290. & 
 fes Memoires, * imprim. a Paris, en 1666. 
 Hiftory reproaches the duke de Bouillon with 
 his condu^ and plots againft his friend and 
 benefafior ; but let us not dwell too much on 
 his faults — he was the father of 'I'urenne ! 
 
 Note (25.) Lesdiguyeres^ p. 15. — The mofl 
 able perhaps, and, above all, the moft fuccefs- 
 ful of Henry the Fourth’s generals. He was 
 originally defigned for the Robe ; but being 
 difgufted with the chicanery of the law, he 
 quitted his pen for a fword, and retained no- 
 thing of his former profeflion but the love of 
 letters and ftudy, both which he purfued even 
 in the tumult of arms. He had a curious 
 library, which was collected for him by Ca- 
 lignon, his friend and countryman. Lefdi- 
 guyeres gained many victories, and never was 
 
 once 
 
t 119 3 
 
 t)iice beat. The haughty and Ignorant Con-*^ 
 ftable, fpeaking of him one day, took it in his 
 head to call him by way of derifion the Coun^ 
 fellor: ‘‘ If the king/’ faid an officer who 
 flood by, “ had many fuch counfellors, he 
 would foon gain all his caufes.” The life 
 of this general is thick fown with extraordi- 
 nary and interefting incidents, and as well 
 deferves a pkce in the lift of illuftrious men 
 ■under the reign of Henry IV, as does La 
 Noue, d’Aubigny, Biron, Mornay, &c. &c, 
 not only with regard to their writings, or 
 their attachment to their king, but for the 
 encouragement of letters, in which they were 
 all united. 
 
 Note (26.) BuTly^ p, 15. — It is to the ho- 
 nour of letters, not of Sully, that we mention 
 this minifter’s having made verfes, for in this 
 article we muft own it necelTary to confine 
 our applaufe to his good intentions. He com- 
 pofed a long poem, which drew a comparifon 
 between Henry and Caefar, and was tranflated 
 into Latin by Nicholas Bourbon, His Adieus 
 to the Court are well known : 
 
 Adieu Mat fans ^ chateaux^ armes^ canons du 
 R.ai: 
 
 « % % % % % 
 
 Adieu faveurs^ grandeurs^ adieu k Urns qm 
 ‘‘ court: 
 
 Adieu les amities ^ les amis de cour t 
 
 % % % * % % # 
 
 Permeiiez que chez moi en touts liberie 
 
 7 * 
 
[ 1 20 ] 
 
 rtgrette mon Roi^ nm ^J]e% regrette ; 
 
 ‘‘ Jdieu^ Joins de Hat ^ amour de ma patrieP 
 
 "When at the end, he finiihes by a prayer 
 worthy an Ariftides : 
 
 ‘‘ Je me retire J fays he. 
 
 Suppliant ce grand Dieu qu^ encore unjour le 
 Roi^ 
 
 La France^ ni V et at rd ay ent bejoin de moi.^* 
 
 Thefe verfes may be compared with thofe of 
 Cicero, 
 
 Oh fortunatam natam^ me confule Romam^ &c.” 
 
 Dauvigny ^ fald ferioufly, when Sully^s poems 
 were read, it was necellary to remember the 
 author was a duke, and peer of the realm. 
 He certainly had never read thofe of M. de 
 Nivernois, But what is much more intereft>- 
 ing to know than Sully’s verfes, is, that he 
 intended to write the life of Henry IV. that 
 there is adlually an abridgment of it at this 
 time, w4>ich is only a fhprt fketch f ; and that 
 we fhould univerfally regret its not being 
 finifhed, if in his Memoirs, though badly put 
 together, he had not given us the beft and moft 
 inltrudlive hiftory of his friend It would 
 
 be 
 
 * Vie d€ Sully, p. 383. , 
 
 Get abrege eft imprime a la p« 512. Sc fuiv. du 
 premiere vol. des veritables Memoires de SuUy. * 
 
 J Perefixe is indeed plealing, but too fuperficial ; 
 Bury, more learned, is prolix and languid 5 Daniel, 
 cold and dry. See See. The moft diftinguiftied 
 writer, to whom we owe the hiftories of the marechal 
 de Luxembourg, the great Conde, and the Houfe of 
 Bourbon, is M. Deformeaux, not Id’s dear to his friends 
 
 by 
 
C ] 
 
 be eafy to prove, was it neceffary, that thefc 
 are really Memoirs written by himfelf ; but 
 we fhall content ourfelves at this time with 
 referring to the dilTertations of M. TEveque 
 de Ravalliere, au 21 vol. des Memoires de 
 TAcademie des Infcriptions, p. 541. & fuiv. 
 Sully wrote every day the refult of all that 
 pafTed of importance in his department, and 
 mixed all together, his vouchers, memoirs, 
 tables of finances, ftates, fecret negociations, 
 fchemes, affairs to lay before council, letters, 
 converfations with the king, &c. &c. In 
 fliort, his Oeconomies Roy ales are nothing more 
 than an account given to the nation, and to 
 pofterity, of the adminiftration of this great 
 minifter. It might certainly have been better 
 put together ; but it was referved to the pre- 
 ient age to fee a minifter of ftate unite to the 
 noble ideas and talents of a Sully, the pen and 
 genius of a Montefquieu. Sully, after the 
 death of his friend and mafter, was afraid of 
 being difliked ; and, to avoid giving offence, 
 expreffed his fentiments by the pen of his 
 fecretaries, who were only imaginary perfons. 
 This difagreeable and dull change threw a 
 languor and obfcurity, as well as coafufion, 
 through his v/ritings ; but it was ftill his own 
 work. He fometim.es betrayed himfelf^ as in 
 p. 145 of the firft volume, where may be read 
 this title: Memoirs of important things 
 
 G which 
 
 4i 
 
 by his amiable and gentle manners, than efteemed by 
 the public for his genius and talents. He is going to 
 give us a new Hiftory of Henry IV. who at laft will have 
 found an hi dorian worthy to record his noble anions. 
 
C 122 ] 
 
 which happened to me this day, the i5t-h* 
 Feb. 1593.’’ And in another place, in the 
 Fame volume, p. 440, and Vol. III. p. 385, &c. 
 thefe fiftitious Secretaries quote the ‘‘ Grandes 
 Memoires de fa vie ecrits en forme de four^ 
 nal *5” and others of the fame nature, 
 entirely written by himfelf, and Scratched 
 through with his own pen, containing long, 
 conversations which he held with the king 
 when no other perSon was prefent, &c. In 
 bringing theSe letters and verfes to light, 
 which undoubtedly were in Sully’s own 
 writing, we eafily perceive that the remainder 
 -comes from the fame pen, and is only defec- 
 tive in its form. With great fenfe and know- 
 ledge, this minifter, whofe head was full of 
 bufinefs and ftate affairs, wrote in an obfeure, 
 tedious, and unconnected manner. Even his 
 letters feem to be difagreeably laboured, and 
 are difficult to underftand. They are by no 
 means equal in ftyle to thofe of Mornay or 
 d’Oflat, or even thofe of Villeroy ^ and when 
 compared to thofe of Henry IV. on the fame 
 fubjeCIs, the difference is aftonifhing. How- 
 ever, if we are at firft ftruck with the faults of 
 his ftyle,. we are completely made amends by 
 
 the 
 
 ^ Sully began early In youth to write memoirs of his 
 life, Voy. fon Epitre Liminaire, du 3 vol. Befides his 
 Abridgment of the Life of Henry IV, his Parallel de 
 Casfar & de Henri le Grand, and his Adieux a la Cour, 
 be wrote a Treatife on War, another on the Duty of a 
 Field Marfhal, and Inftru6tions to the Police and 
 Militia, which were never pubiifhed, Voy. fes Mein, 
 Tom, I. p. 411* 
 
[ >23 ] 
 
 the inftruftion and efFeds we may draw from 
 it. I'hey have endeavoured to give thefc 
 Memoirs a more elegant form ; but it is no 
 longer the work of Sully. I fliould juft as 
 foon choofe a modern painter fhould drefs his 
 pictures in the garb of a French petit maitre\ 
 or they might as well think of putting Mon- 
 taigne’s works into finer language, or of giving 
 more wit to Corneille ! 
 
 Note (27). Cha 7 ^ 1 es de Cojp^ Marechal di 
 Brifj'ac^ p. 15. — He had a mofi: fingular way of 
 thinking, was of a romantic genius, and well 
 fuited to the ages of chivalry. In his chimeras of 
 grandeur and elevation, it was faid, he had 
 formed a fcheme for eftabliftiing PVance into 
 a republic. His imagination v/as heated at 
 the idea, he v/anted to form it on the model 
 of ancient Rome, the hiftory of which he 
 frequently read : but it was^ioo great an un- 
 dertaking for Briftac, and required other times 
 and other manners, Romans were wanted 
 with a Brutus at their head, and he very foon 
 found the impoflibility of fuch an event taking 
 place, And this projedf,” fays Sully^-^^ did 
 
 nothing more than enter into his head.’’ 
 Voy. Memoires de Sully, Tom. I. p, ig6, 
 Journ. de Henry IV. nouv. edition, Tom. I. 
 p. 458. Tired with the tyranny of the Spa- 
 niards, whom he had ferved for a long time, 
 he at length opened the gates of Paris to 
 Henry IV. the 22d of March, 1594. 
 
 Note (28). Anned' Anglure^ Baron deGtvry 
 p. 15. — All the hiftorians of his time are full 
 G 2 of 
 
C 124 ] 
 
 of the elogiums which were re:^lly due to this 
 great man, on account of his bravery and his 
 undcrftanding. Henry IV. loved him fo ten- 
 derly, that many of his brother officers were 
 jealous of him. We have already given 
 the charming letter which that monarch 
 wrote to him, Givry never pafTed a day, even 
 in camp, without devoting fome hours to 
 the ftudy of hiftory, mathematics and politics. 
 D’Aubigny relates that it was faid of Givry,’* 
 He was the mafter piece of nature, for per- 
 fonal beauty, fenfe and courage.” Hiftoire 
 Univerfelle, Tom. III. p. 474, & Hiftoire 
 de Blois, per Bernier, p. 502. He was killed 
 in the flower of his age by a mufquet (hot, and 
 even foreigners who had known him were 
 grieved at his death. Mezerai fays, he was 
 aftually the moft accompliftied cavalier be- 
 longing to the court, not only for his heroic 
 bravery, but for his knowledge of the Belles 
 Lettres, and for his wit and gallantry ; a fit 
 of defpair occafioned by the infidelity of a no- 
 ble lady, v/ith whom he was in love, threw 
 him frequently into great dangers, in one of 
 w^hich he met with the fate he had wifhed. 
 Abrege Chron, Tom. IV. p. ii8. We can- 
 not refufe ourfelves the pleafure of repeating 
 the elogium which de Tho\i has written on 
 the fubjedl of Givry, whom he was proud of 
 calling his relation, as well as his friend. 
 His death,” fays this hiftorian, affiifted 
 the whole army, and particularly the king, 
 “ who faw a young man perifti in the flower 
 of his age, of an illuftrious family, poflefied 
 of perfonal beauty, of great wit, perfectly 
 
 acquainted 
 
[ 125 ] 
 
 acquainted with Greek, Latin, and other 
 ‘‘ languages, as well as mathematics, and en - 
 ‘‘ dov/cd with every virtue and talent proper 
 to form a good foldier, prudent and diligent, 
 “ in a word, one who made the mofl hafty 
 ftrides towards gaining thehighert employ- 
 ments in the kingdom.'^ Hilloire Univer- 
 felle fous L’Annee 1594. 
 
 Note (29). Angenne^ de Rambouilletj P - 
 — There were eight brothers of them, who each 
 diftinguiflaed himfelf for learning, negoci- 
 ations, and arms, not one of them entered 
 into the league, which at that unhappy time 
 was a very fingular circumftance, De Thou is 
 lavifli in their praifes. Voy. Tom. X. del 
 Edit in 4to. p. 406, 536, 544. Tom. XI. 
 p. 67, 199, & Paffim. ‘‘ One of thefe 
 brothers, furnamed de Poigny, had made 
 a colleftion of fcarce books and curious 
 pictures, at his caftle of Boiforcan in Bre- 
 tagne ; the duke de Mercoeur, ordered them 
 to be burnt, as a chriftian, he faid, M. de 
 Poigny delayed not to take his revenge, 
 and immediately publiflied a little book, 
 which was entitled the Ex ercife of a Chrif^ 
 ‘‘ tian^ by M. de Mercoeur, and in it was 
 “ given an account of his ingratitude to 
 Henry III. his king, his bcnefacSIor, and 
 ‘‘ his brother in*lav/ ; his affaffination of the 
 count de Fontaines, &c. and other actions 
 of the fame nature/’ Hiftoire de POrdre 
 du faint cfprit, Tom II. p. 8i* 
 
 G 3 
 
 Note 
 
f ] 
 
 Note (30). Vivonne {Jean de) Marquis de 
 Pifani^ p. 15.— Pifani, had written memoirs 
 and journals of his embaffies, which de Thou, 
 a friend to every man of merit, declares to 
 have made ufe of in order to rectify fome 
 errors which lefs faithful memorialifts had 
 fallen into. The great knowledge he had ac- 
 cjuired, and his reputation for virtue, caufed 
 Henry IV. to make choice of him as governor 
 to the young prince of Conde, at that time 
 prefumptive heir to the crown. 
 
 Note (31). Sallgnac [Bertrand de) Baron 
 de Ic Mj'jthe Fenelon^ p. 15.“ We have from this 
 illuftrious man, ahiftory of the fiege of Metz, 
 travels, memoirs, and negociations, which- 
 may be found in the Bibliotheque Hiftorique 
 of France. It was he, that being ambafTador 
 in England, refufed to excufe, before queen 
 Elizabeth, the maflacre of St. Bartholemew. 
 He had a tender, fenfible heart, his converfa- 
 tion was pleafing and inftru6live. The love 
 of truth and virtue fhone equally in his writ- 
 ings and his conduft. In one word, he was 
 the. great uncle of the immortal Fenelon. 
 Profper Marchand, in his didliciiary, article 
 Salignac^ reckons eight of the family who were 
 men of learning. This tafte for letters feems 
 hereditary, for to Marchand’s lift may be added 
 the marquis de Fenelon, nephew to the illuf- 
 trious arch-bifliop of Cambray,- who has writ- 
 ten the tragedy of Alexander, &c. &c. 
 
 Note (32). Bertaud^ p. 15.’ — Henry TV. 
 fixed Bertaud at court by naming him high 
 
 almoner 
 
C 127 3 
 
 almoner to the queen, he afterwards made Him 
 bifhop of Secz, and joined to it an abbey,which 
 w^as given him as much to reward his talents 
 as to recompence him for the fervices he had 
 rendered this prince during the troubles of the 
 league.- Bertaut being of a mild and gentle 
 difpofition had no fhare in the fury of that 
 age, he began with facrifiejng to the tafte of 
 the times, and wrote fome verfes in the ftyle 
 of Ronzard, but he very foon found out hisr 
 error : 
 
 Ce poete crgueilleux^ irehuche de fi hauty 
 
 Rendit plus retenus defportes Bertautd^ 
 
 Boileau. 
 
 Some verfes of a pleafing and eafy turn 
 have faved him from being forgotten : being 
 endowed with a tendernefs and extreme fenfi- 
 bility of heart, it had contributed to give 
 more foftnefs and naivete to his pen,^ and of 
 all the French poets who preceded him^ 
 Malherbe gives the preference to Bertaut. 
 His ftanzas frequently run fmoothly, their 
 eafe and mildnefs, fometimes form their only 
 merit, as in thefe follovv'ing, where the poet 
 according to cufl:om,fwears never to love again^ 
 but prefently repeats his oaths : 
 
 Non non ne tuons point un fi plaifant fouci, 
 
 Rien n’eft doux fans amour en cette vie hu~ 
 maine ; 
 
 Ceux qui ceffent d’aimer, cefTent de vivte^ 
 aufli 
 
 On vjvent fans plaifir, comme ils vivent fans 
 peine, 
 
 ' G 4 
 
 Tous 
 
[ 128 3 
 
 Tous les foucis humains font pure vanite 
 ** D’Ignorance and d^Erreur toute la terre abonde 
 
 Et conftamment aimer une rare beaute 
 
 C’eft Ja plusdouceerreurdes vanites du monde/» 
 
 Thefe following verfes will be remembered 
 as long as the language exifts. 
 
 Felicite pafTee^ 
 
 Qui ne peut, revenir f 
 Tourment de ma penfee! 
 
 ** Que n’ai je en te perdant perdu le fouvcnir !** 
 
 M. M. de Port Royal, ftruck with the 
 beauty of thefe lines, but vexed that an un- 
 lawful amour had occafioned them, caufed 
 them to be put into the mouth of the unfortu- 
 nate Job ; and placed it as an ornament to 
 their Commentary on the Bible. Bertaud was 
 not fo lucky in his flanzas on the death of 
 Henry IV. 
 
 Les grandes douleurs font muettes/* faidhe, . 
 
 ‘‘ Las ! il ne faut que moi pour en fervir de preuve 
 ** Car quand avec la France aujourd’hui trifle et 
 veuve, 
 
 •* Je me veux tout efpandre en lamentables, cris ; 
 
 Soudain le difcours manque a mon ame op- 
 prefTee 
 
 Et la juflf douleur ravit a ma penfee 
 
 Ce que FafFcftion promct a mes ecrits. 
 
 “ Oh 
 
[ 1^9 1 
 
 “ Oh grand Roi le fupport des lettres, and des 
 
 armes 
 
 ** Refle plutot non plamt que plaint d’indignes 
 larmes, 
 
 4C * * * * ## '#####*•* 
 
 Auffi bien Apollon n’anime plus ma veine 
 
 Comrne il faifoit du terns que la dodle neuvaine 
 “ Donnoit vol a ma plume en un age plus doux.’* 
 
 This author fo pleafing in his poetry, was 
 not fo in his profe writings, therefore we fhall 
 neither fpeak of the funeral oration he made 
 on Henry IV. nor various treatifes on contro- 
 verfy which are now totally forgot. Four 
 lines of verfe, written by Bertaud, were worth 
 more than his whole colledtion of profe alto- 
 gether. This admirable poet only furvived 
 his hero a twelvemonth. 
 
 Note (33). Regnier^ p. 15. — Regnler was 
 one of the poets who received favours from 
 Henry IV. and who could heft prove the de- 
 gree with which this prince honoured and pro- 
 tected letters. He gave himfeveral benefices, 
 and in 1600 added to them a penfion of two 
 thoufand livres, which his uncle Defportes 
 had had from the Abbey of Vauxeernay. He 
 alfo, as well as Malherbe, had fometimes the 
 honour to devote his pen to this prince. 
 There are in his works two elegies, in which 
 he difplays the elegance and graces of this 
 kind of poetry, in order to charm fome new 
 beauty. There is more fentiment and deli- 
 cacy in thefe, than in the other pieces written 
 G 5 by 
 
C *3® 3 
 
 by Regnier, we muft alfo defcribe the fatiics 
 of this poet, but fliall confine ourfelves to 
 the ^Deux Difcours^ which he addrefled to 
 Henry IV.* and which in moft refpedfs are 
 worthy of the hero, to whom they pay 
 homage. The following is taken from the 
 firft: 
 
 ** Puiflant Roi des fran9ais, afire vivant de Mars, 
 
 ** Dont le julle labeur fur montant les hafards ; 
 Fait voir par fes vertus que la grandeur de 
 France, 
 
 ** Ne pouvoit fuccomber fous une autre vaillance ; 
 “ Vrai fils de la valeur, 
 
 PuifTes tu, comme anguflc admirable en tes fait*, 
 Roaller des jours heureux, en une heureule 
 paix/^ 
 
 But the liberty which poets are apt to take 
 when they celebrate any great character, ought 
 alfo to have its limits, and the flattery with, 
 which this author has addrefled Henry in the 
 following lines will be found to exceed all 
 bounds : 
 
 AufS plus grand, qu’ Enee et plus vaillant qu 
 Achille, 
 
 Tu furpafles Pefprk d’Homere et de Virgile.’* 
 Defpreaux has much better faid : 
 
 Pour chanter un Augufte, il fautetreun Virgile. % 
 
 Regnier 
 
 • Bolleau, as well as Renier,has alfo given the title 
 Dlfcgms au to the fii It of his fatires and epilUes. 
 
[ 13 ^ 3 
 
 Rcgnler thus finifhes his poem : 
 
 Je fonde ma portee 8c^ me tate le pouls, 
 
 Afin que s’il advient oomme un jour je I’eTpere, . 
 Que parnafTe m’adopte. Si fe dife mon pere ; 
 
 ** Emporte de tagloire & de tes faits guerriers, 
 
 Je plante mon lierre au pied de ics lauriers.’^ 
 
 In the fecond part of this work the poet 
 celebrates the noble actions of Henry IV. and 
 his ftyle riles with his fubje£I. He congratu- 
 lates him with having quelled the league, and 
 put an end to the civil war y and this is writ- 
 ten in the elevated language of an epic poem, 
 he perfonifies the league as a monfter, and 
 defcribes France as a difeonfolate nymph fly- 
 ing to hdaven, and makes her addrefs her 
 country men in thefe words.: 
 
 Peuple, Eobjet piteux du rcfle de 1^ terre. 
 Indocile a la paix et trop chaud a la guerre, 
 
 Qui, fecond en partis et leger en defleins, 
 
 ** Dedans ton propre fang, fouilles tes propres 
 mains, 
 
 ** Entcnds ce queje dis, attentif a ma bouche, 
 
 Et qu’aa plus vif du cceur ma parole te touche, 
 Depuis qu’irreverent envers les immortels, 
 
 Tu taches de mepris r^glife et fes autels, 
 
 Qu’au lieu de la raifon gouverne i’infolence 
 Que le droit alteie n’eft qu’une violence, 
 
 “ Que par force le foible eft foule du puiffant, 
 
 Que ia rufe ravlt le bien a rinnocent ; 
 
 Et 
 
[ 132 ] 
 
 ** Et que la vertu fainte en public meprlfce, 
 
 “ Sert aux jeunes de nrafquc aux plus vieux de 
 rifce, 
 
 (Prodige monfirueux !) & fans refpe^l de foi, 
 Qu’on s’arme ingratement au mepris de fon roi ; 
 Lajuftice et la paix, trifles et defolees, 
 D’horreur fe retirant, au ciel fe font voices/’ 
 
 The poet concludes with this afFedting 
 prayer : 
 
 ** Henri le cher fujet de nos faintes prleres, 
 
 Que le ciel refcrvoit a nos peines dernieres ; 
 <<***##** #*#**# 
 
 Aprcs tant de combats et d’heureufes vi<5loires, 
 Miracles de mon temps honneur de nos hifloires, 
 Dans le port de la paix grand prince, puifles tu 
 Malgre tes ennemis, exercer ta vertu : 
 
 “ PuifTe etre a ta grandeur le dellin fi propice, 
 
 Que ton Cceurde leurs traits rebouche la malice ; 
 “ Et s’armant contre toi puifTes tu, d’autant plus, 
 * ** De leurs cfForts dompter le flus et le rcflus; 
 
 Et comme un faint rocher oppofant ton courage, 
 En ecume venteufe en diffiper Forage ; 
 
 ** Ec brave, t’elevant au-delfus des danger?, 
 
 *• Etre I’amour des tiens, reifroi des Etrangers : 
 Attendant que ton fih, indruit par ta vailiance, 
 “ DefTous les etendarts forcant de fon enfance, 
 
 “ Plus fortune que loi, mais non pas plus vaillant, 
 ** Aille les ottomans, jufqu’ au caire affaillant ; 
 
 ** Et que femblable a toi, foudroyani les armees, 
 
 II cueiile avec le fer les palmes idumees.” 
 
 Thi^ 
 
[ 133 3 
 
 This plainly fhews that Regnier, as he pro- 
 ceeded, raifed his language, and wrote with 
 greater boldnefs and energy. This poet paid 
 homage to the king in the colle6lion of poems 
 he wrote. Gratitude, he faid, put the pen 
 into his hand. He compared himfelf to the 
 rtatue of Memnon, which uttered an harmo- 
 nious found, every time the rifing fun beamed 
 on the image. This is a noble, as well as a 
 beautiful idea. 
 
 Note (34). Defportes^ p. 16. — Defportes 
 was the moil gallant, the moft agreeable, and 
 the moft fuccefsful poet of his time. He was 
 called the French Tibullus, a name which has 
 fince been lavifhed on many. The family of 
 Valois loaded him with favours, and even 
 offered him the biftiopric of Bourdeaux, which 
 he refufed. After Henry the Third’s death, 
 he joined with the League^ but foon difco- 
 vering the great qualities of Henry IV, he 
 repented it, and ufed every means in his power 
 to bring back his friend Admiral Villars, and 
 in fhort all Normandy, to their duty, in which 
 he happily fucceeded. Henry IV. honoured 
 him with his efteem, and even his friendlhip, 
 and reftored to him his rich benefices which 
 had been feized, and would have given him' 
 the archbifhopric of Rouen. See Memoirs of 
 Sully, Vol. I. p. 244. and Kift. of Henry IV. 
 by Bury, Vol. II. p. 354, & 361, Defportes 
 made the moft noble ufe of his fortune : his 
 houfe was the rendezvous of men of letters. 
 His elegant and extenfive library was always 
 open to thofe who wifned for inftrudion, as was 
 
 alfo 
 
i *34 ] 
 
 alfo his purfe to thofe whom fortune had fa- 
 voured lefs than himfelf. 
 
 Note (35). Des Yveteauxy p. 16. — The 
 favour of Gabrielle d’Eftrees caufed him to 
 be appointed preceptor to Caifar duke de 
 Vendome her fon, and he was afterwards 
 made preceptor to the dauphin ; for the king, 
 who admired his underftanding, made choice 
 of him, notwithftanding the queen was pre- 
 judiced againfl: him, he having been defcribed 
 to her as a dangerous man, which fhe the 
 more readily believed, as fhe knew him to be 
 a favourite of the beautiful Gabrielle, It was 
 Des Yveteaux who prefented his relation and 
 countryman, Malherbe, to Henry IV. Soon 
 after the death of this king, the queen took 
 his place from him, and banifhed him from 
 court. His conduS was made the pretext;: 
 but the true reafon was, on account of the 
 means by which he had gained entrance there, 
 and for fpeaking his fentiments too freely of 
 the marechal d’Ancre, ( Journ. of Hen. IV. 
 1611, p. 77.) which was an unpardonable 
 crime. He was much regretted by the young 
 king his pupil. He lived forty years at a 
 great diftance from court, and found himfelf 
 much happier by fo doing; he refumed his 
 former eafy way of life in the country, which 
 he had quitted with regret. His pleafing 
 verfes, his mild philofophic temper, and the 
 tranquillity with which he looked forward 
 to the grave, occafioned this good old man’s 
 character to be afperfed by a court, which at 
 that time was fo bigottcd and fo gloomy. 
 
[ ^35 1 
 
 Des Yveteaux had not confined himfelf to 
 writing verfes on gallantry. He had done 
 more honour to his riper age, as well as juftice 
 to Henry’s choice of him, by more fcrious as 
 well as more ufeful works. His Treatife on 
 the Education of a Prince, written for the ufc 
 of his pupil, is juftly admired for its fenfe, 
 precifion, and energy, and contains moil: 
 beautiful leflbns cf Chriftian and Heathen 
 morality. They even breathe the fevcrity cf 
 a Stoic ; and we may eafily difcover how 
 well he knew his duty, and that he wifhed to 
 form the Man, before he completed the Prince, 
 This philofopher, whofe mind was fo gentle, 
 and his manners fo meek, could not but be 
 the moft proper perfon to teach, as well as to 
 infpire his pupil with the love of virtue. 
 
 Note (36.) Malherbe^ p. 16. — Henry IV. 
 one day afked the Cardinal du Perron, Why 
 ‘‘ he made no more verfes?” — ‘‘ Sire,” an«* 
 fwered the prelate, “ i muft meddle no more 
 “ with poetry, fince there is a gentleman of 
 “ Normandy, fettled in Provence, who has 
 “ brought French poetry to fuch excellence, 
 “ that no one elfe can ever reach it.^’ He 
 then mentioned Malherbe. The king was 
 ftruck with the name, and often fpoke of 
 Malherbe to his relation Des Yveteaux, the 
 duke de Vendome’s preceptor. Yet this poet 
 did not come to court till fome years after (in 
 1605) when he was fifty years of age. The 
 king received him very gracioully, and de- 
 fired him to make fome verfes on the journey 
 he was going to take to Limofin, Malherbe 
 
 xaade 
 
[ I3« ] 
 
 made thofc Ilanzas which begin in this man- 
 ner: 
 
 O DIeu, dont les bontes^de nos larmcs touchees, 
 ‘‘ Ont aux vaines fu'reurs les armes arracliees, 
 
 Et range Tinfolence aux pieds de la raifon, 
 Acbeve ton ouvrage/’ &:c. 
 
 You alfo read there thefe beautiful lines: 
 
 “ Quand un roi faineant, la vergogne des princes, 
 LailTant a fes flatteurs le foin de fes provinces, 
 
 ‘‘ Entre les voluptes indignement s’endort, 
 
 “ Quoique Eon dilTimule, on en fait pen d’eHime, 
 “ Et fi la verite peut fe dire fans crime, 
 
 “ C’ell avec que plaifir qu’on fervit a la mort. 
 
 Mais le roi des bons rois, Eeternel exemplaire, 
 “ Qui de noire faint ell I’ange tuteJaire, 
 L’infaiilible refuge et rafi'ure fecours, 
 
 Son extreme douceur ayant d mpte Tenvie 
 “ De quels jours aHez longs pent il borner la vie 
 Que notre affcdlion ne les juge trop courts/’ &c. 
 
 Henry was fo well pieafed with thefe verfes, 
 that he defired to retain the author in his fer-^ 
 vice; and till he was placed on the lift of his 
 penfioners, he ordered his Mafter of the Horfe 
 to take him into his houfe. He had a table 
 provided for him, and a penfion of a thoufand 
 livres; and, a ftiort time after, the monarch 
 gratified him with the place ol Cientleman of 
 his Chamber, a title that Racine and Voltaire 
 afterwards had. An unfortunate man ^ hav- 
 ing 
 
 • His name was Lifle, an attorney at Senlis, in 1605. 
 H« was infane, and the king pardoned him. 
 
C »37 3 
 
 ing attempted the king’s life, Malherbe on 
 this occafion became interpreter of France, 
 and made this beautiful ode ; 
 
 Que direz vous, races futures, 
 
 Si quelqaefois un vrai difeours, 
 
 Vous recite les aVentures, 
 
 De nos abominables jours, 
 
 Lirez vous, fans rougir de honte, 
 
 ‘‘ Que notre impiete furraonte, 
 
 Les faits les plus audacieux 
 “ Et les plus digne du tonnere, 
 
 Que firent jamais a la terre ^ 
 
 Sentif la colere des cieux. 
 
 ** Quelles preuves incoxnparables 
 ** Peut donner un prince de foi, 
 
 Que les rois les plus adorables 
 N’en quittent Thonneur a mon roU 
 Quelle terre n’eft parfumee, 
 
 Des odeurs de fa renommee, 
 
 Et qui peut nier qu’apres Dieu, 
 
 Sa gloire qui n’a point d’exemples, 
 
 N’ait merite que dans nos temples 
 On lui donne le fecond lieu, 
 
 Qui ne fcait point qu’ a fa vaillancc, 
 
 II ne fe peut rien ajouter, 
 
 Qu’on re^oit de fa bienveillance 
 “ Tout ce qu’on en doit fouhaiter, 
 
 ‘‘ Et que fi de cette couronne, 
 
 Que fa tige illuHre lui donne. 
 
 Lea 
 
[ I 
 
 Lcs folx nc Peu/Tent revecu, 
 
 •* Nos peoples, d’un jufle fuiFrage^^ 
 
 Ne pouvoient^ fans faire naufrage». 
 
 “ Ne TofFrir point a fa vertu. 
 
 Toutefois ingrats que nous fommes^ 
 
 Barbare et denatures ; 
 
 “ Toujours nous afTaillons fa tete, 
 
 De qudque nouvelle tempde/’ 
 
 "The king often honoured Malherbe v/ith 
 private converfations. The poet celebrated 
 the principal events of his reign ; he even fre- 
 quently lent him his pen, and we have ftill 
 fome verfes of Malherbe^s written in the name 
 of the great Alcander. It has been matter of 
 wonder, that Flenry did not do more for this 
 mafter of French poetry; and it is -with re- 
 gret that we confefs Sully was the caufe of it:: 
 fo true it is, that the greateft men are not al- 
 ways above the meannefs of felf-love. During 
 the wars of the League, Malherbe, who car- 
 ried arms ir\ that, party, purfued Sully very 
 brifkly for the fpace of two leagues, and it 
 was with the utmoft difEculty that he faved 
 himfelf.- When he became miniiier, he did 
 not look with a favourable eye on the poet’s 
 reception court; he therefore retarded the 
 monarch’s favours to him : and it was not till 
 after Henry’s death, and Sully’s retreat, that 
 Mary of Medicis gave him a penfion of fifteen 
 hundred crowns. See the Life of Malherbe, 
 at the beginning of his works. Malherbe 
 performed the fame part in the court of 
 
 Henry 
 
X 
 
 C 139 I 
 
 Henry IV. that Defpreaux has flnce done In 
 that of Lewis XIV. He fevcrely criticifed 
 bad poetry, and blamed, without any refpefl 
 to perfons, works which had been admired. 
 Of all the French poets, he efteemed none 
 but Bertaud. He was very jealous of the 
 honour and purity of his own language : he 
 faid fometimes, laughing, that he worked 
 hard to teach the court good French. He did 
 not even fpare princes ; they therefore called 
 him the tyrant of words and fyllables. The 
 king one day fliewing him the firft letter, the 
 dauphin, fince Lewis XIII. had written to 
 him, ^‘How!’’ faid Malherbe, ‘‘does the 
 dauphin call himfelf LoysT^ for fo the 
 letter was figned. Henry fent immediately 
 for the perfon who taught the young prince 
 to write, and defired that he might be made to 
 fpell his name better. On this account, Mal- 
 herbe was told jokingly, that it was he who 
 had caufed the fucceflbr of Henry IV, to know 
 his own name. Malherbe, ftruck as all good 
 Frenchmen were, with the unlooked-for blow 
 which took from them the bell of kings, gave 
 vent to his juft grief in ftanzas which begin 
 thus : 
 
 “ Enfin Tire du ciel et fa fatale envie, 
 
 “ Dont j’avois repoufse rant d’injuftes efforts, 
 
 “ One detruit ma fortune, & fans m’oter la vie, 
 M’ont mis entre Jes morts. 
 
 “ Henri, ce grand Henri, que les foins de nature 
 “ Avoient fait un miracle aux yeux de Funivers, 
 
 “ Comme un homme vulgaire eft dans la sepulture 
 A !a merci des vers, > 
 
 “ Belle 
 
[ 140 ] 
 
 Belle ame, beau patron des celeftes ouvrage?, 
 
 ** Qni fut de mon efpoir I’infaillible recours ; 
 Quelle nuit fut pareille aux funeftes ombrages' 
 Ou tu laiflcs mes jours. 
 
 C’eft bien a tout le monde une commune plaie, 
 ** Et le malheur que jai, chacun Heftime fien;, 
 Mais en quel autre coeur eft la douleur li vraie^ 
 
 “ Comme il eft dans le mien?’* &c. 
 
 Note (37). Jrnaud^ Cardinal d^OjJat^ p. 16. 
 •—Being defcended from no family of note^ 
 owed his elevation folely to his merit; and, 
 divided between the ftudy of law and letters, 
 he was only an humble abbe, when Henry 
 named him his ambaffador to Rome : the 
 bifliopric of Rennes, and the cardinal’s hat, 
 were the rewards of his fervices. His letters 
 have been colleiled by Amelot de la Houflaye; 
 they were long called the Political Breviary. 
 
 You may obferve in them,” faid the judi- 
 cious author of I’Efprit de la Ligue, a poli- 
 tician full of integrity, in a ftyle firm and 
 ‘‘ nervous ; they breathe honefty, candour, 
 and the moft lively zeal for the king and 
 his country.” This man, as modeft as he 
 was virtuous, will be more particularly men- 
 tioned in the account of illultrious men in the 
 jeign of Henry IV. 
 
 Note (38). Bongars^ p. 16. — Bongars 
 was a Calvinift, and early attached to the for- 
 tunes of Henry: he was employed in em- 
 balfies for thirty years. His tafte led him 
 
 t® 
 
to ftudy, and united in one perfon the 
 ftatefman and the man of learning. It was 
 Bongars, who, being at Rome at the time of 
 that celebrated Bull of Sixtus V. againft the 
 king of Navarre, whom he there declared an 
 heretic, and his crown forfeited, made that 
 bold anfwer, which aftoniflied the proud pon- 
 tiff. He fixed up a paper himfelf in the field 
 of Flora, and even on the doors of the Vati- 
 can, ‘‘That Sixtus the pretended pope lied, 
 “ and that he was himfelf an heretic,’^ &c. 
 It is well known what effe6l this bold pro- 
 ceeding had on the mind of Sixtus, and what 
 efteem he had from that time for a prince who 
 in his misfortunes had fuch friends, and who 
 deferved to be ferved by them with fo much 
 zeal and fidelity. It was inclination alone, 
 and not intereft, that could fuggefi: fo rafh a 
 proceeding to Bongars. Henry IV. who 
 wifhed to be beloved, was fo well convinced 
 of his fentiments, that he afterwards trufted 
 him with a part of his great defigns to humble 
 the Houfe of Auftria, and reftore peace to 
 Europe. Bongars was negociating with the 
 northern princes, v/hen he heard the fatal 
 death of this monarch, v/hom he did not fur- 
 vive more than two years. His letters are 
 thofe of an excellent citizen ; they breathe 
 the language of the age of Auguftus. The 
 firft part of theni are devoted to politics *, but 
 the greateft number to friendfhip. It is to 
 Bongars that we are indebted for the collec- 
 tion entitled Gejla Dei per Francos^ printed in 
 i6ii, where he has collefted together a lift of 
 all the hiftorians who had written on tKe fub- 
 
je< 5 l 6f the Crufades. It was the firfl: book 
 of the kind, but has ferved as a model for the 
 numerous publications of Duchefne and the. 
 Benedi£lines. 
 
 Note (39). Le Fe^re de la Boderie^ p. i6* 
 —He began by cultivating letters and poetry, 
 and employed his pen and his talents for 
 Henry IV. one of whofe beft fervants he was, 
 during the madnefs of the League. Some 
 people attributed to him the legate’s Italian 
 fpeech in la Satire Menippee. Henry made 
 him his fteward, and fent him afterwards on 
 embaffies to Rome, into the Low Countries, 
 and to England. It was during his ftay at 
 BrulTels, that he difeovered Biron’s corre- 
 fpondence with Spain. It is reported, that 
 when he left England, James 1. prefented 
 him with a gilt cup enriched with precious 
 ftones, with thefe words engraved upon it : 
 
 ‘‘ James, king of Great-Britain, to Antoine 
 de la Boderie.” They fay alfo, that to 
 this prefent the monarch added 150 horfes, 
 that la Boderie at his return diftributed them 
 amongft his friends, and that he referved only 
 one for himfelf, and that Henry afked him for 
 that one: It Is not juft,” faid this good 
 
 prince, that I fliould be the only one of 
 ‘‘ your friends who do not partake of your 
 liberality.” Di£lionaire des Horn. Illuft. 
 La Boderie’s Letters and Negociations are 
 colleded in feven volumes in i2mo. 
 
 Note 
 
C M3 I 
 
 Note (40). Du Bartas^ p 16.— Du Bartas 
 fhared the fate of Ronfard : he was too much 
 exalted in his life-time, and too much debafed 
 afterwards. As a poet, his character is now 
 cried dov/n ; and as a citizen, a good patriot, 
 a foldier, and a negociator, he is perhaps but 
 little known. Bred in camps, his life was 
 devoted to his prince, whom he ferved with 
 his fword, and celebrated in his verfcs This 
 prince was Henry IV. then king of Navarre: 
 he gave him the poft of Gentleman of his 
 Chamber, a company of foot, and employed 
 him in his affairs in England, Denmark, and ' 
 Scotland. King James would have retained 
 him in his fervice ; Du Bartas told him, that 
 he never would abandon either his country or 
 his prince. He was determined,'^ fays 
 Sainte Marthe, that he would not be re- 
 ‘‘ proached with having preferred the fervice 
 ‘‘ of a foreign prince to that of Henry of 
 Bourbon his mafter, who loved him equally 
 for his learning and valour, and for having 
 negledled his own intereft, at a time when 
 the new triumphs of this victorious prince 
 called on all the French poets to emulate 
 each other in finging his praifes.” His 
 poem of la Semaiue was very fuccefsful ; in 
 lefs than fix years, it went through twenty 
 editions, and was tranflated into all languages. 
 He alfo compofed, at the entreaty of Jeanne 
 d'Albret, another poem called yudith^ of 
 which this queen (who was alfo defirous to 
 deliver her country from oppreffion) gave him 
 the fubjeCf, 
 
 The 
 
C M4 ] 
 
 The poet feemed even then to foretell the 
 glory of Henry, who was at that time fcarce 
 eighteen years old : 
 
 Prince, daignes approcher, pan habite en nos 
 “ bois : 
 
 “ Nemeprife ces rocs*; ces rocs ont autrefois ' 
 
 “ Nourri ces grands heros, qu’avaincre tu travailles. 
 
 ^ ^ 
 
 ** Henri,l’uniqueefFroide la terre Hefperide’ 
 
 ** Tu ne pourrois avoir plus grand ayeul qu’Alcide ; 
 II ne pouvoit avoir plus grand neveu que toi. 
 
 He wiflies al fo, 
 
 Que le roi Navarrois genereux fils de mars, 
 Mene boire bien tot dans I’Hebre fes foldats : 
 Qu’ il fe fafTe Seigneur des provinces bornees 
 Du flot des deux grands ’mers et des mon:s 
 Pyrennees, 
 
 Et qu’il voie a la fin par fon glaive defaits 
 Les tyrans de Maroc, de Tunis & de P'ez.’^ 
 
 Though his verfes were written in a pomp- 
 ous ftyle, he v»^as humble and modeft in his 
 manners ; an encomium the more remark- 
 able,” fays De Thou, as he was both a 
 poet and a Gafcon.” He often complained, 
 that the hurry of war and bufinefs had not 
 allowed him time to confult the learned, and 
 to polifh his writings; with this defign he 
 was difpofing his affairs, in order to fettle him- 
 fclf at Paris, when death furprifed him in the 
 
 46th 
 
 f The Pyrenees, where Henry IV. was brought up. 
 
[ *45 ] 
 
 4.6th year of his age. He had juft celebrated 
 the battle of Ivry, when an old wound broke 
 out again, and in a few months carried him to 
 the grave. See de Thou, 1590; et les addit* 
 de 1 eflier, Tom. II. p. 148, 149. 
 
 Note (41). PhllUppe de Ganay^ Seigneur 
 de Frefne^ p. 16. — A great perfonage, and 
 “ one of the moft learned and fubtil men of 
 this age,” fays I’Etoile. He at firft ftudied 
 - the law with fuccefs ; but the new opinions 
 he had embraced, and the misfortunes of his 
 country, forced him to quit France. Henry, 
 then king of Navarre, fent for him back. 
 Frefne Canaye pofielTed in the higheft degree 
 the powers of language j he was a good French- 
 man, and detefted the ambition of foreigners. 
 The monarch trufted him with his deareft 
 concerns ; fent him fucceffively to all the 
 courts of Europe, and raifed him to the higheft 
 places in the law. His eloquence was fcarcely 
 to be refiftcd. He died in the month of Fe- 
 bruary, 1610, happy,” faid his hiftorian, 
 ill having, by his ov.'n death, been fpared 
 the fenfible grief he would have felt at the 
 ‘‘ deteftable murder of his prince.” See his 
 life at the beginning of his embaflies, col- 
 le( 5 led in three volumes folio. 
 
 Note (42). Pierre de Belloy^ Avocat^ p. 
 
 — During the firft fiege of Paris, in the midft 
 of the cries of fanaticifm, a citizen, till then 
 unknown, ventured at the peril of his life to 
 raife his voice in favour of his lawful prince. 
 This bold Frenchman was Pierre de Belloy^ 
 H He 
 
C ’46 3 
 
 He caufed to be publiflied in the capital a 
 catholic defence of the king of Navarre and 
 Henry III. againil the feditious libels of con- 
 fpirators. If he had been a Proteftant,” 
 iays Bayle, there v/ould have been nothing 
 in it but \vhat was very natural ; but as he 
 was a Catholic, and at Paris, it ought to 
 be regarded with fome kind of admiration.’’ 
 He publiflied other learned writings to prove 
 the right Henry IV^ had to the crown : his 
 works were treated as libels, and the author as 
 a criminal ; a clofe prifon, where he was con- 
 fined more than two years, was the reward of 
 his zeal. As foon as Henry IV. made his 
 entry into Paris, his firll care was to fet his 
 virtuous defender at liberty, and his fecond to 
 give him the place of Avocat-General au Par- 
 lement de Touloufe. You do not find in the 
 writings of Belloy either bitternefs or abufe, 
 but great order, a clear elevated ftyie, without 
 bombaft'; as alfo great and well digefted know- 
 ledge. This writer perfe(9:ly faw through the 
 plots of the Guifes; he feemed to have di- 
 vined them : this was the opinion of the au- 
 thor of PRfprit de la Ligue, who was an ex- 
 cellent judge in that matter. The time of 
 this worthy and virtuous magiftrate’s death 
 (who deferves to be better known) we are ig- 
 norant of. He was one of thofe whofe en- 
 lightened patriotifm, and heroic firmnefs, for- 
 gotten in the multitude of our hiltorians, do 
 the moll honour to France, and whofe example 
 k the propereft to reconcile royalty and learn- 
 ing. See the lilt of his works in the Biblio- 
 theq'ue Hiftorique de la France, 
 
 Note 
 
C H7 1 
 
 Note (43)* Pierre Pithou^ Avocat^ p. 17. 
 —The labours of Pithou, his difcoveries, and 
 his great learning, have given him a juft title 
 to the furname of Varron of France \ but he is 
 ft ill more refpeflabfe for the ufe he made of 
 his talents and knowledge. Forced to live in 
 the midft of the rebellion, kept there by his 
 wife, his children, and his books, thofe dear 
 olyedts from whom he feared to be fcparated, 
 his ftay in Paris was not ufelefs to his king. 
 He wrote a pamphlet to prove that the biftiops 
 bf France could abfolve Henry IV. without 
 the concurrence of Rome: it was fingular 
 enough, that the conqueror of Ivry fiiould be 
 in v/ant of abfolution ! But as ridicule has 
 more power over the mind than reafon, Pithou 
 rendered this monarch a more fignal fervice, 
 by the part which he had in the fatire Me-- 
 fiippeej which is perhaps the moft extraordi- 
 nary work of that age; the joint produdtion 
 of many men of letters, all ftridf friends of 
 Pithou, and anxious as himfelf for the public 
 good. (M. Grofley. See note 63.) 
 
 When the gates of the capital were opened 
 to Henry IV. this prince chofe Pithou attor- 
 ney-gencral of the intermediate Parliament. 
 He employed him to erafe from the records of 
 the court all that the Leaguers had inferted 
 injurious to him and his predeceflbr, and to 
 take away from the church the pidlures, in- 
 feriptions, and other monuments of the fury 
 of this fanatic affociation ; in fliort, to en- 
 deavour to heal the w’ounds of the ftate, and 
 to remove from it, as dangerous weapons, 
 every thing that could recall or nourifli fana- 
 H 2 ticifm. 
 
[ uS ] 
 
 tlcifm. The monarch often entertained Pi- 
 thou familiarly in his clofet, and would have 
 given him other marks of his gratitude. This 
 modeft and difinterefted man never fpoke to 
 him but of Troyes, which he always called 
 his dear country, but which was ftill in rebel- 
 lion : the king granted their pardon at his re- 
 quett, and, as it may be faid, entrufted his 
 clemency to Pithou’s difcretion. At the fame 
 time this learned man wrote his trcatife on 
 the Liberties of the French Church, which 
 was gratefully received by all good French- 
 men: the author dedicated it to Henry IV. 
 by an epiftle, fays his hiftorian, worthy the 
 work it announced, the good citizen who 
 wrote it, and the prince to whom it was ad- 
 drefied. his book, which was bold for the 
 age in which it was written, had long to 
 ftruggle againfl: the remains of the League; 
 it is ftill the fliield of an illuftrious fociety 
 againft ftrange prejudices, which are every 
 day lofing ground. Pithou oppofed without 
 intermiflion, but with great moderation, the 
 chimeras of Rome and Spain. HiS Life, 
 written by M. Grofley, fhould be read, to 
 know the obligations both learning and his 
 country owe to this illuftrious man. 
 
 Note (44). Gaucher de St. Marthe^ p. 17. 
 —Gaucher de St. Marthe, one of the moll: 
 iearned men of the age, was always faithful to 
 his fovereigns, whatever religion they pro- 
 felled ; and to his country, not with (landing 
 its injuftice. He never could be prevailed 
 upon to join the League : he rather chofe to 
 
 banilh 
 
[ U9 ] 
 
 tanifh himfelf and family for five years from 
 Paris and Poitiers, than to join that feditious 
 party. When he returned, he was honoured 
 with the title of Father of his Country, for 
 having faved the town of Loudun from pil- 
 lage, with which it was threatened by Joyeufe 
 in J587* The year following he pleaded at 
 the States of Blois, with as much firirmefs as 
 energy, the caufe of the king and the fubjecSl 
 againft the pretenfions of foreigners, who 
 threatened to opprefs the nation. In fhort, 
 he contributed more than any other perfon to 
 bring back the city of Poitiers to their obe- 
 dience, and to obtain honourable conditions 
 for them from Henry IV. When Henry 
 made his entry into the city, he would not 
 permit them to be at any expence; he would 
 not even .receive the cuftomary prefents,' 
 affuring them he only wifhed for the hearts 
 of his fubjefls. Amongft other proofs of 
 his good-will towrfj-ds St. Marthe, he made 
 him intendant of one of his armies. We are 
 indebted to this- patriotic writer for an ode on 
 the battle of Ivry, another celebrating the 
 learned men of his time, and a Latin poem on 
 the education of children, &c. His life was 
 long and blamelefs ; he ended his long career 
 in the reign of l/cwis XIII. His funeral 
 pomp was honoured by the regret of every 
 good citizen, and with a public eulogium^ 
 Ipoken by the famous Urbain Giandier, his 
 countryman *. merit and virtuous humility was 
 at that time permitted to partake of the dif- 
 tinvSHons ufually confined to perfons of high 
 rank and birth. His brother and his Ion 
 H 3 nobly 
 
E J50 3 
 
 nobly followed his example; the latter was 
 the author of a fliort poem called the Laurel : 
 it was but juft that fuch a poem fliould be 
 dedicated to Henry IV* In another poem 
 written immediately after the death of this 
 prince, the author exprefles in this manner 
 the prayer of all France ; 
 
 At magnaniml fa?i^lque quiefcltc manes 
 
 Regis ^ quo melior nullin in orhefuit.^^ 
 
 In fhort, the whole family of St. Marthe, by 
 a glorious fucceffion of talents, patriotifm, and 
 virtues, have done honour to letters and learn- 
 ing, from Francis J. until thefe days. See 
 Bibliotheque Hiftorique de Poitou, Vol, IIL 
 p. 209, all the fifth volume, and particularly 
 pages 169 — 176. 281 — 288. Elcge de Gau- 
 cher de St. Marthe, par Perault, titon du 
 Tillet, p. 363, &c. 
 
 Note (45). p. 18. — An almoner of Henry 
 the Fourth's, named du Peyrat, compofed a 
 very curious work under this title ; Les prepos 
 dc liable du Roi Henri le Grand. It was the 
 refult of queftions debated by du Perron and 
 others, {)erfons of learning and merit, by 
 whom the king was furrounded during his 
 meals. The duties of his office made him 
 often witnefs of thefe converfations ; but this 
 •coiledlion never was printed, which was a 
 real lofs to the public : it would have equalled 
 Les Propos de Table de Plutarque, This abbe 
 du Peyrat always proved himl'elf very zealous 
 
C 15* ] 
 
 for the gfory of Henry IV. to whom he owed 
 his fortune, and during his life preferved a 
 tender attachment to his memory. He un- 
 dertook a large work on the antiquities of the 
 .king’s chapel, and this monarch, who ho- 
 noured every kind of merit, affifted him often, 
 in his refearches ; but at his death, he laid his 
 pen afide. He dcfcribes his fentimems with* 
 a moft afFedling fimplicity I can fay with 
 truth,” adds he, that by the deplorable 
 murder of fo great a king, I remained fo 
 oppreffcd wnth the weight of the public 
 misfortunes, and my own peculiar lofs in 
 fo good a niafter, that 1 have words left me 
 “ only to deplore my misfortune, both in 
 profe and verfe.” Dedication to his Anti- 
 quities He never could pronounce the name 
 of Henry without (bedding tears of affecliom. 
 To allay his grief, he employed himfelf in 
 making a colle£lion of all the funeral orations 
 and all the verfes that had been cornpofed on 
 his death, and caufed them to be printed. He 
 withdrew from court, and lived a long time 
 m retirement : the remembrance of his good 
 mafter accompanied him^ he was continually 
 talking of him, and it was in his folitude that 
 he made a collection of all the excellent fayings 
 of this prince. See the works of du Peyrat^ 
 and the Hiftory of theKing’s Chapel, by Monf. 
 Oroux,. in 410. two vols. pages 328, 329, 330^, 
 and 355. 
 
 Note (46). Du Perron, p. 19.— During, 
 the fiege of Rouen, Gabrielle d’Eftrees intro- 
 duced the young Abbe du Perion to Henry IV^ 
 H 4 See 
 
[ 152 ] 
 
 See d^Aubigne, Hift. Univ. Liv. III. c. xiv^. 
 p. 405. Du Perron celebrated his benefaflrefs 
 and her lover in ftanzas full of rapture : 
 
 Grand roi, dont les malheurs elevent la vertw, 
 Et fervent de degres a Pautel de ta gloire 
 Qui plus as d’ennemis, moins te vois abattu; 
 Aum ficr au peril que doux en la vidoire : 
 
 Prince en tout accident par la fort efprouve, 
 
 “ Jufte ornement fuiur des hifloires fidcles; 
 
 Qui par un art royal a toi feul referve ; 
 Pardonnes aux vaincus domptes lesrebellesr 
 
 Les feuls traits eiances de la main de Penfant 
 Qui fait la guerre aux Dieux, treavent le tien 
 fenfible, 
 
 ** Et ton royal demon, des autres triomphant, 
 
 Perd en ce feul combat le titre dMnvincible,’ 
 
 ‘‘ Heureufe mille fois Pangelique beaute, 
 
 Qui voit deflbus fes pieds tant de gloire captive 
 cc^ ^ % * * # * 
 
 UoT de fes blonds cheveox, filets femes d^appas, 
 Des peuples prifonniers tient les ames lavies, &c. 
 
 ic % ^ ^ ^ ^ 
 
 Puifient tes fiers fujets diflraits de leur devoir 
 Qu^an efprit fadUeux* aux revoltes infpire. 
 Reconnoitre aufii bien les loix de ton pouvoir, 
 Comme tu reccnnois celles de fon empire.’^ 
 
 Henry IV. enjoyed du Perron’s turn of mind 5 
 his fpirited and gallant converfation could not 
 fail of pleafing him : he fixed him near his 
 perfon, and refolved to give him fome employ- 
 ment. 
 
C 153 ] 
 
 merit. He afterwards appointed him his am-- 
 baffador to Rome, archbifhop, cardinal, and 
 at length grand almoner of France : as to this 
 laft place, Amyot had opened the road to it 
 for thofe who cultivated learning, but du 
 Perron clofed it. This ofEce at that time 
 gave him the prefidency of the king’s library, 
 and, if you may fo call him, be was the mi- 
 nifter of the literary department. It was he, 
 therefore, who introduced the authors : he 
 was the firft who was fenfible of Malherbe’s 
 merit, and who made him known to Henry IV. 
 Du Perron, like a true courtier, was very affi- 
 duous about the monarch ; he affifted at his 
 riling, and during his meals he propofed many 
 learned or curious queftions, converfed fami- 
 liarly with him about poetry, authors, and 
 Belles Lettres ; at night he did not quit his 
 bed-fide; and to make him Heep, read to him 
 all the new romances. The cardinal had a 
 printing-prefs in his country houfe at Bag- 
 noler, where all his own works were printed, 
 and he was his own correftor : he had alv/ays 
 tv/o editions printed ; one for a felc£l number 
 of Ikilful judges, whofe opinions he collected, 
 and the other he gave to the public, alter 
 having profited by the advice of his friends. 
 Du Perron was not fatisfied with compofing 
 love verfes, nor with making tranflations from 
 Virgil or Ovid ; he was learned, though a 
 wit. Henry took great intereft in his lite- 
 rary labours, and fometimes prefled him to 
 finifh his works of controverfy, becaufe he 
 always had hopes of bringing back the Pro- 
 teftants by perfuafions, the only weapons that 
 H 5 this 
 
C 154 ] 
 
 this good prince would permit to be employed 
 againft thofe of his fubjefts who thought dif- 
 ferently from himfelf. It was on this occa- 
 fion that the cardinal du Perron wrote to him 
 from Rome, after the king had appointed him 
 grand almoner of France : 
 
 Your Majefty has been pleafed to com- 
 mand me to proceed with my book ; I pro- 
 mife you to work fo hard at it, that I will 
 not leave it until it is finiflied. It fhall be 
 the triumphal arch, the column and the 
 pyramid that I fhall eredl to you as a mo- 
 nument of acknowledgement and gratitude,, 
 to engrave upon it in letters of gold, or ra- 
 ther of diamonds, an infcription of your 
 “ favours/’ The original of this letter, dated 
 igth Ocl. i6c6, is in a colledlion of manu- 
 feripts on Henry IV. belonging to the author 
 of thefe notes, piece GG. 
 
 As for du Perron’s public life, his enter- 
 prifing temper, his embaffies, &c. they will be 
 mentioned in the account of the illuftrious 
 men of this reign. This man, loaded with 
 honours, at the fame time he was tormented 
 with the gout, would have given his cardinal’s 
 hat, his bifliopric, and all his dignities and re- 
 putation for only his curate’s health at Bag- 
 nolct * ; his friends might well compare him 
 to the ftatue of Nebuchadnezzar, v,^hofe feet 
 were made of clay, and head of gold : the 
 cries his gout occalioned were louder than the 
 voice of his flatterers. 
 
 Note 
 
 f A village, of which he was the lonb 
 
[ 155 1 
 
 Note (47). p. 20 . — Jerome Bignon^ born 
 in 1589, v/as an author when fcarcely out of 
 his infancy. At twelve years old he wrote a 
 defcription of the Holy Land; at thirteen, his 
 Roman Antiquities; at fourteen, a Treatife 
 on the E!e£lion of the Popes ; and at nineteen, 
 his book on the Excellence of the Kings and 
 Kingdom of France, dedicated to Plenry IV. 
 Thefe works gained him the applaufe of the 
 learned, and the cfteem of the monarch. He 
 engaged him fuccefilvcly in the education of 
 Condc, Ccefar de Vcndome, and the dauphin,. 
 near whom he placed him in quality of page 
 of honour, that being agreeably deluded by 
 the manners and exterior of this young fcho- 
 lar^ they fhould only regard him as the com- 
 panion of their pleafures, and that even their 
 itudies fhould have an air of childifh amufe- 
 ment. After the king’s death, Bignon quitted 
 the court and the nation, but returned to it 
 again, for the fupport of the laws, and the 
 licnouF of magillracy. He died in 1656, 
 
 leaving agreater character as an author,” fays 
 Voltaire, than his works entitled him to*” 
 
 Note (48), Le Fevre^ p. 20. — He v/as a- 
 fcholar as humble as he was virtuous,' and 
 whom Henry IV, went to feek even in his 
 retreat. 1 his prince wiflied to entruft him 
 with the education, of the prince de Conde, 
 then prefumptive heir to the crown,- in. 1596. 
 This wife man dreaded the court and its 
 fplendor, and therefore refufed the monarch- 
 ])e Thou and his other friends were obliged 
 to employ all their intreaties to overcome his 
 H 6 refiftance^ 
 
C '56 ] 
 
 rcfiftance, and could only prevail with him 
 by fhewing him the good it was in his power 
 to do, by planting in the mind of his young 
 pupil thofe feeds of virtue which have fo much 
 influence over the happinefs of mankind. Le 
 Fevre acquitted himfelf of this employment 
 as a man who knew all the duties of his fta- 
 tion, and whofe refufal was not dictated by an 
 aft'edfed modefty. As foon as he had dif- 
 charged this duty, he returned again to his 
 books, and his agreeable folitude. They 
 fnatched him from it once more, to place him 
 near Lewis XIII. who had juft mounted the 
 throne; but death carried him off almoft im- 
 mediately, which was undoubtedly a great 
 misfortune, as he might perhaps have made 
 the fon more worthy of his illultrious father. 
 Le Fevre never would allow his name to be 
 put to his works. It is reported of him, that 
 he lived in his retreat Vv^ith all the politenefs 
 of a courtier, and at court with all the humi- 
 lity of a hermit. Didl. des Horn. Iliuft. en 
 6 vol. Voy. fon eloge dans ceux de Sainte 
 Marthe, p. 574—578- 
 
 Note (49)* p. 20. — Coyet had been fub- 
 preceptor to Henry IV. When he became 
 king of France, this prince admitted him to 
 his court ; and it appears by different paffages 
 in Cayet’s writings, that he lived in intimacy 
 with this monarch. In 1602, Henry gave 
 him a houfe called Le fief d’Ambrulare, which 
 he enjoyed until his death. Amongft the 
 numerous works of Cayet, who had long been 
 a minifier of the reformation, thofe may be 
 
 diftinguiflied 
 
 { 
 
[ 157 3 
 
 diftinguiflied which he compofed by the ex- 
 prefs order of Henry IV, to endeavour at re- 
 conciling the two rival religions, and even to 
 prove to the Proteftants, that they might enfure 
 their falvation in theRoman Catholic religion. 
 And to fupport his reafonings by an example, 
 Cayet went over himfelf to that communion. 
 The railing of the Proteftants was -general, 
 and there was not a reproach unthought of by 
 the minifters of that profeffion, to render this 
 apoftate odious. He was, however, made 
 amends for it, by the confidence and friend- 
 fhip of his former pupil ; the advantage he 
 had of being near his perfon, gave him the 
 idea of collecting materials for his hiftory ; 
 but the principal production of Cayet, and 
 the only one that has refeued his name from 
 oblivion, are the memoirs which he wrote 
 under the title of Chronologie Septenaire Jff No- 
 vennaire ; an excellent peiformance, filled with 
 anecdotes and particulars of this prince’s 
 youth, which were the more valuable, as 
 Cayet’s account was not to be doubted, he 
 being conftantly on the fpot, and almofl: the 
 only one who has tranfmitted them to me- 
 mory. So that notwithlfanding his faults, 
 his prolixity and dull ftyle, as well as his 
 wrong-placed learning, this w^ork is fiill read 
 with pleafure, and confulted with advantage^ 
 he appears to be a very impartial writer, a 
 true and faithful friend to his king and coun- 
 try. Almoft all thofe who have written con- 
 cerning this prince, have been indebted to it; 
 and even at this time he is efteemed one of 
 Henry the Fourth’s beft hiftorians. See 
 
 Bayle’s 
 
[ *58 1 
 
 Bayle’s DIft. art. Cayet. Jpurn. of Hen- IV. 
 Vol. I. p. 432, new edit. Notes fur la Conf. 
 de Sancy. Chronol. Tom. II. p. 207, &c- 
 A^em. fur le College Royal,, in 4to. p, no- 
 Cayet died two months before Henry. 
 
 Note (50). V AJlrecy p. 2t. — L’Aftree^ 
 dedicated to Henry IV. was not publiflied 
 until 1610, which was the year of this mo- 
 narch’s death. But as Baflbmpierre read part 
 of it to him every night, this prince could not 
 avoid being very eager to fee the whole of the 
 work. See Mem. of Balfompierre, Vo!. L 
 p, 185. The learned Huet, archbifhop of 
 Avranches,, faid, this book was very agreeable 
 to the prince, although the author was not fo, 
 becaufe Honore D’Urfe, who was young, 
 gallant, agreeable, and witty, had been his 
 rival. This romance, of which only one 
 volume came out at firft,, met with the greateft 
 fucccfs : under the ingenious veil of allegory,, 
 the author defcribed his own hiftory, and 
 feme of the gallant adventures of Henry the 
 Third’s court. The adventures of Aftree 
 were well known,” fays Patru, ^^but the 
 author has turned them all into romance.” 
 The great Enric meant Henry IV. Daphne 
 .was Gabrielle d’Eftrees; Alctdon the Due de 
 Beilegarde ; Thorifmon^ Henry III. Galathee^ 
 queen Margaret; Delia^ Diane d’Etrees, &c. 
 The author defcribed himfelf under the name 
 of Celadon^ and his miftrefs under that of 
 Diana: thefe were all peifons as much cele- 
 brated in the annals of gallantry, as Julia and 
 St. Preux have fince been in thofe of love. 
 
 The 
 
. [ *59 } 
 
 The Romance of Aftree was an original, tjiaw 
 has produced feveral very bad imitations. 
 
 Note (51.) p. zt.—His Chancellor (Sil^ 
 leri), and his Confiahle (Montmorenci). 
 D'Aubigne in bis memoirs, (which muft be 
 diftinguiflied from his life) and which appears 
 only a wonderful romance, fays^ contrary to 
 the teftimony of Brantome, de Mathieu,. and 
 of all his cotemporaries, That he one day 
 faw Montmorenci write fiK Latin verfes on 
 the bark of a tree, in praife of a lady whom 
 ‘‘ beloved/^ St. Foix confutes this anecdote, 
 which liad already been contradiited by it- 
 felf. 
 
 Note (52.) D'^Elbenne and others^ 
 
 Pierre D’Elbenne,, Abbe de Bellozanne, was 
 a man of a ready wit, of profound learning, and 
 con fa mm ate wifdom : he had been much be- 
 loved by Flenry III. and greatly pleafed 
 Henry IV. who had him always about hfs 
 perfon. (Thuana, p. 33.) But he was carried 
 off in the fecond year of Henry’s reign. He 
 died at the age of forty, in the year 15QO, a 
 faithful fervant both to the king and the ladies. 
 Says L’Etoile, he was very much regretted 
 by this prince, and by his friends : De 
 
 Thou, who was one of the number, com- 
 pofed fome Latin verfes on his death which 
 are expreifive of grief, and full of fenti- 
 ment.” See Memoirs De Thau in 4to. 
 p. 197 and 294. 
 
 Nots 
 
[ i6o } i( 
 
 \ 
 
 Note (53.) The liberty of printing and 
 writings p. 24.— -It is the cuftom in France, 
 that an unknown pen fhould every year pro- 
 pofe fome new thefis in order to amufe other I 
 
 writers by anfwering it, and this entertains 
 the public without any other inconveniences. 
 Mercure frangais, fons Tann. 1607, p. 227, 
 
 &c. 
 
 Note (54.) P. 24. — There ts ftill re- 
 maining one of thefe manufcript memoirs, 
 which were fometimes addrefled to Henry IV. 
 on public affairs. It is for the year 1596, 
 and recals to our memory the famous exam- 
 ples of thofe princes, who like him, after 
 having triumphed over difficulties and dan- 
 gers, had not been able to withftand good for- 
 tune, and gave themfelves up to pleafure ever 
 after. The following line was quoted in it, 
 the author of which is unknown to us . 
 
 Argus avcit cent yeux^ amour les enchanta/^ 
 
 They made him feel the neceffity of being 
 feconded in his glorious enterprifes: and they 
 exhorted him to make choice of an able midif- 
 ter ; they pointed out the marks by which this 
 man might be known, and the year following. 
 
 Sully was at the head of affairs. Difcours 
 intitule : de la Confidence^ manufcrit du 
 
 terns ; Recueil in fob fur Henry IV. piece 
 cotte Qj 
 
 Note (55.) p. 24. — This work is a de- 
 fcripticn of the Ifland of Hermaphrodites, a 
 very cutting fatire on the court of Henry HI. 
 
 which 
 
C ] 
 
 which appeared in 1605. Many of the cour- 
 tiers who were deferibed there in their true 
 colours, complained to the king of the bold- 
 nefs of the author. Henry would fee the 
 work and caufed it to be read to him, and 
 though he found it rather too free and fevere, 
 he contented himfelf with learning the name 
 of the author, but would not allow him to 
 be fought after and punifhed, it was fuiBcient 
 he faid, for thofe who were accufed to corredt 
 themfelves. See Journal de Flenry IV* 
 Tom. II. p. 75 ; and Tom. III. notes, 
 p. 278. This author was Thomas Artur, a 
 fcholar very little known, but who had writ- 
 ten commentaries on the life of Apollonius,, 
 which were much efteemed. And why fhould 
 not Henry forgive an author for telling the 
 truth, who had himfelf fo often pardoned even 
 his own perfonal injuries. We have men- 
 tioned many examples of it, and amonglt 
 others that of the furious libeller Orleans^ 
 the avocat general de la Ligue, whom Henry 
 fet at liberty. The very day he left his con- 
 finement, the king walking in the Thuilleries, 
 permitted Orleans^ who was alfo there, to 
 ialute him as he palTed, and the monarch told 
 him he believed he was an honeft man, and 
 that he would always continue fo. Overcome 
 by fo much goodnefs ; he from that time la- 
 vilhed as many eulogiums upon the king as he 
 formerly had abufes. See Journal de Henri 
 IV. Tom. III. p. 88, note. We muft men- 
 tion an inftance of another kind which will 
 fbow how far the goodnefs of Henry’^s heart, 
 and the extreme lenity of his temper carried 
 
[ i 62 ] 
 
 him. At the hotel de Bourgogne there ws5 
 performed a fort of farce^ very full of plea- 
 fantry, in which the king was charged with 
 an inclination to avarice : he was prefent at 
 the performance, and laughed very much. 
 The financiers, who felt their {hare of the 
 ridicule, did not take it fo well ; and they 
 put the performers into prifon ; but Henry 
 being informed of it, gave them their liberty 
 the fame day, and treated thofe people as fools 
 who were angry at this piece of drollery r 
 I am certainly,’^ faid he, more interefted 
 than they are, but I pardon them with all 
 my heart, and cannot be difpleafed witb 
 people who have diverted me, and made 
 me ready to cry with laughing.’^ Journcit 
 de Henri IV. annee 1607. Lewis XII. was^ 
 equally expofed to the bufFoons of his tiipe : 
 they reprefented him as on a public theafre 
 drinking gold out of a cup v/hrch greatly 
 diverted the fpe6lators : I had much, rather,- 
 
 faid this good prince, fee my courtiers 
 laugh at my parfimony, than to know ipy 
 ‘‘ fubjeds weep at my extravagance.’’ 
 
 Note (56.) Jeannin^ p. 25. — The prefi- 
 dent Jeannin was one of the greateft minifters 
 of his time : and next to Sully was the mpft 
 in Henry the Fourth’s confidence, but we (hall 
 only fpeak of him here as a learned man, and 
 a protedor of letters, to which Jeannin en- 
 tirely owed his fortune, and was alw’’ays proud 
 of it: he continued to cultivate literature, 
 
 and never ceafed to employ his credit, his 
 advice and his purfe for their advancement. 
 
 During 
 
[ ] 
 
 During his embafiy In Holland/^ fays 
 L’Etoile, he fliewed his generpfity towards 
 learned men, and principally at Leyden 
 where Scaliger refufed a purfe of lOOO 
 ‘‘ crowns which he offered him.” Journal 
 de Henri IV. Tom. II. p. 276. It was his 
 cuftom once a year to give a magnificent din- 
 ner, to which all the men of letters who had 
 penfions from the king were invited ; after 
 being very kindly entertained, this great man? 
 entreated them all to continue in the fervice 
 of the king and the public, and then paid 
 them their annuities in ready money. He 
 begged they would not vifit him again, for 
 that time was very prccion^ to people of their 
 profeflion, and that he fhould thinlt himfelf 
 much more obliged to them, if he knew they 
 were in their ftudies, than if he faw them 
 every day at his door. Eloge de Jeannin par 
 Sanmaife ; Rappelle dans les notes de celui de 
 M. Guyton de Morveau, p. 95. When 
 Charron’s Treatife on Wifdom firft appeared,, 
 a great cry was raifed againft this excellent 
 work from all parties : the fale of it was for- 
 bid, and an attempt was made to influence the 
 parliament, the forbonne and the univerfity,. 
 &c. to punifh the author. Jeannin dilGpated 
 the fterm : he convinced them that a produc- 
 tion of this nature w^as not written for com- 
 mon underftandings,. and that it was necelTary 
 to let it have a free circulation ; Not,.” faid 
 he, as a book of devotion, but as a book of 
 ‘‘ politics.” Thus the enlightened firmnefs of 
 this minifter faved France the fhame of having, 
 proferibed this work, and perfecuted its au- 
 thor. 
 
C 164 1 
 
 thor. We have faid, that Jeannin had the 
 defign of writing the life of Henry IV, there 
 is even reafon to believe, by many pafTages in 
 the Prefident’s Letters, that the work was far 
 advanced; but nothing now remains of it ex- 
 cept the preface. This hiftory would have 
 been a moft valuable work, written by a man 
 fo capable of telling the truth, and under a 
 fovereign fo worthy of hearing it. See Pre- 
 face de la vie de Henri le grand, dans les 
 ouvres de Jeannin, in Fol. 1656, p. 742. 
 Some days before his death, Henry pre- 
 paring to fet out for the execution of fome of 
 his great defigns^ faid jokingly to the Prelr- 
 dent, that he was thinking of providing him- 
 felf with a good horfe to follow him in all his 
 cnterprifes. He told Mathieu alfo with the 
 fame air of pleafantry, that he was going to 
 furnifh him with new fubjefts to augment hrs 
 hiftory. The virtuous Jeannin fhall be more 
 particularly noticed in the account of famous 
 men in Henry the Fourth’s reign. 
 
 Note (57.) DeThoti^ p. 26, — The Prell- 
 dentDe Thou was known to Henry IV. long 
 before that prince was king of France: he 
 mentions in his memoirs, that he went to pay 
 his court to him at Nerac in 1581, and that 
 Henry fhewed him his gardens there, and 
 which he himfelf directed, and took pleafure 
 in embellilhing with all the produdlions of 
 nature. Being an eye-witnefs to the misfor- 
 tunes of his country, this magiftrate left Paris 
 after the day the gates were fhut. He was at 
 Venice when he learnt the death of Henry III. 
 
 when 
 
I ifis ] 
 
 when he haftened to pay his duty to his fac-i 
 ceflbr, Henry IV. who being charmed with 
 his learning, as well as his integrity, em- 
 ployed him in the moft difficult affairs. After 
 the death of Amyot, the king trufted De 
 Thou with the care of his library : which 
 equally proved the value he fet upon this pre- 
 cious depolit, and the protedfion he granted 
 to learning. De Thou continued to difcharge 
 his duty as a faithful magiftrate, he negotiated 
 with the Proteftants, and helped to appeafe 
 the troubles of Bretagne : he was one of thofe 
 whom the king chofe to affift in digefting the 
 edidl of Nantz. Yet in the midft of this 
 multiplicity of bufinefs, both public and pri- 
 vate, he found time, for the glory of his 
 country, and the inftruftion of pofterity, to 
 write a hiftory of an age abounding v»^ith re- 
 volutions, and great events. As foon as it 
 was known, that this work was ready for 
 publication, thofe, who feared the voice of 
 truth, did all in their power to fupprefs it. 
 Clamours were raifed on all fides amongfl the 
 nobility, the clergy, and the jefuits, Henry 
 IV. declared himfelf the protedfor of this 
 work. De Thou acknowledges it in that 
 charming epiftle which we have already 
 quoted, in which he fays, it is the king him- 
 fclf who commanded to filence the cries of 
 the fanaticks, the nobility, and the leaguers, 
 and without whom this hiftory v/ould, per- 
 haps, never have feen the light. See Henry 
 the Fourth’s Letter to M. Bethune, his am- 
 baffador at Rome, May the ^.th, 1604, deThou 
 in Fol. Tom. Vil. chap. il. p. 2. In fliort, 
 
 ‘ notwith- 
 
[ ] 
 
 notwithftanding the fmgular prote£lion which 
 Henry afforded this hiftorian, he could not 
 prevent his books being placed in the Index at 
 Rome, by decree of the holy inquifition in 
 the year j 6og : the fame decree which con- 
 demned the fentcnce of the parliament of 
 Paris againft the parricide Jean ChateL De 
 I'hoii as a relaxation from his labours culti- 
 vated poetry; but he only wrote Latin verfes, 
 tranflations of which have been inferted in his 
 memoirs. When Henry IV. difpatched him 
 to the duke de Nevers in 1589, he compofed 
 as he travelled the Ode which begins thus : 
 
 Prince, fur qui PEurope a maintenant les yeux, 
 
 Viens recevoir le prix que la vertu te donne ; 
 
 Viens porter la Couronne . 
 
 “ Que portoient tes ayeux.^’ 
 
 He celebrated the great events of Henry’s 
 reign in his verfes on the battle of Ivry, as he 
 forefaw that this victory would be the fore- 
 runner of peace, and of all the bleffings at- 
 tending it : 
 
 Les poetes alors qui font fous ta pui/Tance, 
 Verront leur front couronne de Lauriers ; 
 Illuilre et noble recompenfe 
 
 Des Chantres du Parnaffe et des fameux guer- 
 Tiers.” 
 
 There arc many beautiful paffages in his 
 poem addreffed to pofterity, of which this is 
 the beginning : 
 
 Toi qu’on nc peut corrompre, equitable avenir, 
 
 Quanchon m’attaquera, daigne me foutenii ; 
 
 “ Pai 
 
f ] 
 
 Pai travaille pour toi, j ’attends ma recompcnfe 
 De ton jugement feul, et de ma confcience; 
 
 Si mon travail te plait, jufte pollerite ? 
 
 Que pourra contre moi le vulgaire entetc ? 
 
 ** Sa jaloufe critique et fes faux tcmoignages 
 Ne fletriront jamais mon nom, ni mes ouvragcs : 
 Un jour viendra fans doute ou Penvie et Perreur 
 Ne lancant plus les traits d’une injulle fureur, 
 
 Ce qu’on blame aujour d’hui trouvera lieu do 
 plaire, 
 
 Et Pon rendra juflice a ma plume fineerc, 
 
 This day has long fince been arrived : thus 
 in the fame manner I. B Roufleau who was 
 perfecuted by his cotemporaries addrefled his 
 beautiful ode to pofterity, and the other 
 Roufleau, ftill more eminent and more unfor- 
 tunate, wrote his dialogues, wherein he trulls 
 his innocence and fame (yet unacknow- 
 ledged; to fucceeding ages, which his writings 
 will amend, relying on futurity for that juHice 
 and praife, which the falfe reputation of his 
 rivals deprived him of, in his own time. 
 
 Note (58.) Matkieu^ p. 28. — Henry the 
 Fourth’s proceedings towards Mathieu were 
 the more generous, as that prince had great 
 reafon to complain of this writer : he had been 
 a fanatic, a leaguer, and was bought by the 
 Houfe of Lorraine, In a truly pitiful tragedy 
 called la Guifiade, or the death of the Guifes, 
 he had abufed the king of Navarre in a moft 
 dreadful manner, and many times called him 
 an apoftate. In the fame pieces he made one 
 of Henry the Third’s confidents fay to him : 
 
 “ Sire, 
 
I 
 
 [ 168 ] 
 
 ** Sire, Ton vous menace, 
 
 ** Que le peuple mettra de Guife en votre place, 
 
 ** Qu’on vous enfermera comme inutile et fot, 
 
 “ En fecond Chilperic, dans un cloitre devot.’’ 
 
 Such in effeft was the projeS, and the aim 
 of the princes of Lorraine’s politics, but 
 Henry IV. having triumphed over them, for- 
 got all their errors and paft faults. Mathieu 
 was introduced to him by Jeannin, who had 
 himfelf been in the league. The king gave 
 him as favourable a reception as if he had not 
 Leen acquainted with his connexions, his 
 abufe, or his verfes, and never after fpoke to 
 him on that fubjeX. From this time he re-' 
 tained this protege of Jeannin, near his per- 
 Ibn, gave him the brevet of hiftoriographer of 
 France, if he fliould furvive du Haillan, and 
 afterwards added to it the title of counfellor of 
 ftate. This noble and uncommon manner of 
 being revenged caufed the laft editors of la 
 Diatribe tragique de Mathieu to fay, It muft 
 be confelTed this prince’s difpofition was 
 truly generous, after the treatment he had 
 received from him, to fufFer Mathieu to 
 approach him, and even to honour him 
 with his favours.” SeeVol. III. Henry IV. 
 Journal lafl: edition. ButHei>ryhad no caufe 
 to repent of his conduX, his goodnefs changed 
 the hearts, as well as the fortunes of moft of 
 the leaguers : Mathieu proved it, if not by un- 
 common talents, at leaft by his zeal and his 
 labours. This fatirical poet, became a labo- 
 rious hiftorian, and his enquiries have not 
 been ufelefs to hi« fucceffors. Befides many 
 
 , other 
 
[ i69 ] 
 
 Other works which he has rather aukwardly 
 put together, we have a hiftory of Henry IV. 
 of his writing, which Perefixe has deftined to 
 oblivion, but in which, neverthelefs, are 
 many particulars not to be met with any where 
 elfe, and alfo a hiftory of France, in two 
 volumes in folio, filled with curious anecdotes 
 of this king’s reign, which alone nearly fills 
 the fecond volume. The author fays in his 
 preface, that he laboured at it for twenty 
 years, by order of Henry, who furnilhed him 
 with the principal materials. His moral verfes 
 are his only poetical works which we re- 
 member, and they are united with thofe of 
 Pi brae : 
 
 “ Lifez moi, comme i! faut, au lieu de ces fornettC!?, 
 Les Quatrains de Plbracet les do<ftes tablettes, 
 Du Confeil er Mathieu ; Pouvrage eft de valeur.*^ 
 
 Moliere* 
 
 Note (59.) Du Halllan^ p. 28. — He was 
 the firft who undertook to unite in a body 
 the annals of the nation ; he had the courage 
 to break through the ufual method of writing 
 in detached pieces, and the art of putting to- 
 gether in a more methodical manner, the fcat- 
 tered fhreds of our old chronicles ; but if he 
 corredled fome of thefe ancient errors, he 
 fuffered a great number to remain : yet that 
 ought not to prevent our doing juftice to his 
 attempts ; ke w^as the only one w'ho could 
 poflibly be read before Mezerai, befides which 
 he always fliewcd himfelf a good citizen, and 
 was very tenacious of his country’s honour. 
 During the heat of the troubles, he remained 
 I faith- 
 
[ 170 ] 
 
 faithful to the king j the day the gates of 
 Varis were (hut, his furniture, his books, and 
 his manuferipts, were all plundered, and him- 
 felf drove out with the reft of the king’s 
 friends, and he did not return to Paris, but 
 with Plenry IV. This prince treated him 
 with much diftineftion. 'Fhe firft marechal 
 de Biron writing to him from the field of the 
 battle of Ivry, an account of that celebatcd 
 day, thus concluded his letter : My dear 
 
 friend, you will foon be near the king, and 
 
 we fhall fee each other more frequently.” 
 In 1594) he dedicated his book, on the ftate 
 and fuccefs of the affairs of France, to this 
 monarch, a work full of bold and uncommon 
 things; he renewed hispromife of continuing 
 b.is hiftory down to Henry the Fourth’s reign, 
 which however he did not execute, for Du 
 Haillan died the fame year with Henry IV. 
 
 Note (6o). Peleus^ p. 29. — See his epijik 
 dedicatory to queen Margaret of Medicis, at 
 the beginning of his Second Volume of the 
 Hiftory of Henry IV. This writer did but 
 ill anfwer the king’s expe<ftations, if he had 
 any merit as a lawyer, he certainly had none 
 as an hiftorian, which Vv^as plainly proved, 
 fince the great name of Henry IV. was not 
 able to fave his hiftory from oblivion. Henry 
 rewarded his good intentions, by giving him 
 the title of hiftoriographer and counfellor of 
 llate. 
 
 Note (61). P. 29 . — The ^^eatejl part of 
 the works were dedicated to him. 
 
 It 
 
C 171 3 
 
 It would be equally tedious and difagreeable 
 to give a lift of thefe works, and more parti- 
 cularly from the year 1598, during the time 
 of the peace, until 1610; every grateful mufe 
 was eager to celebrate that aera, and Henry 
 might without much vanity regard this volun- 
 tary and peaceful homage, as expreflive of the 
 fentiinents of the nation, which after fo many 
 evils began to breathe under his reign ; and 
 after having fo well deferved to be applauded, 
 he might, without blufhing, hear praifes like 
 tliofe which were written under his ftatue, 
 when he made his entry into Metz in 1603, 
 Thefe lines v/ere there written : 
 
 “ Le Roi qui fit pour nous un Monde de Merveilles 
 “ Dont la protedion diflipa nos malheurs, 
 
 Verra vivre a jamais fon nom a nos oreilles. 
 
 Son image a nos yeux, fcs bienfaits a nos coeurs.’* 
 
 In fhort, on his fubjedi poetry and hiftory 
 had but one language. 
 
 Note (62.) Pafquier^ p, 30. — Pafquier's 
 refearches, his letters, and above all his 
 pleadings gained him a great charafter which 
 he has partly preferved until this time. The 
 manners, the laws, the cuftoms, the public 
 rights, and the liberty of the nation, our 
 original prerogatives, our ancient poetry, and 
 even the alteration in the French language, 
 have been the objecft of his enquiries : they « 
 comprehend every part of our ancient confti- 
 tution; w^hich Pafquier has obferved is the 
 true defign of hiftory : he has negledled 
 I 2 all 
 
C -7^ J 
 
 all accounts of battles, quarrels, &c. to give 
 lis a picture of the manners and character of 
 the nation. This work is the moft valuable 
 of his performances, as for his pleadings by 
 which he gained the greateft reputation, they 
 have fhared the fame fate with other writings 
 of that kind ; particular circumftances, the 
 fpirit of party, perfonal diflikes and revenge 
 caufed their great fuccefs, which they never 
 would have gained by their own merit : there 
 is no one at this time v/ho has refolution 
 enough to read them. The caufe againft 
 which Pafquier declared hiinfelf, was at that 
 time eafier attacked than defended, it perhaps 
 is not the fame at prefent. 
 
 His collection of letters in Vol. III. preferve 
 to us a number of curious anecdotes and fadts 
 which deferibe the manners of the age. In 
 the fecond volume of thefe letters from the 
 14th Book to the 20th is a colledtion of bon 
 mots of Henry IV. which the author has writ- 
 ten after the manner of Plutarch. 
 
 Note (63). Satire Menippee^ p. 31. — A 
 number of learned men, beaux efprits, and 
 good friends to their country, enraged at the 
 behaviour of the Leaguers, and the odious 
 means they employed to prevent the people 
 from acknowledging Henry IV. Paflerat, Pi- 
 thou, Florent Chretien, Rapin, the king, &c. 
 ioined in compofing this ingenious perform- 
 ance, known by the name of Satire Menippee^ 
 the beft ever written in our language, before 
 Us Lettres Provinciales. This was an original 
 produdion, where, under the veil of ingenious 
 
 irony, 
 
[ 173 3 
 
 irony, they pleafantly unmafked the ambitious 
 defigns of Spain, the fecret intrigues of the 
 Guifes, and the hypocritical zeal of the 
 Leaguers ; for reafon becomes more poweiful 
 when it takes the form of ridicule, anfwers' 
 much better, and ftrikes more forcibly. The 
 form in which it was written was a happy in- 
 vention, and the execution was admirable. 
 This fatir^ was publiflied in the middle of the 
 winter of 1593, and as foon as it appeared, it 
 reconciled all the well-meaning of both par- 
 ties. Its fuccefs was prodigious, and it went 
 through three editions in three weeks. 7 'he 
 eyes of the nation were opened, and fome 
 months afterwards the gates of Paris were alfo 
 opened to Henry IV. amidft the acclamations 
 of all the inhabitants. The Satire Mcnippee 
 was thus called from Menippus, a cynic phi- 
 lofopher, who was famous for the fire and 
 energy of his fatires. Varron among the 
 Romans, publifhed a colleilion of writings of 
 the fame kind, to which he gave the title of 
 Satyres Menippea y and it was with that name 
 the philofophers of thofe times chofe to tear 
 off the mafks which the Leaguers had fo long 
 worn. 
 
 Note (64). The king^s library^ p. 
 Charles V. furnamed the Wife, that is to fay, 
 the Learned, was the founder of this royal 
 library ; and it was regarded as a prodigy, 
 that this prince fhould have been able to col- 
 le<£i: nine hundred volumes. It increafed very 
 fl owly in the fucceeding reigns; but on the 
 revival of letters under Francis L that friend 
 1 3 to 
 
f *74 3 ] 
 
 f 
 
 fo the arts enriched his library with all the \ 
 Greek manuferipts he could get, which he \ 
 
 caufed to be procured for him at great cx- 
 pence from the Eaft. But this treafure was 
 far from receiving any additions under his 
 grandfon, and, fcarceiy yet completed, it was 
 alnioft entirely diffipated by the avarice and J 
 
 wantonnefs of the Leaguers ; for during the I 
 
 civil difeords, every body appropriated a part 
 to themfelves, and all contended for this pre- ^ 
 
 cious booty. At length Henry iV. deftined 
 to heal all the wcunds of Phante, having en- 
 tered the capital, gathered together the feat- \\ 
 
 tered remains, and added to it new treafures* j 
 
 'Fo the library of his anceftors he added the ! 
 
 remains of that of the Valois. The Cardinal J 
 
 of Bourbon pretended that this belonged to 
 hfm, and that Henry III. had given it to him t 
 but the king told him, it belonged to the 
 crown, and could neither be fold nor given 
 away; that he had officers, and fliould take 
 better care of it than he would do; and 
 befides, that he being an archbifhop and a ; 
 
 cardinal, he was rich enough to buy ano- < 
 
 thcr.'’^ One of the greateft inconveniences 
 attending this library was, its not being with- 
 in the reach of men of letters; it had been 
 before this time at Blois, at P'ontainebleaUj 
 &c. and it may be faid it ufually travelled \ 
 
 part of the king’s equipage. Henry wifhed to 
 fix it in the capital, and trufted it in the care 
 of the Jefuits and Cordeliers fucceffivcly, till 
 lie could provide a place more worthy to re- 
 ceive it, which, as we have already faid, he 
 had determined fhould be in the middle of the 
 
 Royal 
 
[ 175 ] 
 
 Royal College, as the centre of k.^rning. 
 He let no opportunity elcape of augmenting^ 
 this collection, which became every day more 
 ufeful, Catherine de Medicis had left a 
 library particularly rich in Greek manu- 
 feripts, which were extremely valuable ; it 
 was a divifion of the famous library of the 
 family of Medicis. All thefe books had been 
 feized by this queen’s creditors; Henry had 
 them appraifed by the brothers Pithou, and 
 paid the full value of them to the creditors, 
 and added them to his library, from which he 
 declared they never fhould be feparated. “ We 
 have fixed a value upon thefe books,” 
 fiiid the learned commifiioners, although 
 they cannot be fuiSciently efteemed, bc- 
 caufe they arc fo good and fo fcarce, 
 that they are not to be met with any 
 where elfe; befides, that a great number 
 of them were never before printed : and 
 ‘‘ the faid books, which are originals, and 
 not copies, are worthy to be preferved in 
 the kingdom, for the life of pofterity, for 
 the prefervati-on of learning, and the honour 
 of France, as well as the impofiibility of 
 collecling a library of equal value, in any 
 country, or at any price.” Thefe manu- 
 feripts are kill the moft valuable of this lite- 
 rary treafure. De Thou, keeper of this 
 library, had thofe new bound which had fuf- 
 fered the moft from time, fo that the greateft 
 number of the books which compofe this 
 royal library are bound in red Morocco, v/itli 
 the kii g’s cypher at the four corners, thus: 
 “ H. IIJL” and in the middle are either the 
 1 4 arn\s 
 
[ 176 ] 
 
 arms oF France, or this motto : Henrici IlIL 
 
 Pair is Patria virtuium rejiitiitorts ^ See 
 
 the memorandum at the beginning of the firfl 
 volume of the catalogue of printed books in 
 the king’s library; Traite des plus belles 
 Bibliothcques, au 7 vol. de De 7 'hou, in fol. 
 a la fin, p. 57, & 88 ; meme vol. Thuana, 
 p. 200; & TEflai Hiftorique, de M le Prince, 
 
 P- 3I’ 33’ 37’. & 264. 
 
 We have faid, that Henry IV, fent as far 
 as Morocco in fearch of Arabian manuferipts ; 
 the learned Etienne Hubert, profeflbr of that 
 language, and afterv/ards the king’s phyfician, 
 was charged with this honourable conimiffion, 
 bearing the title of the king’s agent ; but not 
 fatisfied with his firft difeoveries, Henry IV. 
 lent him a fecond time into Spain, to collebl: 
 all the beft phyfical books compofed by the 
 Arabians, or written in their language, and 
 to converfe with thofe of that nation who in- 
 habited the kingdom of Valentia. The Ara- 
 bians were at that time held in the greateft 
 efteem ; they had been the reftorers of medi- 
 cine in Europe : the Averrocs and the Avi- 
 cennes were the oracles of this conjectural 
 fcience. Hubert formed the plan of a college 
 of phyficians in France, who learned from 
 him the language and the fecrets of thofe 
 matters in the art; and they made fuch great 
 progrefs, that they have long had no reafon to 
 envy the Arabians. See Mem. fur le College 
 Koyal, in 4to Part III. p. 96, 
 
 Note (65). The Reform of the Univerfty of 
 Paris^ p. 36. — See the account of this re- 
 formation. 
 
[ 177 ] 
 
 formation, and of the ftatutes which were 
 given by Henry IV, in his hiftory, written by 
 Crevier, V^ol. VII. from p. 6o, to the end. 
 Thofe authors who wrote in the happy ages 
 of Rome and Athens were alone recom- 
 mended. They banifhed from their clallical 
 ftudies all fchool divinity, as well as the re- 
 mains of ancient rufticity, &c, &c. Many 
 abufes were put a ftop to, all excefTes and 
 riots among the fcholars forbid, which having 
 got to a great height, it was looked upon as a 
 very bold undertaking to reprefs them ; which 
 occafioned later hidorians to fay, that Henry 
 was the firft who had the courage to give 
 laws to the univerfity. Hid. of Paris, in 8vo. 
 Vol. I. p. 34. They banifhed from this place 
 of learning all thofe who profjfTed any arts 
 which were likely to divert young perfons 
 from their ftudies, or to corrupt their morals; 
 all rnuficians, dancers, buffoons, &c. The 
 law, or rather the ancient cuftom was abo- 
 lifhed, which obliged the profeffors to a life, 
 of celibacy, a relic of thofe uncivilifed times, 
 when none but churchmen were able to read ; 
 and that fhameful cuftom of purchafing places 
 by intrigue or intereft, which ought to have 
 been given to merit, was alfo forbidden. The 
 ftatutes which included every obje£l of ftudy 
 ordifeipline were regiftered in the Parliament 
 of 1600, where, after the Prefident De Thou 
 had explained his majefty’s intentions, who 
 “ wifhes,” fays he, once more to make the 
 univerfity of Paris flourifh, as being the 
 moft ancient academy of the kingdom, 
 deftined to inftrmft his fubjeffs in law, 
 I 5 fciences, 
 
/ 
 
 [ ] 
 
 fclences, and religion, on which chiefiy 
 “ depended the dignity of the ftate, and the 
 “ happinefs of the people.” Four cenfors 
 were appointed, to fee that the regulations 
 were ftriflly attended to. 
 
 Note (66.) yefuits de la Flechc^ p. 36.— 
 H:nry IV, having conceived a defign of draw- 
 ing the French nobility from that ignorance 
 in which they had fo long remained, gave the 
 Jefuits, in 1603, the houfe of La Flechc, 
 where the king of Navarre his father was 
 married, for a college, and paid the penfions 
 of a great many young gentlemen, who were 
 inftru6led there in all kinds of exercifes. In 
 1609, thefe fathers obtained of the king an 
 hundred thoufand crowns, in order to enlarge 
 the building, and increafe the number of 
 fcholars. Sully, who difliked the Jefuits, 
 made objeflions to granting them this fum ; 
 but the king infilled his orders fhoiild be 
 obeyed. This monarch condefeended to em- 
 ploy himfelf in rendering the elfablilhment 
 more ufeful and conformable to his inten- 
 tions, Vvlien he had re-eftablilhed the Je- 
 fuits, they were accufed before the king with 
 having drawn to themifelves all the fine feho- 
 Jars of the age; and for this very reafon,” 
 faid the king, “do 1 efleem them.” At the 
 death of this monarch, they had thirty-five 
 colleges in France, which were wholly fup- 
 ported by his liberality and magnificence. 
 He h: d even procured them the libefty of 
 building a college at Conllantinople. Voy, 
 Chronologic Septenaire, 1604. Henri IV. 
 
 Journ, 
 
[ 179 1 
 
 Tuurn. 1609. Mercure Francois, Vol. I* 
 p- 484. & Vol. II. p. 170. Sully's Memoirs, 
 1606, Vol, III. p. 68, 69. Efiais fur les Hon- 
 neiirs Litteraircs, p* 365, & 367. Coinpte 
 rendu des Compte rendus, Tom. II* p. 3995- 
 & 404, 
 
 Note (67). Royal College^ p. 37. — Francis I. 
 founded the Royal College in 1530 ; that is, 
 he eftablifhed twelve profeffors to teach the 
 learned and oriental languages, as alfo mathe- 
 matics, philofophy, and oratory; but he did 
 not affign them any fixed place in which to 
 keep their fchool. During the reign of 
 Henry II. their lefibns were given in the 
 colleges of Cambray- and Treguyer. Not- 
 withftanding Charles IX. has been fo much 
 talked of for his love of letters, he never did 
 any thing to promote them. The profeffors 
 v/ere obliged to wander about, and give their 
 leiTons even in the ffrects, and v/ere very ill 
 paid thofe rewards which were due to their 
 iseal. Religious wars came fuddenly upon 
 them, which was fucceeded by the fatal day 
 of St. Bartholomew! — Terrified with t’ftis 
 fhocking affair, both fcholars and profefibrs 
 fled away, and out of five hundred, onl^ 
 fifty remained ; and during the diftiirbance^ 
 of the League, it v/as totally deferted : the 
 fohools were either fhut up, or ufed as 
 ftables. The triumphant Henry re-eftabliflicd 
 order in every place. The profeffors again 
 opened their fchools ; and to the former ones 
 he added a new one on anatomy, a ftudy 
 which in the reigh of Francis I. was efteemeTi 
 16 facrilege, 
 
[ i8o ] 
 
 facrilege, as alfo another on botany, and efta- 
 blifhed a phyfic garden at Monpellier, which 
 was the firft ever feen in France, but has fince 
 ferved as a model to many others. In fhort, 
 he conceived adefign, as we have before men- 
 tioned, of building a royal college where thofe 
 of Cambray and Treguyer ftood ; but it was 
 fcarcely begun, when death put an end to all 
 his fchemes. Yet it did not appear to be 
 wholly abandoned, and the workmen went 
 on, though as flowly as poffible. One part 
 of the building, which was put a flop to in 
 1634, continued unfiniflied until our time, 
 when it has been completed, and an edifice 
 built which is more worthy to contain men 
 of letters, and to do credit to thofe kings w'ho 
 protect them. Voy. THift. du College Royal, 
 par M. TAbbe Goujet, i Vol. in 4to. ou 
 3 Vol. in i2mo. & note fur le Journal de 
 Hen. IV, nouv. edit. Tom. 111 . p. 55c. 
 
 Note (68.) Tedious Speakers^ p. 39. — 
 Henry detefted long fpeeches ; his lively and 
 noble mind ill accorded with thofe common 
 vuJgar panegyrics, thofe unmeaning cxpref- 
 fions, lo learnedly tedious, in which all the 
 eloquence of thole' pretended Ciceros of that 
 age confifted, and of which one proof will be 
 lufficient A province which had joined 
 in the League, deputed one of thefe tire* 
 feme fpeech-makers to addrefs Henry j but 
 being much ernbarralTed by his long fentences 
 and his high-flown praifes, out of which he 
 found it difficult to extricate himfelf, the 
 king faid to him> ^‘1 underftand your mean- 
 
C *8i 3 
 
 ing; you would wdfli to tell me, that the 
 province belongs to me, and not to the 
 ‘‘ duke of Savoy.” 
 
 Note (69). Fauchet^ p. 40. — The ad- 
 venture which we have already mentioned 
 happened at St. Germain, where the king was 
 employed in building. Fauchet going thi- 
 ther to folicit him for a penfion, found him 
 in the garden, looking at the workmen em- 
 ployed in finifliing a ftatue of Neptune, to 
 ornament a bafon. One of them was at that 
 time forming the beard of the god ; as Toon as 
 the king perceived Fauchet, who always wore 
 a long one, There,” faid he to the fculptor, 
 is the exadt pattern of the beard we want.” 
 The principal work of Fauchet^s was the 
 tiqiiites Qauloifes Fran^oifes^ which is very 
 learned, but lo badly digefted, that the author 
 is frequently unintelligible; and it was this 
 book which gave Lewis XIII. a diflike to 
 reading: and fo far it may be faid, that a 
 great book is a great evil. Voy. Niceron, 
 Tom. XXV. Tablettes des Rois de France, 
 Tom. III. p. 28, 29, &c. 
 
 Note (70 j. P. 40. — The manner in which 
 Henry received the maker of anagrams, and 
 the taylor who wanted to form nev/ laws, &c. 
 recalls to our mind a converfation this king 
 held with a counfellor, who came to the 
 queen, to prefent her with a panegyric on the 
 Virgin Mary: 
 
 Henry, How many caufes have you 
 pleaded? 
 
 Counfellor^ 
 
[ ] 
 
 Coiinfellor. Five,. Sire.. 
 
 Henry, How many. of tfiem did you gain? 
 Counfelkr, Only two, Sire/^ 
 
 7 'he king then looking at Madame de 
 Guife, Coufin,” faid he, I will give you 
 this man for your counfellor/’ — I am 
 much obliged to your majefty,.” replied (he, 
 but fince he has only gained two caufes 
 “ out of five, he will not do for my bufi- 
 ‘‘ nefs.” — Ventre Saint Gris,’’ faid the 
 king, ‘‘ you mull not fay fo ; for as he is noW' 
 become the Holy Virgin’s counfellor, h^ 
 muft in tuture be fuccefsful in all his 
 caufes.” Every body laughed much at 
 this remark, except the poor counfellor him- 
 felf, who was never again tempted to write. 
 Voy. I’Etoile, Tom.. II. p. 300. 
 
 Note (71.) P. 41. — ^Theodore de Beze,. 
 at the age of eighty, came to fee Henry, who 
 was then befieging the fort of St. Catherine,, 
 near Geneva, he was received with many marks 
 of kindnefs, and the king even prefented him 
 with five hundred crowns to teftify his 
 efteem for this venerable old man, vjJocm 
 he might juJHy honour ivith the title of Fa^ 
 iher, De Thou livre 125 cite par, Teiffier 
 addition a fes eloges Tom. II. p. 367 and 
 368 Voy. auffi Memoirs de Sully Tom. I. 
 
 P-4Q9* 
 
 We have obferved that this event happened 
 in iboo,and that then Henry was become a ca- 
 tholic, and that it was no longer the chief of a 
 feit whom he honoured in Theodore de Beze, 
 
 but 
 
[ ] 
 
 but a man of merit long celebrated for his 
 graces and underftanding, which qualites are 
 more confpicuous in his Latin poems which he 
 entitled Juvmilia^ and which are well known 
 to all men of letters. They are to be found 
 in the nineteenth volume of the fine collec- 
 tion of Barbou. 
 
 Note (72.) P. 42. — This Rhimer, who 
 was faid to be a pupil of Malherbe’s as if 
 poets could teach their art like mechanics, was 
 Porcheres d’Arbaud, a provincial. The fon- 
 net which w^as afcribed to him, and w^hich was 
 lb nobly paid for, begins wdth thefe lines : 
 
 Cc ne font pas des yeux ce font plutot des dieux, 
 ‘‘ Ils ont deffus Ics Rois la puifTance abfolue, &c.’’ 
 
 He alfo compofcd another on the beautiful 
 
 Gabrielle’s hair, wdiich he addrefles thus; 
 
 \ 
 
 “ DouxChainons de mon prince agreables fupplices 
 “ Blonds Cheveux,” &c. 
 
 The curious may find thefe verfes, in an 
 old collebiion called MufesFrancoifes, Fol. 61, 
 and p. 286, and anecdotes des Reenes and des 
 Maitrell'es. Tom. VI. p. 66 and 68. This 
 Porcheres lived long enough to be a member 
 of the French Academy. 
 
 Note (73.) Henry the FourtVs Letters^ 
 p. 46.— The note w’hich ought to be in this 
 place, will be feen at the end of the book, 
 where we propofe to make a collection of 
 Henry the Fourth’s letters. 
 
 Note 
 
C 184 ] 
 
 Note (74.^ P- 40.™This valuable letter 
 for thofe who love hiftory, and which unveiis 
 mifteries of which we fnall perhaps fpake here- 
 after is taken from the original manufeript of 
 la Roeque Garde du corps of Henry IV. and 
 an eyewitnefs of the principal events of his 
 life, particularly, when he was king of Na- 
 varre. 
 
 Note (75* ) Henry the FeurtV s Speeches j 
 p. 58. — 1 hat which we have already related is 
 the fineft he ever fpoke, but not the only one 
 which deferves to be recorded. Thofe to the 
 clergy, to the parliament, and to his people 
 are chef d’ouvres of fenfe as wel^as monuments 
 of his grea t goodnefs, every word conveys a 
 meaning. They are not ftudied difeourfes, 
 but made extempore without any previous 
 thought. It were circumftances at the very 
 moment which gave proofs of the readinefs of 
 his wit and judgment, as well as of the fenfibi- 
 lity of his heart, and in this confifted the whole 
 of his eloquence. His fpeeches were very 
 feldom written, but collected by his auditors, 
 tradition alone has tranfmitted them to pofte- 
 rity, for which reafon there will doubtlefs be 
 fome fmall variations. During the fecond fiege 
 of Paris, in 1690, the cardinal de Gonde, 
 and the archbifhop of Lyons, came to him 
 deputed by the Leaguers to demand a truce : 
 I am no diffembler,” faid he to them, 
 what my heart didtates I fay frankly and 
 fincerely. I fhould be to blame to tell you 
 “ 1 do not wifh for a general peace, for it is my 
 earneft deftre* To gain a battle 1 would 
 
 “ give 
 
[ 185 ] 
 
 give one of my fingers, but to bring about 
 a peace I would give two. As to my city 
 ‘‘ of Paris I regard it as my firft born child, 
 I am jealous for its happinefs, I willbeftow 
 more favours on it, and fliew it more mercy 
 than it even can demand, but I would have 
 it fenfible of my clemency, and know that 
 it is obliged to me for it, and not to the 
 duke De Mayenne, or to the Spanifli king; 
 Had they procured peace for it, or the fa- 
 vours I am ready to grant, then would it be 
 obliged to them, and be to them indebted 
 for that kindnefs which it now owes to me, 
 and would regard them, and not me as 
 their deliverers, which I fhall not allow. It 
 ‘‘ is too prejudicial to the city of Paris to 
 defer capitulating any longer. There are 
 already fo many people dead with hunger, 
 that in eight or ten days, more than as many 
 thoufands may follow, which would be 
 dreadful indeed ! 1 am the true parent of 
 my people, and like the real mother in 
 the judgement of Solomon had much 
 rather have no city of Paris, than that it 
 fhould be ruined and defolated by the death 
 of fo many of its inhabitants. The Lea- 
 guers are not of this opinion. They care 
 not how Paris is torn to pieces, provided 
 they have a part of it ; but then they are 
 Spaniards or at lead are Spaniardifed. 
 You, Monfieur Cardinal, ought to have 
 pity on them, they are your flock, for the 
 fmallefl: drop of whofe blood you are an- 
 fwerable to God. And you alfo, Monfieur 
 de Lyon, who are the primate of all bi- 
 
 . fhops 
 
[ i86 ] 
 
 ftiops, I do not pretend to be a good theolo- 
 gift, but I know fiifEeient to tell you, that 
 God does not underftand your treating the 
 poor people committed to your care in fucb 
 a manner, in order to pleafe the king of 
 Spain, Bernardiiie Mendozza and Monfieur 
 le Legate, You will have your feet well- 
 warmed for it in the other world. And 
 how can you expecl to convert me to your 
 religion when you take fo little care of the 
 lives and falvation of your flock : it is- 
 giving me a very bad fpecimen of your 
 piety, and by which I fhould ill edify. 
 Voy. Tom. I. de la Satire Menippee Notes^. 
 p. 450, & fuiv. At the conclulion of the 
 peace the clergy fent deputies to Henry to give 
 him an account, unfortunately too faithful a 
 one, of the diforders which reigned in the 
 church. I acknowledge,^^ anfwered he, 
 that what you tel! me is true, but I am not 
 the author of thefe evils, they were intro- 
 duced before mv arrival. During the war 
 I ran where the flames were hotteft, in or- 
 der to ftifle them, now that we are at peace,. 
 I will aft as the time of peace requires. 
 I know that juftice and: religion are the 
 pillars. and foundation of the kingdom, and 
 ‘‘ were they totally abolifhed, I would endea- 
 vour to reftore them, but it muft be by 
 degrees as I do other things, by God’s 
 afiiftance I will do it in fuch a manner 
 “ that the church lhall be in the fame 
 fituation as it was in the time of Lewis XII. 
 but it is neceflary by your good examples 
 to repair what bad ones have deftroyed, 
 
 ‘‘ and 
 
[ IS? 1 
 
 and that vigilance fhould recover what ne- 
 gledl has loft. You have exhorted me to 
 my duty, I requeft you to do yours, let 
 us each do our parts, you take one road, I 
 another, if we meet fo much the better- 
 My predeceflTors have given you magnificent 
 fpeeches, and I, without any ornament, 
 will give you good deeds, I am all grey 
 ‘‘ without, but all gold within.’^ Mercure 
 France, ann. 1598, Bury Tom. III. p. 13J 
 and 134, Perefixe, p. 243, 244, avec quelque 
 difterences ; Journal de Henri IV. Tom. II. 
 and Bibliotheque du Roy, Vol. 407. des 
 Manufcrits de Du Puy. When the parlia- 
 ment came to remonftrate v/ith him on the 
 edidi of Nants, he thus anfwered them. 
 Gentlemen, you find me in my cabinet,, 
 where I fhall talk to you, not like my pre- 
 deceflbrs in royal robes, nor like a prince 
 receiving his ambafladors, but in a plain 
 drefs like the father of a family when he is 
 converfing freely with bis children. Wherr 
 my fubjeSs give me good advice I take it 
 kindly, and follow it, and when I find theit 
 opinions better than my own I very wil- 
 lingly give up mine. There is notone of 
 “ you to whom I would not readily liften,. 
 were you to come and fay, Sire^fuch an a 5 i of 
 yours is contrary to all reafon. There muft 
 no longer be any diftindlion made between- 
 Catholics and Hugonots, it is neceflary 
 they fhould all be good fubje6ts, and that 
 the Catholics fhould by their good exam-- 
 pie convert the Hugonots, I am a fhepherd 
 who will take care not to fpill the blood 
 
 ‘‘ my 
 
[ i88 ] 
 
 my fheep, but endeavour by mildnefs to 
 colledl them together, &c. We 
 
 have not given the whole of this excellent 
 Ipeech on account of its great length, it will 
 be found in Mathieu, Hiftoire des fept annees 
 de paix du regne de Hen. IV. 7 'om. 1 . p. 210^ 
 & fuiv. & dans Bury, Tom. III. p. 1615 
 166. We are in pofleflion of a manufcript of 
 the times, a Volume in Folio, Part I. w'herc 
 there are fome.eonfiderable variations. 
 
 Note (76.) The qiieen^ Elizabeth^ wrote 
 to him^ p. 61.— This is the conclufion of 
 one of her letters : I promifed myfelf the 
 
 ‘‘ happinefs and pleafure of embracing you 
 “ as being your faithful and loyal filler and 
 ally, and you my mod dear brother whom 
 I love and honour more than any thing in 
 ‘‘ the world, whofe incomparable virtues I 
 admire, and above all your valour in arms, 
 and your politenefs and courtefy to the 
 ‘‘ ladies, &c, &c.’^ Voy. Sally’s Memoirs 
 in FoJ. Tom. II. p. 16. Voy. auffi dans le 
 recueil de Boderie, the letter in which Henry 
 IV. fays, that Elizabeth had chofen him as 
 her chevalier. This queen wrote to him after 
 the battle of Aumale to entreat he would pay 
 more regard to his perfonai fafety. Bury, 
 Tom. II. p. 149, 
 
 Note (77O P. 70. — The fame of his 
 valour fpread even to the call. There is an 
 undoubted proof of this in a letter from the 
 grand Seignior, v/hich we think curious. 
 
 Amurath, 
 
€C 
 
 [ 189 ] 
 
 Amarath, by the grace of God, great 
 emperor of Conftantinople, &c. &c. 
 
 To thee, Henry king of Navarre, fprung 
 from the invincible race of Bourbon, I wifh 
 health and long life, on account of thy great 
 clemency and mercy, and thy being left at fo 
 early an age by thine anceftors^ The fame 
 of thy greatnefs, and the magnanimity of 
 thy valour has reached even to this place, 
 as alfo that Don Philip of the Houfe of 
 Auftria, openly favouring thine enemies, 
 endeavours to deprive thee of thy lawful 
 fucceflion to the kingdom of P'rance, which 
 is in alliance with us, notwithftanding thy 
 diflike to the worfliip of idols, &c. &Gj; If 
 it is agreeable to thee I will difpatch two 
 hundred fail of {hips, to land at the port of 
 Aiguefmortes, with as much expedition as 
 the cafe requires.” This letter tranflated 
 from the Greek, by a writer at that time, ftill 
 remains in the king’s library. Vol. 9037, 
 Fol. 22, des manufcrit de Bethune, Henry 
 did not accept of Amurath’s offer, but in 
 1604, he made an honourable treaty of alliance 
 with the Sultan Achmet his fucceffor, which 
 was very advantageous to commerce ; it v/as 
 there fettled, that all the nations in Europe, 
 the Englifh included, might trade freely in 
 the fea ports of the Levant, under the pro- 
 tedlion and the colours of France. This 
 treaty was more remarkable,” fays Le P, 
 Henault, for being printed in the Turkifh 
 and French languages, at the office for 
 printing thg Arabian, Turkifh, and Per- 
 
 “ fian 
 
[ 190 ] 
 
 fian languages, which plainly proves, that 
 there was at that time, Arabian and other 
 oriental charaflers, even before the Poly- 
 glotte Bible of Le Jay.’^ Abrege Chrono- 
 logique fous Pannee 1604, 
 
 Note (78). At the tables of his friends^ 
 ■whom he loved to Jiirprife^ p. 74. — Liberty and 
 gaiety were the life of thefe repafts, but it 
 was Sully in particular, whom he fo much 
 liked to furprife at the Arfenal ; one day, 
 among many others, they were fo chcarfu), 
 and Henry experienced fo much pleafure in 
 thefe familiar and friendly converfations, that 
 he £aid to Sully, ‘‘ Come to me and embrace 
 ‘‘ rti'e, for I love you equal to yo.ir merits, 
 ‘‘ and find myfelf fo happy here that I (hail 
 fiay to fupper, and fleep here, and fhall not 
 go to the Louvre to day/’ The next day, 
 after tranfa£ling bufinefs WMth Sully alone in 
 his cabinet, they came and rejoined his cour- 
 tiers, but dinner not being ready, they con- 
 verfcd on difTerent fubjeils, both ferious and 
 lively ; at length the converfation fell on great 
 men, and the qualities by w^hich they gained 
 that title, every one gave their opinion. 
 Henry addreffing himfelf to Sully, afked him 
 which of thefe celebrated men he would wiih 
 him moft to refemble ? Sully then run over a 
 lift of the ancients, took a review of all the 
 princes, who were famous in hiftory, came 
 afterwards to the kings of France and their 
 cotemporaries, compared them together, drew 
 their pictures with rapidity, and afligned to 
 each their good and bad qualities : And 
 
 ‘‘ now, 
 
C >91 ] 
 
 now, Sire,” faid he, I leave you to de- 
 termine which of'thefe great princes you 
 would like beft to refemble, to fet the bad 
 and the good together, and fee whether you 
 would lofe any thing by it, you have moft 
 undoubtedly furpaffed them in many par- 
 ticulars.” In order to do this properly,” 
 faid the king, I muft confider with more 
 attention all you have faid of each perfon, 
 both good and bad, but as dinner is ready we 
 have not time for it. It muft be deferred to 
 another opportunity, and I defire you will 
 have it drawn up in writing, and I will 
 then tell you what 1 think of that and 
 your laft words, which you only added,” 
 faid the prince, jokingly, in order that I 
 might find you entertainment the more ex- 
 cellent.” This converfaticn lafted all 
 dinner time, after which Sully confeflTed to 
 the king that two days before he had by chance 
 again read over the extradfs he had formerly 
 taken of the lives of thefe great men, and 
 that it was owing to this circurnftance he was 
 indebted for the learning he had juft made a 
 difplay of. This converfation he wTote down 
 and gave to the king, it is now to be found in 
 the memoirs of this great minifter, Voy. cet 
 Ecrit au Tom. III. p, 282-290, et TExtrait 
 qu’en a fait M. de Bury, premiere page, de 
 fa Comparaifon de Henri IV. avec Philippe 
 de Macedoine, 
 
 Note (79). P. 76. — This-is not the firft 
 time that two great men have been mentioned 
 
 together. 
 
C 192 ] 
 
 together, undoubtedly Henry IV, was in every 
 rti'peSt worthy to be taken as a model, and 
 this prince Henry has given more than one 
 proof of his love and veneration for his patron. 
 One day coming to vifit Ivry^ where the fa- 
 mous battle was fought, this great general was 
 bufied in reflefting on that celebrated day, 
 when a young Ihepherdefs of Jnet came up 
 to him, unperceived, to place a crown of 
 laurels on his head. The prince immediately 
 took it olF again, and put it on the pedeftal 
 of the pyramid erefted to the memory of 
 Henry IV. Mercure du 20th of Novembre, 
 1784. 
 
 Note (80.) Henry IV. began to write 
 memoirs of his Ufe^ p. 80. — The teftimony of 
 Cafaubon is fufficient, but Titon du Tellet, 
 in his Eflays on literary honours, p. 416, 
 alfo mentions the memoirs written by Henry 
 IV. which, he fays, are preferved in the 
 king’s library, and thefe are traditions, which 
 are credited even in thefe days : and the au- 
 thor of d'Orphanis^ who has defcribed the 
 tender paffion in fuch fweet language, in the 
 Heroide de Gabrielle d'EJirees to Henry IV. ex- 
 prelTes himfelf thus, in one of his notes on 
 this piece : It is not publicly known that 
 
 Henry IV. followed Casfar’s example, and 
 “ wrote commentaries on the campaigns he 
 had made, but they were never finifhed. 
 ‘‘ I have been alTured, that this manufeript 
 “ found at his death amongft his other papers, 
 i$ actually in the king’s cabinet,” M, Blin 
 
C m ] 
 
 de Sainmore had this anecdote from one of 
 Voltaire’s friends. 
 
 Note (8i.) His mother^ ftjier^ hfc* made 
 verj'cs^ p. 8o. — Knowledge, fenfe, and a tafte 
 for poetry, Henry inherited from his mother’s 
 family, both fhe and her fitter wrote verfes, 
 and fpoke Latin, and his grandmother was 
 the famous queen of Navarre, Margaret de 
 Valois, fitter to Francis I. who has rendered 
 herfelf immortal by her poems and her taleSo 
 It has been obferved, that (he was the firft 
 French woman who cultivated letters with 
 fuccefs. Every body has heard of the queen 
 of Navarre’s tales, written in imitation of 
 Bocace, and her poems were printed in 1547, 
 under the title of Marguerites de la Marguerite 
 des prince£es<i tres Illujire Royne de Navarre, 
 Thefe poems are very little known, and much 
 lefs read than the tales. Margaret of Valois, 
 according to the fafhion of the times, was 
 called the tenth mufe and the fourth grace, 
 but what was more Arrange and redounded 
 more to her honour, flie really deferved thefe 
 titles. She had at her court three Englifii 
 ladies of the name of Seymour, who were 
 all fitters, and of extraordinary beauty, who 
 alfo made verfes. They were called the three 
 Englifli graces. Voy, fur la Reine de Na- 
 varre, De Thou, annee 154^, fon art. dans 
 Bayle ; le Vol. II. du parnalfe des dames; 
 Melanges tires d’unegrande Bibliotheque, &c. 
 As to Jane d’Albret her daughter, fihe had for 
 many years been inAru£ted by Nicholas 
 Bourbon, who was her preceptor, and one of 
 K the 
 
C 194 3 
 
 iht moft learned men of the age, but her 
 poems were never colledled together, and are 
 only to be found mixed with thofe of Joachim 
 du Bellay, who having congratulated her on 
 the birth of the duke de Beaumont, afterwards 
 Henry IV. Jane d’Albret anfwered him in 
 verfe : fhe alfo wrote verfes for the beautiful 
 Limeuil^ and we learn from a cotemporary writer 
 that this great princefs, Royne d'un bd Efprity 
 had wrote lamentations both in profe and 
 verfe, on princes being purfued even to 
 their deaths, and obliged to fly with their in- 
 fants in the cradle. In fhort, this royal mufe 
 compofed many poems which may be found in 
 modern compilations. She was a friend to 
 all the arts, and going one day to fee the fa- 
 mous printing houfe of Robert Etienne in 
 1 566, fhe made extempore the following lines : 
 
 Art finguller, d’lci aux derniers ans, 
 
 Reprefentez aux enfans de ma race, 
 
 «« Que j’ai fuivi des craignans Dieu la trace, 
 
 Afin qu’jis foient les memes pas fuivans/^ 
 
 Voy. recueil despoefiesde Joachim du Bellay, 
 Tom. II. Fol. 44, Vol. 45, 46 and 47, and 
 Livre VI. p. 32. Recreations Hiftoriques, 
 Tom. I. p. 283, et fuiv. Anecdotes des 
 Reines, Tom. IV. p 444. EflTais fur les 
 honneurs Litteraires, p. 368. Hommes II- 
 luftres de Sainte Marthe, p. 71 & 72. 
 
 Catherine of Bourbon, filler to Henry IV, ^ 
 followed the Heps of her mother and grand- 
 mother ; when very young fhe played finely 
 on the lute, and fhe fung flill better, and alfo 
 
 made 
 
[ *95 ] 
 
 made pleafing verfes Never was a princefs 
 fo often difappointed in marriage, however 
 flie confoled herfelf, and repeated with gaiety 
 thefe words : 
 
 Grata fuperveniet qua non fperahitur hora^ 
 
 This hour did come, and was the end of 
 her happinefs. She endeavoured to chace 
 away her gloom, by an intercourfe with the 
 mufes, but from that time her verfes were all 
 of a religious turn, and partook rather too 
 much of the melancholy ftate of her mind, 
 although they were neither deficient in har- 
 mony or fweetnefs. They chiefly confifted of 
 tranflations or rather imitations of the pfalms, 
 which (he fent to Theodore de Beze to be 
 corrected. Both the verfes and letters of 
 this princefs were communicated to us by 
 M. le Confeiller Tronchin, fuch favours, 
 bellowed with fo much politenefs and kind- 
 nefs, will doubtlefs have many imitators. 
 All thefe three princefies were proteftants, 
 and when Catherine was folicited to becomes 
 Catholic, ‘‘ No;’’ faid ftie, ‘‘I will never 
 be of that religion, where it is neceflary for 
 me to believe my mother is damned.” 
 
 Both the mother and After of Henry IV. 
 have their names inferred in the lift of illuf- 
 trious perfons who honoured his reign. 
 
 Note (82.) He employed the hejl writers of 
 his time^ p. 82. — Henry had not always leifure 
 to write poems to his miftreffes, we have feen 
 K 2 one 
 
 Hiftt du Due de Bouillon, Tonit I, p. 22*. 
 
[ 19 ^ 1 
 
 erne of his letters to Gabrielle, in which he 
 fays, “ thefe verfes will explain more fully 
 and more agreeably my fituation, than profe 
 would have done, I didlated them my- 
 felf, but did not put them into order,’’ To 
 arrange them properly he had recourfe to the 
 beaux efprits of the age, Bertaud his almo- 
 ner, Malherbe, the bifhop of Rvreux, the 
 du Perron, all in their turn aflifted him with 
 their pens. The laft made verfes, fometimes 
 in the king’s name to the beautiful d’Eftrees, 
 and fometimes in her name to her royal lover. 
 He was a faithful interpreter of their mutual 
 fentiments, and v/as never fufpedted of de- 
 ceiving them as afterwards happened to Benfe- 
 rade, who acfled fo myfterioufly with regard to 
 the letters of Lewis IV. and Madame de Va- 
 Mere* When Du Perron wrote for Gabrielle, 
 to Henry, he deferibed all the delicacy of 
 love, its hopes, its fears, and its torments, when 
 he ufed his pen for Henry, he told his fair 
 miftrefs : 
 
 Roine de mes penfers, Sc ma flame derniere; 
 
 ^ ^ # 
 
 ‘‘ Ton image tonjours dans mon cceur ferapeinte: 
 Gardant ce temple faint pour cette idole fainte, 
 D’autre objed deformais je ne puis etre at- 
 taint, See, 
 
 Tt was alfo for the Marebionefs de Verneuil, 
 th'it iht ga-' an bifhop of Seez^ exercifed his 
 • =: : r ai praife of her beauty, and 
 
 . - . -.r ;--adernef? after having cele- 
 
 . . her hairs, her neck, and all 
 
 the 
 
[ ^97 1 
 
 the charms (lie pofTcfied without going too 
 great lengths, he thus finifhes : 
 
 En voyaut des beautes fi dignes de louange^ 
 
 Pour ne les louer pas, il faut etie un rocher ; 
 
 “ Et pour les bien louer, il faudroit ecrc un ange/^ 
 
 And Malherbe, under the name of Alcandre,. 
 recorded the charms of Mademaifelle de Mont- 
 morency, who appeared at court for the firfl: 
 time, in 1609, adorned with every grace of 
 youth and beauty : 
 
 A quelles rofes ne fait houte, 
 
 “ De fon teint la vive blancheur ? 
 
 Quelle neige a tant de blancheur^ 
 
 Que fa gorge ne la furmonte ? 
 
 Et quelle flame luit aux cieux, 
 
 Claire and nette comme fes yeux ? 
 
 ‘‘ Soit que de fes douces merveilles^ 
 
 ** Sa parole enchante les fens ; 
 
 Soic que fa voix, de fes accens, 
 
 ** Frappe les coeurs and les Oreilles ; &c.** 
 
 Alcandre writes in another place lines re- 
 plete with harmony : 
 
 ** Je fers, je le confeflTe, une jeune Merveille, 
 
 ** En rares qualites, a nuUe autre pareille, 
 
 Voy. les ouvres De Malherbe, De Bertaud^ 
 De du Perron, & L’Extrait qui s’en trouve 
 dans les Anecdotes des Reines & MaitrefTes^ 
 Tom. VL p. 78, & fuiv, p. Ill, 131, I59j^ 
 19D, 192, 198, 203, 
 
 Note 
 
[ '98 ] 
 
 Note (83.) Poem to Aurora^ p. 83* — Thrs 
 poem is alfo fald to be written by Henry IV. 
 Monfieur de la Borde in his EJJais fur la 
 Muftque^ in 410. Vol. IV. which is a work 
 equally interefling and curious, informs us 
 fo. He even gives us a verfe more than was 
 in the manufcript which we have communi- 
 cated, where it fhould be placed between 
 the firft and fecond verfes, thefe are the 
 lines : 
 
 ** Pour entendre 
 Sa voix tendre. 
 
 On deferte le hameau ; 
 
 Et Tytire 
 Qui foupire 
 
 Fait taire fon chalumeau» 
 
 Note (84.) Our theatre zuas Jlill in its in* 
 fancy^ p. 86. — The divine art of Sophocles and 
 Euripides, did not exift in the time of our 
 gothic anceflors, farces of the moft abfurd 
 nature, though of a devout tendency called 
 Myjieries^ and others as equally ftupid, called 
 the Prince of Fools ^ a title equally worthy the 
 authors, the adlors, and the fpeclators, were 
 the only pieces performed for the entertain- 
 ment of the public for more than four hundred 
 years ; when a Frenchman attempted a drama- 
 tic piece, after the manner of the ancients, 
 in the year 1552, for it was then, x\\2Xfodelle*% 
 Cleopatra came out, and Dido followed foon 
 after. Thefe two pieces made a great change 
 in the mode of writing. Nature had not yet 
 
 been 
 
[ *99 ] 
 
 been ftudieci, but merely the authors who were 
 befi: known. 'Jodelle^ alSfted by the genius of 
 Virgil, although he had only compofed one 
 dramatic piece according to rule, had found 
 out the way to intereft his audienpe, they faw 
 wnth aftonifhment, a new fource of beauties 
 taken from human nature. This bold attempt 
 fucceeded fo well as to give an idea of pleafure, 
 hitherto unknown : and the interefting Dido 
 /occafioned as many tears to be filed in France, 
 as fhe had formerly, done to the Romans, by the 
 enchanting pidlure made of her, by the prince 
 of their poets. Thefe plays were performed 
 with extraordinary magnificence. Jodelle was 
 well received at court, but died in an hofpital. 
 
 More fenfible of the glory which Jodelle 
 had gained, than terrified by his melancholy 
 fate, Gamier fet out in the fame path, having 
 imbibed fentiments from the tragic writings of 
 Seneca, he brought forward to the French 
 ffage a few of its beauties, with every one of 
 its fauks, he exhibited bold and vigorous 
 flrokes, gave models of greatnefs and virtue, 
 which furprifed people, and raifed them above 
 themfelves ; and fo great was the enthufiafra 
 which v/as excited by Hippolyte^ Porcie^ 
 CorncUe^ bfc. that Gamier was placed by his 
 countrymen above Sophocles and Furipedes, 
 and becaufe he had furpafied Jodelle, they 
 thought he had done the fame by all other 
 authors, and that he had effaced all the chef 
 d’ceuvres of the ancients, which the common 
 fpedlators had no knowledge of. It is moft 
 probable that this art would have made great 
 K 4 progrefs 
 
[ 200 ] 
 
 progrefs from that time, had not the dreadful 
 civil war, by putting the citizens in arms, 
 turned their minds from every other object. 
 The arts, the fciences, and all human know- 
 ledge, were at a {land, and the theatre 
 in particular, felt the efFe6t of thefe fatal divi- 
 fions, fince it required the protecftion and 
 countenance of the citizens, whom it ftill 
 contributes to reunite. But what fupport 
 could this divine art meet with at a time 
 when their fovereigns were trembling for their 
 fafety as well as their crowns ? what in- 
 tereft could a Frenchman take in feeing re- 
 prefented on the ftage fictitious tragedies, at a 
 moment they were fuffering under real evils, 
 and making all Europe witnefs to the tragic 
 fcenes, in v/hich they themfelves aCted, both 
 as the heroes and the viClims ? It is not at fuch 
 a time when they furnilhed the theatre of the 
 world with fuch {hocking fubjeCts, and fuch 
 horrible catafirophies, that they could be 
 enough compofed to attend theatrical amufe- 
 ments, befides which, it would no longer be 
 a juft imitation in which all its merit confiftcd, 
 but a reprefentation of frightful realities, 
 from which they muft retire v/ith horror. 
 
 But when Henry IV. had at length reftorcd 
 them to a calm, and brought back peace in 
 her triumphal car, every thing was changed, 
 the arts again flourifhed, and the French 
 theatre may date her exiftence from the peace 
 of Vervins, the happy years of the reign of 
 Henry IV. and the beginning of that cele- 
 brated age, which afterwards went by the 
 
 name 
 
[ .201 ] 
 
 naine of Lewis XIV. ^ Hardi, who at fir/t 
 only fallowed a wandering company of co* 
 medians, at length obtained permiflion for 
 them to eftablilli themfelves in the capital, 
 and to efFe£l this, they had occafion for all the 
 king’s prote6lion againft their rivals the 
 Confreres de la Paffion, who pretended aiv 
 exclufive right to amufe or weary our anceftors* 
 Born with an aftonifhing quicknefs of thought, 
 and readinefs of invention, Hardi, for near 
 thirty years alone fupplied the theatre with 
 plays, he was the real founder of the French 
 ftage, though Corneille afterwards was called 
 the parent and maker of it,. Hardi was the 
 moft laborious writer that ever v/as known,, 
 he wrote near eight hundred plays, of which- 
 fortunately not above forty remain. His firft 
 attempts were applauded, as for a long time 
 the ftage had only exhibited fhocking fcenes,. 
 and bloody murders ; but from him they re- 
 ceived more pleafing amufements, and better 
 calculated to employ the mind, and fill up the 
 leifure hours of the good citizens, to whorix- 
 plays became now a necelTary entertainment. 
 They were not difficult, and Hardi alone fur- 
 niflied their daily reprefentations, and if he' 
 wanted any thing new to awaken their atten- 
 K 5 tion,, 
 
 * HardPs firft pieces were written in 15-94- ar.d i595>. 
 but were not a6\ed at Paris till near 1600, when 
 Shakel’pear, by his genius alone, created the Englifli 
 theatre ; his hrft plays were written in queen Elizabeth’s- 
 reign, but it was in the reign of James I. that he ob- 
 tained a patent for a£ling plays throughout the kingdom. 
 Before this aiionifliing man, the Englifh like us, hadl 
 only dirgulting farces, moralities, and myfleries4 
 
[ ] 
 
 tlon, this inexhauftible writer opened his Plu- 
 tarch, and put into verfe fometimes well and 
 ^ fometimes otherwife, the French of Amyor, 
 and every one of the lives divided into five 
 equal parts, formed each a play. The poet 
 went through the whole life of the hero 
 and in eight days made a new piece en- 
 tirely free from all dramatic rules : 
 
 ‘‘ La fonvent le heros d’un fpedacle groffier, 
 Enfant au premier ade, eft barbon au dernier.’^ 
 
 He neither attended to the three requifite 
 unities, or to decency and good-breeding. 
 The number of pieces which Hardi wrote v/ill 
 aftonifh people : ‘‘ But,” fays Fontenelle, 
 
 ‘‘ when they come to be read, your aftonifli- 
 ment will ceafe.” Sometimes he repre- 
 fented a courtezan in bed, who fupported her 
 character by her converfation ; fometimes his 
 heroine is violated; and fometimes a married 
 woman has a meeting with her gallant, where 
 their indecent behaviour on the flage left very 
 little for the fpeilators to imagine. Yet in 
 fpite of the Shocking indecency and bad tafte 
 with which Hardi’s compofitions were v/rote, 
 he was admired for the fweetnefs and force of 
 his verfes, which his language had acquired, 
 and that thefe entertainments, even by their 
 faults as well as novelty, could not avoid 
 giving pleafure to fpcdlators who had no 
 comparifon to make, and who had not yet 
 exercifed their feeling, or acquired a more 
 delicate tafte. This author has fince been 
 much cenfured, and perhaps with juftice: 
 
 nevenhdefs. 
 
C 203 J 
 
 neverthelefs. It was he who gave to his pieces 
 a more theatrical form ; and it muft be owned 
 with Sarrazin, that he had actually drawn his 
 tragedies into France out of the midji of the Jlreets 
 and highways* He was the iElchylus of 
 France, as Jodelle was the Thefpis. He 
 pointed out the way to thofe who v/ifbed to 
 purfue the fame road j ' and his faults have 
 been a means of preventing others. The 
 French ftage foon after took a more regular 
 form, and acquired more decency and dig- 
 nity. The revolution v/as not tedious ; it 
 was completed in lefs than twenty years. 
 This fruitful and newly difeovered mine was 
 cultivated by men of great genius ; they foared 
 high, in order to arrive at that path from 
 whence fo many palms are to be gathered, 
 and where talents receive their full reward ; 
 a path fo much the more feducing, as even 
 difguft does not prevent the entering into it, 
 and where our fublime adtors not having yet 
 arrogated to themfelves the right of fettering 
 talents, or being fupreme judges of genius, 
 content themfelves with being only the modeft 
 inftruments of it. Theophilus gave the firfb 
 wound to the reputation of him who had 
 ruled the theatre above thirty years. Racan, 
 in his Bergeries^ produced feenes very judi- 
 cioufly connected ; the language was elegant 
 and eafy, and the dialogue well fupported. 
 Hardi’s numerous v/orks dared no more to 
 appear; like many other writers of tragedy, 
 he outlived his reputation, and a rival ftill 
 more formidable, which was Mayret in his 
 Sopbonijba^ completed the ruin of this old 
 
 Father 
 
[ 204 ] 
 
 Father of the Theatre, Soon after this, 
 .Rotrou difputed with Mayret for the feeptre 
 of Melpomene; but a new champion arof*, 
 and by one fingle effort, threw them to the 
 ground, and darted himfelf to the end of the 
 career; he let afide the limits to which the 
 art had hitherto been confined, and left it no 
 other bounds but that of judgment. Conque- 
 ror over all his rivals, for near two ages, they 
 have never been able to get the better of him ; 
 and feated with the theatrical crown on his 
 head, the teeth of thefe ferpents may be em- 
 ployed a thoufand years, before they can de- 
 prive him of the fmalleft degree of his renown. 
 In fpite of the malice of his detradfors, and 
 the unfuccefsful criticifms of inferior authors, 
 and the more infidious praifes of his rivals, 
 his glory will never fade; and he may always 
 cry out, as in the time of his triumphs, when 
 his renown w^as lirft difputed, am 1 on 
 this account any other than the great Cor • 
 neilUr^ 
 
 Note (85). Henry favoured the eJiahVJh-^ 
 ment of another theatre at Paris ^ p. 86. — We 
 do not fpeak of the buffoons or Italian come- 
 dians, called Gii Geioft^ who came into France 
 at the time when every Italian fafhion w^as 
 adopted at the court of Medicis, to which 
 they were frequently recalled, and driven 
 away. Henry IV. retained the comipany 
 d'Tfabelle Andreini^ and Sully paid their pen- 
 lions in 1608. Mem, de Sully, Tom. HI. 
 
 ?• 446* 
 
 The 
 
[ 205 ] 
 
 The firft public theatre was that of V Hofei 
 de BourgogtTe^ where French a£lors, who fuc- 
 ceeded to the Cc7ifrere% de la PaJJion^ acted 
 jointly with them the plays of lodeile and his 
 luccefibrs. At the conclufion of the peace, 
 the players, vvho had rambled about the pro- 
 vinces, afked and obtained from Henry IV, 
 permifTion to fix themfelves in the capital : 
 they had at their head a man who never ceafed 
 to furnifli their performances wdth novelties; 
 on this theatre were adted the eight hundred 
 pieces of Hardi, and this is the origin of the 
 Troupe du Mar ah. Thefe two companies 
 
 were united, and continued to a£l: for more 
 tiian half a century, until Lewis XIV. gave 
 Mohere permiffion to cflablifh a third theatre 
 at Paris, w'hich they called la Troupe de Mon- 
 fieur.^ F ere du Roi^ or la Troupe de M^liere^' .. 
 After this great man’s dea. h, his performers 
 divided themfelves between la Troupe du Ala- 
 raisy and that of F Hotel de Bourgegne : one 
 played Racine, and the other Pradon. At 
 length thefe two rival companies were united 
 again feme years after f, and only formed one 
 theatre, which afterwards went under the 
 name of the French Co?nedians. 
 
 Permit us to make one remark on this fub- 
 jedl : it is very aflonifhing, that in the in- 
 fancy 
 
 * Thefe perforrrjers adled at the Palais Royal, then 
 called Palais Cardinal, in a hall, which, at the death, 
 of Moliere, 1673, was given to Sully to ellabliih the 
 Opera there. 
 
 t In 1680 and 1688, they came and fettled them- 
 fdvts au Faubourg St. Germain, 
 
[ 206 ] 
 
 fancy of the art, there were already in the 
 capital many companies devoted to the daily 
 reprefentation of thofe kind of plays; but 
 that as foon as their writings began to im- 
 prove and multiply, they were diminiflied in 
 the fame proportion ; fo that in an age when 
 our riches in this article was fuch as no 
 people in the univerfe could fupport, at a 
 time when the rage for public fliews was rifen 
 to fuch a height, that every one Teemed to 
 cry, Panem iff Circenfes it is very fur- 
 prifing, I fay, that they liked better to in- 
 creafe the number of thofe dramatic pieces, in 
 which good fenfe, tafte and decency were , 
 equally infulted, and ftill more fcandaloufly 
 to exhibit them upon the ftage, rather than to 
 grant the nation another theatre, which rea- 
 fon and tafte required, and which was defired 
 by all men of learning, as the only means, if 
 it was not yet too late to retard the decay, and 
 prevent the fall of this fine art, which for an 
 hundred and fifty years had been the pride 
 and pleafure of France, and which, more than 
 her victories, had contributed to the adoption 
 of her language, and the propagation of her 
 glory, through all the nations of Europe. 
 
 Note (86). Henry IV- mighty in the courfe 
 of nature^ have lived to fee the firft chef d^ceuvre 
 of the French Stage., p. 87. — i he Cid yvas adled 
 in 1636, twenty-fix years after the death of 
 Henry IV, but Sully, who was only fix years 
 younger than his friend, did not die till one 
 and thirty years after him, in 1641. He faw 
 k Cid^ ki Horac€S^ Polim^e^ Cinna^ and almoft 
 
 all 
 
[ 207 ] 
 
 all the works of the great Corneille. It 
 remarkable, that Corneille, Le Pouffin, and 
 Defcartes, the firlt men in their different 
 lines, were* all born in the reign of Henry IV. 
 The encouragements which this prince had 
 granted to learning and to the arts, and above 
 all, the inftitutions of which he laid the firft 
 foundations, formed, or at leaft prepared the 
 greateft part of the learned men in the age of 
 Lewis XIV. 
 
 Note (73). (Mentioned before.) Defgn for 
 a colle 5 iion of letters zvritien by Henry IV* p. 46. 
 — Henry the Fourth's letters to Manaud de 
 Batz, which were unknown till this time, 
 w^ere communicated to us by M. le Baron de 
 Batz, defeended from him in a diredl line on 
 the father^s fide. This Manaud de Batz was 
 peculiarly beloved by Flenry IV. w^ho called 
 him his Faucheur.^ undoubtedly on account of 
 his valour. This brave man had the glory of 
 faving Henry’s life at the taking of Lufe ia 
 Armagnac, in 1576. I'he king often re- 
 minded him of it in his letters, with a grace 
 and energy of gratitude, which did as much 
 honour to the king as to the fubjedl^ and, 
 amongft others, in this: 
 
 Monfieur de Batz, it is true, that a vile 
 difagreeable man has endeavoured to make 
 me fufpedl your, fidelity and affedlion. As 
 to what he told me, my ears, to be furc, 
 were open, but my heart refufed to give 
 him credit. On every occafion, as well as 
 on this, you may rely upon me. In whom, 
 
 but 
 
[ 2o8 ] 
 
 but yourfelf, could I place my confidence' 
 for the prefervation of the town of Eufc, 
 where no better example could be fliewn 
 than your own bravery? And whilft you 
 ‘‘ remember how miraculoufly I was pre- 
 “ ferved by your valour and refolution, you 
 cannot forget your duty;, therefore 1 be- 
 feech you to remember it continually for 
 my fake, which will remind me of my gra* 
 titude to you and your’s. I have no other 
 “ command to give you, but always to de- 
 pend on the friendfhip of 
 
 Your’s, 
 
 H E N R Y.” 
 
 Amcngft thefeletters, the following,of which 
 we have quoted a palTage in the foregoing book, 
 is fo interefting to us, and that pafl'age fo 
 fublime, that we were eager to have it known : 
 it is worthy the foul of this excellent prince; 
 no one but hirnfelf was at that time capable 
 of writing fuch a letter : 
 
 Monfieur de Batz, I have heard with 
 pleafure the fervices that you and Monfieur 
 de Roquelaure have done to religion, and 
 the fafety you have particularly granted to 
 thofe of' my Pays de Bearn in your caftle 
 de Suberbye, and alfo your offer of the faid 
 ‘‘ caftle, which at this time 1 accept; for 
 v/hich I give you my thanks, and beg you 
 to believe, that though you are a Catholic, 
 I have not the lefs confidence in you on 
 that account. Thofe who ad right from 
 
 ‘‘ confcience^, 
 
[ 209 ] 
 
 confcience, are of my religion; and mir^e 
 ‘‘ is that of all thofe who are good and 
 “ valiant. I (hall fay no more on this fub- 
 je£l at prefent, only to recommend to you 
 the place you have in my heart, and to be 
 on your guard againft any reports, which 
 “ cannot fail of coming foon to your ears ; 
 this I rely upon, as you ought to do on 
 your moft afl'ured and bed: friend, 
 
 H E N R 
 
 This letter, and a number of thofe which 
 we have been able to get a fight of, has long 
 given us an idea of publifhing a fele6t colle£lioa 
 of Henry’s letters. We fay a feleil, not a com- 
 plete colle61ion; for of them there would be 
 many volumes. It is aftonifhing, the number of 
 letters that remain of this king’s writing ; and 
 how a prince who led fuch an adlive and un- 
 quiet life, could find time to write fo much. 
 There are near three thoufand in Sully’s Me- 
 moirs ; many more in the king’s library, and 
 in the different cabinets of Europe, and more 
 yet in the hands of the defeendants or heirs of 
 thofe men who were the companions of his 
 glory and his labours. It is thefe fcattered 
 remains of the goodnefs, the fenfe, and the 
 valour of Henry IV. which we propofe to 
 re-unite. We have already collefted a great 
 number of them ; but thofe which are known, 
 only give us a greater defire to fee the reft. 
 With pain we find thefe precious relics, the 
 faithful depofitary of the foul of the beft of 
 kings, buried in the dull of libraries, or con- 
 founded 
 
[ 210 ] 
 
 founded amongft family papers ; almoft loft 
 to that public, fo defirous of all that concerns 
 this great man. If the fragments that we 
 have related give a great idea of the rapidity 
 of the ftyle, and the livelinefs of Henry’s ima- 
 gination, there are others not lefs interefting, 
 though longer, where you may follow the 
 different emotions of his foul, and in reading 
 of which you will partake his troubles, his 
 hopes, his griefs, and his pleafures ; in ftiort, 
 all the fentiments by which he was animated. 
 It appears to us, that a colledlion of fucb 
 letters would make a moft valuable book : we 
 will negle<ft nothing for the attainment of 
 them. Every perfon who is in pofteftion of 
 any letters of Henry the Fourth’s, in which 
 are any characSleriftic tra^,ts, any ftriking re- 
 marks, or unknown anecdotes, which they 
 may think worthy of entering into fuch a col- 
 leffion, are intreated to communicate them ; 
 they fliall be faithfully copied from the ori- 
 ginals, v/hich (hall be immediately returned. 
 We fhall make no ufe of letters that have only 
 his fignature, becaufe, in them, it is not 
 Henry, but his fecretaries who fpeak. The 
 letters we want muft be originals, written' 
 with his own hand ; no copies will be re- 
 ceived, except we may be allowed to compare 
 them with the originals, unlefs thefe copies 
 are taken from the public records, certified by 
 the governor and keeper of thofe trufts. 
 
 Thefe letters being collected, we fhall take 
 our choice, and not publifli them till we have 
 a number of them interefting enough to anfwer 
 our idea of Henry IV. There will be added 
 
 to 
 
[ 2II ] 
 
 to them hiftorical notes concerning the people 
 to whom they are addreffed. It is a monu- 
 ment we are willing to raife to the memory of 
 this prince, fo much the more glorious, as he 
 provides all the materials for it himfelf; and 
 which at the fame time will do honour to that 
 ancient nobility, to thofe brave Frenchmen, 
 to all orders of the people, (for he difdained 
 not to write to the humble citizen) j in Ihort, 
 to all thofe who, in his misfortunes, ferved 
 him generoufly with their councils, their 
 knowledge, their money, or their fwords ; 
 and who affifted him in conquering, in making 
 his kingdom flourifh, and in immortalifing his 
 reign. 
 
 The name alone of Henry IV. is fufEcient 
 to recommend this undertaking, which re- 
 quires a great fhare of patience, and which 
 can only be executed by a ftrong love for his 
 glory; a love which no other king could in- 
 fpire. The author of this defign only defires 
 the honour of being Henry the Fourth’s edi- 
 tor ; he thinks he fhall deferve more praife 
 from his country, if he fulfils this voluntary 
 tafk, than by producing his own poor per- 
 formances. — Even people of moderate talents 
 do themfelves honour by aflbciating with 
 great charadlers ; while the greateft genius 
 would be difregarded by copying after others* 
 
 P. S. A very important obfervation to be 
 made concerning thefe letters of Henry IV. 
 is, that many people flatter themfelves with 
 having them, who are deceived, and this is a 
 very common error. Many of thefe have been 
 
 prefented 
 
[ 212 ] 
 
 prefented to us, whicli are entitled Henry the 
 Fourth\ Letters \ and indeed being written in 
 his time, bearing dates which agree with the 
 years of his reign both in Navarre and in 
 France, and figned Henri de Bourbon^ are very 
 eafy to be miftaken. Yet thefe letters are 
 not of his writing : he never figned Henri de 
 Bourbon^ but only Henri, 1 never once faw 
 this cuftoni altered. After this remark, one 
 muft conclude thefe letters were w’ritten by 
 another prince; all that are figned in that 
 manner, were either written by Henry de 
 Bourbon prince de Conde, or Henry de Bour- 
 bon due de Montpenfier, who lived under 
 Henry IV. one of them when he was only 
 king of Navarre, and the other v/hen he was 
 king of France, 
 
 r n K END.